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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 2
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 2 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44494]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, II ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
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+
+
+                                HISTORY
+                                   OF
+                        CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+                                   BY
+                          HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
+
+
+                           IN THREE VOLUMES.
+                                VOL. II.
+
+
+                             _NEW EDITION._
+
+
+                                TORONTO:
+                    ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
+                            60 YORK STREET.
+                                 1878.
+
+
+
+
+                     ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF
+  THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV.
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+  Importance of the question, as to whether the historian should
+  begin with studying the normal or the abnormal condition of
+  society                                                             1-3
+
+  Greater power of the church in France than in England                 4
+
+  Hence in France during the sixteenth century everything was more
+  theological than in England                                         6-8
+
+  Hence, too, toleration was impossible in France                    9-11
+
+  But at the end of the sixteenth century scepticism appeared in
+  France, and with it toleration began, as was seen in the Edict
+  of Nantes                                                         11-15
+
+  The first sceptic was not Rabelais, but Montaigne                 15-18
+
+  Continuation of the movement by Charron                           18-21
+
+  Henry IV. encouraged the Protestants                              23-24
+
+  And they were tolerated even by the queen-regent during the
+  minority of Louis XIII.                                           24-26
+
+  The most remarkable steps in favour of toleration were,
+  however, taken by Richelieu, who effectually humbled the
+  church                                                            27-34
+
+  He supported the new secular scheme of government against the
+  old ecclesiastical scheme                                         34-42
+
+  His liberal treatment of the Protestants                          42-46
+
+  They are deserted by their temporal leaders, and the management
+  of the party falls into the hands of the clergy                   46-51
+
+  Hence the French Protestants, being headed by the clergy,
+  become more intolerant than the French Catholics, who are
+  headed by statesmen                                               51-55
+
+  Evidence of the illiberality of the French Protestants            55-72
+
+  They raise a civil war, which was a struggle of classes rather
+  than of creeds                                                       73
+
+  Richelieu put down the rebellion, but still abstained from
+  persecuting the Protestants                                       73-76
+
+  This liberal policy on the part of the government was only part
+  of a much larger movement                                         76-77
+
+  Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes             77-92
+
+  Analogy between Descartes and Richelieu                           92-93
+
+  The same anti-ecclesiastical spirit was exhibited by their
+  contemporaries                                                    93-95
+
+  And by Mazarin                                                    96-98
+
+  It was also seen in the wars of the Fronde                       99-102
+
+  But notwithstanding all this, there was a great difference
+  between France and England; and the prevalence of the
+  protective spirit prevented the French from becoming free       102-107
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+  HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND
+  ENGLAND.
+
+  About the eleventh century the spirit of inquiry began to
+  weaken the church                                               108-110
+
+  Coinciding with this, the feudal system and an hereditary
+  aristocracy appeared                                            110-112
+
+  The nobles displace the clergy, and celibacy is opposed by the
+  principle of hereditary rank                                        112
+
+  In England the nobles were less powerful than in France         113-116
+
+  And were glad to ally themselves with the people against the
+  crown                                                           116-118
+
+  Hence a spirit of popular independence unknown in France, where
+  the nobles were too powerful to need the help of the people     118-119
+
+  Effects of this difference between the two countries in the
+  fourteenth century                                              119-122
+
+  Centralization was in France the natural successor of feudality 122-126
+
+  This state contrasted with that of England                      126-127
+
+  Power of the French nobles                                      128-131
+
+  Illustration from the history of chivalry                       131-135
+
+  Another illustration from the vanity of the French and pride of
+  the English                                                     135-137
+
+  Also from the practice of duelling                                  137
+
+  The pride of Englishmen encouraged the Reformation                  138
+
+  Analogy between the Reformation and the revolutions of the
+  seventeenth century                                             138-139
+
+  Both were opposed by the clergy and nobles. Natural alliance
+  between these two classes                                       139-142
+
+  In the reign of Elizabeth both classes were weakened            143-146
+
+  James I. and Charles I. vainly attempted to restore their power     147
+
+
+                              Chapter III.
+
+  THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF
+  THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH
+  REBELLION.
+
+  Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion   148-150
+
+  The English rebellion was a war of classes                      150-159
+
+  But in France the energy of the protective spirit and the power
+  of the nobles made a war of classes impossible                  160-162
+
+  Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles                      162-170
+
+  As such men were the leaders of the Fronde, the rebellion
+  naturally failed                                                167-173
+
+  But the English rebellion succeeded because it was a democratic
+  movement headed by popular leaders                              174-175
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE. EXAMINATION
+  OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES
+  AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.
+
+  The protective spirit in France, having produced these
+  political evils, was carried into literature under Louis XIV.,
+  and caused an alliance between literature and government        176-177
+
+  Servility in the reign of Louis XIV.                            177-181
+
+  Men of letters grateful to Louis XIV.                               182
+
+  But his system of protecting literature is injurious            183-188
+
+  Its first effect was to stop the progress of science            188-192
+
+  Even in mechanical arts nothing was effected                    192-194
+
+  Decline in physiology, in surgery, and in medicine              194-197
+
+  Also in zoology and in chemistry                                    197
+
+  Nor was anything done in botany                                 198-202
+
+  Intellectual decay under Louis XIV. was seen in every
+  department of thought, and was the natural consequence of
+  patronage                                                       202-205
+
+  Illustrations from the history of French art                    205-208
+
+  And from every branch of literature                             208-210
+
+  Universal decline of France during the latter part of the reign
+  of Louis XIV.                                                   210-212
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+  DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND
+  PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
+
+  English literature unknown in France in the reign of Louis XIV. 213-214
+
+  But began to be studied after his death, when the most eminent
+  Frenchmen visited England. This caused a junction of French and
+  English intellects                                              215-227
+
+  Admiration of England expressed by Frenchmen                    228-229
+
+  Hence liberal opinions in France, which the government
+  attempted to stifle                                                 229
+
+  Consequent persecution of literary men by the French government 230-242
+
+  Violence of the government                                      242-246
+
+  In France literature was the last resource of liberty           246-247
+
+  Reasons why literary men at first attacked the church and not
+  the government                                                  247-253
+
+  Hence they were led to assail Christianity                      254-258
+
+  But until the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the political
+  institutions of France might have been saved; after that period
+  all was over                                                    258-259
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI.
+
+  STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH
+  TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  Historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth
+  century                                                         261-265
+
+  Improvement in the method of writing history late in the
+  sixteenth century                                               266-267
+
+  Still further progress early in the seventeenth century         268-270
+
+  Which became more marked in Mezeray's history in 1643           271-272
+
+  Retrograde movement under Louis XIV.                            273-279
+
+  Illustration of this from the work of Audigier                  279-282
+
+  And from that of Bossuet                                        282-291
+
+  Immense improvements introduced by Voltaire                     292-313
+
+  His History of Charles XII.                                     292-295
+
+  His Age of Louis XIV.                                           296-297
+
+  His Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations                   297-298
+
+  His views adopted by Mallet, Mably, Velly, Villaret, Duclos,
+  and Hénault                                                     299-300
+
+  His habit of looking at epochs                                      301
+
+  A remark of his adopted by Constant                                 302
+
+  He advocated free trade                                             304
+
+  His anticipation of Malthus                                     304-305
+
+  His attack on the Middle Ages                                   305-306
+
+  And on the pedantic admirers of antiquity                       306-308
+
+  He weakened the authority of mere scholars and theologians      308-309
+
+  Who had repeated the most childish absurdities respecting the
+  early history of Rome                                           309-310
+
+  In attacking which Voltaire anticipated Niebuhr                 310-313
+
+  Ignorant prejudice against him in England                           313
+
+  His vast labours were aided by Montesquieu                          314
+
+  The works of Montesquieu, and value of his method               314-319
+
+  The discourses of Turgot, and their influence                   320-321
+
+  All this hastened the advance of the French Revolution          321-322
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+  PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE MIDDLE OF THE
+  EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  Recapitulation of preceding views                                   323
+
+  Difference between certainty and precision                      324-326
+
+  The intellect of France began to attack the state about 1750    326-327
+
+  Rise of the political economists                                327-330
+
+  Influence of Rousseau                                           330-331
+
+  Just at the same time the government began to attack the church 332-334
+
+  And to favour religious toleration                              334-336
+
+  Abolition of the Jesuits                                        336-346
+
+  Calvinism is democratic; Arminianism is aristocratic            339-342
+
+  Jansenism being allied to Calvinism, its revival in France
+  aided the democratic movement, and secured the overthrow of
+  the Jesuits, whose doctrines are Arminian                       343-345
+
+  After the fall of the Jesuits the ruin of the French clergy was
+  inevitable                                                      347-348
+
+  But was averted for a time by the most eminent Frenchmen
+  directing their hostility against the state rather than against
+  the church                                                      349-351
+
+  Connexion between this movement and the rise of atheism         351-353
+
+  Same tendency exhibited in Helvétius                            353-357
+
+  And in Condillac                                                357-360
+
+  The ablest Frenchmen concentrate their attention on the
+  external world                                                  360-361
+
+  Effects of this on the sciences of heat, light, and electricit  361-363
+
+  Also on chemistry and geology                                   364-373
+
+  In England during the same period there was a dearth of great
+  thinkers                                                        374-375
+
+  But in France immense impetus was given to zoology by Cuvier
+  and Bichat                                                      375-376
+
+  Bichat's views respecting the tissues                           377-421
+
+  Connexion between these views and subsequent discoveries        383-386
+
+  Relation between inventions, discoveries, and method; and
+  immense importance of Bichat's method                           386-389
+
+  Bichat's work on life                                           390-395
+
+  Great and successful efforts made by the French in Botany       395-399
+
+  And in mineralogy by De Lisle and Haüy                          399-403
+
+  Analogy between this and Pinel's work on insanity               403-404
+
+  All these vast results were part of the causes of the French
+  Revolution                                                          405
+
+  Physical science is essentially democratic                      406-410
+
+  The same democratic tendency was observable in changes of dress 410-412
+
+  And in the establishment of clubs                               412-415
+
+  Influence of the American Rebellion                             415-418
+
+  Summary of the causes of the French Revolution                  418-420
+
+  General reflections                                             420-424
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VIII.
+
+  OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE FIFTH TO THE
+  MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  In the preceding Chapters four propositions have been
+  established                                                     425-426
+
+  The truth of which may be further verified by studying the
+  history of Spain                                                    426
+
+  In Spain, superstition is encouraged by physical phenomena      426-434
+
+  It was also encouraged by the great Arian war with France       434-439
+
+  And, subsequently, by the war with the Mohammedans              439-444
+
+  These three causes influenced the policy of Ferdinand and
+  Isabella                                                        444-446
+
+  Continuation of the same policy by Charles V. and by Philip II. 446-453
+
+  Philip II., notwithstanding his repulsive qualities, was loved
+  by the nation                                                   453-455
+
+  Their affection for him was the result of general causes,
+  which, during several centuries, have made the Spaniards the
+  most loyal people in Europe                                         455
+
+  Origin of Spanish loyalty, and evidence of it                   455-461
+
+  Loyalty became united with superstition, and each strengthened
+  the other                                                       461-462
+
+  In consequence of this union, great foreign conquests were
+  made, and a great military spirit was developed                 461-465
+
+  But this sort of progress, depending too much upon individuals,
+  is necessarily unstable                                         465-466
+
+  The progress of England, on the other hand, depends upon the
+  ability of the nation, and therefore, continues, whether
+  individual rulers are skilful, or whether they are unskilful    466-467
+
+  In Spain, the ruling classes were supreme; the people counted
+  for nothing; and hence the grandeur of the country, which was
+  raised up by the able princes of the sixteenth century, was as
+  quickly pulled down by the weak princes of the seventeenth      467-472
+
+  The decay of Spain, in the seventeenth century, was connected
+  with the increasing influence of the clergy                     472-483
+
+  The first use which the clergy made of their power was to expel
+  all the Moors                                                   483-496
+
+  Effect of this expulsion in impoverishing Spain                 497-499
+
+  Decline of manufactures, and of population, and increase of
+  poverty                                                         499-511
+
+  In 1700, when affairs were at their worst, the Austrian dynasty
+  was succeeded by the Bourbon                                    513-514
+
+  Spain was now ruled by foreigners                               514-520
+
+  Who endeavoured to improve the country by weakening the church  521-525
+
+  But the authority of the church had so enfeebled the national
+  intellect, that the people, immersed in ignorance, remained
+  inert                                                           525-543
+
+  Government attempted to remedy this ignorance by calling in
+  foreign aid                                                     534-545
+
+  The influence of foreigners in Spain was displayed in the
+  expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767                               545-546
+
+  And in the attacks made on the Inquisition                      547-548
+
+  It was also displayed in the foreign policy of Spain            548-550
+
+  All this was promoted by the authority and high character of
+  Charles III.                                                    552-554
+
+  But it was of no avail; because politicians can do nothing,
+  when the spirit of the country is against them                  534-555
+
+  Still, Charles III. effected great improvements, from which, on
+  a superficial view, permanent benefit might have been expected  555-568
+
+  Summary of what was accomplished for Spain, by the government,
+  between the years 1700 and 1788                                 568-570
+
+  Inasmuch, however, as these ameliorations were opposed to the
+  habits of the national character, a reaction was inevitable     570-571
+
+  In 1788, Charles III. was succeeded by Charles IV., and the new
+  king, being a true Spaniard, the reaction began                 571-573
+
+  In the nineteenth century, political reformers again
+  endeavoured to improve Spain                                        574
+
+  For the reasons already stated, their efforts were fruitless,
+  notwithstanding the early establishment in that country of
+  municipal privileges, and of popular representation             575-576
+
+  In this way, general causes always triumph over particular
+  actions                                                         577-578
+
+  Those general causes predetermined the country to superstition,
+  and it was impossible for individuals to make head against them 578-583
+
+  Nothing can weaken superstition but knowledge                       583
+
+  Such failures are the more observable, because Spain enjoys
+  immense natural advantages                                      583-585
+
+  And has possessed great patriots and great legislators              585
+
+  The Spaniards have, moreover, long been celebrated for honour,
+  courage, temperance, humanity, and religious sincerity          585-588
+
+  So far, however, as national progress is concerned, these noble
+  qualities are useless, while ignorance is so gross and so
+  general                                                         588-592
+
+  This it is, which, isolating Spain from the rest of the
+  civilized world, keeps alive that spirit of superstition, that
+  reverence for antiquity, and that blind and servile loyalty,
+  which, as long as they last, will render improvement
+  impossible; and which must last until ignorance is removed      592-597
+
+
+
+
+                   HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE
+        SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV.
+
+
+The consideration of these great changes in the English mind, has led me
+into a digression, which, so far from being foreign to the design of
+this Introduction, is absolutely necessary for a right understanding of
+it. In this, as in many other respects, there is a marked analogy
+between investigations concerning the structure of society and
+investigations concerning the human body. Thus, it has been found, that
+the best way of arriving at a theory of disease is by beginning with the
+theory of health; and that the foundation of all sound pathology must be
+first sought in an observation, not of the abnormal, but of the normal
+functions of life. Just in the same way, it will, I believe, be found,
+that the best method of arriving at great social truths, is by first
+investigating those cases in which society has developed itself
+according to its own laws, and in which the governing powers have least
+opposed themselves to the spirit of their times.[1] It is on this
+account that, in order to understand the position of France, I have
+begun by examining the position of England. In order to understand the
+way in which the diseases of the first country were aggravated by the
+quackery of ignorant rulers, it was necessary to understand the way in
+which the health of the second country was preserved by being subjected
+to smaller interference, and allowed with greater liberty to continue
+its natural march. With the light, therefore, which we have acquired by
+a study of the normal condition of the English mind, we can, with the
+greater ease, now apply our principles to that abnormal condition of
+French society, by the operations of which, at the close of the
+eighteenth century, some of the dearest interests of civilization were
+imperilled.
+
+  [1] The question as to whether the study of normal phenomena should or
+      should not precede the study of abnormal ones, is of the greatest
+      importance; and a neglect of it has introduced confusion into every
+      work I have seen on general or comparative history. For this
+      preliminary being unsettled, there has been no recognized principle
+      of arrangement; and historians, instead of following a scientific
+      method suited to the actual exigencies of our knowledge, have
+      adopted an empirical method suited to their own exigencies; and
+      have given priority to different countries, sometimes according to
+      their size, sometimes according to their antiquity, sometimes
+      according to their geographical position, sometimes according to
+      their wealth, sometimes according to their religion, sometimes
+      according to the brilliancy of their literature, and sometimes
+      according to the facilities which the historian himself possessed
+      for collecting materials. All these are factitious considerations;
+      and, in a philosophic view, it is evident that precedence should be
+      given to countries by the historian solely in reference to the ease
+      with which their history can be generalized; following in this
+      respect the scientific plan of proceeding from the simple to the
+      complex. This leads us to the conclusion that, in the study of Man,
+      as in the study of Nature, the question of priority resolves itself
+      into a question of aberration; and that the more aberrant any
+      people have been, that is to say, the more they have been
+      interfered with, the lower they must be placed in an arrangement of
+      the history of various countries. Coleridge (_Lit. Remains_, vol.
+      i. p. 326, and elsewhere in his works) seems to suppose that the
+      order should be the reverse of what I have stated, and that the
+      laws both of mind and body can be generalized from pathological
+      data. Without wishing to express myself too positively in
+      opposition to so profound a thinker as Coleridge, I cannot help
+      saying that this is contradicted by an immense amount of evidence,
+      and, so far as I am aware, is supported by none. It is contradicted
+      by the fact, that those branches of inquiry which deal with
+      phenomena little affected by foreign causes, have been raised to
+      sciences sooner than those which deal with phenomena greatly
+      affected by foreign causes. The organic world, for example, is more
+      perturbed by the inorganic world, than the inorganic world is
+      perturbed by it. Hence we find that the inorganic sciences have
+      always been cultivated before the organic ones, and at the present
+      moment are far more advanced than they. In the same way, human
+      physiology is older than human pathology; and while the physiology
+      of the vegetable kingdom has been successfully prosecuted since the
+      latter half of the seventeenth century, the pathology of the
+      vegetable kingdom can scarcely be said to exist, since none of its
+      laws have been generalized, and no systematic researches, on a
+      large scale, have yet been made into the morbid anatomy of plants.
+      It appears, therefore, that different ages and different sciences
+      bear unconscious testimony to the uselessness of paying much
+      attention to the abnormal, until considerable progress has been
+      made in the study of the normal; and this conclusion might be
+      confirmed by innumerable authorities, who, differing from
+      Coleridge, hold that physiology is the basis of pathology, and that
+      the laws of disease are to be raised, not from the phenomena
+      presented in disease, but from those presented in health; in other
+      words, that pathology should be investigated deductively rather
+      than inductively, and that morbid anatomy and clinical observations
+      may verify the conclusions of science, but can never supply the
+      means of creating the science itself. On this extremely interesting
+      question, compare _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_, _Hist. des Anomalies de
+      l'Organisation_, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, 127; _Bowman's Surgery_, in
+      _Encyclop. of the Medical Sciences_, p. 824; _Bichat_, _Anatomie
+      Générale_, vol. i. p. 20; _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 424;
+      _Comte_, _Philos. Positive_, vol. iii. pp. 334, 335; _Robin et
+      Verdeil_, _Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. p. 68; _Esquirol_, _Maladies
+      Mentales_, vol. i. p. 111; _Georget_, _de la Folie_, pp. 2, 391,
+      392; _Brodie's Pathology and Surgery_, p. 3; _Blainville_,
+      _Physiologie comparée_, vol. i. p. 20; _Feuchtersleben's Medical
+      Psychology_, p. 200; _Lawrence's Lectures on Man_, 1844, p. 45;
+      _Simon's Pathology_, p. 5.
+
+      Another confirmation of the accuracy of this view is, that
+      pathological investigations of the nervous system, numerous as they
+      have been, have effected scarcely anything; the reason evidently
+      being, that the preliminary knowledge of the normal state is not
+      sufficiently advanced. See _Noble on the Brain_, pp. 76-92, 337,
+      338; _Henry on the Nervous System_, in _Third Report of Brit.
+      Assoc._ p. 78; _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 608; _Jones and
+      Sieveking's Patholog. Anat._ p. 211.
+
+In France, a long train of events, which I shall hereafter relate, had,
+from an early period, given to the clergy a share of power larger than
+that which they possessed in England. The results of this were for a
+time decidedly beneficial, inasmuch as the church restrained the
+lawlessness of a barbarous age, and secured a refuge for the weak and
+oppressed. But as the French advanced in knowledge, the spiritual
+authority, which had done so much to curb their passions, began to press
+heavily upon their genius, and impede its movements. That same
+ecclesiastical power, which to an ignorant age is an unmixed benefit, is
+to a more enlightened age a serious evil. The proof of this was soon
+apparent. For when the Reformation broke out, the church had in England
+been so weakened, that it fell almost at the first assault; its revenues
+were seized by the crown,[2] and its offices, after being greatly
+diminished both in authority and in wealth, were bestowed upon new men,
+who, from the uncertainty of their tenure, and the novelty of their
+doctrines, lacked that long-established prescription by which the claims
+of the profession are mainly supported. This, as we have already seen,
+was the beginning of an uninterrupted progress, in which, at every
+successive step, the ecclesiastical spirit lost some of its influence.
+In France, on the other hand, the clergy were so powerful, that they
+were able to withstand the Reformation, and thus preserve for themselves
+those exclusive privileges which their English brethren vainly attempted
+to retain.
+
+  [2] A circumstance which Harris relates with evident delight, and goes
+      out of his way to mention it. _Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. iii. p.
+      300. On the amount of loss the church thus sustained, see
+      _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. i. pp. 181-184, and
+      _Eccleston's English Antiquities_, p. 228.
+
+This was the beginning of that second marked divergence between French
+and English civilization,[3] which had its origin, indeed, at a much
+earlier period, but which now first produced conspicuous results. Both
+countries had, in their infancy, been greatly benefited by the church,
+which always showed itself ready to protect the people against the
+oppressions of the crown and the nobles.[4] But in both countries, as
+society advanced, there arose a capacity for self-protection; and early
+in the sixteenth, or probably even in the fifteenth century, it became
+urgently necessary to diminish that spiritual authority, which, by
+prejudging the opinions of men, has impeded the march of their
+knowledge.[5] It is on this account that Protestantism, so far from
+being, as its enemies have called it, an aberration arising from
+accidental causes, was essentially a normal movement, and was the
+legitimate expression of the wants of the European intellect. Indeed,
+the Reformation owed its success, not to a desire of purifying the
+church, but to a desire of lightening its pressure; and it may be
+broadly stated, that it was adopted in every civilized country, except
+in those where preceding events had increased the influence of the
+ecclesiastical order, either among the people or among their rulers.
+This was, unhappily, the case with France, where the clergy not only
+triumphed over the Protestants, but appeared, for a time, to have gained
+fresh authority by the defeat of such dangerous enemies.[6]
+
+  [3] The first divergence arose from the influence of the protective
+      spirit, as I shall endeavour to explain in the next chapter.
+
+  [4] On the obligations Europe is under to the Catholic clergy, see some
+      liberal and very just remarks in _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol.
+      ii. pp. 374, 375; and in _Guizot's Civilisation en France_. See
+      also _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. iii. pp. 199-206,
+      255-257, vol. v. p. 138, vol. vi. pp. 406, 407; _Palgrave's
+      Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth_, vol. i. p. 655; _Lingard's Hist. of
+      England_, vol. ii. p. 44; _Klimrath_, _Travaux sur l'Hist. du
+      droit_, vol. i. p. 394; _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of
+      England_, vol. i. p. 157.
+
+  [5] The way in which this acted is concisely stated by Tennemann: 'Wenn
+      sich nun auch ein freierer Geist der Forschung regte, so fand er
+      sich gleich durch zwei Grundsätze, welche aus jenem Supremat der
+      Theologie flossen, beengt und gehemmt. Der erste war: die
+      menschliche Vernunft kann nicht über die Offenbarung
+      hinausgehen.... Der zweite: die Vernunft kann nichts als wahr
+      erkennen, was dem Inhalte der Offenbarung widerspricht, und nichts
+      für falsch erkennen, was derselben angemessen ist,--folgte aus dem
+      ersten.' _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. viii. part i. p. 8.
+
+  [6] As to the influence of the Reformation generally, in increasing the
+      power of the Catholic clergy, see M. Ranke's important work on the
+      _History of the Popes_; and as to the result in France, see
+      _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. v. pp. 233-235. Corero,
+      who was ambassador in France in 1569, writes, 'Il papa può dire a
+      mio giudizio, d'aver in questi romori piuttosto guadagnato che
+      perduto, perciochè tanta era la licenza del vivere, secondo che ho
+      inteso, prima che quel regno si dividesse in due parti, era tanta
+      poca la devozione che avevano in Roma e in quei che vi abitavano,
+      che il papa era più considerato come principe grande in Italia, che
+      come capo della chiesa e pastore universale. Ma scoperti che si
+      furono gli ugonotti, cominciarono i cattolici a riverire il suo
+      nome, e riconoscerlo per vero vicario di Cristo, confirmandosi
+      tanto più in opinione di doverlo tener per tale, quanto più lo
+      sentivano sprezzare e negare da essi ugonotti.' _Relations des
+      Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, vol. ii. p. 162. This interesting passage
+      is one of many proofs that the immediate advantages derived from
+      the Reformation have been overrated; though the remote advantages
+      were undoubtedly immense.
+
+The consequence of all this was, that in France, every thing assumed a
+more theological aspect than in England. In our country, the
+ecclesiastical spirit had, by the middle of the sixteenth century,
+become so feeble, that even intelligent foreigners were struck by the
+peculiarity.[7] The same nation, which, during the Crusades, had
+sacrificed innumerable lives in the hope of planting the Christian
+standard in the heart of Asia,[8] was now almost indifferent to the
+religion even of its own sovereign. Henry VIII., by his sole will,
+regulated the national creed, and fixed the formularies of the church,
+which, if the people had been in earnest, he could not possibly have
+done; for he had no means of compelling submission; he had no standing
+army; and even his personal guards were so scanty, that at any moment
+they could have been destroyed by a rising of the warlike apprentices of
+London.[9] After his death, there came Edward, who, as a Protestant
+king, undid the work of his father; and, a few years later, there came
+Mary, who, as a Popish queen, undid the work of her brother; while she,
+in her turn, was succeeded by Elizabeth, under whom another great
+alteration was effected in the established faith.[10] Such was the
+indifference of the people, that these vast changes were accompanied
+without any serious risk.[11] In France, on the other hand, at the mere
+name of religion, thousands of men were ready for the field. In England,
+our civil wars have all been secular; they have been waged, either for a
+change of dynasty, or for an increase of liberty. But those far more
+horrible wars, by which, in the sixteenth century, France was desolated,
+were conducted in the name of Christianity, and even the political
+struggles of the great families were merged in a deadly contest between
+Catholics and Protestants.[12]
+
+  [7] The indifference of the English to theological disputes, and the
+      facility with which they changed their religion, caused many
+      foreigners to censure their fickleness. See, for instance, _Essais
+      de Montaigne_, livre ii. chap. xii. p. 365. Perlin, who travelled
+      in England in the middle of the sixteenth century, says, 'The
+      people are reprobates, and thorough enemies to good manners and
+      letters; for they don't know whether they belong to God or the
+      devil, which St. Paul has reprehended in many people, saying, Be
+      not transported with divers sorts of winds, but be constant and
+      steady to your belief.' _Antiquarian Repertory_, vol. iv. p. 511,
+      4to, 1809. See also the remarks of Michele in 1557, and of Crespet
+      in 1590; _Ellis's Original Letters_, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 239;
+      _Hallam's Constitutional History_, vol. i. p. 102; _Southey's
+      Commonplace Book_, 3rd series, p. 408.
+
+  [8] An historian of the thirteenth century strikingly expresses the
+      theological feelings of the English crusaders, and the complete
+      subordination of the political ones: 'Indignum quippe judicabant
+      animarum suarum salutem omittere, et obsequium c[oe]lestis Regis,
+      clientelæ regis alicujus terreni postponere; constituerunt igitur
+      terminum, videlicet festum nativitatis beati Johannis Baptistæ.'
+      _Matthæi Paris Historia Major_, p. 671. It is said, that the first
+      tax ever imposed in England on personal property was in 1166, and
+      was for the purpose of crusading. _Sinclair's Hist. of the
+      Revenue_, vol. i. p. 88: 'It would not probably have been easily
+      submitted to, had it not been appropriated for so popular a
+      purpose.'
+
+  [9] Henry VIII. had, at one time, fifty horse-guards, but they being
+      expensive, were soon given up; and his only protection consisted of
+      'the yeomen of the guard, fifty in number, and the common servants
+      of the king's household.' _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 46.
+      These 'yeomen of the guard were raised by Henry VII. in 1485.'
+      _Grose's Military Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 167. Compare _Turner's
+      Hist. of England_, vol. vii. p. 54; and _Lingard's Hist. of
+      England_, vol. iii. p. 298.
+
+  [10] Locke, in his first Letter on Toleration, has made some pungent,
+       and, I should suppose, very offensive, observations on these rapid
+       changes. _Locke's Works_, vol. v. p. 27.
+
+  [11] But, although Mary easily effected a change of religion, the
+       anti-ecclesiastical spirit was far too strong to allow her to
+       restore to the church its property. 'In Mary's reign, accordingly,
+       her parliament, so obsequious in all matters of religion, adhered
+       with a firm grasp to the possession of church-lands.' _Hallam's
+       Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 77. See also _Short's Hist. of the Church
+       of England_, p. 213; _Lingard's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. pp.
+       339, 340; _Butler's Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. i. p. 253; and
+       _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. i. p. 346.
+
+  [12] 'Quand éclata la guerre des opinions religieuses, les antiques
+       rivalités des barons se transformèrent en haîne du prêche ou de la
+       messe.' _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme et de la Ligue_, vol.
+       iv. p. 32. Compare _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mém. et Correspond._, vol.
+       ii. pp. 422, 563; and _Boullier_, _Maison Militaire des Rois de
+       France_, p. 25, 'des querelles d'autant plus vives, qu'elles
+       avoient la religion pour base.'
+
+The effect this difference produced on the intellect of the two
+countries is very obvious. The English, concentrating their abilities
+upon great secular matters, had, by the close of the sixteenth century,
+produced a literature which never can perish. But the French, down to
+that period, had not put forth a single work, the destruction of which
+would now be a loss to Europe. What makes this contrast the more
+remarkable is, that in France the civilization, such as it was, had a
+longer standing; the material resources of the country had been earlier
+developed; its geographical position made it the centre of European
+thought;[13] and it had possessed a literature at a time when our
+ancestors were a mere tribe of wild and ignorant barbarians.
+
+  [13] The intellectual advantages of France, arising from its position
+       between Italy, Germany, and England, are very fairly stated by M.
+       Lerminier (_Philosophie du Droit_, vol. i. p. 9).
+
+The simple fact is, that this is one of those innumerable instances
+which teach us that no country can rise to eminence so long as the
+ecclesiastical power possesses much authority. For, the predominance of
+the spiritual classes is necessarily accompanied by a corresponding
+predominance of the topics in which those classes delight. Whenever the
+ecclesiastical profession is very influential, ecclesiastical literature
+will be very abundant, and what is called profane literature will be
+very scanty. Hence it occurred, that the minds of the French, being
+almost entirely occupied with religious disputes, had no leisure for
+those great inquiries into which we in England were beginning to
+enter;[14] and there was, as we shall presently see, an interval of a
+whole generation between the progress of the French and English
+intellects, simply because there was about the same interval between the
+progress of their scepticism. The theological literature, indeed,
+rapidly increased;[15] but it was not until the seventeenth century that
+France produced that great secular literature, the counterpart of which
+was to be found in England before the sixteenth century had come to a
+close.
+
+  [14] Just in the same way, the religious disputes in Alexandria injured
+       the interests of knowledge. See the instructive remarks of M.
+       Matter (_Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 131).
+
+  [15] _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. vi. p. 136. Indeed, the
+       theological spirit seized the theatre, and the different
+       sectarians ridiculed each other's principles on the stage. See a
+       curious passage at p. 182 of the same learned work.
+
+Such was, in France, the natural consequence of the power of the church
+being prolonged beyond the period which the exigencies of society
+required. But while this was the intellectual result, the moral and
+physical results were still more serious. While the minds of men were
+thus heated by religious strife, it would have been idle to expect any
+of those maxims of charity to which theological faction is always a
+stranger. While the Protestants were murdering the Catholics,[16] and
+the Catholics murdering the Protestants, it was hardly likely that
+either sect should feel tolerance for the opinions of its enemy.[17]
+During the sixteenth century, treaties were occasionally made between
+the two parties; but they were only made to be immediately broken;[18]
+and, with the single exception of l'Hôpital, the bare idea of toleration
+does not seem to have entered the head of any statesman of the age. It
+was recommended by him;[19] but neither his splendid abilities, nor his
+unblemished integrity, could make head against the prevailing
+prejudices, and he eventually retired into private life without
+effecting any of his noble schemes.[20]
+
+  [16] The crimes of the French Protestants, though hardly noticed in
+       _Felice's History of the Protestants of France_, pp. 138-143, were
+       as revolting as those of the Catholics, and quite as numerous
+       relatively to the numbers and power of the two parties. Compare
+       _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xviii. pp. 516, 517, with
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. ii. p. 173, vol. vi. p.
+       54; and _Smedley_, _Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France_,
+       vol. i. pp. 199, 200, 237.
+
+  [17] In 1569 Corero writes: 'Ritrovai quel regno, certo, posto in
+       grandissima confusione; perchè, stante quella divisione di
+       religione (convertita quasi in due fazioni e inimicizie
+       particolari), era causa ch' ognuno, senza che amicizia o parentela
+       potesse aver luoco, stava con l'orecchie attente; e pieno
+       disospetto ascoltava da che parte nasceva qualche romore,' _Relat.
+       des Ambassad. Vénitiens_, vol. ii. p. 106. He emphatically adds,
+       'Temevano gl' ugonotti, temevano li cattolici, tenieva il
+       prencipe, temevano li sudditi.' See also, on this horrible state
+       of opinions, _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xviii. pp. 21,
+       22, 118-120, 296, 430. On both sides, the grossest calumnies were
+       propagated and believed; and one of the charges brought against
+       Catherine de Medici was, that she caused the Cesarean operation to
+       be performed on the wives of Protestants, in order that no new
+       heretics might be born. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol.
+       vii. p. 294.
+
+  [18] _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. iii. p. 149. In
+       the reign of Charles IX. alone, there were no less than five of
+       these religious wars, each of which was concluded by a treaty. See
+       _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie Française_, vol. ii. p. 69.
+
+  [19] For which l'Hôpital was accused of atheism: 'Homo doctus, sed verus
+       atheus.' _Dict. Philos._ article _Athéisme_, in _[OE]uvres de
+       Voltaire_, vol. xxxvii. pp. 181, 182.
+
+  [20] I have not been able to meet with any good life of this great man:
+       that by Charles Butler is very superficial, and so is that by
+       Bernardi, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. pp. 412-424. My own
+       information respecting l'Hôpital is from _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+       Français_, vol. xviii. pp. 431-436; _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la
+       Réforme_, vol. ii. pp. 135-137, 168-170; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+       vol. iii. pp. 519-523, vol. iv. pp. 2-8, 152-159, vol. v. pp.
+       180-182, 520, 521, 535, vol. vi. pp. 703, 704; _Sully_,
+       _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. i. p. 234. Duvernet (_Hist. de la
+       Sorbonne_, vol. i. pp. 215-218) is unsatisfactory, though fully
+       recognizing his merit.
+
+Indeed, in the leading events of this period of French history, the
+predominance of the theological spirit was painfully shown. It was shown
+in the universal determination to subordinate political acts to
+religious opinions.[21] It was shown in the conspiracy of Amboise, and
+in the conference of Poissy; and still more was it shown in those
+revolting crimes so natural to superstition, the massacres of Vassy and
+of St. Bartholomew, the murder of Guise by Poltrot, and of Henry III. by
+Clement. These were the legitimate results of the spirit of religious
+bigotry. They were the results of that accursed spirit, which, whenever
+it has had the power, has punished even to the death those who dared to
+differ from it; and which, now that the power has passed away, still
+continues to dogmatize on the most mysterious subjects, tamper with the
+most sacred principles of the human heart, and darken with its miserable
+superstitions those sublime questions that no one should rudely touch,
+because they are for each according to the measure of his own soul,
+because they lie in that unknown tract which separates the Finite from
+the Infinite, and because they are as a secret and individual covenant
+between Man and his God.
+
+  [21] 'Ce fut alors que la nation ne prit conseil que de son fanatisme.
+       Les esprits, de jour en jour plus échauffés, ne virent plus
+       d'autre objet que celui de la religion, et par piété se firent les
+       injures les plus atroces.' _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de
+       France_, vol. iii. p. 145.
+
+How long these sad days[22] would, in the ordinary course of affairs,
+have been prolonged in France, is a question which we now perhaps have
+no means of answering; though there is no doubt that the progress even
+of empirical knowledge must, according to the process already pointed
+out, have eventually sufficed to rescue so great a country from her
+degraded position. Fortunately, however, there now took place what we
+must be content to call an accident, but which was the beginning of a
+most important change. In the year 1589, Henry IV. ascended the throne
+of France. This great prince, who was far superior to any of the French
+sovereigns of the sixteenth century,[23] made small account of those
+theological disputes which his predecessors had thought to be of
+paramount importance. Before him, the kings of France, animated by the
+piety natural to the guardians of the church, had exerted all their
+authority to uphold the interests of the sacred profession. Francis I.
+said, that if his right hand were a heretic, he would cut it off.[24]
+Henry II., whose zeal was still greater,[25] ordered the judges to
+proceed against the Protestants, and publicly declared that he would
+'make the extirpation of the heretics his principal business.'[26]
+Charles IX., on the celebrated day of St. Bartholomew, attempted to
+relieve the church by destroying them at a single blow. Henry III.
+promised to 'oppose heresy even at the risk of his life;' for he said,
+'he could not find a prouder grave than amidst the ruins of heresy.'[27]
+
+  [22] The 19th and 20th volumes of _Sismondi's Histoire des Français_
+       contain painful evidence of the internal condition of France
+       before the accession of Henry IV. Indeed, as Sismondi says (vol.
+       xx. pp. 11-16), it seemed at one time as if the only prospect was
+       a relapse into feudalism. See also _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers
+       Etats_, vol. v. pp. 242-249: 'plus de trois cent mille maisons
+       détruites.' De Thou, in the memoirs of his own life, says, 'Les
+       loix furent méprisées, et l'honneur de la France fut presque
+       anéanti ... et sous le voile de la religion, on ne respiroit que
+       la haîne, la vengeance, le massacre et l'incendie,' _Mém. de la
+       Vie_, in _Histoire Univ._ vol. i. p. 120; and the same writer, in
+       his great history, gives almost innumerable instances of the
+       crimes and persecutions constantly occurring. See, for some of the
+       most striking cases, vol. ii. p. 383, vol. iv. pp. 378, 380, 387,
+       495, 496, 539, vol. v. pp. 189, 518, 561, 647, vol. vi. pp. 421,
+       422, 424, 426, 427, 430, 469. Compare _Duplessis_, _Mém. et
+       Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 41, 42, 322, 335, 611, 612, vol. iii.
+       pp. 344, 445, vol. iv. pp. 112-114; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+       Nantes_, vol. i. pp. 307, 308; _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
+       vol. i. p. 217.
+
+  [23] This, indeed, is not saying much; and far higher praise might be
+       justly bestowed. As to his domestic policy, there can be only one
+       opinion; and M. Flassan speaks in the most favourable terms of his
+       management of foreign affairs. _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie
+       Franç._ vol. ii. pp. 191, 192, 294-297, vol. iii. p. 243. And see,
+       to the same effect, the testimony of M. Capefigue, an unfriendly
+       judge. _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. vii. p. xiv. vol. viii. p. 156.
+       Fontenay Mareuil, who was a contemporary of Henry IV., though he
+       wrote many years after the king was murdered, says, 'Ce grand roy,
+       qui estoit en plus de considération dans le monde que pas un de
+       ses prédécesseurs n'avoit esté depuis Charlesmagne.' _Mém. de
+       Fontenay_, vol. i. p. 46. Duplessis Mornay calls him 'le plus
+       grand roy que la chrestienté ait porté depuis cinq cens ans;' and
+       Sully pronounces him to be 'le plus grand de nos rois.' _Duplessis
+       Mornay_, _Mém. et Correspond._ vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131; _Sully_,
+       _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. vii. p. 15. Compare vol. vi. pp. 397,
+       398, vol. ix. pp. 35, 242, with some sensible remarks in _Mém. de
+       Genlis_, Paris, 1825, vol. ix. p. 299.
+
+  [24] So it is generally related: but there is a slightly different
+       version of this orthodox declaration in _Smedley's Hist. of the
+       Reformation in France_, vol. i. p. 30. Compare _Maclaine's note_
+       in _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 24, with _Sismondi_,
+       _Hist. des Français_, vol. xvi. pp. 453, 454, and _Relat. des
+       Ambassad. Vénitiens_, vol. i. p. 50, vol. ii. p. 48. It was also
+       Francis I. who advised Charles V. to expel all the Mohammedans
+       from Spain, _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. p. 429.
+
+  [25] The historian of the French Protestants says, in 1548, 'le nouveau
+       roi Henry II. fut encore plus rigoureux que son père.' _Benoist_,
+       _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  [26] M. Ranke (_Civil Wars in France_, vol. i. pp. 240, 241) says, that
+       he issued a circular 'addressed to the parliaments and to the
+       judicial tribunals, in which they were urged to proceed against
+       the Lutherans with the greatest severity, and the judges informed
+       that they would be held responsible, should they neglect these
+       orders; and in which he declared plainly, that as soon as the
+       peace with Spain was concluded, he was determined to make the
+       extirpation of the heretics his principal business.' See also, on
+       Henry II., in connexion with the Protestants, _Mably_, _Observ.
+       sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. iii. pp. 133, 134; _De Thou_, _Hist.
+       Univ._ vol. i. pp. 334, 335, 387, vol. ii. p. 640, vol. iii. pp.
+       365, 366; _Felice's Hist. of the French Protestants_, p. 58.
+
+  [27] He said this to the Estates of Blois in 1588. _Ranke's Civil Wars
+       in France_, vol. ii. p. 202. Compare his edict, in 1585, in
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. iv. pp. 244, 245, and his
+       speech in vol. v. p. 122; and see _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+       Nantes_, vol. i. p. 328; _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mém. et Corresp._
+       vol. i. p. 110; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. i. p. 250, vol.
+       viii. p. 651, vol. x, pp. 294, 589, 674, 675.
+
+These were the opinions expressed, in the sixteenth century, by the
+heads of the oldest monarchy in Europe.[28] But with such feelings, the
+powerful intellect of Henry IV. had not the slightest sympathy. To suit
+the shifting politics of his age, he had already changed his religion
+twice; and he did not hesitate to change it a third time,[29] when he
+found that by doing so he could ensure tranquillity to his country. As
+he had displayed such indifference about his own creed, he could not
+with decency show much bigotry about the creed of his subjects.[30] We
+find, accordingly, that he was the author of the first public act of
+toleration which any government promulgated in France since Christianity
+had been the religion of the country. Only five years after he had
+solemnly abjured Protestantism, he published the celebrated Edict of
+Nantes,[31] by which, for the first time, a Catholic government granted
+to heretics a fair share of civil and religious rights. This was,
+unquestionably, the most important event that had yet occurred in the
+history of French civilization.[32] If it is considered by itself, it is
+merely an evidence of the enlightened principles of the king; but when
+we look at its general success, and at the cessation of religious war
+which followed it, we cannot fail to perceive that it was part of a vast
+movement, in which the people themselves participated. Those who
+recognize the truth of the principles I have laboured to establish, will
+expect that this great step towards religious liberty was accompanied by
+that spirit of scepticism, in the absence of which toleration has
+always been unknown. And that this was actually the case, may be easily
+proved by an examination of the transitionary state which France began
+to enter towards the end of the sixteenth century.
+
+  [28] With what zeal these opinions were enforced, appears, besides many
+       other authorities, from Marino Cavalli, who writes in 1546, 'Li
+       maestri di Sorbona hanno autorità estrema di castigare li eretici,
+       il che fanno con il fuoco, brustolandoli vivi a poco a poco.'
+       _Relat. des Ambassad. Vénitiens_, vol. i. 262; and see vol. ii.
+       p. 24.
+
+  [29] Indeed, Clement VIII. was afterwards apprehensive of a fourth
+       apostasy: 'Er meinte noch immer, Heinrich IV. werde zuletzt
+       vielleicht wieder zum Protestantismus zurückkehren, wie er es
+       schon einmal gethan.' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_, vol. ii. p. 246. M.
+       Ranke, from his great knowledge of Italian manuscripts, has thrown
+       more light on these transactions than the French historians have
+       been able to do.
+
+  [30] On his conversion, the character of which was as obvious then as it
+       is now, compare _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mém. et Correspond._ vol. i.
+       p. 257, with _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ii. p. 126. See
+       also _Howell's Letters_, book i. p. 42; and a letter from Sir H.
+       Wotton in 1593, printed in _Reliquiæ Wottonianæ_, p. 711. See also
+       _Ranke_, _Civil Wars in France_, vol. ii. pp. 257, 355;
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. vi. pp. 305, 358.
+
+  [31] The edict of Nantes was in 1598; the abjuration in 1593.
+       _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxi. pp. 202, 486. But in
+       1590 it was intimated to the pope as probable, if not certain,
+       that Henry would 'in den Schooss der katholischen Kirche
+       zurückkehren.' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_, vol. ii. p. 210.
+
+  [32] Of this edict, Sismondi says, 'Aucune époque dans l'histoire de
+       France ne marque mieux peut-être la fin d'un monde ancien, le
+       commencement d'un monde nouveau.' _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxi.
+       p. 489.
+
+The writings of Rabelais are often considered to afford the first
+instance of religious scepticism in the French language.[33] But, after
+a tolerably intimate acquaintance with the works of this remarkable man,
+I have found nothing to justify such an opinion. He certainly treats the
+clergy with great disrespect, and takes every opportunity of covering
+them with ridicule.[34] His attacks, however, are always made upon their
+personal vices, and not upon that narrow and intolerant spirit to which
+those vices were chiefly to be ascribed. In not a single instance does
+he show any thing like consistent scepticism;[35] nor does he appear to
+be aware that the disgraceful lives of the French clergy were but the
+inevitable consequence of a system, which, corrupt as it was, still
+possessed every appearance of strength and vitality. Indeed, the immense
+popularity which he enjoyed is, almost of itself, a decisive
+consideration; since no one, who is well informed as to the condition of
+the French early in the sixteenth century, will believe it possible that
+a people, so sunk in superstition, should delight in a writer by whom
+superstition is constantly attacked.
+
+But the extension of experience, and the consequent increase of
+knowledge, were preparing the way for a great change in the French
+intellect. The process, which had just taken place in England, was now
+beginning to take place in France; and in both countries the order of
+events was precisely the same. The spirit of doubt, hitherto confined to
+an occasional solitary thinker, gradually assumed a bolder form: first
+it found a vent in the national literature, and then it influenced the
+conduct of practical statesmen. That there was, in France, an intimate
+connexion between scepticism and toleration, is proved, not only by
+those general arguments which make us infer that such connexion must
+always exist, but also by the circumstance, that only a few years before
+the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, there appeared the first
+systematic sceptic who wrote in the French language. The Essays of
+Montaigne were published in 1588,[36] and form an epoch, not only in the
+literature, but also in the civilization, of France. Putting aside
+personal peculiarities, which have less weight than is commonly
+supposed, it will be found that the difference between Rabelais and
+Montaigne is a measure of the difference between 1545[37] and 1588, and
+that it, in some degree, corresponds with the relation I have indicated
+between Jewel and Hooker, and between Hooker and Chillingworth. For, the
+law which governs all these relations is the law of a progressive
+scepticism. What Rabelais was to the supporters of theology, that was
+Montaigne to the theology itself. The writings of Rabelais were only
+directed against the clergy; but the writings of Montaigne were directed
+against the system of which the clergy were the offspring.[38] Under the
+guise of a mere man of the world, expressing natural thoughts in common
+language, Montaigne concealed a spirit of lofty and audacious
+inquiry.[39] Although he lacked that comprehensiveness which is the
+highest form of genius, he possessed other qualities essential to a
+great mind. He was very cautious, and yet he was very bold. He was
+cautious, since he would not believe strange things because they had
+been handed down by his forefathers; and he was bold, since he was
+undaunted by the reproaches with which the ignorant, who love to
+dogmatize, always cover those whose knowledge makes them ready to
+doubt.[40] These peculiarities would, in any age, have made Montaigne a
+useful man: in the sixteenth century they made him an important one. At
+the same time, his easy and amusing style[41] increased the circulation
+of his works, and thus contributed to popularize those opinions which he
+ventured to recommend for general adoption.
+
+  [33] On Rabelais, as the supposed founder of French scepticism, compare
+       _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. ii. p. 306; _Stephen's
+       Lectures on the History of France_, vol. ii. p. 242; _Sismondi_,
+       _Hist. des Français_, vol. xvi. p. 376.
+
+  [34] Particularly the monks. See, among numerous other instances, vol.
+       i. pp. 278, 282, vol. ii. pp. 284, 285, of _[OE]uvres de
+       Rabelais_, edit. Amsterdam, 1725. However, the high dignitaries of
+       the church are not spared; for he says that Gargantua 'se morvoit
+       en archidiacre,' vol. i. p. 132; and on two occasions (vol. iii.
+       p. 65, vol. iv. pp. 199, 200) he makes a very indecent allusion to
+       the pope. In vol. i. pp. 260, 261, he satirically notices the way
+       in which the services of the church were performed: 'Dont luy dist
+       le moyne: Je ne dors jamais à mon aise, sinon quand je suis au
+       sermon, ou quand je prie Dieu.'
+
+  [35] His joke on the strength of Samson (_[OE]uvres de Rabelais_, vol.
+       ii. pp. 29, 30), and his ridicule of one of the Mosaic laws (vol.
+       iii. p. 34), are so unconnected with other parts of his work, as
+       to have no appearance of belonging to a general scheme. The
+       commentators, who find a hidden meaning in every author they
+       annotate, have represented Rabelais as aiming at the highest
+       objects, and seeking to effect the most extensive social and
+       religious reforms. This I greatly doubt, at all events I have seen
+       no proof of it; and I cannot help thinking that Rabelais owes a
+       large share of his reputation to the obscurity of his language. On
+       the other side of the question, and in favour of his
+       comprehensiveness, see a bold passage in _Coleridge's Lit.
+       Remains_, vol. i. pp. 138, 139.
+
+  [36] The two first books in 1580; the third in 1588, with additions to
+       the first two. See _Niceron_, _Mém. pour servir à l'Hist. des
+       Hommes illustres_, vol. xvi. p. 210, Paris, 1731.
+
+  [37] The first impression of the Pantagruel of Rabelais has no date on
+       the title-page; but it is known that the third book was printed in
+       1545, and the fourth book in 1546. See _Brunet_, _Manuel du
+       Libraire_, vol. iv. pp. 4-6, Paris, 1843. The statement in _Biog.
+       Univ._ vol. xxxvi. pp. 482, 483, is rather confused.
+
+  [38] Mr. Hallam (_Lit. of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 29) says, that his
+       scepticism 'is not displayed in religion.' But if we use the word
+       'religion' in its ordinary sense, as connected with dogma, it is
+       evident, from Montaigne's language, that he was a sceptic, and an
+       unflinching one too. Indeed, he goes so far as to say that all
+       religious opinions are the result of custom: 'Comme de vray nous
+       n'avons aultre mire de la vérité et de la raison, que l'exemple et
+       idée des opinions et usances du païs où nous sommes: _là est
+       tousiours la parfaicte religion_, la parfaicte police, parfaict et
+       accomply usage de toutes choses.' _Essais de Montaigne_, p. 121,
+       livre i. chap. xxx. As a natural consequence, he lays down that
+       religious error is not criminal, p. 53; compare p. 28. See also
+       how he notices the usurpations of the theological spirit, pp. 116,
+       508, 528. The fact seems to be, that Montaigne, while recognizing
+       abstractedly the existence of religious truths, doubted our
+       capacity for knowing them; that is to say, he doubted if, out of
+       the immense number of religious opinions, there were any means of
+       ascertaining which were accurate. His observations on miracles
+       (pp. 541, 653, 654, 675) illustrate the character of his mind; and
+       what he says on prophetic visions is quoted and confirmed by
+       Pinel, in his profound work _Aliénation Mentale_, p. 256. Compare
+       _Maury_, _Légendes Pieuses_, p. 268 note.
+
+  [39] His friend, the celebrated De Thou, calls him 'homme franc, ennemi
+       de toute contrainte.' _Mémoires_, in _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol.
+       i. p. 59: see also vol. xi. p. 590. And M. Lamartine classes him
+       with Montesquieu, as 'ces deux grands républicains de la pensée
+       française.' _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i. p. 174.
+
+  [40] He says (_Essais_, p. 97), 'Ce n'est pas à l'adventure sans raison
+       que nous attribuons à simplesse et ignorance la facilité de croire
+       et de se laisser persuader.' Compare two striking passages, pp.
+       199 and 685. Nothing of this sort had ever appeared before in the
+       French language.
+
+  [41] Dugald Stewart, whose turn of mind was very different from that of
+       Montaigne, calls him 'this most amusing author.' _Stewart's
+       Philos. of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 468. But Rousseau, in every
+       respect a more competent judge, enthusiastically praises 'la
+       naïveté, la grâce et l'énergie de son style inimitable.' _Musset
+       Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 185. Compare _Lettres de
+       Sévigné_, vol. iii. p. 491, edit. Paris, 1843, and _Lettres de
+       Dudeffand à Walpole_, vol. i. p. 94.
+
+This, then, is the first open declaration of that scepticism, which,
+towards the end of the sixteenth century, publicly appeared in
+France.[42] During nearly three generations, it continued its course
+with a constantly increasing activity, and developed itself in a manner
+similar to that which took place in England. It will not be necessary to
+follow all the steps of this great process; but I will endeavour to
+trace those which, by their prominence, seem to be the most important.
+
+  [42] 'Mais celui qui a répandu et popularisé en France le scepticisme,
+       c'est Montaigne.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._, II. série, vol.
+       ii. pp. 288, 289. 'Die erste Regung des skeptischen Geistes finden
+       wir in den Versuchen des Michael von Montaigne.' _Tennemann_,
+       _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. ix. p. 443. On the immense influence of
+       Montaigne, compare _Tennemann_, vol. ix. p. 458; _Monteil_,
+       _Divers Etats_, vol. v. pp. 263-265; _Sorel_, _Bibliothèque
+       Françoise_, pp. 80-91; _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque Historique_,
+       vol. iv. p. 527.
+
+A few years after the appearance of the Essays of Montaigne, there was
+published in France a work, which though now little read, possessed in
+the seventeenth century a reputation of the highest order. This was the
+celebrated _Treatise on Wisdom_, by Charron, in which we find, for the
+first time, an attempt made in a modern language to construct a system
+of morals without the aid of theology.[43] What rendered this book, in
+some respects, even more formidable than Montaigne's, was the air of
+gravity with which it was written. Charron was evidently deeply
+impressed with the importance of the task he had undertaken, and he is
+honourably distinguished from his contemporaries, by a remarkable purity
+both of language and of sentiment. His work is almost the only one of
+that age in which nothing can be found to offend the chastest ears.
+Although he borrowed from Montaigne innumerable illustrations,[44] he
+has carefully omitted those indecencies into which that otherwise
+charming writer was often betrayed. Besides this, there is about the
+work of Charron a systematic completeness which never fails to attract
+attention. In originality, he was, in some respects, inferior to
+Montaigne; but he had the advantage of coming after him, and there can
+be no doubt that he rose to an elevation which, to Montaigne, would
+have been inaccessible. Taking his stand, as it were, on the summit of
+knowledge, he boldly attempts to enumerate the elements of wisdom, and
+the conditions under which those elements will work. In the scheme which
+he thus constructs, he entirely omits theological dogmas;[45] and he
+treats with undissembled scorn many of those conclusions which the
+people had hitherto universally received. He reminds his countrymen that
+their religion is the accidental result of their birth and education,
+and that if they had been born in a Mohammedan country, they would have
+been as firm believers in Mohammedanism as they then were in
+Christianity.[46] From this consideration, he insists on the absurdity
+of their troubling themselves about the variety of creeds, seeing that
+such variety is the result of circumstances over which they have no
+control. Also it is to be observed, that each of these different
+religions declares itself to be the true one;[47] and all of them are
+equally based upon supernatural pretensions, such as mysteries,
+miracles, prophets, and the like.[48] It is because men forget these
+things, that they are the slaves of that confidence which is the great
+obstacle to all real knowledge, and which can only be removed by taking
+such a large and comprehensive view, as will show us how all nations
+cling with equal zeal to the tenets in which they have been
+educated.[49] And, says Charron, if we look a little deeper, we shall
+see that each of the great religions is built upon that which preceded
+it. Thus, the religion of the Jews is founded upon that of the
+Egyptians; Christianity is the result of Judaism; and, from these two
+last, there has naturally sprung Mohammedanism.[50] We, therefore, adds
+this great writer, should rise above the pretensions of hostile sects,
+and, without being terrified by the fear of future punishment, or
+allured by the hope of future happiness, we should be content with such
+practical religion as consists in performing the duties of life; and,
+uncontrolled by the dogmas of any particular creed, we should strive to
+make the soul retire inward upon itself, and by the efforts of its own
+contemplation, admire the ineffable grandeur of the Being of beings, the
+supreme cause of all created things.[51]
+
+  [43] Compare the remarks on Charron in _Tennemann_, _Geschichte der
+       Philosophie_, vol. ix. p. 527, with two insidious passages in
+       _Charron_, _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. pp. 4, 366.
+
+  [44] The obligations of Charron to Montaigne were very considerable, but
+       are stated too strongly by many writers. _Sorel_, _Bibliothèque
+       Françoise_, p. 93; and _Hallam's Literature of Europe_, vol. ii.
+       pp. 362, 509. On the most important subjects, Charron was a bolder
+       and deeper thinker than Montaigne; though he is now so little
+       read, that the only tolerably complete account I have seen of his
+       system is in _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philosophie_, vol. ix. pp.
+       458-487. Buhle (_Geschichte der neuern Philosophie_, vol. ii. pp.
+       918-925) and Cousin (_Hist. de la Philos._ II. série, vol. ii. p.
+       289) are short and unsatisfactory. Even Dr. Parr, who was
+       extensively read in this sort of literature, appears only to have
+       known Charron through Bayle (see notes on the Spital Sermon, in
+       _Parr's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 520, 521); while Dugald Stewart, with
+       suspicious tautology, quotes, in three different places, the same
+       passage from Charron. _Stewart's Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. ii.
+       p. 233, vol. iii. pp. 365, 393. Singularly enough, Talleyrand was
+       a great admirer of _De la Sagesse_, and presented his favourite
+       copy of it to Madame de Genlis! See her own account, in _Mém. de
+       Genlis_, vol. iv. pp. 352, 353.
+
+  [45] See his definition, or rather description, of wisdom, in Charron,
+       _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 295, vol. ii. pp. 113, 115.
+
+  [46] _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. pp. 63, 351.
+
+  [47] 'Chacune se préfère aux autres, et se confie d'être la meilleure et
+       plus vraie que les autres, et s'entre-reprochent aussi les unes
+       aux autres quelque chose, et par-là s'entre-condamnent et
+       rejettent.' _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 348; see also vol. i. pp.
+       144, 304, 305, 306, vol. ii. p. 116. Expressions almost identical
+       are used by M. Charles Compte, _Traité de Législation_, vol. i.
+       p. 233.
+
+  [48] 'Toutes trouvent et fournissent miracles, prodiges, oracles,
+       mystères sacrés, saints prophètes, fêtes, certains articles de foy
+       et créance nécessaires au salut.' _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 346.
+
+  [49] Hence he opposes proselytism, and takes up the philosophic ground,
+       that religious opinions, being governed by undeviating laws, owe
+       their variations to variations in their antecedents, and are
+       always, if left to themselves, suited to the existing state of
+       things: 'Et de ces conclusions, nous apprendrons à n'épouser rien,
+       ne jurer à rien, n'admirer rien, ne se troubler de rien, mais quoi
+       qu'il advienne, que l'on crie, tempête, se resoudre à ce point,
+       que c'est le cours du monde, _c'est nature qui fait des siennes_.'
+       _Dela Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 311.
+
+  [50] 'Mais comme elles naissent l'une après l'autre, la plus jeune bâtit
+       toujours sur son aînée et prochaine précédente, laquelle elle
+       n'improuve, ni ne condamne de fond en comble, autrement elle ne
+       seroit pas ouïe, et ne pourroit prendre pied; mais seulement
+       l'accuse ou d'imperfection, ou de son terme fini, et qu'à cette
+       occasion elle vient pour lui succéder et la parfaire, et ainsi la
+       ruine peu-à-peu, et s'enrichit de ses dépouilles, comme la
+       Judaïque a fait à la Gentille et Egyptienne, la Chrétienne à la
+       Judaïque, la Mahometane à la Judaïque et Chrétienne ensemble: mais
+       les vieilles condamnent bien tout-à-fait et entièrement les
+       jeunes, et les tiennent pour ennemies capables.' _De la Sagesse_,
+       vol. i. p. 349. This, I believe, is the first instance in any
+       modern language of the doctrine of religious development; a
+       doctrine which, since Charron, has been steadily advancing,
+       particularly among men whose knowledge is extensive enough to
+       enable them to compare the different religions which have
+       prevailed at different times. In this, as in other subjects, they
+       who are unable to compare, suppose that everything is isolated,
+       simply because to them the continuity is invisible. As to the
+       Alexandrian doctrine of development, found particularly in Clement
+       and Origen, see _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. ii. pp.
+       234-257; and in particular pp. 241, 246.
+
+  [51] _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. pp. 356, 365; two magnificent passages.
+       But the whole chapter ought to be read, livre ii. chap. v. In it
+       there is an occasional ambiguity. Tennemann, however, in the most
+       important point, understands Charron as I do in regard to the
+       doctrine of future punishments. _Geschichte der Philosophie_,
+       vol. ix. p. 473.
+
+Such were the sentiments which, in the year 1601, were for the first
+time laid before the French people in their own mother-tongue.[52] The
+sceptical and secular spirit, of which they were the representatives,
+continued to increase; and, as the seventeenth century advanced, the
+decline of fanaticism, so far from being confined to a few isolated
+thinkers, gradually became common, even among ordinary politicians.[53]
+The clergy, sensible of the danger, wished the government to check the
+progress of inquiry;[54] and the pope himself, in a formal remonstrance
+with Henry, urged him to remedy the evil, by prosecuting the heretics,
+from whom he thought all the mischief had originally proceeded.[55] But
+this the king steadily refused. He saw the immense advantages that would
+arise, if he could weaken the ecclesiastical power by balancing the two
+sects against each other;[56] and therefore, though he was a Catholic,
+his policy rather leaned in favour of the Protestants, as being the
+weaker party.[57] He granted sums of money towards the support of their
+ministers and the repair of their churches;[58] he banished the Jesuits,
+who were their most dangerous enemies;[59] and he always had with him
+two representatives of the reformed church, whose business it was to
+inform him of any infraction of those edicts which he had issued in
+favour of their religion.[60]
+
+  [52] The first edition of _La Sagesse_ was published at Bourdeaux in
+       1601. _Niceron_, _Hommes illustres_, vol. xvi. p. 224; _Hallam's
+       Lit. of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 509; _Biog. Univ._ vol. viii. p. 250.
+       Two editions were susequently published in Paris, in 1604 and
+       1607. _Brunet_, _Manuel du Libraire_, vol. i. p. 639.
+
+  [53] Sismondi (_Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 86) and Lavallée
+       (_Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 84) have noticed the
+       diminution of religious zeal early in the seventeenth century; and
+       some curious evidence will also be found in the correspondence of
+       Duplessis Mornay. See, for instance, a letter he wrote to Diodati,
+       in 1609: 'A beaucoup aujourd'hui il fault commencer par là, qu'il
+       y a une religion, premier que de leur dire quelle.' _Duplessis_,
+       _Mém. et Corresp._ vol. x. p. 415. This middle, or secular party,
+       received the name of 'Politiques,' and began to be powerful in
+       1592 or 1593. Benoist (_Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. p.
+       113), under the year 1593, contemptuously says: 'Il s'éleva une
+       foule de conciliateurs de religion;' see also pp. 201, 273. In
+       1590, and in 1594, the 'Politiques' are noticed by De Thou (_Hist.
+       Univ._ vol. xi. p. 171, vol. xii. p. 134); and on the increase, in
+       1593, of 'le tiers parti politique et négociateur,' see
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. vi. p. 235. See also,
+       respecting 'les politiques,' a letter from the Spanish ambassador
+       to his own court, in 1615, in _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p.
+       93; and for the rise in Paris, in 1592, of a 'politisch und
+       kirchlich gemässigte Gesinnung,' see _Ranke_, _die Päpste_,
+       vol. ii. p. 243.
+
+  [54] The Sorbonne went so far as to condemn Charron's great work, but
+       could not succeed in having it prohibited. Compare _Duvernet_,
+       _Hist. de la Sorbonne_, vol. ii. p. 139, with _Bayle_, article
+       Charron, note F.
+
+  [55] In the appendix to Ranke (_Die Römischen Päpste_, vol. iii. pp.
+       141, 142), there will be found the instructions which were given
+       to the nuncio, in 1603, when he was sent to the French court; and
+       which should be compared with a letter, written in 1604, in
+       _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. v. p. 122, edit. 1820.
+
+  [56] 'Sein Sinn war im Allgemeinen, ohne Zweifel, das Gleichgewicht
+       zwischen ihnen zu erhalten.' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_, vol. ii. pp.
+       430, 431. 'Henri IV, l'expression de l'indifférentisme religieux,
+       se posa comme une transaction entre ces deux systèmes.'
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. vi. p. 358. 'Henry IV.
+       endeavoured to adjust the balance evenly,' _Smedley's Hist. of the
+       Reformed Religion in France_, vol. iii. p. 19. See also _Benoist_,
+       _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. p. 136. Hence, of course,
+       neither party was quite satisfied. _Mably's Observations_, vol.
+       iii. p. 220; _Mezeray_, _Histoire de France_, vol. iii. p. 959.
+
+  [57] Compare _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. viii. p. 61, with
+       _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See also, on
+       his inclination towards the Protestants, _Mém. de Fontenay
+       Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 91. Fontenay, p. 94, mentions, as a singular
+       instance, that 'il se vist de son temps des huguenots avoir des
+       abbayes.'
+
+  [58] _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. iv. p. 134, vol. vi. p. 233;
+       _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mém. et Corresp._ vol. xi. p. 242; _Benoist_,
+       _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 68, 205. These grants
+       were annual, and were apportioned by the Protestants themselves.
+       See their own account, in _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. i.
+       pp. 198, 222, 246, 247, 249, 275-277.
+
+  [59] Henry IV. banished the Jesuits in 1594; but they were allowed,
+       later in his reign, to make fresh settlements in France.
+       _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. vi. p. 485; _Bazin_,
+       _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 106; _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_,
+       vol. v. p. 192 note; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 298.
+       Compare the notices of them in _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. ii.
+       p. 234, vol. iv. pp. 200, 235, 245. But there can be little doubt
+       that they owed their recall to the dread entertained of their
+       intrigues (_Grégoire_, _Hist. des Confesseurs_, p. 316); and Henry
+       evidently disliked as well as feared them. See two letters from
+       him in _Duplessis_, _Mém. et Corresp._ vol. vi. pp. 129, 151. It
+       would appear, from the _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. v. p. 350, Paris,
+       1823, that the king never restored to them their former authority
+       in regard to education.
+
+  [60] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp. 142, 143; _Le Vassor_,
+       vol. i. p. 156; _Sismondi_, vol. xxii. p. 116; _Duplessis Mornay_,
+       vol. i. p. 389; _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. vii. pp. 105, 432,
+       442.
+
+Thus it was, that in France, as well as in England, toleration was
+preceded by scepticism; and thus it was, that out of this scepticism
+there arose the humane and enlightened measures of Henry IV. The great
+prince, by whom these things were effected, unhappily fell a victim to
+that fanatical spirit which he had done much to curb;[61] but the
+circumstances which occurred after his death, showed how great an
+impetus had been given to the age.
+
+  [61] When Ravaillac was examined, he said, 'qu'il y avait été excité par
+       l'intérêt de la religion, et par une impulsion irrésistible.'
+       _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 38. This work contains
+       the fullest account I have met with of Ravaillac; of whom there
+       is, moreover, a description in _Les Historiettes de Tallemant des
+       Réaux_, vol. i. p. 85, Paris, 1840, a very curious book.
+
+On the murder of Henry IV., in 1610, the government fell into the hands
+of the queen, who administered it during the minority of her son, Louis
+XIII. And it is a remarkable evidence of the direction which the mind
+was now taking, that she, though a weak and bigoted woman,[62] refrained
+from those persecutions which, only one generation before, had been
+considered a necessary proof of religious sincerity. That, indeed, must
+have been a movement of no common energy, which could force toleration,
+early in the seventeenth century, upon a princess of the house of
+Medici, an ignorant and superstitious Catholic, who had been educated
+in the midst of her priests, and had been accustomed to look for their
+applause as the highest object of earthly ambition.
+
+  [62] Le Vassor (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 279) calls her
+       'superstitieuse au dernier point;' and, in vol. v. p. 481, 'femme
+       crédule et superstitieuse.' See also vol. iii. p. 250, vol. vi. p.
+       628; and _Grégoire_, _Hist. des Confesseurs_, p. 65.
+
+Yet this was what actually occurred. The queen continued the ministers
+of Henry IV., and announced, that in every thing she would follow his
+example.[63] Her first public act was, a declaration, that the Edict of
+Nantes should be inviolably preserved; for, she says, 'experience has
+taught our predecessors, that violence, so far from inducing men to
+return to the Catholic church, prevents them from doing so.'[64] Indeed,
+so anxious was she upon this point, that when Louis, in 1614, attained
+his nominal majority, the first act of his government was another
+confirmation of the Edict of Nantes.[65] And, in 1615, she caused the
+king, who still remained under her tutelage,[66] to issue a
+declaration, by which all preceding measures in favour of the
+Protestants were publicly confirmed.[67] In the same spirit, she, in
+1611, wished to raise to the presidency of parliament the celebrated De
+Thou; and it was only by making a formal announcement of his heresy,
+that the pope succeeded in frustrating what he considered an impious
+design.[68]
+
+  [63] 'Elle annonça qu'elle vouloit suivre en tout l'exemple du feu
+       roi.... Le ministère de Henri IV, que la reine continuoit.'
+       _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. pp. 206, 210; and see
+       two letters from her, in _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mém. et Corresp._
+       vol. xi. p. 282, vol. xii. p. 428. Sully had feared that the death
+       of Henry IV. would cause a change of policy: 'que l'on s'alloit
+       jeter dans des desseins tous contraires aux règles, ordres et
+       maximes du feu roy.' _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. viii. p. 401.
+
+  [64] See the declaration in Bazin, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp.
+       74, 75; and notices of it in _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 58;
+       _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 27; _Benoist_, _Hist. de
+       l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 7; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. i. p. 58. But none of these writers, nor Sismondi
+       (vol. xxii. p. 221), appear to be aware that the issuing of this
+       declaration was determined on, in council, as early as the 17th of
+       May; that is, only three days after the death of Henry IV. This is
+       mentioned by Pontchartrain, who was then one of the ministers. See
+       _Mém. de Pontchartrain_, edit. Petitot, 1822, vol. i. p. 409; a
+       book little known, but well worthy of being read.
+
+  [65] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 262; _Benoist_, _Hist.
+       de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 140; _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_,
+       vol. i. p. 257; _Le Vassor_, vol. i. p. 604.
+
+  [66] 'Laissant néanmoins l'administration du royaume à la reine sa
+       mère.' _Mém. de Bassompierre_, vol. ii. p. 52. Compare _Sully_,
+       _[OE]conomies_, vol. ix. p. 177. She possessed complete authority
+       over the king till 1617. See _Mémoires de Montglat_, vol. i. p.
+       24: 'avoit été tenu fort bas par la reine sa mère.' See also _Le
+       Vassor, Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 640, 677, 716, 764.
+
+  [67] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp. 381, 382.
+
+  [68] In 1611, 'le pape le rejeta formellement comme hérétique.' _Bazin_,
+       vol. i. p. 174. This is glossed over by Pontchartrain (_Mémoires_,
+       vol. i. p. 450); but the statement of M. Bazin is confirmed in the
+       preface to _De Thou_, _Histoire Universelle_, vol. i. p. xvi.
+
+The turn which things were now taking, caused no little alarm to the
+friends of the hierarchy. The most zealous churchmen loudly censured the
+policy of the queen; and a great historian has observed that when,
+during the reign of Louis XIII., such alarm was caused in Europe by the
+active encroachments of the ecclesiastical power, France was the first
+country that ventured to oppose them.[69] The nuncio openly complained
+to the queen of her conduct in favouring heretics; and he anxiously
+desired that those Protestant works should be suppressed, by which the
+consciences of true believers were greatly scandalized.[70] But these,
+and similar representations, were no longer listened to with the respect
+they would formerly have received; and the affairs of the country
+continued to be administered with those purely temporal views, on which
+the measures of Henry IV. had been avowedly based.[71]
+
+  [69] 'Der erste Einhalt den die kirchliche Restauration erfuhr, geschah
+       in Frankreich,' _Ranke_, _die Römischen Päpste_, vol. iii. p. 160.
+
+  [70] This desire was expressed several times, but in vain: 'Gern hätten
+       die Nuntien Werke wie von Thou und Richer verboten, aber es war
+       ihnen nicht möglich,' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_, vol. iii. p. 181,
+       Anhang. Compare _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 68; _Mém. de
+       Pontchartrain_, vol. i. p. 428.
+
+  [71] This decline of the ecclesiastical power is noticed by many writers
+       of the time; but it is sufficient to refer to the very curious
+       remonstrance of the French clergy, in 1605, in _De Thou_, _Hist.
+       Univ._ vol. xiv. pp. 446, 447.
+
+Such was now the policy of the government of France; a government
+which, not many years before, had considered it the great duty of a
+sovereign to punish heretics and extirpate heresy. That this continued
+improvement was merely the result of the general intellectual
+development, is evident, not only from its success, but also from the
+character of the queen-regent and the king. No one who has read the
+contemporary memoirs, can deny that Mary de Medici and Louis XIII. were
+as superstitious as any of their predecessors; and it is, therefore,
+evident, that this disregard of theological prejudices was due, not to
+their own personal merits, but to the advancing knowledge of the
+country, and to the pressure of an age which, in the rapidity of its
+progress, hurried along those who believed themselves to be its rulers.
+
+But these considerations, weighty as they are, will only slightly
+diminish the merit of that remarkable man, who now appeared on the stage
+of public affairs. During the last eighteen years of the reign of Louis
+XIII., France was entirely governed by Richelieu,[72] one of that
+extremely small class of statesmen to whom it is given to impress their
+own character on the destiny of their country. This great ruler has, in
+his knowledge of the political art, probably never been surpassed,
+except by that prodigy of genius who, in our time, troubled the fortunes
+of Europe. But, in one important view, Richelieu was superior to
+Napoleon. The life of Napoleon was a constant effort to oppress the
+liberties of mankind; and his unrivalled capacity exhausted its
+resources in struggling against the tendencies of a great age.
+Richelieu, too, was a despot; but his despotism took a nobler turn. He
+displayed, what Napoleon never possessed, a just appreciation of the
+spirit of his own time. In one great point, indeed, he failed. His
+attempts to destroy the power of the French nobility were altogether
+futile;[73] for, owing to a long course of events, the authority of that
+insolent class was so deeply rooted in the popular mind, that the
+labours of another century were required to efface its ancient
+influence. But, though Richelieu could not diminish the social and moral
+weight of the French nobles, he curtailed their political privileges;
+and he chastised their crimes with a severity which, for a time at
+least, repressed their former license.[74] So little, however, can even
+the ablest statesman effect, unless he is seconded by the general temper
+of the age in which he lives, that these checks, rude as they were,
+produced no permanent result. After his death, the French nobles, as we
+shall presently see, quickly rallied; and, in the wars of the Fronde,
+debased that great struggle into a mere contest of rival families. Nor
+was it until the close of the eighteenth century, that France was
+finally relieved from the overweening influence of that powerful class,
+whose selfishness had long retarded the progress of civilization, by
+retaining the people in a thraldom, from the remote effects of which
+they have not yet fully recovered.
+
+  [72] As M. Monteil says (_Hist. des Français des divers Etats_, vol.
+       vii. p. 114), 'Richelieu tint le sceptre; Louis XIII. porta la
+       couronne.' And Campion (_Mémoires_, p. 37) calls him 'plutôt le
+       maître que le ministre;' and adds, pp. 218, 219, that he 'avoit
+       gouverné dix-huit ans la France avec un pouvoir absolu et une
+       gloire sans pareille.' Compare _Mém. du Cardinal de Retz_, vol. i
+       p. 63.
+
+  [73] The common opinion, put forth in _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol.
+       i. pp. 101-104, and in many other books, is that Richelieu did
+       destroy their influence; but this error arises from confusing
+       political influence with social influence. What is termed the
+       political power of a class, is merely the symptom and
+       manifestation of its real power; and it is no use to attack the
+       first, unless you can also weaken the second. The real power of
+       the nobles was social, and that neither Richelieu nor Louis XIV.
+       could impair; and it remained intact until the middle of the
+       eighteenth century, when the intellect of France rebelled against
+       it, overthrew it, and finally effected the French Revolution.
+
+  [74] Richelieu appears to have formed the design of humbling the nobles,
+       at least as early as 1624. See a characteristic passage in his
+       _Mémoires_, vol. ii. p. 340. In _Swinburne's Courts of Europe_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 63-65, there is a curious traditional anecdote,
+       which, though probably false, shows, at all events, the fear and
+       hatred with which the French nobles regarded the memory of
+       Richelieu more than a century after his death.
+
+Although in this respect Richelieu failed in achieving his designs, he
+in other matters met with signal success. This was owing to the fact,
+that his large and comprehensive views harmonized with that sceptical
+tendency, of which I have just given some account. For this remarkable
+man, though he was a bishop and a cardinal, never for a moment allowed
+the claims of his profession to make him forego the superior claims of
+his country. He knew, what is too often forgotten, that the governor of
+a people should measure affairs solely by a political standard, and
+should pay no regard to the pretensions of any sect, or the propagation
+of any opinions, except in reference to the present and practical
+welfare of men. The consequence was, that, during his administration,
+there was seen the marvellous spectacle of supreme authority wielded by
+a priest, who took no pains to increase the power of the spiritual
+classes. Indeed, so far from this, he often treated them with what was
+then considered unexampled rigour. The royal confessors, on account of
+the importance of their functions, had always been regarded with a
+certain veneration; they were supposed to be men of unspotted piety;
+they had hitherto possessed immense influence, and even the most
+powerful statesmen had thought it advisable to show them the deference
+due to their exalted position.[75] Richelieu, however, was too familiar
+with the arts of his profession, to feel much respect for these keepers
+of the consciences of kings. Caussin, the confessor of Louis XIII., had,
+it seems, followed the example of his predecessors, and endeavoured to
+instill his own views of policy into the mind of the royal penitent.[76]
+But Richelieu, so soon as he heard of this, dismissed him from office,
+and sent him into exile; for, he contemptuously says, 'the little father
+Caussin' should not interfere in matters of government, since he is one
+of those 'who have always been brought up in the innocence of a
+religious life.'[77] Caussin was succeeded by the celebrated Sirmond; but
+Richelieu would not allow the new confessor to begin his duties, until
+he had solemnly promised never to interfere in state affairs.[78]
+
+  [75] On their influence, see _Grégoire_, _Histoire des Confesseurs_; and
+       compare the remarks of Mr. Grote, a great writer, whose mind is
+       always ready with historical analogies. _Grote's Hist. of Greece_,
+       vol. vi. p. 393, 2nd edit. 1851. Many of the French kings had a
+       strong natural affection for monks; but the most singular instance
+       I have found of this sort of love is mentioned by no less a man
+       than De Thou, respecting Henry III. De Thou (_Hist. Univ._ vol. x.
+       pp. 666, 667) says of that prince: 'Soit tempérament, soit
+       éducation, la présence d'un moine faisait toujours plaisir à
+       Henri; et je lui ai moi-même souvent entendu dire, que leur vue
+       produisoit le même effet sur son âme, que le chatouillement le
+       plus délicat sur le corps.'
+
+  [76] One of his suggestions was, 'sur les dangers que couroit le
+       catholicisme en Allemagne, par ses liaisons avec les puissances
+       protestantes.' _Grégoire_, _Histoire des Confesseurs_, p. 342. The
+       fullest account of Caussin is in _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. ix. pp. 287-299; to which, however, Grégoire never
+       refers. As I shall have frequent occasion to quote Le Vassor, I
+       may observe, that he is far more accurate than is generally
+       supposed, and that he has been very unfairly treated by the
+       majority of French writers, among whom he is unpopular, on account
+       of his constant attacks on Louis XIV. Sismondi (_Hist. des
+       Français_, vol. xxii. pp. 188, 189) speaks highly of his _Hist. of
+       Louis XIII_; and so far as my own reading extends, I can confirm
+       his favourable opinion.
+
+  [77] 'Le petit père Caussin.' _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. x. p. 206; and
+       at p. 217, he is classed among the 'personnes qui avoient toujours
+       été nourries dans l'innocence d'une vie religieuse;' see also p.
+       215, on his 'simplicité et ignorance.' Respecting Richelieu's
+       treatment of Caussin, see _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. pp. 173-175;
+       _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 49; _Des Réaux, Historiettes_, vol.
+       ii. p. 182.
+
+  [78] _Sismondi, Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 332; _Tallemant des
+       Réaux, Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 78 note. Le Vassor (_Hist. de
+       Louis XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 761) says, that Sirmond 'se
+       soutint à la cour sous le ministère de Richelieu, parce qu'il ne
+       se mêloit point des affaires d'état.' According to the same writer
+       (vol. viii. p. 156), Richelieu thought at one time of depriving
+       the Jesuits of their post of confessor to the king.
+
+On another occasion of much more importance, Richelieu displayed a
+similar spirit. The French clergy were then possessed of enormous
+wealth; and, as they enjoyed the privilege of taxing themselves, they
+were careful not to make what they considered unnecessary contributions
+towards defraying the expenses of the state. They had cheerfully
+advanced money to carry on war against the Protestants, because they
+believed it to be their duty to assist in the extirpation of
+heresy.[79] But they saw no reason why their revenues should be wasted
+in effecting mere temporal benefits; they considered themselves as the
+guardians of funds set apart for spiritual purposes, and they thought it
+impious that wealth consecrated by the piety of their ancestors should
+fall into the profane hands of secular statesmen. Richelieu, who looked
+on these scruples as the artifices of interested men, had taken a very
+different view of the relation which the clergy bore to the country.[80]
+So far from thinking that the interests of the church were superior to
+those of the state, he laid it down as a maxim of policy, that 'the
+reputation of the state was the first consideration.'[81] With such
+fearlessness did he carry out this principle, that having convoked at
+Nantes a great assembly of the clergy, he compelled them to aid the
+government by an extraordinary supply of 6,000,000 francs; and finding
+that some of the highest dignitaries had expressed their discontent at
+so unusual a step, he laid hands on them also, and to the amazement of
+the church, sent into exile not only four of the bishops, but likewise
+the two archbishops of Toulouse and of Sens.[82]
+
+  [79] _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 87; _Le Vassor_,
+       _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. ii. p. 144; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 337, 338. Benoist says: 'Le clergé de France,
+       ignorant et corrompu, croyoit tout son devoir compris dans
+       l'extirpation des hérétiques; et même il offroit de grandes
+       sommes, à condition qu'on les employât à cette guerre.'
+
+  [80] In which he is fully borne out by the high authority of Vattel,
+       whose words I shall quote, for the sake of those politicians who
+       still cleave to the superannuated theory of the sacredness of
+       church-property: 'Loin que l'exemption appartienne aux biens
+       d'église parce qu'ils sont consacrés à Dieu, c'est au contraire
+       par cette raison même, qu'ils doivent être pris les premiers pour
+       le salut de l'état; car il n'y a rien de plus agréable au Père
+       commun des hommes, que de garantir une nation de sa ruine. Dieu
+       n'ayant besoin de rien, lui consacrer des biens, c'est les
+       destiner à des usages qui lui soient agréables. De plus, les biens
+       de l'église, de l'aveu du clergé lui-même, sont en grande partie
+       destinés aux pauvres. Quand l'état est dans le besoin, il est sans
+       doute le premier pauvre, et le plus digne de secours.' _Vattel_,
+       _le Droit des Gens_, vol. i. pp. 176, 177.
+
+  [81] 'Que la réputation de l'état est préférable à toutes choses.' _Mém.
+       de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 482. This was in 1625, and by way of
+       refuting the legate.
+
+  [82] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. pp. 477, 478;
+       _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. pp. 325, 326. The
+       Cardinal de Retz, who knew Richelieu personally, says: 'M. le
+       cardinal de Richelieu avoit donné une atteinte cruelle à la
+       dignité et à la liberté du clergé dans l'assemblée de Mante, et il
+       avoit exilé, avec des circonstances atroces, six de ses prélats
+       les plus considérables.' _Mém. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 50.
+
+If these things had been done fifty years earlier, they would most
+assuredly have proved fatal to the minister who dared to attempt them.
+But Richelieu, in these and similar measures, was aided by the spirit of
+an age which was beginning to despise its ancient masters. For this
+general tendency was now becoming apparent, not only in literature and
+in politics, but even in the proceedings of the ordinary tribunals. The
+nuncio indignantly complained of the hostility displayed against
+ecclesiastics by the French judges; and he said that, among other
+shameful things, some clergymen had been hung, without being first
+deprived of their spiritual character.[83] On other occasions, the
+increasing contempt showed itself in a way well suited to the coarseness
+of the prevailing manners. Sourdis, the archbishop of Bourdeaux, was
+twice ignominiously beaten; once by the Duke d'Epernon, and afterwards
+by the Maréchal de Vitry.[84] Nor did Richelieu, who usually treated the
+nobles with such severity, seem anxious to punish this gross outrage.
+Indeed, the archbishop not only received no sympathy, but, a few years
+later, was peremptorily ordered by Richelieu to retire to his own
+diocese; such, however, was his alarm at the state of affairs, that he
+fled to Carpentras, and put himself under the protection of the
+pope.[85] This happened in 1641 and nine years earlier, the church had
+incurred a still greater scandal. For in 1632, serious disturbances
+having arisen in Languedoc, Richelieu did not fear to meet the
+difficulty by depriving some of the bishops, and seizing the
+temporalities of the others.[86]
+
+  [83] 'Die Nuntien finden kein Ende der Beschwerden die sie machen zu
+       müssen glauben, vorzüglich über die Beschränkungen welche die
+       geistliche Jurisdiction erfahre.... Zuweilen werde ein Geistlicher
+       hingerichtet ohne erst degradirt zu seyn.' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_,
+       vol. iii. p. 157: a summary, in 1641, of the complaints of the
+       then nuncio, and of those of his predecessors. Le Vassor (_Hist.
+       de Louis XIII_, vol. v. pp. 51 seq.) has given some curious
+       details respecting the animosity between the clergy and the
+       secular tribunals of France in 1624.
+
+  [84] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 301; _Mém. de
+       Bassompierre_, vol. iii. pp. 302, 353. Bazin, who notices this
+       disgraceful affair, simply says (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iii.
+       p. 453): 'Le maréchal de Vitry, suivant l'exemple qui lui en avoit
+       donné le duc d'Epernon, s'emporta jusqu'à le frapper de son
+       bâton.' In regard to Epernon, the best account is in _Mém. de
+       Richelieu_, where it is stated (vol. viii. p. 194) that the duke,
+       just before flogging the archbishop, 'disoit au peuple,
+       "Rangez-vous, vous verrez comme j'étrillerai votre archevêque."'
+       This was stated by a witness, who heard the duke utter the words.
+       Compare, for further information, _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 97, with _Tallemant des Réaux_,
+       _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 116. Des Réaux, who, in his own way,
+       was somewhat of a philosopher, contentedly says: 'Cet archevêque
+       se pouvoit vanter d'être le prélat du monde qui avoit été le plus
+       battu.' His brother was Cardinal Sourdis; a man of some little
+       reputation in his own time, and concerning whom a curious anecdote
+       is related in _Mém. de Conrart_, pp. 231-234.
+
+  [85] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 470. Le Vassor
+       (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 149) says: 'Il
+       s'enfuit donc honteusement à Carpentras sous la protection du
+       pape.'
+
+  [86] 'Les évêques furent punis par la saisie de leur temporel; Alby,
+       Nimes, Uzés, furent privées de leurs prélats.' _Capefigue's
+       Richelieu_, Paris, 1844, vol. ii. p. 24. The Protestants were
+       greatly delighted at the punishment of the bishops of Alby and
+       Nimes, which 'les ministres regardoient comme une vengeance
+       divine.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 528,
+       529.
+
+The indignation of the clergy may be easily imagined. Such repeated
+injuries, even if they had proceeded from a layman, would have been hard
+to endure; but they were rendered doubly bitter by being the work of one
+of themselves--one who had been nurtured in the profession against which
+he turned. This it was which aggravated the offence, because it seemed
+to be adding treachery to insult. It was not a war from without, but it
+was a treason from within. It was a bishop who humbled the episcopacy,
+and a cardinal who affronted the church.[87] Such, however, was the
+general temper of men, that the clergy did not venture to strike an
+open blow; but, by means of their partisans, they scattered the most
+odious libels against the great minister. They said that he was
+unchaste, that he was guilty of open debauchery, and that he held
+incestuous commerce with his own niece.[88] They declared that he had no
+religion; that he was only a Catholic in name; that he was the pontiff
+of the Huguenots; that he was the patriarch of atheists;[89] and what
+was worse than all, they even accused him of wishing to establish a
+schism in the French church.[90] Happily the time was now passing away
+in which the national mind could be moved by such artifices as these.
+Still the charges are worth recording, because they illustrate the
+tendency of public affairs, and the bitterness with which the spiritual
+classes saw the reins of power falling from their hands. Indeed, all
+this was so manifest, that in the last civil war raised against
+Richelieu, only two years before his death, the insurgents stated in
+their proclamation, that one of their objects was to revive the respect
+with which the clergy and nobles had formerly been treated.[91]
+
+  [87] In a short account of Richelieu, which was published immediately
+       after his death, the writer indignantly says, that 'being a
+       cardinal, he afflicted the church.' _Somers Tracts_. vol. v. p.
+       540. Compare _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. p. 322.
+
+  [88] This scandalous charge in regard to his niece was a favourite one
+       with the clergy; and among many other instances, the accusation
+       was brought by the Cardinal de Valençay in the grossest manner.
+       See _Tallemant des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 201.
+
+  [89] 'De là ces petits écrits qui le dénonçaient comme le "pontife des
+       huguenots" ou "le patriarche des athées."' _Capefigue's
+       Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 312.
+
+  [90] Compare _Des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. ii. p. 233, with _Le
+       Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. viii. part ii. pp. 177, 178,
+       vol. ix. p. 277.
+
+  [91] See the manifesto in _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii.
+       pp. 452, 453.
+
+The more we study the career of Richelieu, the more prominent does this
+antagonism become. Every thing proves that he was conscious of a great
+struggle going on between the old ecclesiastical scheme of government
+and the new secular scheme; and that he was determined to put down the
+old plan, and uphold the new one. For, not only in his domestic
+administration, but also in his foreign policy, do we find the same
+unprecedented disregard of theological interests. The House of Austria,
+particularly its Spanish branch, had long been respected by all pious
+men as the faithful ally of the church; it was looked upon as the
+scourge of heresy; and its proceedings against the heretics had won for
+it a great name in ecclesiastical history.[92] When, therefore, the
+French government, in the reign of Charles IX., made a deliberate
+attempt to destroy the Protestants, France naturally established an
+intimate connexion with Spain as well as with Rome;[93] and these three
+great powers were firmly united, not by a community of temporal
+interests, but by the force of a religious compact. This theological
+confederacy was afterwards broken up by the personal character of Henry
+IV.,[94] and by the growing indifference of the age; but during the
+minority of Louis XIII., the queen-regent had in some degree renewed it,
+and had attempted to revive the superstitious prejudices upon which it
+was based.[95] In all her feelings, she was a zealous Catholic; she was
+warmly attached to Spain; and she succeeded in marrying her son, the
+young king, to a Spanish princess, and her daughter to a Spanish
+prince.[96]
+
+  [92] Late in the sixteenth century, 'fils aîné de l'Eglise' was the
+       recognized and well-merited title of the kings of Spain. _De
+       Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 280. Compare _Duplessis Mornay_,
+       _Mém. et Correspond._ vol. xi. p. 21. And on the opinions which
+       the Catholics, early in the seventeenth century, generally held
+       respecting Spain, see _Mém. de Fontenay_, _Mareuil_, vol. i. p.
+       189; _Mém. de Bassompierre_, vol. i. p. 424.
+
+  [93] As to the connexion between this foreign policy and the massacre of
+       Saint Bartholomew, see _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_,
+       vol. iii. pp. 253, 268, 269.
+
+  [94] On the policy, and still more on the feelings, of Henry IV. towards
+       the House of Austria, see _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol.
+       ii. p. 291, vol. iii. pp. 162, 166, vol. iv. pp. 289, 290, 321,
+       343, 344, 364, vol. v. p. 123, vol. vi. p. 293, vol. vii. p. 303,
+       vol. viii. pp. 195, 202, 348.
+
+  [95] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. pp. 26, 369; _Mém. de Montglat_,
+       vol. i. pp. 16, 17; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol i. p.
+       268, vol. vi. p. 349; _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii.
+       p. 227. Her husband, Henry IV., said that she had 'the soul of a
+       Spaniard.' _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. viii. p. 150.
+
+  [96] This was, in her opinion, a master-stroke of policy: 'Entêtée du
+       double mariage avec l'Espagne qu'elle avoit ménagé avec tant
+       d'application, et qu'elle regardoit comme le plus ferme appui de
+       son autorité.' _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp.
+       453, 454.
+
+It might have been expected that when Richelieu, a great dignitary of
+the Romish church, was placed at the head of affairs, he would have
+reëstablished a connexion so eagerly desired by the profession to which
+he belonged.[97] But his conduct was not regulated by such views as
+these. His object was, not to favour the opinions of a sect, but to
+promote the interests of a nation. His treaties, his diplomacy, and the
+schemes of his foreign alliances, were all directed, not against the
+enemies of the church, but against the enemies of France. By erecting
+this new standard of action, Richelieu took a great step towards
+secularizing the whole system of European politics. For he thus made the
+theoretical interests of men subordinate to their practical interests.
+Before his time, the rulers of France, in order to punish their
+Protestant subjects, had not hesitated to demand the aid of the Catholic
+troops of Spain; and in so doing, they merely acted upon the old
+opinion, that it was the chief duty of a government to suppress heresy.
+This pernicious doctrine was first openly repudiated by Richelieu. As
+early as 1617, and before he had established his power, he, in an
+instruction to one of the foreign ministers which is still extant, laid
+it down as a principle, that, in matters of state, no Catholic ought to
+prefer a Spaniard to a French Protestant.[98] To us, indeed, in the
+progress of society, such preference of the claims of our country to
+those of our creed, has become a matter of course; but in those days it
+was a startling novelty.[99] Richelieu, however, did not fear to push
+the paradox even to its remotest consequences. The Catholic church
+justly considered that its interests were bound up with those of the
+House of Austria;[100] but Richelieu, directly he was called to the
+council, determined to humble that house in both its branches.[101] To
+effect this, he openly supported the bitterest enemies of his own
+religion. He aided the Lutherans against the Emperor of Germany; he
+aided the Calvinists against the king of Spain. During the eighteen
+years he was supreme, he steadily pursued the same undeviating
+policy.[102] When Philip attempted to repress the Dutch Protestants,
+Richelieu made common cause with them; at first, advancing them large
+sums of money, and afterwards inducing the French king to sign a treaty
+of intimate alliance with those who, in the opinion of the church, he
+ought rather to have chastized as rebellious heretics.[103] In the same
+way, when that great war broke out, in which the emperor attempted to
+subjugate to the true faith the consciences of German Protestants,
+Richelieu stood forward as their protector; he endeavoured from the
+beginning to save their leader the Palatine;[104] and, failing in that,
+he concluded in their favour an alliance with Gustavus Adolphus,[105]
+the ablest military commander the Reformers had then produced. Nor did
+he stop there. After the death of Gustavus, he, seeing that the
+Protestants were thus deprived of their great leader, made still more
+vigorous efforts in their favour.[106] He intrigued for them in foreign
+courts; he opened negotiations in their behalf; and eventually he
+organized for their protection a public confederacy, in which all
+ecclesiastical considerations were set at defiance. This league, which
+formed an important precedent in the international polity of Europe, was
+not only contracted by Richelieu with the two most powerful enemies of
+his own church, but it was, from its tenor, what Sismondi emphatically
+calls a 'Protestant confederation'--a Protestant confederation, he says,
+between France, England, and Holland.[107]
+
+  [97] So late as 1656, the French clergy wished 'to hasten a peace with
+       Spain, and to curb the heretics in France,' _Letter from Pell to
+       Thurloe_, written in 1656, and printed in _Vaughan's Protectorate
+       of Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 436, 8vo, 1839. During the minority of
+       Louis XIII. we hear of 'les zéléz catholiques, et ceux qui
+       désiroient, à quelque prix que ce fut, l'union des deux roys, et
+       des deux couronnes de France et d'Espagne, comme le seul moyen
+       propre, selon leur advis, pour l'extirpation des hérésies dans la
+       chrestienté.' _Sully_, _[OE]con. Royales_, vol. ix. p. 181:
+       compare vol. vii. p. 248, on 'les zéléz catholiques espagnolisez
+       de France.'
+
+  [98] See _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. pp. 387-389, where
+       the importance of this document is noticed, and it is said that
+       Richelieu had drawn it up 'avec beaucoup de soin.' The language of
+       it is very peremptory: 'Que nul catholique n'est si aveugle
+       d'estimer en matière d'état un Espagnol meilleur qu'un Français
+       huguenot.'
+
+  [99] Even in the reign of Henry IV. the French Protestants were not
+       considered to be Frenchmen: 'The intolerant dogmas of Roman
+       Catholicism did not recognize them as Frenchmen. They were looked
+       upon as foreigners, or rather as enemies; and were treated as
+       such.' _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 216.
+
+  [100] Sismondi says, under the year 1610, 'Toute l'église catholique
+        croyoit son sort lié à celui de la maison d'Autriche,' _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. xxii. p. 180.
+
+  [101] 'Sa vue dominante fut l'abaissement de la maison d'Autriche.'
+        _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie Française_, vol. iii. p. 81.
+        And, on the early formation of this scheme, see _Mém. de la
+        Rochefoucauld_, vol. i. p. 350. De Retz says, that before
+        Richelieu, no one had even thought of such a step: 'Celui
+        d'attaquer la formidable maison d'Autriche n'avoit été imaginé de
+        personne.' _Mém. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 45. This is rather too
+        strongly expressed; but the whole paragraph is curious, as
+        written by a man who possessed great ability, which De Retz
+        undoubtedly did, and who, though hating Richelieu, could not
+        refrain from bearing testimony to his immense services.
+
+  [102] 'Obwohl Cardinal der römischen Kirche, trug Richelieu kein
+        Bedenken, mit den Protestanten selbst unverhohlen in Bund zu
+        treten,' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_, vol. ii. p. 510. Compare, in
+        _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29, the reproach
+        which the nuncio Spada addressed to Richelieu for treating with
+        the Protestants, 'de la paix qui se traitoit avec les huguenots.'
+        See also _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. v. pp. 236,
+        354-356, 567; and a good passage in _Lavallée_, _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. iii. p. 90,--an able little work, and perhaps the
+        best small history ever published of a great country.
+
+  [103] De Retz mentions a curious illustration of the feelings of the
+        ecclesiastical party respecting this treaty. He says, that the
+        Bishop of Beauvais, who, the year after the death of Richelieu,
+        was for a moment at the head of affairs, began his administration
+        by giving to the Dutch their choice, either to abandon their
+        religion, or else forfeit their alliance with France: 'Et il
+        demanda dès le premier jour aux Hollandois qu'ils se
+        convertissent à la religion catholique, s'ils vouloient demeurer
+        dans l'alliance de France.' _Mém. du Cardinal de Retz_, vol. i.
+        p. 39. This, I suppose, is the original authority for the
+        statement in the _Biog. Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 440; though, as is
+        too often the case in that otherwise valuable work, the writer
+        has omitted to indicate the source of his information.
+
+  [104] In 1626, he attempted to form a league 'en faveur du Palatin,'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 576. Sismondi
+        seems not quite certain as to the sincerity of his proposal; but
+        as to this there can, I think, be little doubt; for it appears
+        from his own memoirs, that even in 1624 he had in view the
+        recovery of the Palatinate. _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 405;
+        and again in 1625, p. 468.
+
+  [105] _Sismondi_, vol. xxiii. p. 173; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i.
+        p. 415; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. vi. pp. 12, 600;
+        and at p. 489: 'Le roi de Suède qui comptoit uniquement sur le
+        cardinal.'
+
+  [106] Compare _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. pp. 74, 75, vol. ii. pp. 92,
+        93, with _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 198; and
+        _Howell's Letters_, p. 247. The different views which occurred to
+        his fertile mind in consequence of the death of Gustavus, are
+        strikingly summed up in _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. vii. pp.
+        272-277. On his subsequent pecuniary advances, see vol. ix.
+        p. 395.
+
+  [107] In 1633, 'les ambassadeurs de France, d'Angleterre et de Hollande
+        mirent à profit le repos de l'hiver pour resserrer la
+        confédération protestante,' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_,
+        vol. xxiii. p. 221. Compare, in _Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy_,
+        vol. i. p. 275, the remark made twenty years later by Christina,
+        daughter of Gustavus, on the union with 'papists.'
+
+These things alone would have made the administration of Richelieu a
+great epoch in the history of European civilization. For his government
+affords the first example of an eminent Catholic statesman
+systematically disregarding ecclesiastical interests, and showing that
+disregard in the whole scheme of his foreign, as well as of his
+domestic, policy. Some instances, indeed, approaching to this, may be
+found, at an earlier period, among the petty rulers of Italian states;
+but, even there, such attempts have never been successful; they had
+never been continued for any length of time, nor had they been carried
+out on a scale large enough to raise them to the dignity of
+international precedents. The peculiar glory of Richelieu is, that his
+foreign policy was, not occasionally, but invariably, governed by
+temporal considerations; nor do I believe that, during the long tenure
+of his power, there is to be found the least proof of his regard for
+those theological interests, the promotion of which had long been looked
+upon as a matter of paramount importance. By thus steadily subordinating
+the church to the state; by enforcing the principle of this
+subordination, on a large scale, with great ability, and with unvarying
+success, he laid the foundation of that purely secular polity, the
+consolidation of which has, since his death, been the aim of all the
+best European diplomatists. The result was a most salutary change, which
+had been for some time preparing, but which, under him, was first
+completed. For, by the introduction of this system, an end was put to
+religious wars; and the chances of peace were increased, by thus
+removing one of the causes to which the interruption of peace had often
+been owing.[108] At the same time, there was prepared the way for that
+final separation of theology from politics, which it will be the
+business of future generations fully to achieve. How great a step had
+been taken in this direction, appears from the facility with which the
+operations of Richelieu were continued by men every way his inferiors.
+Less than two years after his death, there was assembled the Congress of
+Westphalia;[109] the members of which concluded that celebrated peace,
+which is remarkable, as being the first comprehensive attempt to adjust
+the conflicting interests of the leading European countries.[110] In
+this important treaty, ecclesiastical interests were altogether
+disregarded;[111] and the contracting parties, instead of, as
+heretofore, depriving each other of their possessions, took the bolder
+course of indemnifying themselves at the expense of the church, and did
+not hesitate to seize her revenues, and secularize several of her
+bishoprics.[112] From this grievous insult, which became a precedent in
+the public law of Europe, the spiritual power has never recovered; and
+it is remarked by a very competent authority that, since that period,
+diplomatists have, in their official acts, neglected religious
+interests, and have preferred the advocacy of matters relating to the
+commerce and colonies of their respective countries.[113] The truth of
+this observation is confirmed by the interesting fact, that the Thirty
+Years' War, to which this same treaty put an end, is the last great
+religious war which has ever been waged;[114] no civilized people,
+during two centuries, having thought it worth while to peril their own
+safety in order to disturb the belief of their neighbours. This, indeed,
+is but a part of that vast secular movement, by which superstition has
+been weakened, and the civilization of Europe secured. Without, however,
+discussing that subject, I will now endeavour to show how the policy of
+Richelieu, in regard to the French Protestant church, corresponded with
+his policy in regard to the French Catholic church; so, that, in both
+departments, this great statesman, aided by that progress of knowledge
+for which his age was remarkable, was able to struggle with prejudices
+from which men, slowly and with infinite difficulty, were attempting to
+emerge.
+
+  [108] This change may be illustrated by comparing the work of Grotius
+        with that of Vattel. These two eminent men are still respected as
+        the most authoritative expounders of international law; but there
+        is this important difference between them, that Vattel wrote more
+        than a century after Grotius, and when the secular principles
+        enforced by Richelieu had penetrated the minds even of common
+        politicians. Therefore, Vattel says (_Le Droit des Gens_, vol. i.
+        pp. 379, 380): 'On demande s'il est permis de faire alliance avec
+        une nation qui ne professe pas la même religion? Si les traités
+        faits avec les ennemis de la foi sont valides? Grotius a traité
+        la question assez au long. Cette discussion pouvait être
+        nécessaire dans un temps où la fureur des partis obscurcissait
+        encore des principes qu'elle avait long-temps fait oublier, osons
+        croire qu'elle serait superflue dans notre siècle. La loi
+        naturelle seule régit les traités des nations; la différence de
+        religion y est absolument étrangère.' See also p. 318, and vol.
+        ii. p. 151. On the other hand, Grotius opposes alliances between
+        nations of different religion, and says, that nothing can justify
+        them except 'une extrême nécessité.... Car il faut chercher
+        premièrement le règne céleste, c'est à dire penser avant toutes
+        choses à la propagation de l'évangile.' And he further recommends
+        that princes should follow the advice given on this subject by
+        Foulques, Archbishop of Rheims! _Grotius_, _le Droit de la Guerre
+        et de la Paix_, livre ii. chap. xv. sec. xi. vol. i. pp. 485, 486,
+        edit. Barbeyrac, Amsterdam, 1724, 4to; a passage the more
+        instructive, because Grotius was a man of great genius and great
+        humanity. On religious wars, as naturally recognized in barbarous
+        times, see the curious and important work, _Institutes of
+        Timour_, pp. 141, 333, 335.
+
+  [109] 'Le Congrès de Westphalie s'ouvrit le 10 avril 1643.' _Lavallée_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 156. Its two great divisions
+        at Munster and Osnabruck were formed in March 1644. _Flassan_,
+        _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. iii. p. 110. Richelieu died in
+        December, 1642. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxviii. p. 28.
+
+  [110] 'Les règnes de Charles-Quint et de Henri IV font époque pour
+        certaines parties du droit international; mais le point de départ
+        le plus saillant, c'est la paix de Westphalie.' _Eschbach_,
+        _Introduc. à l'Etude du Droit_, Paris, 1846, p. 92. Compare the
+        remarks on Mably, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 7, and
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiv. p. 179: 'base au
+        droit public de l'Europe.'
+
+  [111] Compare the indignation of the pope at this treaty (_Vattel_, _le
+        Droit des Gens_, vol. ii. p. 28), with _Ranke's Päpste_, vol. ii.
+        p. 576: 'Das religiöse Element ist zurückgetreten; die
+        politischen Rücksichten beherrschen die Welt:' a summary of the
+        general state of affairs.
+
+  [112] 'La France obtint par ce traité, en indemnité, la souveraineté des
+        trois évêchés, Metz, Toul et Verdun, ainsi que celle d'Alsace. La
+        satisfaction ou indemnité des autres parties intéressées fut
+        convenue, en grande partie, aux dépens de l'église, et moyennant
+        la sécularisation de plusieurs évêchés et bénéfices
+        ecclésiastiques.' _Koch_, _Tableau des Révolutions_, vol. i. p.
+        328.
+
+  [113] Dr. Vaughan (_Protectorate of Cromwell_, vol. i. p. civ.) says:
+        'It is a leading fact, also, in the history of modern Europe,
+        that, from the peace of Westphalia, in 1648, religion, as the
+        great object of negotiation, began everywhere to give place to
+        questions relating to colonies and commerce.' Charles Butler
+        observed, that this treaty 'considerably lessened the influence
+        of religion on politics.' _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p.
+        181.
+
+  [114] The fact of the Thirty Years' War being a religious contest,
+        formed the basis of one of the charges which the church party
+        brought against Richelieu: and an author, who wrote in 1634,
+        'montroit bien au long que l'alliance du roy de France avec les
+        protestantes étoit contraire aux intérêts de la religion
+        catholique; parce que la guerre des Provinces Unies, et celle
+        d'Allemagne étoient des guerres de religion.' _Benoist_, _Hist.
+        de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 536.
+
+The treatment of the French Protestants by Richelieu is, undoubtedly,
+one of the most honourable parts of his system; and in it, as in other
+liberal measures, he was assisted by the course of preceding events. His
+administration, taken in connexion with that of Henry IV. and the
+queen-regent, presents the noble spectacle of a toleration far more
+complete than any which had then been seen in Catholic Europe. While in
+other Christian countries, men were being incessantly persecuted,
+simply because they held opinions different from those professed by the
+established clergy, France refused to follow the general example, and
+protected those heretics whom the church was eager to punish. Indeed,
+not only were they protected, but, when they possessed abilities, they
+were openly rewarded. In addition to their appointments to civil
+offices, many of them were advanced to high military posts; and Europe
+beheld, with astonishment, the armies of the king of France led by
+heretical generals. Rohan, Lesdiguières, Chatillon, La Force, Bernard de
+Weimar, were among the most celebrated of the military leaders employed
+by Louis XIII.; and all of them were Protestants, as also were some
+younger, but distinguished officers, such as Gassion, Rantzau,
+Schomberg, and Turenne. For now, nothing was beyond the reach of men
+who, half a century earlier, would, on account of their heresies, have
+been persecuted to the death. Shortly before the accession of Louis
+XIII., Lesdiguières, the ablest general among the French Protestants,
+was made marshal of France.[115] Fourteen years later, the same high
+dignity was conferred upon two other Protestants, Chatillon and La
+Force; the former of whom is said to have been the most influential of
+the schismatics.[116] Both these appointments were in 1622;[117] and, in
+1634, still greater scandal was caused by the elevation of Sully, who,
+notwithstanding his notorious heresy, also received the staff of marshal
+of France.[118] This was the work of Richelieu, and it gave serious
+offence to the friends of the church; but the great statesman paid so
+little attention to their clamour, that, after the civil war was
+concluded, he took another step equally obnoxious. The Duke de Rohan was
+the most active of all the enemies of the established church, and was
+looked up to by the Protestants as the main support of their party. He
+had taken up arms in their favour, and, declining to abandon his
+religion, had, by the fate of war, been driven from France. But
+Richelieu, who was acquainted with his ability, cared little about his
+opinions. He, therefore, recalled him from exile, employed him in a
+negotiation with Switzerland, and sent him on foreign service, as
+commander of one of the armies of the king of France.[119]
+
+  [115] According to a contemporary, he received this appointment without
+        having asked for it: 'sans être à la cour ni l'avoir demandé.'
+        _Mém. de Fontenay_, _Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 70. In 1622, even the
+        lieutenants of Lesdiguières were Protestants: 'ses lieutenants,
+        qui estant tous huguenots.' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 538. These memoirs
+        are very valuable in regard to political and military matters;
+        their author having played a conspicuous part in the transactions
+        which he describes.
+
+  [116] 'Il n'y avoit personne dans le parti huguenot si considérable que
+        lui.' _Tallemant des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. v. p. 204.
+
+  [117] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xv. p. 247; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 400.
+
+        [118] Additions to _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. viii. p.
+        496; _Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France_,
+        vol. iii. p. 204.
+
+  [119] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 57; _Mém. de Rohan_, vol. i.
+        pp. 66, 69; _Mém. de Bassompierre_, vol. iii. pp. 324, 348; _Mém.
+        de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 86; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_,
+        vol. vii. p. 157, vol. viii. p. 284. This great rise in the
+        fortunes of Rohan took place at different times between 1632 and
+        1635.
+
+Such were the tendencies which characterized this new state of things.
+It is hardly necessary to observe how beneficial this great change must
+have been; since by it men were encouraged to look to their country as
+the first consideration, and, discarding their old disputes, Catholic
+soldiers were taught to obey heretical generals, and follow their
+standards to victory. In addition to this, the mere social amalgamation,
+arising from the professors of different creeds mixing in the same camp,
+and fighting under the same banner, must have still further aided to
+disarm the mind, partly by merging theological feuds in a common, and
+yet a temporal, object, and partly by showing to each sect, that their
+religious opponents were not entirely bereft of human virtue; that they
+still retained some of the qualities of men; and that it was even
+possible to combine the errors of heresy with all the capabilities of a
+good and competent citizen.[120]
+
+  [120] Late in the sixteenth century, Duplessis Mornay had to state what
+        was then considered by the majority of men an incredible paradox,
+        'que ce n'estoit pas chose incompatible d'estre bon huguenot et
+        bon Françoys tout ensemble.' _Duplessis_, _Mém. et Correspond._
+        vol. i. p. 146. Compare p. 213, vol. ii. pp. 45, 46, 77, 677,
+        vol. vii. p. 294, vol. xi. pp. 31, 68; interesting passages for
+        the history of opinions in France.
+
+But, while the hateful animosities by which France had long been
+distracted, were, under the policy of Richelieu, gradually subsiding, it
+is singular to observe that, though the prejudices of the Catholics
+obviously diminished, those of the Protestants seemed, for a time, to
+retain all their activity. It is, indeed, a striking proof of the
+perversity and pertinacity of such feelings, that it was precisely in
+the country, and at the period, when the Protestants were best treated,
+that they displayed most turbulence. And in this, as in all such cases,
+the cause principally at work was the influence of that class to which
+circumstances, I will now explain, had secured a temporary ascendency.
+
+For, the diminution of the theological spirit had effected in the
+Protestants a remarkable but a very natural result. The increasing
+toleration of the French government had laid open to their leaders
+prizes which before they could never have obtained. As long as all
+offices were refused to the Protestant nobles, it was natural that they
+should cling with the greater zeal to their own party, by whom alone
+their virtues were acknowledged. But, when the principle was once
+recognised, that the state would reward men for their abilities, without
+regard to their religion, there was introduced into every sect a new
+element of discord. The leaders of the Reformers could not fail to feel
+some gratitude, or, at all events, some interest for the government
+which employed them; and the influence of temporal considerations being
+thus strengthened, the influence of religious ties must have been
+weakened. It is impossible that opposite feelings should be paramount,
+at the same moment, in the same mind. The further men extend their view,
+the less they care for each of the details of which the view is
+composed. Patriotism is a corrective of superstition; and the more we
+feel for our country, the less we feel for our sect. Thus it is, that
+in the progress of civilization, the scope of the intellect is widened;
+its horizon is enlarged; its sympathies are multiplied; and, as the
+range of its excursions is increased, the tenacity of its grasp is
+slackened, until, at length, it begins to perceive that the infinite
+variety of circumstances necessarily causes an infinite variety of
+opinions; that a creed, which is good and natural for one man, may be
+bad and unnatural for another; and that, so far from interfering with
+the march of religious convictions, we should be content to look into
+ourselves, search our own hearts, purge our own souls, soften the evil
+of our own passions, and extirpate that insolent and intolerant spirit,
+which is at once the cause and the effect of all theological
+controversy.
+
+It was in this direction, that a prodigious step was taken by the French
+in the first half of the seventeenth century. Unfortunately, however,
+the advantages which arose were accompanied by serious drawbacks. From
+the introduction of temporal considerations among the Protestant
+leaders, there occurred two results of considerable importance. The
+first result was, that many of the Protestants changed their religion.
+Before the Edict of Nantes, they had been constantly persecuted, and
+had, as constantly, increased.[121] But, under the tolerant policy of
+Henry IV. and Louis XIII., they continued to diminish.[122] Indeed, this
+was the natural consequence of the growth of that secular spirit which,
+in every country, has assuaged religious animosities. For, by the action
+of that spirit, the influence of social and political views began to
+outweigh those theological views to which the minds of men had long been
+confined. As these temporal ties increased in strength, there was, of
+course, generated among the rival factions an increased tendency to
+assimilate; while, as the Catholics were not only much more numerous,
+but in every respect, more influential, than their opponents, they
+reaped the benefit of this movement, and gradually drew over to their
+side many of their former enemies. That this absorption of the smaller
+sect into the larger, is due to the cause I have mentioned, is rendered
+still more evident by the interesting fact, that the change began among
+the heads of the party; and that it was not the inferior Protestants who
+first abandoned their leaders, but it was rather the leaders who
+deserted their followers. This was because the leaders, being more
+educated than the great body of the people, were more susceptible to the
+sceptical movement, and therefore set the example of an indifference to
+disputes which still engrossed the popular mind. As soon as this
+indifference had reached a certain point, the attractions offered by the
+conciliating policy of Louis XIII. became irresistible; and the
+Protestant nobles, in particular, being most exposed to political
+temptations, began to alienate themselves from their own party, in order
+to form an alliance with a court which showed itself ready to reward
+their merits.
+
+  [121] See _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. pp. 10, 14,
+        18; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. iii. pp. 181, 242, 357, 358,
+        543, 558, vol. iv. p. 155; _Relat. des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_,
+        vol. i. pp. 412, 536, vol. ii. pp. 66, 74; _Ranke's Civil Wars in
+        France_, vol. i. pp. 279, 280, vol. ii. p. 94.
+
+  [122] Compare _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 173, with _Ranke_, _die
+        Römischen Päpste_, vol. ii. pp. 477-479. In spite of the increase
+        of population, the Protestants diminished absolutely, as well as
+        relatively, to the Catholics. In 1598 they had 760 churches; in
+        1619 only 700. _Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in
+        France_, vol. iii. pp. 46, 145. De Thou, in the preface to his
+        History (vol. i. p. 320), observes, that the Protestants had
+        increased during the wars carried on against them, but
+        'diminuoient en nombre et en crédit pendant la paix.'
+
+It is, of course, impossible to fix the exact period at which this
+important change took place.[123] But we may say with certainty, that
+very early in the reign of Louis XIII. many of the Protestant nobles
+cared nothing for their religion, while the remainder of them ceased to
+feel that interest in it which they had formerly expressed. Indeed, some
+of the most eminent of them openly abandoned their creed, and joined
+that very church which they had been taught to abhor as the man of sin,
+and the whore of Babylon. The Duke de Lesdiguières, the greatest of all
+the Protestant generals,[124] became a Catholic, and, as a reward for
+his conversion, was made constable of France.[125] The Duke de la
+Tremouille adopted the same course;[126] as also did the Duke de la
+Meilleraye,[127] the Duke de Bouillon,[128] and a few years later the
+Marquis de Montausier.[129] These illustrious nobles were among the most
+powerful of the members of the Reformed communion; but they quitted it
+without compunction, sacrificing their old associations in favour of
+the opinions professed by the state. Among the other men of high rank,
+who still remained nominally connected with the French Protestants, we
+find a similar spirit. We find them lukewarm respecting matters, for
+which, if they had been born fifty years earlier, they would have laid
+down their lives. The Maréchal de Bouillon, who professed himself to be
+a Protestant, was unwilling to change his religion; but he so comported
+himself as to show that he considered its interests as subordinate to
+political considerations.[130] A similar remark has been made by the
+French historians concerning the Duke de Sully and the Marquis de
+Chatillon, both of whom, though they were members of the Reformed
+church, displayed a marked indifference to those theological interests
+which had formerly been objects of supreme importance.[131] The result
+was, that when, in 1621, the Protestants began their civil war against
+the government, it was found that of all their great leaders, two only,
+Rohan and his brother Soubise, were prepared to risk their lives in
+support of their religion.[132]
+
+  [123] M. Ranke has noticed how the French Protestant nobles fell off
+        from their party; but he does not seem aware of the remote causes
+        of what he deems a sudden apostasy: 'In dem nämlichen Momente
+        trat nun auch die grosse Wendung der Dinge in Frankreich ein.
+        Fragen wir, woher im Jahr 1621 die Verluste des Protestantismus
+        hauptsächlich kamen, so war es die Entzweiung derselben, der
+        Abfall des Adels.' _Ranke_, _die Päpste_, vol. ii. p. 476.
+        Compare a curious passage in _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 33, from which it appears that in 1611 the
+        French Protestants were breaking into three parties, one of which
+        consisted of 'les seigneurs d'éminente qualité.'
+
+  [124] 'Le plus illustre guerrier du parti protestant.' _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 505. In the contemporary
+        despatches of the Spanish ambassador, he is called 'l'un des
+        huguenots les plus marquans, homme d'un grand poids, et d'un
+        grand crédit.' _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 60. His
+        principal influence was in Dauphiné. _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit
+        de Nantes_, vol. i. p. 236.
+
+  [125] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 293; and a dry remark on his
+        'conversion' in _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 215, which may
+        be compared with _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xviii. p. 132, and
+        _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 195-197. Rohan
+        (_Mém._ vol. i. p. 228) plainly says, 'le duc de Lesdiguières,
+        ayant hardé sa religion pour la charge de connétable de France.'
+        See also p. 91, and _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 37.
+
+  [126] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 67; _Le Vassor_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. v. pp. 809, 810, 865.
+
+  [127] _Tallemant des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 43. La
+        Meilleraye was also a duke; and what is far more in his favour,
+        he was a friend of Descartes. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxviii. pp. 152,
+        153.
+
+  [128] Sismondi (_Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 27) says, 'il
+        abjura en 1637;' but according to Benoist (_Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 550) it was in 1635.
+
+  [129] _Tallemant des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 245. Des
+        Réaux, who saw these changes constantly happening, simply
+        observes, 'notre marquis, voyant que sa religion étoit un
+        obstacle à son dessein, en change.'
+
+  [130] 'Mettoit la politique avant la religion.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. xxii. p. 264. This was Henry Bouillon, whom some
+        writers have confused with Frederick Bouillon. Both of them were
+        dukes; but Henry, who was the father, and who did not actually
+        change his religion, was the marshal. The following notices of
+        him will more than confirm the remark made by Sismondi; _Mém. de
+        Bassompierre_, vol. i. p. 455; _Smedley's Reformed Religion in
+        France_, vol. iii. p. 99; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p.
+        107; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 420, 467,
+        664, vol. iv. p. 519; _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 104, vol.
+        ii. p. 259; _Mém. de Duplessis Mornay_, vol. xi. p. 450, vol.
+        xii. pp. 79, 182, 263, 287, 345, 361, 412, 505.
+
+  [131] _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. pp. 121, 298,
+        vol. ii. pp. 5, 180, 267, 341; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i.
+        p. 267; _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 206.
+        Sully advised Henry IV., on mere political considerations, to
+        become a Catholic; and there were strong, but I believe unfounded
+        rumours, that he himself intended taking the same course. See
+        _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ii. p. 81, vol. vii. pp.
+        362, 363.
+
+  [132] 'There were, among all the leaders, but the Duke de Rohan and his
+        brother the Duke de Soubise, who showed themselves disposed to
+        throw their whole fortunes into the new wars of religion.'
+        _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 241. For this,
+        M. Felice, as usual, quotes no authority; but Rohan himself says:
+        'C'est ce qui s'est passé en cette seconde guerre (1626), où
+        Rohan et Soubise ont eu pour contraires tous les grands de la
+        religion de France.' _Mém. de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 278. Rohan
+        claims great merit for his religious sincerity; though, from a
+        passage in _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 418, and
+        another in _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p.
+        173, one may be allowed to doubt if he were so single-minded as
+        is commonly supposed.
+
+Thus it was, that the first great consequence of the tolerating policy
+of the French government was to deprive the Protestants of the support
+of their former leaders, and, in several instances, even to turn their
+sympathies on the side of the Catholic church. But the other
+consequence, to which I have alluded, was one of far greater moment. The
+growing indifference of the higher classes of Protestants threw the
+management of their party into the hands of the clergy. The post, which
+was deserted by the secular leaders, was naturally seized by the
+spiritual leaders. And as, in every sect, the clergy, as a body, have
+always been remarkable for their intolerance of opinions different to
+their own, it followed, that this change infused into the now mutilated
+ranks of the Protestants an acrimony not inferior to that of the worst
+times of the sixteenth century.[133] Hence it was, that by a singular,
+but perfectly natural combination, the Protestants, who professed to
+take their stand on the right of private judgment, became, early in the
+seventeenth century, more intolerant than the Catholics, who based their
+religion on the dictates of an infallible church.
+
+  [133] Sismondi notices this remarkable change; though he places it a few
+        years earlier than the contemporary writers do: 'Depuis que les
+        grands seigneurs s'étoient éloignés deg églises, c'étoient les
+        ministres qui étoient devenus les chefs, les représentans et les
+        démagogues des huguenots; et ils apportoient dans leurs
+        délibérations cette âpreté et cette inflexibilité théologiques
+        qui semblent caractériser les prêtres de toutes les religions, et
+        qui donnent à leurs haines une amertume plus offensante.'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 87. Compare p.
+        478. In 1621, 'Rohan lui-même voyait continuellement ses
+        opérations contrariées par le conseil-général des églises.'
+        _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 88. In the same
+        year, M. Capefigue (_Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 271) says, 'Le parti
+        modéré cessa d'avoir action sur le prêche; la direction des
+        forces huguenotes, était passée dans les mains des ardents,
+        conduits par les ministres.'
+
+This is one of the many instances which show how superficial is the
+opinion of those speculative writers, who believe that the Protestant
+religion is necessarily more liberal than the Catholic. If those who
+adopt this view had taken the pains to study the history of Europe in
+its original sources, they would have learned, that the liberality of
+every sect depends, not at all on its avowed tenets, but on the
+circumstances in which it is placed, and on the amount of authority
+possessed by its priesthood. The Protestant religion is, for the most
+part, more tolerant than the Catholic, simply because the events which
+have given rise to Protestantism have at the same time increased the
+play of the intellect, and therefore lessened the power of the clergy.
+But whoever has read the works of the great Calvinist divines, and above
+all, whoever has studied their history, must know, that in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, the desire of persecuting their opponents
+burnt as hotly among them, as it did among any of the Catholics even in
+the worst days of the papal dominion. This is a mere matter of fact, of
+which any one may satisfy himself, by consulting the original documents
+of those times. And even now, there is more superstition, more bigotry,
+and less of the charity of real religion, among the lower order of
+Scotch Protestants, than there is among the lower order of French
+Catholics. Yet for one intolerant passage in Protestant theology, it
+would be easy to point out twenty in Catholic theology. The truth,
+however, is, that the actions of men are governed, not by dogmas, and
+text-books, and rubrics, but by the opinions and habits of their
+contemporaries, by the general spirit of their age, and by the character
+of those classes who are in the ascendant. This seems to be the origin
+of that difference between religious theory and religious practice, of
+which theologians greatly complain as a stumbling-block and an evil.
+For, religious theories being preserved in books, in a doctrinal and
+dogmatic form, remain a perpetual witness, and, therefore cannot be
+changed without incurring the obvious charge of inconsistency, or of
+heresy. But the practical part of every religion, its moral, political,
+and social workings, embrace such an immense variety of interests, and
+have to do with such complicated and shifting agencies, that it is
+hopeless to fix them by formularies: they, even in the most rigid
+systems, are left, in a great measure, to private discretion; and, being
+almost entirely unwritten, they lack those precautions by which the
+permanence of dogmas is effectually secured.[134] Hence it is, that
+while the religious doctrines professed by a people in their national
+creed are no criterion of their civilization, their religious practice
+is, on the other hand, so pliant and so capable of adaptation to social
+wants, that it forms one of the best standards by which the spirit of
+any age can be measured.
+
+  [134] The church of Rome has always seen this, and on that account has
+        been, and still is, very pliant in regard to morals, and very
+        inflexible in regard to dogmas; a striking proof of the great
+        sagacity with which her affairs are administered. In _Blanco
+        White's Evidence against Catholicism_, p. 48, and in _Parr's
+        Works_, vol. vii. pp. 454, 455, there is an unfavourable and,
+        indeed, an unjust notice of this peculiarity, which, though
+        strongly marked in the Romish church, is by no means confined to
+        it, but is found in every religious sect which is regularly
+        organized. Locke, in his _Letters on Toleration_, observes, that
+        the clergy are naturally more eager against error than against
+        vice (_Works_, vol. v. pp. 6, 7, 241); and their preference of
+        dogmas to moral truths is also mentioned by M. C. Comte, _Traité
+        de Législat._ vol. i. p. 245; and is alluded to by Kant in his
+        comparison of 'ein moralischer Katechismus' with a
+        'Religionskatechismus.' _Die Metaphysik der Sitten_ (_Ethische
+        Methodenlehre_), in _Kant's Werke_, vol. v. p. 321. Compare
+        _Temple's Observations upon the United Provinces_, in _Works of
+        Sir W. Temple_, vol. i. p. 154, with the strict adhesion to
+        formularies noticed in _Ward's Ideal Church_, p. 358; and
+        analogous cases in _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. i. pp. 399, 400,
+        and in _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iii. p. 87; also
+        _Combe's Notes on the United States_, vol. iii. pp. 256, 257.
+
+It is on account of these things, that we ought not to be surprised
+that, during many years, the French Protestants, who affected to appeal
+to the right of private judgment, were more intolerant of the exercise
+of that judgment by their adversaries than were the Catholics; although
+the Catholics, by recognising an infallible church, ought, in
+consistency, to be superstitious, and may be said to inherit intolerance
+as their natural birthright.[135] Thus, while the Catholics were
+theoretically more bigoted than the Protestants, the Protestants became
+practically more bigoted than the Catholics. The Protestants continued
+to insist upon that right of private judgment in religion, which the
+Catholics continued to deny. Yet, such was the force of circumstances,
+that each sect, in its practice, contradicted its own dogma, and acted
+as if it had embraced the dogma of its opponents. The cause of this
+change was very simple. Among the French, the theological spirit, as we
+have already seen, was decaying; and the decline of the influence of the
+clergy was, as invariably happens, accompanied by an increase of
+toleration. But, among the French Protestants, this partial diminution
+of the theological spirit had produced different consequences; because
+it had brought about a change of leaders, which threw the command into
+the hands of the clergy, and, by increasing their power, provoked a
+reaction, and revived those very feelings to the decay of which the
+reaction owed its origin. This seems to explain how it is, that a
+religion, which is not protected by the government, usually displays
+greater energy and greater vitality than one which is so protected. In
+the progress of society, the theological spirit first declines among the
+most educated classes; and then it is that the government can step in,
+as it does in England, and, controlling the clergy, make the church a
+creature of the state; thus weakening the ecclesiastical element by
+tempering it with secular considerations. But, when the state refuses to
+do this, the reins of power, as they fall from the hands of the upper
+classes, are seized by the clergy, and there arises a state of things
+of which the French Protestants in the seventeenth century, and the
+Irish Catholics in our own time, form the best illustration. In such
+cases, it will always happen, that the religion which is tolerated by
+the government, though not fully recognised by it, will the longest
+retain its vitality; because its priesthood, neglected by the state,
+must cling closer to the people, in whom alone is the source of their
+power.[136] On the other hand, in a religion which is favoured and
+richly endowed by the state, the union between the priesthood and
+inferior laity will be less intimate; the clergy will look to the
+government as well as to the people; and the interference of political
+views, of considerations of temporal expediency, and, if it may be added
+without irreverence, the hopes of promotion will secularize the
+ecclesiastical spirit,[137] and, according to the process I have already
+traced, will thus hasten the march of toleration.
+
+  [135] Blanco White (_Evidence against Catholicism_, p. vi.) harshly
+        says, '_sincere_ Roman Catholics cannot conscientiously be
+        tolerant.' But he is certainly mistaken; for the question is one,
+        not of sincerity, but of consistency. A sincere Roman Catholic
+        may be, and often is, conscientiously tolerant; a consistent
+        Roman Catholic, never.
+
+  [136] We also see this very clearly in England, where the dissenting
+        clergy have much more influence among their hearers than the
+        clergy of the Establishment have among theirs. This has often
+        been noticed by impartial observers, and we are now possessed of
+        statistical proof that 'the great body of Protestant dissenters
+        are more assiduous' in attending religious worship than churchmen
+        are. See a valuable essay by Mr. Mann _On the Statistical
+        Position of Religious Bodies in England and Wales_, in _Journal
+        of Statist. Soc._ vol. xviii. p. 152.
+
+  [137] Respecting the working of this in England, there are some shrewd
+        remarks made by Le Blanc in his _Lettres d'un François_, vol. i.
+        pp. 267, 268; which may be compared with _Lord Holland's Mem. of
+        the Whig Party_, vol. ii. p. 253, where it is suggested, that in
+        the case of complete emancipation of the Catholics, 'eligibility
+        to worldly honours and profits would somewhat abate the fever of
+        religious zeal.' On this, there are observations worth attending
+        to in _Lord Cloncurry's Recollections_, Dublin, 1849, pp. 342,
+        343.
+
+These generalizations, which account for a great part of the present
+superstition of the Irish Catholics, will also account for the former
+superstition of the French Protestants. In both cases, the government
+disdaining the supervision of an heretical religion, allowed supreme
+authority to fall into the hands of the priesthood, who stimulated the
+bigotry of men, and encouraged them in a hatred of their opponents.
+What the results of this are in Ireland, is best known to those of our
+statesmen, who, with unusual candour, have declared Ireland to be their
+greatest difficulty. What the results were in France, we will now
+endeavour to ascertain.
+
+The conciliating spirit of the French government having drawn over to
+its side some of the most eminent of the French Protestants, and having
+disarmed the hostility of others, the leadership of the party fell, as
+we have already seen, into the hands of those inferior men, who
+displayed in their new position the intolerance characteristic of their
+order. Without pretending to write a history of the odious feuds that
+now arose, I will lay before the reader some evidence of their
+increasing bitterness; and I will point out a few of the steps by which
+the angry feelings of religious controversy became so inflamed, that at
+length they kindled a civil war, which nothing but the improved temper
+of the Catholics prevented from being as sanguinary as were the horrible
+struggles of the sixteenth century. For, when the French Protestants
+became governed by men whose professional habits made them consider
+heresy to be the greatest of crimes, there naturally sprung up a
+missionary and proselytizing spirit, which induced them to interfere
+with the religion of the Catholics, and, under the old pretence of
+turning them from the error of their ways, revived those animosities
+which the progress of knowledge tended to appease. And as, under such
+guidance, these feelings quickly increased, the Protestants soon learned
+to despise that great Edict of Nantes, by which their liberties were
+secured; and they embarked in a dangerous contest, in which their object
+was, not to protect their own religion, but to weaken the religion of
+that very party to whom they owed a toleration, which had been
+reluctantly conceded by the prejudices of the age.
+
+It was stipulated, in the Edict of Nantes, that the Protestants should
+enjoy the full exercise of their religion; and this right they continued
+to possess until the reign of Louis XIV. To this there were added
+several other privileges, such as no Catholic Government, except that
+of France, would then have granted to its heretical subjects. But these
+things did not satisfy the desires of the Protestant clergy. They were
+not content to exercise their own religion, unless they could also
+trouble the religion of others. Their first step was, to call upon the
+government to limit the performance of those rites which the French
+Catholics had long revered as emblems of the national faith. For this
+purpose, directly after the death of Henry IV. they held a great
+assembly at Saumur, in which they formally demanded that no Catholic
+processions should be allowed in any town, place, or castle occupied by
+the Protestants.[138] As the government did not seem inclined to
+countenance this monstrous pretension, these intolerant sectaries took
+the law into their own hands. They not only attacked the Catholic
+processions wherever they met them, but they subjected the priests to
+personal insults, and even endeavoured to prevent them from
+administering the sacrament to the sick. If a Catholic clergyman was
+engaged in burying the dead, the Protestants were sure to be present,
+interrupting the funeral, turning the ceremonies into ridicule, and
+attempting, by their clamour, to deaden the voice of the minister, so
+that the service performed in the church should not be heard.[139] Nor
+did they always confine themselves even to such demonstrations as these.
+For, certain towns having been, perhaps imprudently, placed under their
+control, they exercised their authority in them with the most wanton
+insolence. At La Rochelle, which for importance was the second city in
+the kingdom, they would not permit the Catholics to have even a single
+church in which to celebrate what for centuries had been the sole
+religion of France, and was still the religion of an enormous majority
+of Frenchmen.[140] This, however, only formed part of a system, by which
+the Protestant clergy hoped to trample on the rights of their
+fellow-subjects. In 1619, they ordered in their general assembly at
+Loudun, that in none of the Protestant towns should there be a sermon
+preached by a Jesuit, or indeed by any ecclesiastical person
+commissioned by a bishop.[141] In another assembly, they forbade any
+Protestant even to be present at a baptism, or at a marriage, or at a
+funeral, if the ceremony was performed by a Catholic priest.[142] And,
+as if to cut off all hope of reconciliation, they not only vehemently
+opposed those intermarriages between the two parties, by which, in every
+Christian country, religious animosities have been softened, but they
+publicly declared, that they would withhold the sacrament from any
+parents whose children were married into a Catholic family.[143] Not,
+however, to accumulate unnecessary evidence, there is one other
+circumstance worth relating, as a proof of the spirit with which these
+and similar regulations were enforced. When Louis XIII., in 1620,
+visited Pau, he was not only treated with indignity, as being an
+heretical prince, but he found that the Protestants had not left him a
+single church, not one place, in which the king of France, in his own
+territory, could perform those devotions which he believed necessary
+for his future salvation.[144]
+
+  [138] 'Les processions catholiques seraient interdites dans toutes les
+        places, villes et châteaux occupés par ceux de la religion.'
+        _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 39.
+
+  [139] Of these facts we have the most unequivocal proof; for they were
+        not only stated by the Catholics in 1623, but they are recorded,
+        without being denied, by the Protestant historian Benoist: 'On y
+        accusoit les Réformez d'injurier les prêtres, quand ils les
+        voyoient passer; d'empêcher les processions des Catholiques;
+        l'administration des sacremens aux malades; l'enterrement des
+        morts avec les cérémonies accoutumées; ... que les Réformez
+        s'étoient emparez des cloches en quelques lieux, et en d'autres
+        se serroient de celles des Catholiques pour avertir de l'heure du
+        prêche; qu'ils affectoient de faire du bruit autour des églises
+        pendant le service; qu'ils tournoient en dérision les cérémonies
+        de l'église romaine.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 433, 434; see also pp. 149, 150.
+
+  [140] 'On pouvait dire que La Rochelle était la capitale, le saint
+        temple du calvinisme; car on ne voyait là aucune église, aucune
+        cérémonie papiste.' _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 342.
+
+  [141] _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 100. For other and similar
+        evidence, see _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mémoires_, vol. xi. p. 244;
+        _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. vii. p. 164; _Benoist_,
+        _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 70, 233, 279.
+
+  [142] _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. ii. p. 196.
+
+  [143] For a striking instance of the actual enforcement of this
+        intolerant regulation, see _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_,
+        vol. ii. p. 344.
+
+  [144] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 124; _Mém. de
+        Richelieu_, vol. ii. pp. 109, 110; _Felice's Hist. of the
+        Protestants of France_, p. 238.
+
+This was the way in which the French Protestants, influenced by their
+new leaders, treated the first Catholic government which abstained from
+persecuting them; the first which not only allowed them the free
+exercise of their religion, but even advanced many of them to offices of
+trust and of honour.[145] All this, however, was only of a piece with
+the rest of their conduct. They, who in numbers and in intellect formed
+a miserable minority of the French nation, claimed a power which the
+majority had abandoned, and refused to concede to others the toleration
+they themselves enjoyed. Several persons, who had joined their party,
+now quitted it, and returned to the Catholic church; but for exercising
+this undoubted right, they were insulted by the Protestant clergy in the
+grossest manner, with every term of opprobrium and abuse.[146] For those
+who resisted their authority, no treatment was considered too severe. In
+1612, Ferrier, a man of some reputation in his own day, having disobeyed
+their injunctions, was ordered to appear before one of their synods. The
+gist of his offence was, that he had spoken contemptuously of
+ecclesiastical assemblies; and to this there were, of course, added
+those accusations against his moral conduct, with which theologians
+often attempt to blacken the character of their opponents.[147] Readers
+of ecclesiastical history are too familiar with such charges to attach
+any importance to them; but as, in this case, the accused was tried by
+men who were at once his prosecutors, his enemies, and his judges, the
+result was easy to anticipate. In 1613 Ferrier was excommunicated, and
+the excommunication was publicly proclaimed in the church of Nîmes. In
+this sentence, which is still extant, he is declared by the clergy to be
+'a scandalous man, a person incorrigible, impenitent and ungovernable.'
+We, therefore, they add, 'in the name and power of our Lord Jesus
+Christ, by the conduct of the Holy Ghost, and with authority from the
+church, have cast, and do now cast and throw him out of the society of
+the faithful, that he may be delivered up unto Satan.'[148]
+
+  [145] In 1625, Howell writes that the Protestants had put up an
+        inscription on the gates of Montauban, 'Roy sans foy, ville sans
+        peur.' _Howell's Letters_, p. 178.
+
+  [146] Sometimes they were called dogs returning to the vomit of popery;
+        sometimes they were swine wallowing in the mire of idolatry.
+        _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. i. pp. 385, 398.
+
+  [147] It is observable, that on the first occasion (_Quick's Synodicon_,
+        vol. i. p. 362) nothing is said of Ferrier's immorality; and on
+        the next occasion (p. 449) the synod complains, among other
+        things, that 'he hath most licentiously inveighed against, and
+        satirically lampooned, the ecclesiastical assemblies.'
+
+  [148] See this frightful and impious document, in _Quick's Synodicon_,
+        vol. i. pp. 448, 450.
+
+That he may be delivered up unto Satan! This was the penalty which a
+handful of clergymen, in a corner of France, thought they could inflict
+on a man who dared to despise their authority. In our time such an
+anathema would only excite derision;[149] but, early in the seventeenth
+century, the open promulgation of it was enough to ruin any private
+person against whom it might be directed. And they whose studies have
+enabled them to take the measure of the ecclesiastical spirit will
+easily believe that, in that age, the threat did not remain a dead
+letter. The people, inflamed by their clergy, rose against Ferrier,
+attacked his family, destroyed his property, sacked and gutted his
+houses, and demanded with loud cries, that the 'traitor Judas' should be
+given up to them. The unhappy man, with the greatest difficulty,
+effected his escape; but though he saved his life by flying in the dead
+of the night, he was obliged to abandon for ever his native town, as he
+dared not return to a place where he had provoked so active and so
+implacable a party.[150]
+
+  [149] The notion of theologians respecting excommunication may be seen
+        in Mr. Palmer's entertaining book, _Treatise on the Church_, vol.
+        i. pp. 64, 67, vol. ii. pp. 299, 300; but the opinions of this
+        engaging writer should be contrasted with the indignant language
+        of Vattel, _Le Droit des Gens_, vol. i. pp. 177, 178. In England,
+        the terrors of excommunication fell into contempt towards the end
+        of the seventeenth century. See _Life of Archbishop Sharpe_,
+        edited by Newcome, vol. i. p. 216: compare p. 363; and see the
+        mournful remarks of Dr. Mosheim, in his _Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii.
+        p. 79; and _Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs_, pp. 175, 176.
+
+  [150] On the treatment of Ferrier, which excited great attention as
+        indicating the extreme lengths to which the Protestants were
+        prepared to go, see _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 177; _Mém. de
+        Pontchartrain_, vol. ii. pp. 5, 6, 12, 29, 32; _Mém. de Duplessis
+        Mornay_, vol. xii. pp. 317, 333, 341, 350, 389, 399, 430;
+        _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 235; _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 440; _Tallemant des Réaux_, _Historiettes_,
+        vol. v. pp. 48-54. Mr. Smedley, who refers to none of these
+        authorities, except two passages in Duplessis, has given a
+        garbled account of this riot. See his _History of the Reformed
+        Religion in France_, vol. iii. pp. 119, 120.
+
+Into other matters, and even into those connected with the ordinary
+functions of government, the Protestants carried the same spirit.
+Although they formed so small a section of the people, they attempted to
+control the administration of the crown, and, by the use of threats,
+turn all its acts to their own favour. They would not allow the state to
+determine what ecclesiastical councils it should recognize; they would
+not even permit the king to choose his own wife. In 1615, without the
+least pretence of complaint, they assembled in large numbers at Grenoble
+and at Nîmes.[151] The deputies of Grenoble insisted that government
+should refuse to acknowledge the Council of Trent;[152] and both
+assemblies ordered that the Protestants should prevent the marriage of
+Louis XIII. with a Spanish princess.[153] They laid similar claims to
+interfere with the disposal of civil and military offices. Shortly after
+the death of Henry IV., they, in an assembly at Saumur, insisted that
+Sully should be restored to some posts from which, in their opinion, he
+had been unjustly removed.[154] In 1619, another of their assemblies at
+London declared, that as one of the Protestant councillors of the
+Parliament of Paris had become a Catholic, he must be dismissed; and
+they demanded that, for the same reason, the government of Lectoure
+should be taken from Fontrailles, he also having adopted the not
+infrequent example of abandoning his sect in order to adopt a creed
+sanctioned by the state.[155]
+
+  [151] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 123.
+
+  [152] _Capefigue_, vol. i. p. 123; _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_,
+        vol. i. p. 364; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii.
+        p. 183; _Mém. de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 130.
+
+  [153] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 124; _Mém. de Pontchartrain_,
+        vol. ii. p. 100; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp.
+        333, 334. The consequence was, that the king was obliged to send
+        a powerful escort to protect his bride against his Protestant
+        subjects. _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 274.
+
+  [154] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 38; _Benoist_, _Hist. de
+        l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29, 63.
+
+  [155] _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 450; _Mém. de
+        Bassompierre_, vol. ii. p. 161. See a similar instance, in the
+        case of Berger, in _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol.
+        ii. p. 136, whom the Protestants sought to deprive because 'il
+        avoit quitté leur religion.'
+
+By way of aiding all this, and with the view of exasperating still
+further religious animosities, the principal Protestant clergy put forth
+a series of works, which, for bitterness of feeling, have hardly ever
+been equalled, and which it would certainly be impossible to surpass.
+The intense hatred with which they regarded their Catholic countrymen
+can only be fully estimated by those who have looked into the pamphlets
+written by the French Protestants during the first half of the
+seventeenth century, or who have read the laboured and formal treatises
+of such men as Chamier, Drelincourt, Moulin, Thomson, and Vignier.
+Without, however, pausing on these, it will perhaps be thought
+sufficient if, for the sake of brevity, I follow the mere outline of
+political events. Great numbers of the Protestants had joined in the
+rebellion which, in 1615, was raised by Condé;[156] and, although they
+were then easily defeated, they seemed bent on trying the issue of a
+fresh struggle. In Béarn, where they were unusually numerous,[157] they,
+even during the reign of Henry IV., had refused to tolerate the Catholic
+religion; 'their fanatical clergy,' says the historian of France,
+'declaring that it would be a crime to permit the idolatry of the
+mass.'[158] This charitable maxim they for many years actively enforced,
+seizing the property of the Catholic clergy, and employing it in support
+of their own churches;[159] so that, while in one part of the dominions
+of the king of France the Protestants were allowed to exercise their
+religion, they, in another part of his dominions, prevented the
+Catholics from exercising theirs. It was hardly to be expected that any
+government would suffer such an anomaly as this; and, in 1618, it was
+ordered that the Protestants should restore the plunder, and reinstate
+the Catholics in their former possessions. But the reformed clergy,
+alarmed at so sacrilegious a proposal, appointed a public fast, and
+inspiriting the people to resistance, forced the royal commissioner to
+fly from Pau, where he had arrived in the hope of effecting a peaceful
+adjustment of the claims of the rival parties.[160]
+
+  [156] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 381. Sismondi (_Hist.
+        des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 349) says that they had no good
+        reason for this; and it is certain that their privileges, so far
+        from being diminished since the Edict of Nantes, had been
+        confirmed and extended.
+
+  [157] M. Felice (_Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 237) says of
+        Lower Navarre and Béarn, in 1617: 'Three-fourths of the
+        population, some say nine-tenths, belonged to the reformed
+        communion.' This is perhaps overestimated; but we know, from De
+        Thou, that they formed a majority in Béarn in 1566: 'Les
+        Protestans y fussent en plus grand nombre que les Catholiques.'
+        _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. v. p. 187.
+
+  [158] 'Les ministres fanatiques déclaroient qu'ils ne pouvaient sans
+        crime souffrir dans ce pays régénéré l'idolâtrie de la messe.'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 415.
+
+  [159] _Notice sur les Mémoires de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 26. Compare the
+        account given by Pontchartrain, who was one of the ministers of
+        Louis XIII. _Mém. de Pontchartrain_, vol. ii. pp. 248, 264; and
+        see _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 443.
+
+  [160] _Bazin_, _Hist. de France sous Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 62-64.
+        The pith of the question was, that 'l'édit de Nantes ayant donné
+        pouvoir, tant aux catholiques qu'aux huguenots, de rentrer
+        partout dans leurs biens, les ecclésiastiques de Béarn
+        démanderent aussytôt les leurs.' _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol.
+        i. p. 392.
+
+The rebellion thus raised by the zeal of the Protestants, was soon put
+down; but, according to the confession of Rohan, one of the ablest of
+their leaders, it was the beginning of all their misfortunes.[161] The
+sword had now been drawn; and the only question to be decided was,
+whether France should be governed according to the principles of
+toleration recently established, or according to the maxims of a
+despotic sect, which, while professing to advocate the right of private
+judgment, was acting in a way that rendered all private judgment
+impossible.
+
+  [161] 'L'affaire de Béarn, source de tous nos maux.' _Mém. de Rohan_,
+        vol. i. p. 156; see also p. 183. And the Protestant Le Vassor
+        says (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iii. p. 634): 'L'affaire du
+        Béarn et l'assemblée qui se convoqua ensuite à la Rochelle, sont
+        la source véritable des malheurs des églises réformées de France
+        sous le règne dont j'écris l'histoire.'
+
+Scarcely was the war in Béarn brought to an end, when the Protestants
+determined on making a great effort in the west of France.[162] The seat
+of this new struggle was Rochelle, which was one of the strongest
+fortresses in Europe, and was entirely in the hands of the
+Protestants,[163] who had grown wealthy, partly by their own industry
+and partly by following the occupation of public pirates.[164] In this
+city, which they believed to be impregnable,[165] they, in December,
+1620, held a Great Assembly, to which their spiritual chiefs flocked
+from all parts of France. It was soon evident that their party was now
+governed by men who were bent on the most violent measures. Their great
+secular leaders were, as we have already seen, gradually falling off;
+and, by this time, there only remained two of much ability, Rohan and
+Mornay, both of whom saw the inexpediency of their proceedings, and
+desired that the assembly should peaceably separate.[166] But the
+authority of the clergy was irresistible; and, by their prayers and
+exhortations, they easily gained over the ordinary citizens, who were
+then a gross and uneducated body.[167] Under their influence, the
+Assembly adopted a course which rendered civil war inevitable. Their
+first act was an edict, by which they at once confiscated all the
+property belonging to Catholic churches.[168] They then caused a great
+seal to be struck; under the authority of which they ordered that the
+people should be armed, and taxes collected from them for the purpose of
+defending their religion.[169] Finally, they drew up the regulations,
+and organized the establishment of what they called the Reformed
+Churches of France and of Béarn; and, with a view to facilitate the
+exercise of their spiritual jurisdiction, they parcelled out France into
+eight circles, to each of which there was allotted a separate general,
+who, however, was to be accompanied by a clergyman, since the
+administration, in all its parts, was held responsible to that
+ecclesiastical assembly which called it into existence.[170]
+
+  [162] On the connexion between the proceedings of Béarn and those of
+        Rochelle, compare _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 33, with _Mém.
+        de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 113, and _Mém. de Rohan_, vol. i. p.
+        446.
+
+  [163] Their first church was established in 1556 (_Ranke's Civil Wars in
+        France_, vol. i. p. 360); but, by the reign of Charles IX. the
+        majority of the inhabitants were Protestants. See _De Thou_,
+        _Hist. Univ._ vol. iv. p. 263, vol. v. p. 379, ad. ann. 1562 and
+        1567.
+
+  [164] Or, as M. Capefigue courteously puts it, 'les Rochelois ne
+        respectaient pas toujours les pavillons amis.' _Capefigue's
+        Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 332. A delicate circumlocution, unknown to
+        Mezeray who says (_Hist. de France_, vol. iii. p. 426) in 1587:
+        'et les Rochelois, qui par le moyen du commerce et de la
+        _piraterie_,' &c.
+
+  [165] 'Ceste place, que les huguenots tenoient quasy pour imprenable.'
+        _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 512. 'Cette orgueilleuse
+        cité, qui se croyoit imprenable.' _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. p.
+        45. Howell, who visited Rochelle in 1620 and 1622, was greatly
+        struck by its strength. _Howell's Letters_, pp. 46, 47, 108. At
+        p. 204, he calls it, in his barbarous style, 'the chiefest
+        propugnacle of the Protestants there.' For a description of the
+        defences of Rochelle, see _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. vi. pp.
+        615-617; and some details worth consulting in _Mezeray_, _Hist.
+        de France_, vol. ii. pp. 977-980.
+
+  [166] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 139; _Sismondi, Hist.
+        des Français_, vol. xxii. pp. 480, 481. Rohan himself says
+        (_Mém._ vol. i. p. 446): 'je m'efforçai de la séparer.' In a
+        remarkable letter, which Mornay wrote ten years before this, he
+        shows his apprehensions of the evil that would result from the
+        increasing violence of his party; and he advises, 'que nostre
+        zèle soit tempéré de prudence.' _Mém. et Correspond._ vol. xi. p.
+        122; and as to the divisions this caused among the Protestants,
+        see pp. 154, 510, vol. xii. pp. 82, 255; and _Sully_,
+        _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ix. pp. 350, 435.
+
+  [167] 'Les seigneurs du parti, et surtout le sage Duplessis Mornay,
+        firent ce qu'ils purent pour engager les réformés à ne pas
+        provoquer l'autorité royale pour des causes qui ne pouvoient
+        justifier une guerre civile; mais le pouvoir dans le parti avoit
+        passé presque absolument aux bourgeois des villes et aux
+        ministres qui se livroient aveuglement à leur fanatisme, et à
+        leur orgueil, et qui étoient d'autant plus applaudis qu'ils
+        montroient plus de violence.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_,
+        vol. xxii. p. 478.
+
+  [168] 'On confisqua les biens des églises catholiques.' _Lavallée des
+        Français_, vol. iii. p. 85: and see _Capefigue's Richelieu_,
+        vol. i. p. 258.
+
+  [169] 'Ils donnent des commissions d'armer et de faire des impositions
+        sur le peuple, et ce sous leur grand sceau, qui étoit une
+        Religion appuyée sur une croix, ayant en la main un livre de
+        l'évangile, foulant aux pieds un vieux squelette, qu'ils disoient
+        être l'église romaine.' _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 120. M.
+        Capefigue (_Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 259) says that this seal still
+        exists; but it is not even alluded to by a late writer (_Felice_,
+        _Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 240), who systematically
+        suppresses every fact unfavourable to his own party.
+
+  [170] _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. p. 157; _Bazin_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 145; _Benoist_, _Hist. de
+        l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 353-355; _Capefigue's Richelieu_,
+        vol. i. p. 258.
+
+Such were the forms and pomp of authority assumed by the spiritual
+leaders of the French Protestants; men by nature destined to obscurity,
+and whose abilities were so despicable, that, notwithstanding their
+temporary importance, they have left no name in history. These
+insignificant priests, who, at the best, were only fit to mount the
+pulpit of a country village, now arrogated to themselves the right of
+ordering the affairs of France, imposing taxes upon Frenchmen,
+confiscating property, raising troops, levying war; and all this for the
+sake of propagating a creed, which was scouted by the country at large
+as a foul and mischievous heresy.
+
+In the face of these inordinate pretensions, it was evident that the
+French government had no choice, except to abdicate its functions, or
+else take arms in its own defence.[171] Whatever may be the popular
+notion respecting the necessary intolerance of the Catholics, it is an
+indisputable fact, that, early in the seventeenth century, they
+displayed in France a spirit of forbearance, and a Christian charity, to
+which the Protestants could make no pretence. During the twenty-two
+years which elapsed between the Edict of Nantes and the Assembly of
+Rochelle, the government, notwithstanding repeated provocations, never
+attacked the Protestants;[172] nor did they make any attempt to destroy
+the privileges of a sect, which they were bound to consider heretical,
+and the extirpation of which had been deemed by their fathers to be one
+of the first duties of a Christian statesman.
+
+  [171] Even Mosheim, who, as a Protestant, was naturally prejudiced in
+        favour of the Huguenots, says, that they had established
+        'imperium in imperio;' and he ascribes to the violence of their
+        rulers the war of 1621. _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 237, 238.
+
+  [172] Compare _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 88, with
+        _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie Française_, vol. ii. p. 351.
+
+The war that now broke out lasted seven years, and was uninterrupted,
+except by the short peace, first of Montpelier, and afterwards of
+Rochelle; neither of which, however, was very strictly preserved. But
+the difference in the views and intentions of the two parties
+corresponded to the difference between the classes which governed them.
+The Protestants, being influenced mainly by the clergy, made their
+object religious domination. The Catholics being led by statesmen, aimed
+at temporal advantages. Thus it was, that circumstances had in France so
+completely obliterated the original tendency of these two great sects,
+that, by a singular metamorphosis, the secular principle was now
+represented by the Catholics, and the theological principle by the
+Protestants. The authority of the clergy, and therefore the interests of
+superstition, were upheld by that very party which owed its origin to
+the diminution of both; they were, on the other hand, attacked by a
+party whose success had hitherto depended on the increase of both. If
+the Catholics triumphed, the ecclesiastical power would be weakened; if
+the Protestants triumphed, it would be strengthened. Of this fact, so
+far as the Protestants are concerned, I have just given ample proof,
+collected from their proceedings, and from the language of their own
+synods. And that the opposite, or secular principle, predominated among
+the Catholics, is evident, not only from their undeviating policy in the
+reigns of Henry IV. and Louis XIII., but also from another circumstance
+worthy of note. For, their motives were so obvious, and gave such
+scandal to the church, that the pope, as the great protector of
+religion, thought himself bound to reprehend that disregard of
+theological interests which they displayed, and which he considered to
+be a crying and unpardonable offence. In 1622, only one year after the
+struggle between the Protestants and Catholics had begun, he strongly
+remonstrated with the French government upon the notorious indecency of
+which they were guilty, in carrying on war against heretics, not for the
+purpose of suppressing the heresy, but merely with a view of procuring
+for the state those temporal advantages which, in the opinion of all
+pious men, ought to be regarded as of subordinate importance.[173]
+
+  [173] See the paper of instructions from Pope Gregory XV. in the
+        appendix to _Ranke_, _die Röm. Päpste_, vol. iii. pp. 173, 174:
+        'Die Hauptsache aber ist was er dem Könige von Frankreich
+        vorstellen soll: 1, dass er ja nicht den Verdacht auf sich laden
+        werde als verfolge er die Protestanten bloss aus
+        Staatsinteresse.' Bazin (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 320)
+        says, that Richelieu attacked the Huguenots 'sans aucune idée de
+        persécution religieuse.' See, to the same effect, _Capefigue's
+        Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 274; and the candid admissions of the
+        Protestant Le Vassor, in his _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. v.
+        p. 11.
+
+If, at this juncture, the Protestants had carried the day, the loss to
+France would have been immense, perhaps irreparable. For no one, who is
+acquainted with the temper and character of the French Calvinists, can
+doubt, that if they had obtained possession of the government, they
+would have revived those religious persecutions which, so far as their
+power extended, they had already attempted to enforce. Not only in their
+writings, but even in the edicts of their assemblies, we find ample
+proof of that meddling and intolerant spirit which, in every age, has
+characterized ecclesiastical legislation. Indeed, such a spirit is the
+legitimate consequence of the fundamental assumption from which
+theological lawgivers usually start. The clergy are taught to consider
+that their paramount duty is to preserve the purity of the faith, and
+guard it against the invasions of heresy. Whenever, therefore, they rise
+to power, it almost invariably happens, that they carry into politics
+the habits they have contracted in their profession; and having long
+been accustomed to consider religious error as criminal, they now
+naturally attempt to make it penal. And as all the European countries
+have, in the period of their ignorance, been once ruled by the clergy,
+just so do we find in the law-books of every land those traces of their
+power which the progress of knowledge is gradually effacing. We find the
+professors of the dominant creed enacting laws against the professors of
+other creeds: laws sometimes to burn them, sometimes to exile them,
+sometimes to take away their civil rights, sometimes only to take away
+their political rights. These are the different gradations through which
+persecution passes; and by observing which, we may measure, in any
+country, the energy of the ecclesiastical spirit. At the same time, the
+theory by which such measures are supported generally gives rise to
+other measures of a somewhat different, though of an analogous
+character. For, by extending the authority of law to opinions as well as
+to acts, the basis of legislation becomes dangerously enlarged; the
+individuality and independence of each man are invaded; and
+encouragement is given to the enactment of intrusive and vexatious
+regulations, which are supposed to perform for morals the service that
+the other class of laws performs for religion. Under pretence of
+favouring the practice of virtue, and maintaining the purity of society,
+men are troubled in their most ordinary pursuits, in the commonest
+occurrences of life, in their amusements, nay, even in the very dress
+they may be inclined to wear. That this is what has actually been done,
+must be known to whoever has looked into the writings of the fathers,
+into the canons of Christian councils, into the different systems of
+ecclesiastical law, or into the sermons of the earlier clergy. Indeed,
+all this is so natural, that regulations, conceived in the same spirit,
+were drawn up for the government of Geneva by the Calvinist clergy, and
+for the government of England by Archbishop Cranmer and his coadjutors;
+while a tendency, precisely identical, may be observed in the
+legislation of the Puritans, and to give a still later instance, in that
+of the Methodists. It is, therefore, not surprising that, in France, the
+Protestant clergy, having great power among their own party, should
+enforce a similar discipline. Thus, to mention only a few examples,
+they forbade any one to go to a theatre, or even to witness the
+performance of private theatricals.[174] They looked upon dancing as an
+ungodly amusement, and, therefore, they not only strictly prohibited it,
+but they ordered that all dancing-masters should be admonished
+by the spiritual power, and desired to abandon so unchristian a
+profession. If, however, the admonition failed in effecting its
+purpose, the dancing-masters, thus remaining obdurate, were to be
+excommunicated.[175] With the same pious care did the clergy superintend
+other matters equally important. In one of their synods, they ordered
+that all persons should abstain from wearing gay apparel, and should
+arrange their hair with becoming modesty.[176] In another synod, they
+forbade women to paint; and they declared that if, after this
+injunction, any woman persisted in painting, she should not be allowed
+to receive the sacrament.[177] To their own clergy, as the instructors
+and shepherds of the flock, there was paid an attention still more
+scrupulous. The ministers of the Word were permitted to teach Hebrew,
+because Hebrew is a sacred dialect, uncontaminated by profane writers.
+But the Greek language, which contains all the philosophy and nearly all
+the wisdom of antiquity, was to be discouraged, its study laid aside,
+its professorship suppressed.[178] And, in order that the mind might not
+be distracted from spiritual things, the study of chemistry was likewise
+forbidden; such a mere earthly pursuit being incompatible with the
+habits of the sacred profession.[179] Lest, however, in spite of these
+precautions, knowledge should still creep in among the Protestants,
+other measures were taken to prevent even its earliest approach. The
+clergy, entirely forgetting that right of private judgment upon which
+their sect was founded, became so anxious to protect the unwary from
+error, that they forbade any person to print or publish a work without
+the sanction of the church; in other words, without the sanction of the
+clergy themselves.[180] When, by these means, they had destroyed the
+possibility of free inquiry, and, so far as they were able, had put a
+stop to the acquisition of all real knowledge, they proceeded to guard
+against another circumstance to which their measures had given rise.
+For, several of the Protestants, seeing that under such a system, it was
+impossible to educate their families with advantage, sent their children
+to some of those celebrated Catholic colleges, where alone a sound
+education could then be obtained. But the clergy, so soon as they heard
+of this practice, put an end to it, by excommunicating the offending
+parents;[181] and to this there was added an order forbidding them to
+admit into their own private houses any tutor who professed the Catholic
+religion.[182] Such was the way in which the French Protestants were
+watched over and protected by their spiritual masters. Even the minutest
+matters were not beneath the notice of these great legislators. They
+ordered that no person should go to a ball or masquerade;[183] nor ought
+any Christian to look at the tricks of conjurors, or at the famous game
+of goblets, or at the puppet-show; neither was he to be present at
+morris-dances; for all such amusements should be suppressed by the
+magistrates, because they excite curiosity, cause expense, waste
+time.[184] Another thing to be attended to, is the names that are
+bestowed in baptism. A child may have two christian names, though one is
+preferable.[185] Great care, however, is to be observed in their
+selection. They ought to be taken from the Bible, but they ought not to
+be Baptist or Angel; neither should any infant receive a name which has
+been formerly used by the Pagans.[186] When the children are grown up,
+there are other regulations to which they must be subject. The clergy
+declared that the faithful must by no means let their hair grow long,
+lest by so doing they indulge in the luxury of 'lascivious curls.'[187]
+They are to make their garments in such a manner as to avoid 'the
+new-fangled fashions of the world:' they are to have no tassels to their
+dress: their gloves must be without silk and ribbons: they are to
+abstain from fardingales: they are to beware of wide sleeves.[188]
+
+  [174] _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. i. p. 62.
+
+  [175] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. lvii. 17, 131, vol. ii. p. 174.
+
+  [176] 'And both sexes are required to keep modesty in their hair,' &c.
+        _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 119.
+
+  [177] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. p. 165.
+
+  [178] The synod of Alez, in 1620, says, 'A minister may at the same time
+        be professor in divinity and of the Hebrew tongue. But it is not
+        seemly for him to profess the Greek also, because the most of his
+        employment will be taken up in the exposition of Pagan and
+        profane authors, unless he be discharged from the ministry.'
+        _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. ii. p. 57. Three years later, the synod
+        of Charenton suppressed altogether the Greek professorships, 'as
+        being superfluous and of small profit.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 115.
+
+  [179] The synod of St. Maixant, in 1609, orders that 'colloquies and
+        synods shall have a watchful eye over those ministers who study
+        chemistry, and grievously reprove and censure them.' _Ibid._ vol.
+        i. p. 314.
+
+  [180] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. 140, 194, vol. ii. p. 110.
+
+  [181] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. pp. lv. 235, 419, vol. ii. pp. 201,
+        509, 515. Compare _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii.
+        p. 473.
+
+  [182] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. ii. p. 81.
+
+  [183] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 174.
+
+  [184] 'All Christian magistrates are advised not in the least to suffer
+        them, because it feeds foolish curiosity, puts upon unnecessary
+        expenses, and wastes time,' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 194.
+
+  [185] This was a very knotty question for the theologians; but it was at
+        length decided in the affirmative by the synod of Saumur: 'On the
+        13th article of the same chapter, the deputies of Poicton
+        demanded, whether two names might be given a child at baptism? To
+        which it was replied: The thing was indifferent; however, parents
+        were advised to observe herein Christian simplicity.' _Ibid._
+        vol. i. p. 178.
+
+  [186] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. xlvi. 25.
+
+  [187] I quote the language of the synod of Castres, in 1626. _Ibid._
+        vol. ii. p. 174.
+
+  [188] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. p. 165, vol. ii. pp. 7, 174, 574,
+        583. In the same way, the Spanish clergy, early in the present
+        century, attempted to regulate the dress of women. See _Doblado's
+        Letters from Spain_, pp. 202-205: a good illustration of the
+        identity of the ecclesiastical spirit, whether it be Catholic or
+        Protestant.
+
+Those readers who have not studied the history of ecclesiastical
+legislation, will perhaps be surprised to find, that men of gravity, men
+who had reached the years of discretion, and were assembled together in
+solemn council, should evince such a prying and puerile spirit; that
+they should display such miserable and childish imbecility. But, whoever
+will take a wider survey of human affairs, will be inclined to blame,
+not so much the legislators, as the system of which the legislators
+formed a part. For as to the men themselves, they merely acted after
+their kind. They only followed the traditions in which they were bred.
+By virtue of their profession, they had been accustomed to hold certain
+views, and, when they rose to power, it was natural that they should
+carry those views into effect; thus transplanting into the law-book the
+maxims they had already preached in the pulpit. Whenever, therefore, we
+read of meddling, inquisitive, and vexatious regulations imposed by
+ecclesiastical authority, we should remember, that they are but the
+legitimate result of the ecclesiastical spirit; and that the way to
+remedy such grievances, or to prevent their occurrence, is not by vainly
+labouring to change the tendencies of that class from whence they
+proceed, but rather by confining the class within its proper limits, by
+jealously guarding against its earliest encroachments, by taking every
+opportunity of lessening its influence, and finally, when the progress
+of society will justify so great a step, by depriving it of that
+political and legislative power which, though gradually falling from its
+hands, it is, even in the most civilized countries, still allowed in
+some degree to retain.
+
+But, setting aside these general considerations, it will, at all events,
+be admitted, that I have collected sufficient evidence to indicate what
+would have happened to France, if the Protestants had obtained the upper
+hand. After the facts which I have brought forward, no one can possibly
+doubt, that if such a misfortune had occurred, the liberal, and,
+considering the age, the enlightened policy of Henry IV. and Louis XIII.
+would have been destroyed, in order to make way for that gloomy and
+austere system, which, in every age and in every country, has been found
+to be the natural fruit of ecclesiastical power. To put, therefore, the
+question in its proper form, instead of saying that there was a war
+between hostile creeds, we should rather say that there was a war
+between rival classes. It was a contest, not so much between the
+Catholic religion and the Protestant religion, as between Catholic
+laymen and Protestant clergy. It was a struggle between temporal
+interests and theological interests,--between the spirit of the present
+and the spirit of the past. And the point now at issue was, whether
+France should be governed by the civil power or by the spiritual
+power,--whether she should be ruled according to the large views of
+secular statesmen, or according to the narrow notions of a factious and
+intolerant priesthood.
+
+The Protestants having the great advantage of being the aggressive
+party, and being, moreover, inflamed by a religious zeal unknown to
+their opponents, might, under ordinary circumstances, have succeeded in
+their hazardous attempt; or, at all events, they might have protracted
+the struggle for an indefinite period. But, fortunately for France, in
+1624, only three years after the war began, Richelieu assumed the
+direction of the government. He had for some years been the secret
+adviser of the queen-mother, into whose mind he had always inculcated
+the necessity of complete toleration.[189] When placed at the head of
+affairs, he pursued the same policy, and attempted in every way to
+conciliate the Protestants. The clergy of his own party were constantly
+urging him to exterminate the heretics, whose presence they thought
+polluted France.[190] But Richelieu, having only secular objects,
+refused to embitter the contest by turning it into a religious war. He
+was determined to chastise the rebellion, but he would not punish the
+heresy. Even while the war was raging, he would not revoke those edicts
+of toleration by which the full liberty of religious worship was
+granted to the Protestants. And when they, in 1626, showed signs of
+compunction, or at all events of fear, he publicly confirmed the Edict
+of Nantes,[191] and he granted them peace; although, as he says, he knew
+that by doing so he should fall under the suspicion of those 'who so
+greatly affected the name of zealous Catholics.'[192] A few months
+afterwards, war again broke out; and then it was that Richelieu
+determined on that celebrated siege of Rochelle, which, if brought to a
+successful issue, was sure to be a decisive blow against the French
+Protestants. That he was moved to this hazardous undertaking solely by
+secular considerations is evident, not only from the general spirit of
+his preceding policy, but also from his subsequent conduct. With the
+details of this famous siege history is not concerned, as such matters
+have no value except to military readers. It is enough to say that, in
+1628, Rochelle was taken; and the Protestants, who had been induced by
+their clergy[193] to continue to resist long after relief was hopeless,
+and who, in consequence, had suffered the most dreadful hardships, were
+obliged to surrender at discretion.[194] The privileges of the town were
+revoked, and its magistrates removed; but the great minister by whom
+these things were effected, still abstained from that religious
+persecution to which he was urged.[195] He granted to the Protestants
+the toleration which he had offered at an earlier period, and he
+formally conceded the free exercise of their public worship.[196] But,
+such was their infatuation, that because he likewise restored the
+exercise of the Catholic religion, and thus gave to the conquerors the
+same liberty that he had granted to the conquered, the Protestants
+murmured at the indulgence; they could not bear the idea that their eyes
+should be offended by the performance of Popish rites.[197] And their
+indignation waxed so high, that in the next year they, in another part
+of France, again rose in arms. As, however, they were now stripped of
+their principal resources, they were easily defeated; and, their
+existence as a political faction being destroyed, they were, in
+reference to their religion, treated by Richelieu in the same manner as
+before.[198] To the Protestants generally, he confirmed the privilege of
+preaching and of performing the other ceremonies of their creed.[199] To
+their leader, Rohan, he granted an amnesty, and, a few years afterwards,
+employed him in important public services. After this, the hopes of the
+party were destroyed; they never again rose in arms, nor do we find any
+mention of them until a much later period, when they were barbarously
+persecuted by Louis XIV.[200] But from all such intolerance Richelieu
+sedulously abstained; and having now cleared the land from rebellion, he
+embarked in that vast scheme of foreign policy, of which I have already
+given some account, and in which he clearly showed that his proceedings
+against the Protestants had not been caused by hatred of their religious
+tenets. For, the same party which he attacked at home, he supported
+abroad. He put down the French Protestants, because they were a
+turbulent faction that troubled the state, and wished to suppress the
+exercise of all opinions unfavourable to themselves. But so far from
+carrying on a crusade against their religion, he, as I have already
+observed, encouraged it in other countries; and, though a bishop of the
+Catholic church, he did not hesitate, by treaties, by money, and by
+force of arms, to support the Protestants against the House of Austria,
+maintain the Lutherans against the Emperor of Germany, and uphold the
+Calvinists against the King of Spain.
+
+  [189] On his influence over her in and after 1616, see _Le Vassor_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 508; _Mém. de Pontchartrain_,
+        vol. ii. p. 240; _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 23; and compare,
+        in _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. pp. 198-200, the curious
+        arguments which he put in her mouth respecting the impolicy of
+        making war on the Protestants.
+
+  [190] In 1625, the Archbishop of Lyons wrote to Richelieu, urging him
+        'assiéger la Rochelle, et châtier ou, pour mieux dire, exterminer
+        les huguenots, toute autre affaire cessante.' _Bazin_, _Hist. de
+        Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 276. See also, on the anxiety of the
+        clergy in the reign of Louis XIII. to destroy the Protestants,
+        _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 155, 166,
+        232, 245, 338, 378, 379, 427; _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_,
+        vol. xxii. p. 485.
+
+  [191] He confirmed it in March 1626; _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie
+        Française_, vol. ii. p. 399; and also in the preceding January.
+        See _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. appendix,
+        pp. 77, 81.
+
+  [192] 'Ceux qui affectent autant le nom de zélés catholiques.' _Mém. de
+        Richelieu_, vol. iii. p. 16; and at p. 2, he, in the same year
+        (1626), says, that he was opposed by those who had 'un trop
+        ardent et précipité désir de ruiner les huguenots.'
+
+  [193] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 66.
+
+  [194] On the sufferings of the inhabitants, see extract from the Dupuis
+        Mss., in _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 351. Fontenay
+        Mareuil, who was an eye-witness, says, that the besieged, in some
+        instances, ate their own children; and that the burial-grounds
+        were guarded, to prevent the corpses from being dug up and turned
+        into food. _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 119.
+
+  [195] And in which he would most assuredly have been supported by Louis
+        XIII.; of whom an intelligent writer says 'Il étoit plein de
+        piété et de zèle pour le service de Dieu et pour la grandeur de
+        l'église; et sa plus sensible joie, en prenant La Rochelle et les
+        autres places qu'il prit, fut de penser qu'il chasseroit de son
+        royaume les hérétiques, et qu'il le purgeroit par cette voie des
+        différentes religions qui gâtent et infectent l'église de Dieu.'
+        _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. i. p. 425, edit. Petitot, 1824.
+
+  [196] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 423; _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. p. 77; _Capefigue's Richelieu_,
+        vol. i. p. 357; _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 122.
+
+  [197] 'Les huguenots murmuraient de voir le rétablissement de l'église
+        romaine au sein de leur ville.' _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i.
+        p. 359.
+
+  [198] 'Dès qu'il ne s'agit plus d'un parti politique, il concéda, comme
+        à la Rochelle, la liberté de conscience et la faculté de prêche.'
+        _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 381. Compare _Smedley's Hist.
+        of the Reformed Religion in France_, vol. iii. p. 201, with
+        _Mémoires de Richelieu_, vol. iv. p. 484.
+
+  [199] The Edict of Nismes, in 1629, an important document, will be
+        found in _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. pp. xcvi.-ciii., and in
+        _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. appendix, pp.
+        92-98; and a commentary on it in _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 36-38. M. Bazin, unfortunately for the reputation
+        of this otherwise valuable work, never quotes his authorities.
+
+  [200] In 1633, their own historian says: 'les Réformez ne faisoient plus
+        de party.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p.
+        532. Compare Sir Thomas Hanmer's account of France in 1648, in
+        _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_, p. 309, Lond. 1838.
+
+I have thus endeavoured to draw a slight, though, I trust, a clear
+outline, of the events which took place in France during the reign of
+Louis XIII., and particularly during that part of it which included the
+administration of Richelieu. But such occurrences, important as they
+are, only formed a single phase of that larger development which was now
+displaying itself in nearly every branch of the national intellect. They
+were the mere political expression of that bold and sceptical spirit
+which cried havoc to the prejudices and superstitions of men. For, the
+government of Richelieu was successful, as well as progressive; and no
+government can unite these two qualities, unless its measures harmonize
+with the feelings and temper of the age. Such an administration, though
+it facilitates progress, is not the cause of it, but is rather its
+measure and symptom. The cause of the progress lies far deeper, and is
+governed by the general tendency of the time. And as the different
+tendencies observable in successive generations depend on the difference
+in their knowledge, it is evident, that we can only understand the
+working of the tendencies, by taking a wide view of the amount and
+character of the knowledge. To comprehend, therefore, the real nature of
+the great advance made during the reign of Louis XIII., it becomes
+necessary that I should lay before the reader some evidence respecting
+those higher and more important facts, which historians are apt to
+neglect, but without which the study of the past is an idle and trivial
+pursuit, and history itself a barren field, which, bearing no fruit, is
+unworthy of the labour that is wasted on the cultivation of so
+ungrateful a soil.
+
+It is, indeed, a very observable fact, that while Richelieu, with such
+extraordinary boldness, was secularizing the whole system of French
+politics, and by his disregard of ancient interests, was setting at
+naught the most ancient traditions, a course precisely similar was being
+pursued, in a still higher department, by a man greater than he; by one,
+who, if I may express my own opinion, is the most profound among the
+many eminent thinkers France has produced. I speak of Réné Descartes, of
+whom the least that can be said is, that he effected a revolution more
+decisive than has ever been brought about by any other single mind. With
+his mere physical discoveries we are not now concerned, because in this
+Introduction I do not pretend to trace the progress of science, except
+in those epochs which indicate a new turn in the habits of national
+thought. But I may remind the reader, that he was the first who
+successfully applied algebra to geometry;[201] that he pointed out the
+important law of the sines;[202] that in an age in which optical
+instruments were extremely imperfect, he discovered the changes to which
+light is subjected in the eye by the crystalline lens;[203] that he
+directed attention to the consequences resulting from the weight of the
+atmosphere;[204] and that he, moreover, detected the causes of the
+rainbow,[205] that singular phenomenon, with which, in the eyes of the
+vulgar, some theological superstitions are still connected.[206] At the
+same time, and as if to combine the most varied forms of excellence, he
+is not only allowed to be the first geometrician of the age,[207] but
+by the clearness and admirable precision of his style, he became one of
+the founders of French prose.[208] And although he was constantly
+engaged in those lofty inquiries into the nature of the human mind,
+which can never be studied without wonder, I had almost said can never
+be read without awe, he combined with them a long course of laborious
+experiment upon the animal frame, which raised him to the highest rank
+among the anatomists of his time.[209] The great discovery made by
+Harvey of the circulation of the blood, was neglected by most of his
+contemporaries;[210] but it was at once recognized by Descartes, who
+made it the basis of the physiological part of his work on Man.[211] He
+likewise adopted the discovery of the lacteals by Aselli,[212] which,
+like every great truth yet laid before the world, was, at its first
+appearance, not only disbelieved, but covered with ridicule.[213]
+
+  [201] Thomas (_Eloge_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 32) says,
+        'cet instrument, c'est Descartes qui l'a créé; c'est
+        l'application de l'algèbre à la géométrie.' And this, in the
+        highest sense, is strictly true; for although Vieta and two or
+        three others in the sixteenth century had anticipated this step,
+        we owe entirely to Descartes the magnificent discovery of the
+        possibility of applying algebra to the geometry of curves, he
+        being undoubtedly the first who expressed them by algebraic
+        equations. See _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathémat._ vol. i. pp. 704,
+        705, vol. ii. p. 120, vol. iii. p. 64.
+
+  [202] The statements of Huygens and of Isaac Vossius to the effect that
+        Descartes had seen the papers of Snell before publishing his
+        discovery, are unsupported by any direct evidence; at least none
+        of the historians of science, so far as I am aware, have brought
+        forward any. So strong, however, is the disposition of mankind at
+        large to depreciate great men, and so general is the desire to
+        convict them of plagiarism, that this charge, improbable in
+        itself, and only resting on the testimony of two envious rivals,
+        has been not only revived by modern writers, but has been, even
+        in our own time, spoken of as a well-established and notorious
+        fact! The flimsy basis of this accusation is clearly exposed by
+        M. Bordas Demoulin, in his valuable work _Le Cartesianisme_,
+        Paris, 1843, vol. ii. pp. 9-12; while, on the other side of the
+        question, I refer with regret to _Sir D. Brewster on the Progress
+        of Optics, Second Report of British Association_, pp. 309, 310;
+        and to _Whewell's Hist. of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. ii. pp.
+        379, 502, 503.
+
+  [203] See the interesting remarks of Sprengel (_Hist. de la Médecine_,
+        vol. iv. pp. 271, 272), and _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv.
+        pp. 371 seq. What makes this the more observable is this: that
+        the study of the crystalline lens was neglected long after the
+        death of Descartes, and no attempt made for more than a hundred
+        years to complete his views by ascertaining its intimate
+        structure. Indeed, it is said (_Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, p.
+        512) that the crystalline lens and the two humours were first
+        analyzed in 1802. Compare _Simon's Animal Chemistry_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 419-421; _Henle_, _Traité d'Anatomie_, vol. i. p. 357;
+        _Lepelletier_, _Physiologie Médicale_, vol. iii. p. 160; _Mayo's
+        Human Physiol._, p. 279; _Blainville_, _Physiol. comparée_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 325-328; none of whom refer to any analysis earlier than
+        the nineteenth century. I notice this partly as a contribution to
+        the history of our knowledge, and partly as proving how slow men
+        have been in following Descartes, and in completing his views;
+        for, as M. Blanville justly observes, the chemical laws of the
+        lens must be understood, before we can exhaustively generalize
+        the optical laws of its refraction; so that, in fact, the
+        researches of Berzelius on the eye are complemental to those of
+        Descartes. The theory of the limitation of the crystalline lens
+        according to the descending scale of the animal kingdom, and the
+        connexion between its development and a general increase of
+        sensuous perception, seem to have been little studied; but Dr.
+        Grant (_Comparative Anatomy_, p. 252) thinks that the lens exists
+        in some of the rotifera; while in regard to its origin, I find a
+        curious statement in _Müller's Physiology_, vol. i. p. 450, that
+        after its removal in mammals, it has been reproduced by its
+        matrix, the capsule. (If this can be relied on, it will tell
+        against the suggestion of Schwann, who supposes, in his
+        _Microscopical Researches_, 1847, pp. 87, 88, that its mode of
+        life is vegetable, and that it is not 'a secretion of its
+        capsule'). As to its probable existence in the hydrozoa, see
+        _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, 1855, p. 96, 'regarded either as
+        a crystalline lens, or an otolithe;' and as to its embryonic
+        development, see _Burdach_, _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 435-438.
+
+  [204] Torricelli first weighed the air in 1643. _Brande's Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 360; _Leslie's Natural Philosophy_, p. 419: but there
+        is a letter from Descartes, written as early as 1631, 'où il
+        explique le phénomène de la suspension du mercure dans un tuyau
+        fermé par en haut, en l'attribuant au poids de la colonne d'air
+        élevée jusqu'au delà des nues.' _Bordas Demoulin_, _le
+        Cartésianisme_, vol. i. p. 311. And Montucla (_Hist. des
+        Mathémat._ vol. ii. p. 205) says of Descartes, 'nous avons des
+        preuves que ce philosophe reconnut avant Torricelli la pesanteur
+        de l'air.' Descartes himself says, that he suggested the
+        subsequent experiment of Pascal. _[OE]uvres de Descartes_,
+        vol. x. pp. 344, 351.
+
+  [205] Dr. Whewell, who has treated Descartes with marked injustice, does
+        nevertheless allow that he is 'the genuine author of the
+        explanation of the rainbow.' _Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 380, 384. See also _Boyle's Works_, vol. iii. p. 189;
+        _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 364; _Hallam's Lit. of
+        Europe_, vol. iii. p. 205; _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp.
+        47, 48, vol. v. pp. 265-284. On the theory of the rainbow as
+        known in the present century, see _Kaemtz_, _Course of
+        Meteorology_, pp. 440-445; and _Forbes on Meteorology_, pp.
+        125-130, in _Report of British Association_ for 1840. Compare
+        _Leslie's Natural Philosophy_, p. 531; _Pouillet_, _Elémens de
+        Physique_, vol. ii. p. 788.
+
+  [206] The Hebrew notion of the rainbow is well known; and for the ideas
+        of other nations on this subject, see _Prichard's Physical
+        History of Mankind_, vol. v. pp. 154, 176; _Kame's Sketches of
+        the History of Man_, vol. iv. p. 252, Edinb. 1788; and
+        _Burdache's Physiologie_, vol. v. pp. 546, 547, Paris, 1839.
+
+  [207] Thomas calls him 'le plus grand géomètre de son siècle.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 89. Sir W. Hamilton
+        (_Discussions on Philosophy_, p. 271) says, 'the greatest
+        mathematician of the age;' and Montucla can find no one but Plato
+        to compare with him: 'On ne sauroit donner une idée plus juste de
+        ce qu'a été l'époque de Descartes dans la géométrie ancienne....
+        De même enfin que Platon prépara par sa découverte celles des
+        Archimède, des Apollonius, &c., on peut dire que Descartes a
+        jetté les fondemens de celles qui illustrent aujourd'hui les
+        Newton, les Leibnitz, &c.' _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathémat._
+        vol. ii. p. 112.
+
+  [208] 'Descartes joint encore à ses autres titres, celui d'avoir été un
+        des créateurs de notre langue.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 154.
+        Sir James Mackintosh (_Dissert. on Ethical Philos._ p. 186) has
+        also noticed the influence of Descartes in forming the style of
+        French writers; and I think that M. Cousin has somewhere made a
+        similar remark.
+
+  [209] Thomas says, 'Descartes eut aussi la gloire d'être un des premiers
+        anatomistes de son siècle.' _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p.
+        55; see also p. 101. In 1639, Descartes writes to Mersenne
+        (_[OE]uvres_, vol. viii. p. 100) that he had been engaged 'depuis
+        onze ans' in studying comparative anatomy by dissection. Compare
+        p. 174, and vol. i. pp. 175-184.
+
+  [210] Dr. Whewell (_Hist. of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 440)
+        says: 'It was for the most part readily accepted by his
+        countrymen; but that abroad it had to encounter considerable
+        opposition.' For this no authority is quoted; and yet one would
+        be glad to know who told Dr. Whewell that the discovery was
+        readily accepted. So far from meeting in England with ready
+        acceptance, it was during many years most universally denied.
+        Aubrey was assured by Harvey that, in consequence of his book on
+        the Circulation of the Blood, he lost much of his practice, was
+        believed to be crackbrained, and was opposed by 'all the
+        physicians.' _Aubrey's Letters and Lives_, vol. ii. p. 383. Dr.
+        Willis (_Life of Harvey_, p. xli., in _Harvey's Works_, edit.
+        Sydenham Society, 1847) says 'Harvey's views were at first
+        rejected almost universally.' Dr. Elliotson (_Human Physiology_,
+        p. 194) says, 'His immediate reward was general ridicule and
+        abuse, and a great diminution of his practice.' Broussais
+        (_Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. i. p. vii.) says, 'Harvey
+        passa pour fou quand il annonça la découverte de la circulation.'
+        Finally, Sir William Temple, who belongs to the generation
+        subsequent to Harvey, and who, indeed, was not born until some
+        years after the discovery was made, mentions it in his works in
+        such a manner as to show that even then it was not universally
+        received by educated men. See two curious passages, which have
+        escaped the notice of the historians of physiology, in _Works of
+        Sir W. Temple_, vol. iii. pp. 293, 469, 8vo., 1814.
+
+  [211] 'Taken by Descartes as the basis of his physiology, in his work on
+        Man.' _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 441.
+        'Réné Descartes se déclara un des premiers en faveur de la
+        doctrine de la circulation.' _Renourd_, _Hist. de la Médecine_,
+        vol. ii. p. 163. See also _Bordas Demoulin_, _le Cartésianisme_,
+        vol. ii. p. 324; and _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 68,
+        179, vol. iv. pp. 42, 449, vol. ix. pp. 159, 332. Compare
+        _Willis's Life of Harvey_, p. xlv., in _Harvey's Works_.
+
+  [212] 'Les veines blanches, dites lactées, qu'Asellius a découvertes
+        depuis peu dans le mésentère.' _De la Formation du F[oe]tus_,
+        sec. 49, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv. p. 483.
+
+  [213] Even Harvey denied it to the last. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Méd._
+        vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. Compare _Harvey's Works_, edit. Sydenham
+        Soc. pp. 605, 614.
+
+These things might have been sufficient to rescue even the physical
+labours of Descartes from the attacks constantly made on them by men who
+either have not studied his works, or else, having studied them, are
+unable to understand their merit. But the glory of Descartes, and the
+influence he exercised over his age, do not depend even on such claims
+as these. Putting them aside, he is the author of what is emphatically
+called Modern Philosophy.[214] He is the originator of that great
+system and method of metaphysics, which, notwithstanding its errors, has
+the undoubted merit of having given a wonderful impulse to the European
+mind, and communicated to it an activity which has been made available
+for other purposes of a different character. Besides this, and superior
+to it, there is another obligation which we are under to the memory of
+Descartes. He deserves the gratitude of posterity, not so much on
+account of what he built up, as on account of what he pulled down. His
+life was one great and successful warfare against the prejudices and
+traditions of men. He was great as a creator, but he was far greater as
+a destroyer. In this respect he was the true successor of Luther, to
+whose labours his own were the fitting supplement. He completed what the
+great German reformer had left undone.[215] He bore to the old systems
+of philosophy precisely the same relation that Luther bore to the old
+systems of religion. He was the great reformer and liberator of the
+European intellect. To prefer, therefore, even the most successful
+discoverers of physical laws to this great innovator and disturber of
+tradition, is just as if we should prefer knowledge to freedom, and
+believe that science is better than liberty. We must, indeed, always be
+grateful to those eminent thinkers, to whose labours we are indebted for
+that vast body of physical truths which we now possess. But, let us
+reserve the full measure of our homage for those far greater men, who
+have not hesitated to attack and destroy the most inveterate prejudices:
+men who, by removing the pressure of tradition, have purified the very
+source and fountain of our knowledge, and secured its future progress,
+by casting off obstacles in the presence of which progress was
+impossible.[216]
+
+  [214] M. Cousin (_Hist. de la Philos._ II. série, vol. i. p. 39) says of
+        Descartes, 'Son premier ouvrage écrit en français est de 1637.
+        C'est donc de 1637 que date la philosophie moderne.' See the same
+        work, I. série, vol. iii. p. 77; and compare _Stewart's Philos.
+        of the Mind_, vol. i. pp. 14, 529, with _Eloge de Parent_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 444, and vol.
+        vi. p. 318: 'Cartésien, ou, si l'on veut, philosophe moderne.'
+
+  [215] 'Descartes avait établi dans le domaine de la pensée
+        l'indépendance absolue de la raison; il avait déclaré à la
+        scholastique et à la théologie que l'esprit de l'homme ne pouvait
+        plus relever que de l'évidence qu'il aurait obtenue par lui-même.
+        Ce que Luther avait commencé dans la religion, le génie français
+        si actif et si prompt l'importait dans la philosophie, et l'on
+        peut dire à la double gloire de l'Allemagne et de la France que
+        Descartes est le fils aîné de Luther.' _Lerminier_, _Philos. du
+        Droit_, vol. ii. p. 141. See also, on the philosophy of Descartes
+        as a product of the Reformation. _Ward's Ideal of a Christian
+        Church_, p. 498.
+
+  [216] For, as Turgot finely says, 'ce n'est pas l'erreur qui s'oppose
+        aux progrès de la vérité. Ce sont la mollesse, l'entêtement,
+        l'esprit de routine, tout ce qui porte à l'inaction,' _Pensées_
+        in _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 343.
+
+It will not be expected, perhaps it will hardly be desired, that I
+should enter into a complete detail of the philosophy of Descartes: a
+philosophy which, in England at least, is rarely studied, and therefore,
+is often attacked. But it will be necessary to give such an account of
+it as will show its analogy with the anti-theological policy of
+Richelieu, and will thus enable us to see the full extent of that vast
+movement which took place in France before the accession of Louis XIV.
+By this means, we shall be able to understand how the daring innovations
+of the great minister were so successful, since they were accompanied
+and reinforced by corresponding innovations in the national intellect;
+thus affording an additional instance of the way in which the political
+history of every country is to be explained by the history of its
+intellectual progress.
+
+In 1637, when Richelieu was at the height of his power, Descartes
+published that great work which he had long been meditating, and which
+was the first open announcement of the new tendencies of the French
+mind. To this work he gave the name of a 'Method;' and, assuredly, the
+method is the most alien to what is commonly called theology that can
+possibly be conceived. Indeed, so far from being theological, it is
+essentially and exclusively psychological. The theological method rests
+on ancient records, on tradition, on the voice of antiquity. The method
+of Descartes rests solely on the consciousness each man has of the
+operations of his own mind, and lest anyone should mistake the meaning
+of this, he, in subsequent works, developed it at great length, and with
+unrivalled clearness. For his main object was to popularize the views
+which he put forward. Therefore, says Descartes, 'I write in French
+rather than in Latin, because I trust that they who only employ their
+simple and native reason will estimate my opinions more fairly than they
+who only believe in ancient books.'[217] So strongly does he insist upon
+this, that, almost at the beginning of his first work, he cautions his
+readers against the common error of looking to antiquity for knowledge;
+and he reminds them that 'when men are too curious to know the practices
+of past ages, they generally remain very ignorant of their own.'[218]
+
+  [217] 'Et si j'écris en français, qui est la langue de mon pays, plutôt
+        qu'en latin, qui est celle de mes précepteurs, c'est à cause que
+        j'espère que ceux qui ne se servent que de leur raison naturelle
+        toute pure, jugeront mieux de mes opinions que ceux qui ne
+        croient qu'aux livres anciens.' _Discours de la Méthode_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 210, 211.
+
+  [218] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 127.
+
+Indeed, so far from following the old plan of searching for truths in
+the records of the past, the great essential of this new philosophy is
+to wean ourselves from all such associations, and, beginning the
+acquisition of knowledge by the work of destruction, first pull down, in
+order that afterwards we may build up.[219] When I, says Descartes, set
+forth in the pursuit of truth, I found that the best way was to reject
+every thing I had hitherto received, and pluck out all my old opinions,
+in order that I might lay the foundation of them afresh: believing that,
+by this means, I should more easily accomplish the great scheme of life,
+than by building on an old basis, and supporting myself by principles
+which I had learned in my youth, without examining if they were really
+true.[220] 'I, therefore, will occupy myself freely and earnestly in
+effecting a general destruction of all my old opinions.'[221] For, if we
+would know all the truths that can be known, we must, in the first
+place, free ourselves from our prejudices, and make a point of
+rejecting those things which we have received, until we have subjected
+them to a new examination.[222] We, therefore, must derive our opinions,
+not from tradition, but from ourselves. We must not pass judgment upon
+any subject which we do not clearly and distinctly understand; for, even
+if such a judgment is correct, it can only be so by accident, not having
+solid ground on which to support itself.[223] But, so far are we from
+this state of indifference, that our memory is full of prejudices:[224]
+we pay attention to words rather than to things;[225] and being thus
+slaves to form, there are too many of us 'who believe themselves
+religious, when, in fact, they are bigoted and superstitious; who think
+themselves perfect because they go much to church, because they often
+repeat prayers, because they wear short hair, because they fast, because
+they give alms. These are the men who imagine themselves such friends of
+God, that nothing they do displeases Him; men who, under pretence of
+zeal, gratify their passions by committing the greatest crimes, such as
+betraying towns, killing princes, exterminating nations: and all this
+they do to those who will not change their opinions.'[226]
+
+  [219] 'Er fing also vom Zweifel an, und ging durch denselben zur
+        Gewissheit über.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. p.
+        218. Compare _Second Discours en Sorbonne_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 89.
+
+  [220] _Disc. de la Méthode_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i.
+        p. 136.
+
+  [221] 'Je m'appliquerai sérieusement et avec liberté à détruire
+        généralement toutes mes anciennes opinions.' _Méditations_ in
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 236.
+
+  [222] _Principes de la Philosophie_, part i. sec. 75, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Descartes_, vol. iii. pp. 117, 118; and compare vol. ii. p. 417,
+        where he gives a striking illustration of this view.
+
+  [223] _Méditations_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 303, 304.
+
+  [224] 'Nous avons rempli notre mémoire de beaucoup de préjugés.'
+        _Principes de la Philos._ part i. sec. 47, in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. iii. p. 91.
+
+  [225] _[OE]uvres_, vol. iii. p. 117.
+
+  [226] 'Ce qu'on peut particulièrement remarquer en ceux qui, croyant
+        être dévots, sont seulement bigots et superstitieux, c'est à dire
+        qui, sous ombre qu'ils vont souvent à l'église, qu'ils récitent
+        force prières, qu'ils portent les cheveux courts, qu'ils jeûnent,
+        qu'ils donnent l'aumône, pensent être entièrement parfaits, et
+        s'imaginent qu'ils sont si grands amis de Dieu, qu'ils ne
+        sauroient rien faire qui lui déplaise, et que tout ce que leur
+        dicte leur passion est un bon zèle, bien qu'elle leur dicte
+        quelquefois les plus grands crimes qui puissent être commis par
+        des hommes, comme de trahir des villes, de tuer des princes,
+        d'exterminer des peuples entiers, pour cela seul qu'ils ne
+        suivent pas leurs opinions.' _Les Passions de l'Ame_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv. pp. 194, 195.
+
+These were the words of wisdom which this great teacher addressed to his
+countrymen only a few years after they had brought to a close the last
+religious war that has ever been waged in France. The similarity of
+those views to those which, about the same time, were put forth by
+Chillingworth, must strike every reader, but ought not to excite
+surprise; for they were but the natural products of a state of society
+in which the right of private judgment, and the independence of the
+human reason, were first solidly established. If we examine this matter
+a little closer, we shall find still further proof of the analogy
+between France and England. So identical are the steps of the progress,
+that the relation which Montaigne bears to Descartes is just the same as
+that which Hooker bears to Chillingworth; the same in reference to the
+difference of time, and also in reference to the difference of opinions.
+The mind of Hooker was essentially sceptical; but his genius was so
+restrained by the prejudices of his age, that, unable to discern the
+supreme authority of private judgment, he hampered it by appeals to
+councils and to the general voice of ecclesiastical antiquity:
+impediments which Chillingworth, thirty years later, effectually
+removed. In precisely the same way, Montaigne, like Hooker, was
+sceptical; but, like him, he lived at a period when the spirit of doubt
+was yet young, and when the mind still trembled before the authority of
+the Church. It is, therefore, no wonder that even Montaigne, who did so
+much for his age, should have hesitated respecting the capacity of men
+to work out for themselves great truths; and that, pausing in the course
+that lay before him, his scepticism should often have assumed the form
+of a distrust of the human faculties.[227] Such shortcomings, and such
+imperfections, are merely an evidence of the slow growth of society, and
+of the impossibility for even the greatest thinkers to outstrip their
+contemporaries beyond a certain point. But, with the advance of
+knowledge, this deficiency was at length supplied; and, as the
+generation after Hooker brought forth Chillingworth, just so did the
+generation after Montaigne bring forth Descartes. Both Chillingworth and
+Descartes were eminently sceptical; but their scepticism was directed,
+not against the human intellect, but against those appeals to authority
+and tradition without which it had hitherto been supposed that the
+intellect could not safely proceed. That this was the case with
+Chillingworth, we have already seen. That it was likewise the case with
+Descartes, is, if possible, still more apparent; for that profound
+thinker believed, not only that the mind, by its own efforts, could root
+out its most ancient opinions, but that it could, without fresh aid,
+build up a new and solid system in place of the one which it had thrown
+down.[228]
+
+  [227] As is particularly evident in his long chapter, headed 'Apologie
+        de Raimond Sebond.' _Essais de Montaigne_, livre ii. chap. xii.
+        Paris, 1843, pp. 270-382, and see _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der
+        Philos._ vol. ix. p. 455.
+
+  [228] He very clearly separates himself from men like Montaigne: 'Non
+        que j'imitasse pour cela les sceptiques, qui ne doutent que pour
+        douter, et affectent d'être toujours irrésolus; car, au
+        contraire, tout mon dessein ne tendoit qu'à m'assurer, et à
+        rejeter la terre mouvante et le sable pour trouver le roc ou
+        l'argile.' _Discours de la Méthode_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_,
+        vol. i. pp. 153, 154.
+
+It is this extraordinary confidence in the power of the human intellect,
+which eminently characterizes Descartes, and has given to his philosophy
+that peculiar sublimity which distinguishes it from all other systems.
+So far from thinking that a knowledge of the external world is essential
+to the discovery of truth, he laid it down as a fundamental principle,
+that we must begin by ignoring such knowledge;[229] that the first step
+is to separate ourselves from the delusions of nature, and reject the
+evidence presented to our senses.[230] For, says Descartes, nothing is
+certain but thought; nor are there any truths except those which
+necessarily follow from the operation of our own consciousness. We have
+no knowledge of our soul except as a thinking substance:[231] and it
+were easier for us to believe that the soul should cease to exist, than
+that it should cease to think.[232] And, as to man himself, what is he
+but the incarnation of thought? For that which constitutes the man, is
+not his bones, nor his flesh, nor his blood. These are the accidents,
+the incumbrances, the impediments of his nature. But the man himself is
+the thought. The invisible me, the ultimate fact of existence, the
+mystery of life, is this: 'I am a thing that thinks.' This, therefore,
+is the beginning and the basis of our knowledge. The thought of each man
+is the last element to which analysis can carry us; it is the supreme
+judge of every doubt; it is the starting-point for all wisdom.[233]
+
+  [229] According to the view of Descartes, it was to be ignored, not
+        denied. There is no instance to be found in his works of a denial
+        of the existence of the external world; nor does the passage
+        quoted from him by Mr. Jobert (_New System of Philos._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 161, 162, Lond. 1849) at all justify the interpretation of
+        that ingenious writer, who confuses certainty in the ordinary
+        sense of the word with certainty in the Cartesian sense. A
+        similar error is made by those who suppose that his 'Je pense,
+        donc je suis,' is an enthymeme; and having taken this for
+        granted, they turn on the great philosopher, and accuse him of
+        begging the question! Such critics overlook the difference
+        between a logical process and a psychological one; and therefore
+        they do not see that this famous sentence was the description of
+        a mental fact, and not the statement of a mutilated syllogism.
+        The student of the philosophy of Descartes must always
+        distinguish between these two processes, and remember that each
+        process has an order of proof peculiar to itself; or at all
+        events he must remember that such was the opinion of Descartes.
+        Compare, on the Cartesian enthymeme, _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+        Philos._ I. série, vol. iv. pp. 512, 513, with a note in _Kritik
+        der reinen Vernunft, Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 323, 324.
+
+  [230] _Méditations_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 220, 226;
+        and again in the _Objections et Réponses_, _[OE]uvres_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 245, 246.
+
+  [231] 'Au lieu que, lorsque nous tâchons à connoître plus distinctement
+        notre nature, nous pouvons voir que notre âme, en tant qu'elle
+        est une substance distincte du corps, ne nous est connue que par
+        cela seul qu'elle pense.' _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv. p.
+        432. Compare vol. iii. p. 96, _Principes de la Philosophie_, part
+        i. sec. 53.
+
+  [232] 'En sorte qu'il me seroit bien plus aisé de croire que l'âme
+        cesseroit d'être quand on dit qu'elle cesse de penser, que non
+        pas de concevoir qu'elle soit sans pensée.' _[OE]uvres de
+        Descartes_, vol. viii. p. 574. That 'the soul always thinks,' is
+        a conclusion also arrived at by Berkeley by a different process.
+        See his subtle argument, _Principles of Human Knowledge_, part i.
+        sec. 98, in _Berkeley's Works_, vol. i. p. 123; and for a curious
+        application of this to the theory of dreaming, see _Burdach_,
+        _Physiologie comme Science d'Observation_, vol. v. pp. 205, 230.
+
+  [233] _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 251, 252, 279, 293, vol. ii.
+        pp. 252, 283.
+
+Taking our stand on this ground, we rise, says Descartes, to the
+perception of the existence of the Deity. For, our belief in His
+existence is an irrefragable proof that He exists. Otherwise, whence
+does the belief arise? Since nothing can come out of nothing, and since
+no effect can be without a cause, it follows that the idea we have of
+God must have an origin; and this origin, whatever name we give it, is
+no other than God.[234] Thus, the ultimate proof of His existence is our
+idea of it. Instead, therefore, of saying that we know ourselves because
+we believe in God, we should rather say that we believe in God because
+we know ourselves.[235] This is the order and precedence of things. The
+thought of each man is sufficient to prove His existence, and it is the
+only proof we can ever possess. Such, therefore, is the dignity and
+supremacy of the human intellect, that even this, the highest of all
+matters, flows from it, as from its sole source.[236] Hence, our
+religion should not be acquired by the teaching of others, but should be
+worked out by ourselves: it is not to be borrowed from antiquity, but it
+is to be discovered by each man's mind; it is not traditional, but
+personal. It is because this great truth has been neglected, that
+impiety has arisen. If each man were to content himself with that idea
+of God which is suggested by his own mind, he would attain to a true
+knowledge of the Divine Nature. But when, instead of confining himself
+to this, he mixes up with it the notions of others, his ideas become
+perplexed; they contradict themselves; and the composition being thus
+confused, he often ends by denying the existence, not, indeed, of God,
+but of such a God as that in whom he has been taught to believe.[237]
+
+  [234] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 419; and at p. 420: 'Or de tout cela on conclut
+        très-manifestement que Dieu existe.' See also pp. 159-162, 280,
+        290, 291. But the simplest statement is in a letter to Mersenne
+        (vol. viii. p. 529): 'J'ai tiré la preuve de l'existence de Dieu
+        de l'idée que je trouve en moi d'un être souverainement parfait.'
+
+  [235] 'Ainsi, quoique, de ce que je suis, je conclue avec certitude que
+        Dieu est, je ne puis réciproquement affirmer, de ce que Dieu est,
+        que j'existe.' _Règles pour la Direction de l'Esprit_, in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. xi. p. 274. See also _Principes de la
+        Philosophie_, part i. sec. 7, vol. iii. p. 66.
+
+  [236] On this famous argument, which it is said was also broached by
+        Anselm, see _King's Life of Locke_, vol. ii. p. 133; the
+        Benedictine _Hist. Lit. de la France_, vol. ix. pp. 417, 418;
+        _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. i. p. 239; and _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. Syst._ vol. iii. p. 383.
+
+ [237] 'Et certes jamais les hommes ne pourroient s'éloigner de la vraie
+        connoissance de cette nature divine, s'ils vouloient seulement
+        porter leur attention sur l'idée qu'ils ont de l'être
+        souverainement parfait. Mais ceux qui mêlent quelques autres
+        idées avec celle-là composent par ce moyen un dieu chimérique, en
+        la nature duquel il y a des choses qui se contrarient; et, après
+        l'avoir ainsi composé, ce n'est pas merveille s'ils nient qu'un
+        tel dieu, qui leur est représenté par une fausse idée, existe.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 423, 424.
+
+The mischief which these principles must have done to the old theology
+is very obvious.[238] Not only were they fatal, in the minds of those
+who received them, to many of the common dogmas--such, for instance, as
+that of transubstantiation,[239]--but they were likewise directly
+opposed to other opinions, equally indefensible, and far more dangerous.
+For Descartes, by founding a philosophy which rejected all authority
+except that of the human reason,[240] was, of course, led to abandon
+the study of final causes,[241]--an old and natural superstition, by
+which, as we shall hereafter see, the German philosophers were long
+impeded, and which still hangs, though somewhat loosely, about the minds
+of men.[242] At the same time, by superseding the geometry of the
+ancients, he aided in weakening that inordinate respect with which
+antiquity was then regarded. In another matter, still more important, he
+displayed the same spirit, and met with the same success. With such
+energy did he attack the influence, or rather the tyranny of Aristotle,
+that although the opinions of that philosopher were intimately
+interwoven with the Christian theology,[243] his authority was entirely
+overthrown by Descartes; and with it there perished those scholastic
+prejudices, for which Aristotle, indeed, was not responsible, but which,
+under the shelter of his mighty name, had, during several centuries,
+perplexed the understandings of men, and retarded the progress of their
+knowledge.[244]
+
+  [238] This is delicately but clearly indicated in an able letter from
+        Arnaud, printed in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. ii. pp. 1-36:
+        see in particular pp. 31, 34. And Duclos bluntly says: 'Si,
+        depuis la révolution que Descartes a commencée, les théologiens
+        se sont éloignés des philosophes, c'est que ceux-ci ont paru ne
+        pas respecter infiniment les théologiens. Une philosophie qui
+        prenoit pour base le doute et l'examen devoit les effaroucher.'
+        _Duclos_, _Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 109.
+
+  [239] On the relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the doctrine of
+        transubstantiation, compare _Palmer's Treatise on the Church_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 169, 170, with _Hallam's Lit. of Europe_, vol. ii.
+        p. 453; and the remark ascribed to Hobbes, in _Aubrey's Letters
+        and Lives_, vol. ii. p. 626. But Hobbes, if he really made this
+        observation, had no right to expect Descartes to become a martyr.
+
+  [240] 'Le caractère de la philosophie du moyen âge est la soumission à
+        une autorité autre que la raison. La philosophie moderne ne
+        reconnaît que l'autorité de la raison. C'est le cartésianisme qui
+        a opéré cette révolution décisive.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+        Philos._ II. série, vol. i. pp. 258, 259.
+
+  [241] 'Nous rejetterons entièrement de notre philosophie la recherche
+        des causes finales.' _Principes de la Philos._, part i. sec. 28,
+        in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iii. p. 81. See also part iii.
+        sec. 3, p. 182; and his reply to Gassendi, in _[OE]uvres_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 280, 281. Compare _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_,
+        II. série, vol. ii. p. 71, with _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Médecine_, vol. v. p. 203.
+
+  [242] Dr. Whewell, for instance, says, that we must reject final causes
+        in the inorganic sciences, but must recognize them in the organic
+        ones; which, in other words, simply means, that we know less of
+        the organic world than of the inorganic, and that because we know
+        less, we are to believe more; for here, as everywhere else, the
+        smaller the science the greater the superstition. _Whewell's
+        Philos. of the Inductive Sciences_, 8vo., 1847, vol. i. pp. 620,
+        627, 628; and his _Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. pp.
+        430, 431. If the question were to be decided by authority, it
+        would be enough to appeal to Bacon and Descartes, the two
+        greatest writers on the philosophy of method in the seventeenth
+        century; and to Auguste Comte, who is admitted by the few persons
+        who have mastered his _Philosophie Positive_, to be the greatest
+        in our own time. These profound and comprehensive thinkers have
+        all rejected the study of final causes, which, as they have
+        clearly seen, is a theological invasion of scientific rights. On
+        the injury which this study has wrought, and on the check it has
+        given to the advance of our knowledge, see _Robin et Verdeil_,
+        _Chimie Anat._ Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 489, 493, 494, vol. ii.
+        p. 555; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. i. pp. 232, 237;
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 220; _Geoffroy
+        Saint-Hilaire_, _Hist. des Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 435, 436; _Herder_, _Ideen zur Gesch. der Menschheit_,
+        vol. iii. p. 270; _Lawrence's Lectures on Man_, p. 36; and
+        _Burdach_, _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. i. p. 190.
+
+  [243] 'Auf das innigste verbunden mit der Theologie, nicht allein in den
+        katholischen, sondern selbst auch in den protestantischen
+        Ländern.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. ix. p. 516.
+        Descartes, in a letter to Mersenne (_[OE]uvres_, vol. vi. p. 73),
+        writes, in 1629, 'La théologie, laquelle on a tellement
+        assujettie à Aristote, qu'il est impossible d'expliquer une autre
+        philosophie qu'il ne semble d'abord qu'elle soit contre la foi.'
+        Compare vol. vii. p. 344, vol. viii. pp. 281, 497.
+
+  [244] Dr. Brown (_Philosophy of the Mind_, Edinburgh, 1838, p. 172)
+        calls Descartes 'that illustrious rebel, who, in overthrowing the
+        authority of Aristotle,' &c. See also _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la
+        Sorbonne_, vol. ii. p. 192; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part
+        ii. p. 532; and _Locke's Works_, vol. iii. p. 48. This, I need
+        hardly say, refers to the habit of appealing to Aristotle, as if
+        he were infallible, and is very different from that respect which
+        is naturally felt for a man who was probably the greatest of all
+        the ancient thinkers. The difference between the Aristotelian and
+        Cartesian systems is touched on rather hastily in _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. Syst._ vol. i. pp. 170, 171.
+
+These were the principal services rendered to civilization by one of the
+greatest men Europe has ever produced. The analogy between him and
+Richelieu is very striking, and is as complete as their relative
+positions would allow. The same disregard of ancient notions, the same
+contempt for theological interests, the same indifference to tradition,
+the same determination to prefer the present to the past: in a word, the
+same essentially modern spirit, is seen alike in the writings of
+Descartes, and in the actions of Richelieu. What the first was to
+philosophy, that was the other to politics. But, while acknowledging the
+merits of these eminent men, it behoves us to remember that their
+success was the result, not only of their own abilities, but likewise of
+the general temper of their time. The nature of their labours depended
+on themselves; the way in which their labours were received, depended on
+their contemporaries. Had they lived in a more superstitious age, their
+views would have been disregarded, or, if noticed, would have been
+execrated as impious novelties. In the fifteenth, or early in the
+sixteenth century, the genius of Descartes and of Richelieu would have
+lacked the materials necessary to their work; their comprehensive minds
+would, in that state of society, have found no play; they would have
+awakened no sympathies; their bread would have been cast upon those
+waters which return it not again. And it would have been well for them
+if, in such a case, indifference were the only penalty with which they
+would be visited. It would have been well if they had not paid the
+forfeit incurred by many of those illustrious thinkers who have vainly
+attempted to stem the torrent of human credulity. It would have been
+well if the church had not risen in her wrath--if Richelieu had not been
+executed as a traitor, and Descartes burned as a heretic.
+
+Indeed, the mere fact that two such men, occupying so conspicuous a
+place before the public eye, and enforcing views so obnoxious to the
+interests of superstition, should have lived without serious danger, and
+then have died peaceably in their beds--the mere fact that this should
+have happened, is a decisive proof of the progress which, during fifty
+years, had been made by the French nation. With such rapidity were the
+prejudices of that great people dying away, that opinions utterly
+subversive of theological traditions, and fatal to the whole scheme of
+ecclesiastical power, were with impunity advocated by Descartes, and put
+in practice by Richelieu. It was now clearly seen, that the two foremost
+men of their time could, with little or no risk, openly propagate ideas
+which, half a century before, it would have been accounted dangerous
+even for the most obscure man to whisper in the privacy of his own
+chamber.
+
+Nor are the causes of this impunity difficult to understand. They are to
+be found in the diffusion of that sceptical spirit, by which, in France
+as well as in England, toleration was preceded. For, without entering
+into details which would be too long for the limits of this
+Introduction, it is enough to say, that French literature generally was,
+at this period, distinguished by a freedom and a boldness of inquiry,
+of which, England alone excepted, no example had then been seen in
+Europe. The generation which had listened to the teachings of Montaigne
+and of Charron, was now succeeded by another generation, the disciples,
+indeed, of those eminent men, but disciples who far outstripped their
+masters. The result was, that, during the thirty or forty years which
+preceded the power of Louis XIV.,[245] there was not to be found a
+single Frenchman of note who did not share in the general feeling--not
+one who did not attack some ancient dogma, or sap the foundation of some
+old opinion. This fearless temper was the characteristic of the ablest
+writers of that time;[246] but what is still more observable is, that
+the movement spread with such rapidity as to include in its action even
+those parts of society which are invariably the last to be affected by
+it. That spirit of doubt, which is the necessary precursor of all
+inquiry, and therefore of all solid improvement, owes its origin to the
+most thinking and intellectual parts of society, and is naturally
+opposed by the other parts: opposed by the nobles, because it is
+dangerous to their interests; opposed by the uneducated, because it
+attacks their prejudices. This is one of the reasons why neither the
+highest nor the lowest ranks are fit to conduct the government of a
+civilized country; since both of them, notwithstanding individual
+exceptions, are, in the aggregate, averse to those reforms which the
+exigencies of an advancing nation constantly require. But, in France,
+before the middle of the seventeenth century, even these classes began
+to participate in the great progress; so that, not only among thoughtful
+men, but likewise among the ignorant and the frivolous, there was seen
+that inquisitive and incredulous disposition, which, whatever may be
+said against it, has at least this peculiarity, that, in its absence,
+there is no instance to be found of the establishment of those
+principles of toleration and of liberty, which have only been recognized
+with infinite difficulty, and after many a hard-fought battle against
+prejudices whose inveterate tenacity might almost cause them to be
+deemed a part of the original constitution of the human mind.[247]
+
+  [245] That is in 1661, when Louis XIV. first assumed the government.
+
+  [246] M. Barante (_Tableau de la Littérature Française_, pp. 26, 27)
+        notices 'cette indépendance dans les idées, ce jugement audacieux
+        de toutes choses, qu'on remarque dans Corneille, dans Mézéray,
+        dans Balzac, dans Saint-Réal, dans Lamothe-Levayer.' To these may
+        be added Naudé, Patin, and probably Gassendi. Compare _Hallam's
+        Literat. of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 364, 365, with _Mackintosh's
+        Ethical Philos._ p. 116, and _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 297,
+        vol. ii. pp. 33, 186, 191, 242, 342, 498, 508, vol. iii. p. 87.
+
+  [247] The increase of incredulity was so remarkable, as to give rise to
+        a ridiculous assertion, 'qu'il y avoit plus de 50,000 athées dans
+        Paris vers l'an 1623.' _Baillet_, _Jugemens des Savans_, Paris,
+        1722, 4to. vol. i. p. 185. Baillet has no difficulty in rejecting
+        this preposterous statement (which is also noticed in
+        _Coleridge's Literary Remains_, vol. i. p. 305; where, however,
+        there is apparently a confusion between two different periods);
+        but the spread of scepticism among the upper ranks and courtiers,
+        during the reign of Louis XIII. and the minority of Louis XIV.,
+        is attested by a great variety of evidence. See _Mém. de Madame
+        de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 52; _Mém. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 266;
+        _Conrart_, _Mém._ p. 235 note; _Des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol.
+        vii. p. 143; _Mém. de Brienne_, vol. ii. p. 107 note.
+
+It is no wonder if, under these circumstances, the speculations of
+Descartes and the actions of Richelieu should have met with great
+success. The system of Descartes exercised immense influence, and soon
+pervaded nearly every branch of knowledge.[248] The policy of Richelieu
+was so firmly established, that it was continued without the slightest
+difficulty by his immediate successor: nor was any attempt made to
+reverse it until that forcible and artificial reaction which, under
+Louis XIV., was fatal, for a time, to every sort of civil and religious
+liberty. The history of that reaction, and the way in which, by a
+counter-reaction, the French Revolution was prepared, will be related in
+the subsequent chapters of this volume; at present we will resume the
+thread of those events which took place in France before Louis XIV.
+assumed the government.
+
+  [248] Volumes might be written on the influence of Descartes, which was
+        seen, not only in subjects immediately connected with his
+        philosophy, but even in those apparently remote from it. Compare
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. ii. pp. 55
+        seq.; _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 153; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de
+        la Médecine_, vol. iv. p. 238; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_,
+        part ii. pp. 327, 332, 352, 363; _Stäudlin_, _Geschichte der
+        theologischen Wissenschaften_, vol. i. p. 263; _Tennemann_,
+        _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. pp. 285 seq.; _Huetius de Rebus ad
+        eum pertinentibus_, pp. 35, 295, 296, 385-389; _Mosheim's Eccles.
+        Hist._ vol. ii. p. 258; _Dacier_, _Rapport Historique_, p. 334;
+        _Leslie's Nat. Philos._ p. 121; _Eloges_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. v. pp. 94, 106, 137, 197, 234,
+        392, vol. vi. pp. 157, 318, 449; _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 195; _Quérard_, _France Lit._ vol. iii. p. 273.
+
+A few months after the death of Richelieu, Louis XIII. also died, and
+the crown was inherited by Louis XIV., who was then a child, and who for
+many years had no influence in public affairs. During his minority, the
+government was administered, avowedly by his mother, but in reality by
+Mazarin: a man who, though in every point inferior to Richelieu, had
+imbibed something of his spirit, and who, so far as he was able, adopted
+the policy of that great statesman, to whom he owed his promotion.[249]
+He, influenced partly by the example of his predecessor, partly by his
+own character, and partly by the spirit of his age, showed no desire to
+persecute the Protestants, or to disturb them in any of the rights they
+then exercised.[250] His first act was to confirm the Edict of
+Nantes;[251] and, towards the close of his life, he even allowed the
+Protestants again to hold those synods which their own violence had
+been the means of interrupting.[252] Between the death of Richelieu and
+the accession to power of Louis XIV., there elapsed a period of nearly
+twenty years, during which Mazarin, with the exception of a few
+intervals, was at the head of the state; and in the whole of that time,
+I have found no instance of any Frenchman being punished for his
+religion. Indeed, the new government, so far from protecting the church
+by repressing heresy, displayed that indifference to ecclesiastical
+interests which was now becoming a settled maxim of French policy.
+Richelieu, as we have already seen, had taken the bold step of placing
+Protestants at the head of the royal armies; and this he had done upon
+the simple principle, that one of the first duties of a statesman is to
+employ for the benefit of the country the ablest men he can find,
+without regard to their theological opinions, with which, as he well
+knew, no government has any concern. But Louis XIII., whose personal
+feelings were always opposed to the enlightened measures of his great
+minister, was offended by this magnanimous disregard of ancient
+prejudices; his piety was shocked at the idea of Catholic soldiers being
+commanded by heretics; and, as we are assured by a well-informed
+contemporary, he determined to put an end to this scandal to the church,
+and, for the future, allow no Protestant to receive the staff of marshal
+of France.[253] Whether the king, if he had lived, would have carried
+his point, is doubtful;[254] but what is certain is, that, only four
+months after his death, this appointment of marshal was bestowed upon
+Turenne, the most able of all the Protestant generals.[255] And in the
+very next year, Gassion, another Protestant, was raised to the same
+dignity; thus affording the strange spectacle of the highest military
+power in a great Catholic country wielded by two men against whose
+religion the church was never weary of directing her anathemas.[256] In
+a similar spirit, Mazarin, on mere grounds of political expediency,
+concluded an intimate alliance with Cromwell; an usurper who, in the
+opinion of the theologians, was doomed to perdition, since he was soiled
+by the triple crime of rebellion, of heresy, and of regicide.[257]
+Finally, one of the last acts of this pupil of Richelieu's[258] was to
+sign the celebrated treaty of the Pyrenees, by which ecclesiastical
+interests were seriously weakened, and great injury inflicted on him who
+was still considered to be the head of the church.[259]
+
+  [249] On the connexion between Richelieu and Mazarin, see _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiii. pp. 400, 530; and a curious,
+        though perhaps apocryphal anecdote in _Tallemant des Réaux_,
+        _Historiettes_, vol. ii. pp. 231, 232. In 1636 there was noticed
+        'l'étroite union' between Richelieu and Mazarin. _Le Vassor_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. viii. part ii. p. 187.
+
+  [250] 'Mazarin n'avoit ni fanatisme ni esprit persécuteur,' _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiv. p. 531. That he did not
+        persecute the Protestants is grudgingly confessed in _Felice's
+        Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 292. See also _Smedley's
+        Reformed Religion in France_, vol. iii. p. 222.
+
+  [251] He confirmed it in July, 1643. See _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. iii. appendix, p. 3; and _Quick's Synodicon in
+        Gallia_, vol. i. p. ciii.
+
+  [252] In 1659, there was assembled the Synod of Loudon, the moderator of
+        which said, 'It is now fifteen years since we had a national
+        synod.' _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. ii. p. 517.
+
+  [253] Brienne records the determination of the king, 'que cette dignité
+        ne seroit plus accordée à des Protestans.' _Sismondi_, _Histoire
+        des Français_, vol. xxiv. p. 65.
+
+  [254] He was so uneasy about the sin he had committed, that before his
+        death he intreated the Protestant marshals to change their creed:
+        'Il ne voulut pas mourir sans avoir exhorté de sa propre bouche
+        les maréchaux de la Force et de Chatillon à se faire
+        Catholiques.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p.
+        612. The same circumstance is mentioned by Le Vassor, _Hist. de
+        Louis XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 785.
+
+  [255] Louis XIII. died in May 1643; and Turenne was made marshal in the
+        September following. _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 148, 151.
+
+  [256] Sismondi (_Hist. des Français_, vol. xxiv. p. 65) makes the
+        appointment of Gassion in 1644; according to Montglat
+        (_Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 437) it was at the end of 1643. There are
+        some singular anecdotes of Gassion in _Les Historiettes de
+        Tallemant des Réaux_, vol. v. pp. 167-180; and an account of his
+        death in _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 290, from which it
+        appears that he remained a Protestant to the last.
+
+  [257] The Pope especially was offended by this alliance (_Ranke_, _die
+        Päpste_, vol. iii. p. 158, compared with _Vaughan's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. 343, vol. ii. p. 124); and, judging from the language
+        of Clarendon, the orthodox party in England was irritated by it.
+        _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 699, 700. Contemporary
+        notices of this union between the cardinal and the regicide, will
+        be found in _Mém. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 349; _Mém. de Montglat_,
+        vol. ii. p. 478, vol. iii. p. 23; _Lettres de Patin_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 183, 302, 426; _Marchand_, _Dict. Historique_, vol. ii. p.
+        56; _Mem. of Sir Philip Warwick_, p. 377; _Harris's Lives of the
+        Stuarts_, vol. iii. p. 393.
+
+  [258] De Retz (_Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 59), who knew Richelieu, calls
+        Mazarin 'son disciple.' And at p. 65 he adds, 'comme il marchoit
+        sur les pas du cardinal de Richelieu, qui avoit achevé de
+        détruire toutes les anciennes maximes de l'état.' Compare _Mém.
+        de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 18; and _Mém. de la Rochefoucauld_,
+        vol. i. p. 444.
+
+  [259] On the open affront to the Pope by this treaty, see _Ranke_, _die
+        Päpste_, vol. iii. p. 159: 'An dem pyrenäischen Frieden nahm er
+        auch nicht einmal mehr einen scheinbaren Antheil: man vermied es
+        seine Abgeordneten zuzulassen: kaum wurde seiner noch darin
+        gedacht.' The consequences and the meaning of all this are well
+        noticed by M. Ranke.
+
+But, the circumstance for which the administration of Mazarin is most
+remarkable, is the breaking out of that great civil war called the
+Fronde, in which the people attempted to carry into politics the
+insubordinate spirit which had already displayed itself in literature
+and in religion. Here we cannot fail to note the similarity between this
+struggle and that which, at the same time, was taking place in England.
+It would, indeed, be far from accurate to say that the two events were
+the counterpart of each other; but there can be no doubt that the
+analogy between them is very striking. In both countries, the civil war
+was the first popular expression of what had hitherto been rather a
+speculative, and, so to say, a literary scepticism. In both countries,
+incredulity was followed by rebellion, and the abasement of the clergy
+preceded the humiliation of the crown; for Richelieu was to the French
+church what Elizabeth had been to the English church. In both countries
+there now first arose that great product of civilization, a free press,
+which showed its liberty by pouring forth those fearless and innumerable
+works which mark the activity of the age.[260] In both countries, the
+struggle was between retrogression and progress; between those who clung
+to tradition, and those who longed for innovation; while, in both, the
+contest assumed the external form of a war between king and parliament,
+the king being the organ of the past, the parliament the representative
+of the present. And, not to mention inferior similarities, there was one
+other point of vast importance in which these two great events coincide.
+This is, that both of them were eminently secular, and arose from the
+desire, not of propagating religious opinions, but of securing civil
+liberty. The temporal character of the English rebellion I have already
+noticed, and, indeed, it must be obvious to whoever has studied the
+evidence in its original sources. In France, not only do we find the
+same result, but we can even mark the stages of the progress. In the
+middle of the sixteenth century, and immediately after the death of
+Henry III., the French civil wars were caused by religious disputes, and
+were carried on with the fervour of a crusade. Early in the seventeenth
+century, hostilities again broke out; but though the efforts of the
+government were directed against the Protestants, this was not because
+they were heretics, but because they were rebels: the object being, not
+to punish an opinion, but to control a faction. This was the first great
+stage in the history of toleration; and it was accomplished, as we have
+already seen, during the reign of Louis XIII. That generation passing
+away, there arose, in the next age, the wars of the Fronde; and in this,
+which may be called the second stage of the French intellect, the
+alteration was still more remarkable. For, in the mean time, the
+principles of the great sceptical thinkers, from Montaigne to Descartes,
+had produced their natural fruit, and, becoming diffused among the
+educated classes, had influenced, as they always will do, not only those
+by whom they were received, but also those by whom they were rejected.
+Indeed, a mere knowledge of the fact, that the most eminent men have
+thrown doubt on the popular opinions of an age, can never fail, in some
+degree, to disturb the convictions even of those by whom the doubts are
+ridiculed.[261] In such cases, none are entirely safe: the firmest
+belief is apt to become slightly unsettled; those who outwardly preserve
+the appearance of orthodoxy, often unconsciously waver; they cannot
+entirely resist the influence of superior minds, nor can they always
+avoid an unwelcome suspicion, that when ability is on one side, and
+ignorance on the other, it is barely possible that the ability may be
+right, and the ignorance may be wrong.
+
+  [260] 'La presse jouissait d'une entière liberté pendant les troubles de
+        la Fronde, et le public prenait un tel intérêt aux débats
+        politiques, que les pamphlets se débitaient quelquefois au nombre
+        de huit et dix mille exemplaires.' _Sainte-Aulaire_, _Hist. de la
+        Fronde_, vol. i. p. 299. Tallemant des Réaux, who wrote
+        immediately after the Fronde, says (_Historiettes_, vol. iv. p.
+        74), 'Durant la Fronde, qu'on imprimoit tout.' And Omer Talon,
+        with the indignation natural to a magistrate, mentions, that in
+        1649, 'toutes sortes de libelles et de diffamations se publioient
+        hautement par la ville sans permission du magistrat.' _Mém.
+        d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. p. 466. For further evidence of the great
+        importance of the press in France in the middle of the
+        seventeenth century, see _Mém. de Lenet_, vol. i. p. 162; _Mém.
+        de Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 288, 289; _Lettres de Patin_, vol.
+        i. p. 432, vol. ii. p. 517; _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_,
+        vol. vii. p. 175.
+
+        In England, the Long Parliament succeeded to the licensing
+        authority of the Star-chamber (_Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol.
+        iv. p. 152); but it is evident from the literature of that time,
+        that for a considerable period the power was in reality in
+        abeyance. Both parties attacked each other freely through the
+        press; and it is said that between the breaking out of the civil
+        war and the restoration, there were published from 30,000 to
+        50,000 pamphlets. _Morgan's Ph[oe]nix Britannicus_, 1731, 4to.
+        pp. iii. 557; _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 4; _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 449. See also on this great
+        movement of the press, _Bates's Account of the Late Troubles_,
+        part i. p. 78; _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, p. 4; _Howell's Letters_,
+        p. 354; _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. p. 45; _Clarendon's
+        Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 81; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iv.
+        pp. 86, 102.
+
+  [261] Dugald Stewart (_Philos. of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 357) says,
+        'Nothing can be more just than the observation of Fontenelle,
+        that "the number of those who believe in a system already
+        established in the world, does not, in the least, add to its
+        credibility; but that the number of those who doubt of it, has a
+        tendency to diminish it."' Compare with this _Newman on
+        Development_, Lond. 1845, p. 31; and the remark of Hylas in
+        _Berkeley's Works_, edit. 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152, first
+        dialogue.
+
+Thus it fell out in France. In that country, as in every other, when
+theological convictions diminished, theological animosities subsided.
+Formerly religion had been the cause of war, and had also been the
+pretext under which it was conducted. Then there came a time when it
+ceased to be the cause: but so slow is the progress of society, that it
+was still found necessary to set it up as the pretext.[262] Finally,
+there came the great days of the Fronde, in which it was neither cause
+nor pretext,[263] and in which there was seen, for the first time in
+France, an arduous struggle by human beings avowedly for human purposes:
+a war waged by men who sought, not to enforce their opinions, but to
+increase their liberty. And, as if to make this change still more
+striking, the most eminent leader of the insurgents was the Cardinal de
+Retz; a man of vast ability, but whose contempt for his profession was
+notorious,[264] and of whom a great historian has said, 'he is the first
+bishop in France who carried on a civil war without making religion the
+pretence.'[265]
+
+  [262] Compare _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 293, with a remarkable
+        passage in _Mém. de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 317; where Rohan contrasts
+        the religious wars he was engaged in during the administration of
+        Richelieu, with those very different wars which had been waged in
+        France a little earlier.
+
+  [263] 'L'esprit religieux ne s'était mêlé en aucune manière aux
+        querelles de la Fronde.' _Capefigue_, vol. ii. p. 434. Lenet, who
+        had great influence with what was called the party of the
+        princes, says that he always avoided any attempt 'à faire aboutir
+        notre parti à une guerre de religion.' _Mém. de Lenet_, vol. i.
+        p. 619. Even the people said that it was unimportant whether or
+        not a man died a Protestant; but that if he were a partizan of
+        Mazarin he was sure to be damned: 'Ils disoient qu'étant mazarin,
+        il falloit qu'il fût damné.' _Lenet_, vol. i. p. 434.
+
+  [264] Indeed he does not conceal this even in his memoirs. He says
+        (_Mém._ vol. i. p. 3), he had 'l'âme peut-être la moins
+        ecclésiastique qui fût dans l'univers.' At p. 13, 'le chagrin que
+        ma profession ne laissoit pas de nourrir toujours dans le fonds
+        de mon âme.' At p. 21, 'je haïssois ma profession plus que
+        jamais.' At p. 48, 'le clergé, qui donne toujours l'exemple de la
+        servitude, la prêchoit aux autres sous le titre d'obéissance.'
+        See also the remark of his great friend Joly (_Mém. de Joly_, p.
+        209, edit. Petitot, 1825); and the account given by Tallemant des
+        Réaux, who knew De Retz well, and had travelled with him,
+        _Historiettes_, vol. vii. pp. 18-30. The same tendency is
+        illustrated, though in a much smaller degree, by a conversation
+        which Charles II., when in exile, held with De Retz, and which is
+        preserved in _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 806, and is
+        worth consulting merely as an instance of the purely secular view
+        that De Retz always took of political affairs.
+
+  [265] 'Cet homme singulier est le premier évêque en France qui ait fait
+        une guerre civile sans avoir la religion pour prétexte.' _Siècle
+        de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 261.
+
+We have thus seen that, during the seventy years which succeeded the
+accession of Henry IV., the French intellect developed itself in a
+manner remarkably similar to that which took place in England. We have
+seen that, in both countries, the mind, according to the natural
+conditions of its growth, first doubted what it had long believed, and
+then tolerated what it had long hated. That this was by no means an
+accidental or capricious combination, is evident, not only from general
+arguments, and from the analogy of the two countries, but also from
+another circumstance of great interest. This is, that the order of
+events, and as it were their relative proportions, were the same, not
+only in reference to the increase of toleration, but also in reference
+to the increase of literature and science. In both countries, the
+progress of knowledge bore the same ratio to the decline of
+ecclesiastical influence, although they manifested that ratio at
+different periods. We had begun to throw off our superstitions somewhat
+earlier than the French were able to do; and thus, being the first in
+the field, we anticipated that great people in producing a secular
+literature. Whoever will take the pains to compare the growth of the
+French and English minds, will see that, in all the most important
+departments, we were the first, I do not say in merit, but in the order
+of time. In prose, in poetry, and in every branch of intellectual
+excellence, it will be found, on comparison, that we were before the
+French nearly a whole generation; and that, chronologically, the same
+proportion was preserved as that between Bacon and Descartes, Hooker and
+Pascal,[266] Shakespeare and Corneille, Massinger and Racine, Ben Jonson
+and Molière, Harvey and Pecquet. These eminent men were all justly
+celebrated in their respective countries; and it would perhaps be
+invidious to institute a comparison between them. But what we have here
+to observe is, that among those who cultivated the same department, the
+greatest Englishman, in every instance, preceded the greatest Frenchman
+by many years. The difference, running as it does, through all the
+leading topics, is far too regular to be considered accidental. And as
+few Englishmen of the present day will be so presumptuous as to suppose
+that we possess any native and inherent superiority over the French, it
+is evident that there must be some marked peculiarity in which the two
+countries differed, and which has produced this difference, not in their
+knowledge, but in the time at which their knowledge appeared. Nor does
+the discovery of this peculiarity require much penetration. For,
+notwithstanding that the French were more tardy than the English, still,
+when the development had fairly begun, the antecedents of its success
+were among both people precisely the same. It is, therefore, clear,
+according to the commonest principles of inductive reasoning, that the
+lateness of the development must be owing to the lateness of the
+antecedent. It is clear that the French knew less because they believed
+more.[267] It is clear that their progress was checked by the prevalence
+of those feelings which are fatal to all knowledge, because, looking on
+antiquity as the sole receptacle of wisdom, they degrade the present in
+order that they may exaggerate the past: feelings which destroy the
+prospects of man, stifle his hopes, damp his curiosity, chill his
+energies, impair his judgment, and, under pretence of humbling the pride
+of his reason, seek to throw him back into that more than midnight
+darkness from which his reason alone has enabled him to emerge.
+
+  [266] Hooker and Pascal may properly be classed together, as the two
+        most sublime theological writers either country has produced; for
+        Bossuet is as inferior to Pascal as Jeremy Taylor is inferior to
+        Hooker.
+
+  [267] One of the most remarkable men they have ever possessed notices
+        this connexion, which he expresses conversely, but with equal
+        truth: 'moins on sait, moins on doute; moins on a découvert,
+        moins on voit ce qui reste à découvrir.... Quand les hommes sont
+        ignorans, il est aisé de tout savoir.' _Discours en Sorbonne_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. pp. 65, 70.
+
+The analogy thus existing between France and England, is, indeed, very
+striking, and, so far as we have yet considered it, seems complete in
+all its parts. To sum up the similarities in a few words, it may be
+said, that both countries followed the same order of development in
+their scepticism, in their knowledge, in their literature, and in their
+toleration. In both countries, there broke out a civil war at the same
+time, for the same object, and, in many respects, under the same
+circumstances. In both, the insurgents, at first triumphant, were
+afterwards defeated; and the rebellion being put down, the governments
+of the two nations were fully restored almost at the same moment: in
+1660 by Charles II.; in 1661, by Louis XIV.[268] But there the
+similarity stopped. At this point there began a marked divergence
+between the two countries;[269] which continued to increase for more
+than a century, until it ended in England by the consolidation of the
+national prosperity, in France by a revolution more sanguinary, more
+complete, and more destructive, than any the world has ever seen. This
+difference between the fortunes of such great and civilized nations is
+so remarkable, that a knowledge of its causes becomes essential to a
+right understanding of European history, and will be found to throw
+considerable light on other events not immediately connected with it.
+Besides this, such an inquiry, independently of its scientific interest,
+will have a high practical value. It will show, what men seem only
+recently to have begun to understand, that, in politics, no certain
+principles having yet been discovered, the first conditions of success
+are compromise, barter, expediency, and concession. It will show the
+utter helplessness even of the ablest rulers, when they try to meet new
+emergencies by old maxims. It will show the intimate connexion between
+knowledge and liberty; between an increasing civilization and an
+advancing democracy. It will show that, for a progressive nation, there
+is required a progressive polity; that within certain limits, innovation
+is the sole ground of security; that no institution can withstand the
+flux and movements of society, unless it not only repairs its structure,
+but also widens its entrance; and that, even in a material point of
+view, no country can long remain either prosperous or safe, in which the
+people are not gradually extending their power, enlarging their
+privileges, and, so to say, incorporating themselves with the functions
+of the state.
+
+  [268] Mazarin, until his death in 1661, exercised complete authority
+        over Louis. See _Siècle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xix. pp. 318, 319; and _Lavallée_, _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. iii. p. 195; so that, as Montglat says (_Mém._
+        vol. iii. p. 111), 'On doit appeler ce temps-là le commencement
+        du règne de Louis XIV.' The pompous manner in which, directly
+        after the death of Mazarin, the king assumed the government, is
+        related by Brienne, who was present. _Mém. de Brienne_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 154-158.
+
+  [269] By this I mean, that the divergence now first became clear to
+        every observer; but the origin of the divergence dates from a
+        much earlier period, as we shall see in the next chapter.
+
+The tranquillity of England, and her freedom from civil war, are to be
+ascribed to the recognition of these great truths;[270] while the
+neglect of them has entailed upon other countries the most woful
+calamities. On this account, therefore, if on no other, it becomes
+interesting to ascertain how it was that the two nations we have been
+comparing should, in regard to these truths, have adopted views
+diametrically opposite, although, in other matters, their opinions, as
+we have already seen, were very similar. Or, to state the question in
+other words, we have to inquire how it was that the French, after
+pursuing precisely the same course as the English, in their knowledge,
+in their scepticism, and in their toleration, should have stopped short
+in their politics; how it was that their minds, which had effected such
+great things, should, nevertheless, have been so unprepared for liberty,
+that, in spite of the heroic efforts of the Fronde, they not only fell
+under the despotism of Louis XIV., but never cared to resist it; and, at
+length, becoming slaves in their souls as well as in their bodies, they
+grew proud of a condition which the meanest Englishman would have
+spurned as an intolerable bondage.
+
+  [270] That is to say, their practical recognition; theoretically, they
+        are still denied by innumerable politicians, who, nevertheless,
+        assist in carrying them into effect, fondly hoping that each
+        innovation will be the last, and enticing men into reform under
+        the pretext that by each change they are returning to the spirit
+        of the ancient British constitution.
+
+The cause of this difference is to be sought in the existence of that
+spirit of protection which is so dangerous and yet so plausible, that it
+forms the most serious obstacle with which advancing civilization has to
+contend. This, which may truly be called an evil spirit, has always been
+far stronger in France than in England. Indeed, among the French, it
+continues, even to the present day, to produce the most mischievous
+results. It is, as I shall hereafter point out, intimately connected
+with that love of centralization which appears in the machinery of their
+government, and in the spirit of their literature. It is this which
+induces them to retain restrictions by which their trade has long been
+troubled, and to preserve monopolies which, in our country, a freer
+system has effectually destroyed. It is this which causes them to
+interfere with the natural relation between producers and consumers; to
+force into existence manufactures which otherwise would never arise, and
+which, for that very reason, are not required; to disturb the ordinary
+march of industry, and, under pretence of protecting their native
+labourers, diminish the produce of labour by diverting it from those
+profitable channels into which its own instincts always compel it to
+flow.
+
+When the protective principle is carried into trade, these are its
+inevitable results. When it is carried into politics, there is formed
+what is called a paternal government, in which supreme power is vested
+in the sovereign, or in a few privileged classes. When it is carried
+into theology, it produces a powerful church, and a numerous clergy, who
+are supposed to be the necessary guardians of religion, and every
+opposition to whom is resented as an insult to the public morals. These
+are the marks by which protection may be recognized; and from a very
+early period they have displayed themselves in France much more clearly
+than in England. Without pretending to discover their precise origin, I
+will, in the next chapter, endeavour to trace them back to a time
+sufficiently remote to explain some of the discrepancies which, in this
+respect existed between the two countries.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Note to p. 93._ Descartes died in Sweden on a visit to Christina; so
+that, strictly speaking, there is an error in the text. But this does
+not affect the argument; because the works of Descartes, being eagerly
+read in France, and not being prohibited, we must suppose that his
+person would have been safe, had he remained in his own country. To burn
+a heretic is a more decisive step than to suppress a book; and as the
+French clergy were not strong enough to effect the latter, it is hardly
+likely that they could have accomplished the former.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+  HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND
+                                ENGLAND.
+
+
+When, towards the end of the fifth century, the Roman empire was broken
+up, there followed, as is well known, a long period of ignorance and of
+crime, in which even the ablest minds were immersed in the grossest
+superstitions. During these, which are rightly called the Dark Ages, the
+clergy were supreme: they ruled the consciences of the most despotic
+sovereigns, and they were respected as men of vast learning, because
+they alone were able to read and write; because they were the sole
+depositaries of those idle conceits of which European science then
+consisted; and because they preserved the legends of the saints and the
+lives of the fathers, from which, as it was believed, the teachings of
+divine wisdom might easily be gathered.
+
+Such was the degradation of the European intellect for about five
+hundred years, during which the credulity of men reached a height
+unparalleled in the annals of ignorance. But at length the human reason,
+that divine spark which even the most corrupt society is unable to
+extinguish, began to display its power, and disperse the mists by which
+it was surrounded. Various circumstances, which it would be tedious here
+to discuss, caused this dispersion to take place at different times in
+different countries. However, speaking generally, we may say that it
+occurred in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and that by the twelfth
+century there was no nation now called civilized, upon whom the light
+had not begun to dawn.
+
+It is from this point that the first great divergence between the
+European nations took its rise. Before this time their superstition was
+so great and universal, that it would avail little to measure the degree
+of their relative darkness. Indeed, so low had they fallen, that, during
+the earlier period, the authority of the clergy was in many respects an
+advantage, as forming a barrier between the people and their rulers, and
+as supplying the sole instance of a class that even made an approach to
+intellectual pursuits. But when the great movement took place, when the
+human reason began to rebel, the position of the clergy was suddenly
+changed. They had been friendly to reasoning as long as the reasoning
+was on their side.[271] While they were the only guardians of knowledge,
+they were eager to promote its interests. Now, however, it was falling
+from their hands: it was becoming possessed by laymen: it was growing
+dangerous: it must be reduced to its proper dimensions. Then it was that
+there first became general the inquisitions, the imprisonments, the
+torturings, the burnings, and all the other contrivances by which the
+church vainly endeavoured to stem the tide that had turned against
+her.[272] From that moment there has been an unceasing struggle between
+these two great parties,--the advocates of inquiry, and the advocates of
+belief: a struggle which, however it may be disguised, and under
+whatever forms it may appear, is at bottom always the same, and
+represents the opposite interests of reason and faith, of scepticism and
+credulity, of progress and reaction, of those who hope for the future,
+and of those who cling to the past.
+
+  [271] 'Toute influence qu'on accordait à la science ne pouvait, dans les
+        premiers temps, qu'être favorable au clergé.' _Meyer_, _Institut.
+        Judic._ vol. i. p. 498.
+
+  [272] Early in the eleventh century the clergy first began
+        systematically to repress independent inquiries by punishing men
+        who attempted to think for themselves. Compare _Sismondi_, _Hist.
+        des Français_, vol. iv. pp. 145, 146; _Neander's Hist. of the
+        Church_, vol. vi. pp. 365, 366; _Prescott's Hist. of Ferdinand
+        and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 261 note. Before this, such a policy,
+        as Sismondi justly observes, was not required: 'Pendant plusieurs
+        siècles, l'église n'avoit été troublée par aucune hérésie;
+        l'ignorance étoit trop complète la soumission trop servile, la
+        foi trop aveugle, pour que les questions qui avoient si long-temps
+        exercé la subtilité des Grecs fussent seulement comprises par les
+        Latins.' As knowledge advanced, the opposition between inquiry
+        and belief became more marked: the church redoubled her efforts,
+        and at the end of the twelfth century the popes first formally
+        called on the secular power to punish heretics; and the earliest
+        constitution addressed 'inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis' is
+        one by Alexander IV. _Meyer_, _Inst. Jud._ vol. ii. pp. 554, 556.
+        See also on this movement, _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_,
+        vol. i. p. 125, vol. iv. p. 284. In 1222 a synod assembled at
+        Oxford caused an apostate to be burned; and this, says Lingard
+        (_Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 148), 'is, I believe, the first
+        instance of capital punishment in England on the ground of
+        religion.' Compare _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 444.
+
+This, then, is the great starting point of modern civilization. From the
+moment that reason began, however faintly, to assert its supremacy, the
+improvement of every people has depended upon their obedience to its
+dictates, and upon the success with which they have reduced to its
+standard the whole of their actions. To understand, therefore, the
+original divergence of France and England, we must seek it in the
+circumstances that took place when this, which may be called the great
+rebellion of the intellect, was first clearly seen.
+
+If now, with a view to such inquiry, we examine the history of Europe,
+we shall find that just at this period there sprung up the feudal
+system: a vast scheme of polity, which, clumsy and imperfect as it was,
+supplied many of the wants of the rude people among whom it arose.[273]
+The connexion between it and the decline of the ecclesiastical spirit
+is very obvious. For the feudal system was the first great secular plan
+that had been seen in Europe since the formation of the civil law: it
+was the first comprehensive attempt which had been made, during more
+than four hundred years, to organize society according to temporal, not
+according to spiritual circumstances, the basis of the whole arrangement
+being merely the possession of land, and the performance of certain
+military and pecuniary services.[274]
+
+  [273] Sir F. Palgrave (_English Commonwealth_, vol. ii. p. ccvi.) says,
+        'it is generally admitted, by the best authorities, that from
+        about the eleventh century benefices acquired the name of fiefs
+        or feuds;' and Robertson (_State of Europe_, note viii. in
+        _Works_, p. 393) supposes that the word _feudum_ does not occur
+        before 1008. But according to M. Guizot (_Civilisation en
+        France_, vol. iii. p. 238), 'il apparaît, pour la première fois,
+        dans une charte de Charles le Gros en 884.' This is a question
+        more curious than important; since whatever the origin of the
+        word may be, it is certain that the thing did not, and could not,
+        exist before the tenth century at the earliest: inasmuch as the
+        extreme disorganisation of society rendered so coercive an
+        institution impossible. M. Guizot, in another work (_Essais sur
+        l'Hist. de France_, p. 239), rightly says, 'Au X^e siècle
+        seulement, les rapports et les pouvoirs sociaux acquirent quelque
+        fixité.' See also his _Civilisation en Europe_, p. 90.
+
+  [274] 'La terre est tout dans ce système.... Le système féodal est comme
+        une religion de la terre.' _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Michelet_, vol. ii. p. 302. 'Le caractère de la féodalité,
+        c'était la prédominance de la _réalité_ sur la _personnalité_, de
+        la terre sur l'homme.' _Eschbach_, _Etude du Droit_, p. 256.
+
+This was, no doubt, a great step in European civilization, because it
+set the first example of a large public polity in which the spiritual
+classes as such had no recognized place;[275] and hence there followed
+that struggle between feudality and the church, which has been observed
+by several writers, but the origin of which has been strangely
+overlooked. What, however, we have now to notice is, that by the
+establishment of the feudal system, the spirit of protection, far from
+being destroyed, was probably not even weakened, but only assumed a new
+form. Instead of being spiritual, it became temporal. Instead of men
+looking up to the church, they looked up to the nobles. For, as a
+necessary consequence of this vast movement, or rather as a part of it,
+the great possessors of land were now being organized into an hereditary
+aristocracy.[276] In the tenth century, we find the first surnames:[277]
+by the eleventh century most of the great offices had become hereditary
+in the leading families:[278] and in the twelfth century armorial
+bearings were invented, as well as other heraldic devices, which long
+nourished the conceit of the nobles, and were valued by their
+descendants as marks of that superiority of birth to which, during many
+ages, all other superiority was considered subordinate.[279]
+
+  [275] According to the social and political arrangements from the fourth
+        to the tenth century, the clergy were so eminently a class apart,
+        that they were freed from 'burdens of the state,' and were not
+        obliged to engage in military services unless they thought proper
+        to do so. See _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. iii. p. 195,
+        vol. v. pp. 133, 140; and _Petrie's Ecclesiast. Archit._ p. 382.
+        But under the feudal system this immunity was lost; and in regard
+        to performing services no separation of classes was admitted.
+        'After the feudal polity became established, we do not find that
+        there was any dispensation for ecclesiastical fiefs.' _Hallam's
+        Supplemental Notes_, p. 120; and for further proof of the loss of
+        the old privileges, compare _Grose's Military Antiquities_, vol.
+        i. pp. 5, 64; _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. i. p. 257; _Turner's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p. 462; and _Mably's Observations_,
+        vol. i. pp. 434, 435: so that, as this writer says, p. 215,
+        'Chaque seigneur laïc avait gagné personnellement à la révolution
+        qui forma le gouvernement féodal; mais les évêques et les abbés,
+        en devenant souverains dans leurs terres, perdirent au contraire
+        beaucoup de leur pouvoir et de leur dignité.'
+
+  [276] The great change of turning life-possessions of land into
+        hereditary possessions, began late in the ninth century, being
+        initiated in France by a capitulary of Charles the Bald, in 877.
+        See _Allen on the Prerogative_, p. 210; _Spence's Origin of the
+        Laws of Europe_, pp. 282, 301; _Meyer_, _Instit. Judiciaires_,
+        vol. i. p. 206.
+
+  [277] That surnames first arose in the tenth century is stated by the
+        most competent authorities. See _Sismondi_, _Hist. de Français_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 452-455; _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 138;
+        _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. iii. p. 268; _Petrie's
+        Ecclesiast. Archit._ pp. 277, 342. Koch (_Tableau des
+        Révolutions_, vol. i. p. 138) erroneously says, 'c'est
+        pareillement aux croisades que l'Europe doit l'usage des surnoms
+        de famille;' a double mistake, both as to the date and the cause,
+        since the introduction of surnames being part of a large social
+        movement, can under no circumstances be ascribed to a single
+        event.
+
+  [278] On this process from the end of the ninth to the twelfth century,
+        compare _Hallam's Supplemental Notes_, pp. 97, 98; _Dalrymple's
+        Hist. of Feudal Property_, p. 21; _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_,
+        vol. i. p. 74.
+
+  [279] As to the origin of armorial bearings, which cannot be traced
+        higher than the twelfth century, see _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol.
+        i. pp. 138, 139; _Ledwich_, _Antiquities of Ireland_, pp. 231,
+        232; _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii. p.
+        382.
+
+Such was the beginning of the European aristocracy, in the sense in
+which that word is commonly used. With the consolidation of its power,
+feudality was made, in reference to the organization of society, the
+successor of the church;[280] and the nobles, becoming hereditary,
+gradually displaced in government, and in the general functions of
+authority, the clergy, among whom the opposite principle of celibacy was
+now firmly established.[281] It is, therefore, evident, that an inquiry
+into the origin of the modern protective spirit does, in a great
+measure, resolve itself into an inquiry into the origin of the
+aristocratic power; since that power was the exponent, and, as it were,
+the cover under which the spirit displayed itself. This, as we shall
+hereafter see, is likewise connected with the great religious rebellion
+of the sixteenth century; the success of which mainly depended on the
+weakness of the protective principle that opposed it. But, reserving
+this for future consideration, I will now endeavour to trace a few of
+the circumstances which gave the aristocracy more power in France than
+in England, and thus accustomed the French to a closer and more constant
+obedience, and infused into them a more reverential spirit than that
+which was usual in our country.
+
+  [280] For, as Lerminia says (_Philos. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 17), 'la loi
+        féodale n'est autre chose que la terre élevée à la souveraineté.'
+        On the decline of the church in consequence of the increased
+        feudal and secular spirit, see _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_,
+        vol. iii. p. 440, vol. iv. p. 88. In our own country, one fact
+        may be mentioned illustrative of the earliest encroachments of
+        laymen: namely, that, before the twelfth century, we find no
+        instance in England of the great seal being entrusted 'to the
+        keeping of a layman.' _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. i. p. 61.
+
+  [281] Celibacy, on account of its supposed ascetic tendency, was
+        advocated and in some countries was enforced, at an early period;
+        but the first general and decisive movement in its favour was in
+        the middle of the eleventh century, before which time it was a
+        speculative doctrine, constantly disobeyed. See _Neander's Hist.
+        of the Church_, vol. vi. pp. 52, 61, 62, 72, 93, 94 note, vol.
+        vii. pp. 127-131; _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 248, 249;
+        _Eccleston's English Antiq._ p. 95.
+
+Soon after the middle of the eleventh century, and therefore while the
+aristocracy was in the process of formation, England was conquered by
+the Duke of Normandy, who naturally introduced the polity existing in
+his own country.[282] But, in his hands, it underwent a modification
+suitable to the new circumstances in which he was placed. He, being in a
+foreign country, the general of a successful army composed partly of
+mercenaries,[283] was able to dispense with some of those feudal usages
+which were customary in France. The great Norman lords, thrown as
+strangers into the midst of a hostile population, were glad to accept
+estates from the crown on almost any terms that would guarantee their
+own security. Of this, William naturally availed himself. For, by
+granting baronies on conditions favourable to the crown, he prevented
+the barons[284] from possessing that power which they exercised in
+France, and which, but for this, they would have exercised in England.
+The result was, that the most powerful of our nobles became amenable to
+the law, or, at all events, to the authority of the king.[285] Indeed,
+to such an extent was this carried, that William, shortly before his
+death, obliged all the landowners to render their fealty to him; thus
+entirely neglecting that peculiarity of feudalism, according to which
+each vassal was separately dependent on his own lord.[286]
+
+  [282] Where it was particularly flourishing: 'la féodalité fut organisée
+        en Normandie plus fortement et plus systématiquement que partout
+        ailleurs en France.' _Klimrath_, _Travaux sur l'Hist. du Droit_,
+        vol. i. p. 130. The 'coutume de Normandie' was, at a much later
+        period, only to be found in the old 'grand coutumier.'
+        _Klimrath_, vol. ii. p. 160. On the peculiar tenacity with which
+        the Normans clung to it, see _Lettres d'Aguesseau_, vol. ii. pp.
+        225, 226: 'accoutumés à respecter leur coutume comme l'évangile.'
+
+  [283] _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 387; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 390, vol. iv. p. 76. Mercenary troops were
+        also employed by his immediate successors. _Grose's Military
+        Antiq._ vol. i. p. 55.
+
+  [284] On the different meanings attached to the word 'baron,' compare
+        _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 40, with _Meyer_,
+        _Instit. Judiciaires_, vol. i. p. 105. But M. Guizot says, what
+        seems most likely, 'il est probable que ce nom fut commun
+        originairement à tous les vassaux immédiats de la couronne, liés
+        au roi _per servitium militare_, par le service de chevalier.'
+        _Essais_, p. 265.
+
+  [285] _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. i. p. 242; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 220. The same policy of reducing the
+        nobles was followed up by Henry II., who destroyed the baronial
+        castles. _Turner_, vol. iv. p. 223. Compare _Lingard_, vol. i.
+        pp. 315, 371.
+
+  [286] 'Deinde c[oe]pit homagia hominum totius Angliæ, et juramentum
+        fidelitatis cujuscumque essent feodi vel tenementi.' _Matthæi
+        Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+But in France, the course of affairs was very different. In that country
+the great nobles held their lands, not so much by grant, as by
+prescription.[287] A character of antiquity was thus thrown over their
+rights; which, when added to the weakness of the crown, enabled them to
+exercise on their own estates, all the functions of independent
+sovereigns.[288] Even when they received their first great check, under
+Philip Augustus,[289] they, in his reign, and indeed long after, wielded
+a power quite unknown in England. Thus, to give only two instances: the
+right of coining money, which has always been regarded as an attribute
+of sovereignty, was never allowed in England, even to the greatest
+nobles.[290] But in France it was exercised by many persons
+independently of the crown, and was not abrogated until the sixteenth
+century.[291] A similar remark holds good of what was called the right
+of private war; by virtue of which the nobles were allowed to attack
+each other, and disturb the peace of the country with the prosecution of
+their private feuds. In England the aristocracy were never strong enough
+to have this admitted as a right,[292] though they too often exercised
+it as a practice. But in France it became a part of the established law;
+it was incorporated into the text-books of feudalism, and it is
+distinctly recognized by Louis IX. and Philip the Fair,--two kings of
+considerable energy, who did every thing in their power to curtail the
+enormous authority of the nobles.[293]
+
+  [287] See some good remarks on this difference between the French and
+        English nobles, in _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. ii. pp. 99, 100.
+        Mably (_Observations_, vol. i. p. 60) says: 'en effet, on
+        négligea, sur la fin de la première race, de conserver les titres
+        primordiaux de ses possessions.' As to the old customary French
+        law of prescription, see _Giraud_, _Précis de l'Ancien Droit_,
+        pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [288] _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. i. pp. 70,
+        162, 178.
+
+  [289] On the policy of Philip Augustus in regard to the nobles, see
+        _Mably_, _Observations_, vol. i. p. 246; _Lerminier_, _Philos. du
+        Droit_, vol. i. p. 265; _Boulainvilliers_, _Hist. de l'Ancien
+        Gouvernement_, vol. iii. pp. 147-150; _Guizot_, _Civilisation en
+        France_, vol. iv. pp. 134, 135; _Courson_, _Hist. des Peuples
+        Brétons_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 350.
+
+  [290] 'No subjects ever enjoyed the right of coining silver in England
+        without the royal stamp and superintendence; a remarkable proof
+        of the restraint in which the feudal aristocracy was always held
+        in this country.' _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 154.
+
+  [291] _Brougham's Polit. Philos._ 1849, vol. i. p. 446. In addition to
+        the evidence there given on the right of coinage, see _Mably's
+        Observations_, vol. i. p. 424, vol. ii. pp. 296, 297; and
+        _Turner's Normandy_, vol. ii. p. 261.
+
+  [292] _Hallam's Supplemental Notes_, pp. 304, 305.
+
+  [293] 'Saint-Louis consacra le droit de guerre.... Philippe le Bel, qui
+        voulut l'abolir, finit par le rétablir.' _Montlosier_, _Monarchie
+        Française_, vol. i. pp. 127, 202: see also pp. 434, 435, and vol.
+        ii. pp. 435, 436. Mably (_Observations_, vol. ii. p. 338)
+        mentions 'lettres-patentes de Philippe-de-Valois du 8 février
+        1330, pour permettre dans le duché d'Aquitaine les guerres
+        privées,' &c.; and he adds, 'le 9 avril 1353 le roi Jean
+        renouvelle l'ordonnance de S. Louis, nommée la quarantaine du
+        roi, touchant les guerres privées.'
+
+Out of this difference between the aristocratic power of France and
+England, there followed many consequences of great importance. In our
+country the nobles, being too feeble to contend with the crown, were
+compelled, in self-defence, to ally themselves with the people.[294]
+About a hundred years after the Conquest, the Normans and Saxons
+amalgamated; and both parties united against the king in order to uphold
+their common rights.[295] The Magna Charta, which John was forced to
+yield contained concessions to the aristocracy; but its most important
+stipulations were those in favour of 'all classes of freemen.'[296]
+Within half a century, fresh contests broke out; the barons were again
+associated with the people, and again there followed the same
+results,--the extension of popular privileges being each time the
+condition and the consequence of this singular alliance. In the same
+way, when the Earl of Leicester raised a rebellion against Henry III.,
+he found his own party too weak to make head against the crown. He,
+therefore, applied to the people:[297] and it is to him that our House
+of Commons owes its origin; since he, in 1264, set the first example of
+issuing writs to cities and boroughs; thus calling upon citizens and
+burgesses to take their place in what had hitherto been a parliament
+composed entirely of priests and nobles.[298]
+
+  [294] Sir Francis Palgrave (in his _Rise and Progress of the English
+        Commonwealth_, vol. i. pp. 51-55) has attempted to estimate the
+        results produced by the Norman Conquest; but he omits to notice
+        this, which was the most important consequence of all.
+
+  [295] On this political union between Norman barons and Saxon citizens,
+        of which the first clear indication is at the end of the twelfth
+        century, compare _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. i. p. 113, with
+        _Brougham's Polit. Philos._ vol. i. p. 339, vol. iii. p. 222.
+
+In regard to the general question of the amalgamation of races, we have
+three distinct kinds of evidence:
+
+1st. Towards the end of the twelfth century, a new language began to be
+formed by blending Norman with Saxon; and English literature, properly
+so called, dates from the commencement of the thirteenth century.
+Compare _Madden's Preface to Layamon_, 1847, vol. i. pp. xx. xxi., with
+_Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. viii. pp. 214, 217, 436, 437.
+
+2nd. We have the specific statement of a writer in the reign of Henry
+II., that 'sic permixtæ sunt nationes ut vix discerni possit hodie, de
+liberis loquor, quis Anglicus, quis Normannus sit genere.' _Note in
+Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 106.
+
+3rd. Before the thirteenth century had passed away, the difference of
+dress, which in that state of society would survive many other
+differences, was no longer observed, and the distinctive peculiarities
+of Norman and Saxon attire had disappeared. See _Strutt's View of the
+Dress and Habits of the People of England_, vol. ii. p. 67, edit.
+Planché, 1842, 4to.
+
+  [296] 'An equal distribution of civil rights to all classes of freemen
+        forms the peculiar beauty of the charter.' _Hallam's Middle
+        Ages_, vol. ii. p. 108. This is very finely noticed in one of
+        Lord Chatham's great speeches. _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. p. 662.
+
+  [297] Compare _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. ii. p. 39, with _Lingard's
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 127, and _Somers Tracts_, vol. vi. p. 92.
+
+  [298] 'He is to be honoured as the founder of a representative system of
+        government in this country.' _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. i.
+        p. 61. Some writers (see, for instance, _Dalrymple's Hist. of
+        Feudal Property_, p. 332) suppose that burgesses were summoned
+        before the reign of Henry III.: but this assertion is not only
+        unsupported by evidence, but is in itself improbable; because at
+        an early period the citizens, though rapidly increasing in power,
+        were hardly important enough to warrant such a step being taken.
+        The best authorities are now agreed to refer the origin of the
+        House of Commons to the period mentioned in the text. See
+        _Hallam's Supplement_, _Notes_, pp. 335-339; _Spence's Origin of
+        the Laws of Europe_, p. 512; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. i. p.
+        155; _Lingard's England_, vol. ii. p. 138; _Guizot's Essais_, p.
+        319. The notion of tracing this to the wittenagemot is as absurd
+        as finding the origin of juries in the system of compurgators;
+        both of which were favourite errors in the seventeenth, and even
+        in the eighteenth century. In regard to the wittenagemot, this
+        idea still lingers among antiquaries: but, in regard to
+        compurgators, even they have abandoned their old ground, and it
+        is now well understood that trial by jury did not exist till long
+        after the Conquest. Compare _Palgrave's English Commonwealth_,
+        part i. pp. 243 seq., with _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. ii. pp.
+        152-173. There are few things in our history so irrational as the
+        admiration expressed by a certain class of writers for the
+        institutions of our barbarous Anglo-Saxon ancestors.
+
+The English aristocracy being thus forced, by their own weakness, to
+rely on the people,[299] it naturally followed, that the people imbibed
+that tone of independence, and that lofty bearing, of which our civil
+and political institutions are the consequence, rather than the cause.
+It is to this, and not to any fanciful peculiarity of race, that we owe
+the sturdy and enterprising spirit for which the inhabitants of this
+island have long been remarkable. It is this which has enabled us to
+baffle all the arts of oppression, and to maintain for centuries
+liberties which no other nation has ever possessed. And it is this which
+has fostered and upheld those great municipal privileges, which,
+whatever be their faults, have, at least, the invaluable merit of
+accustoming free men to the exercise of power, giving to citizens the
+management of their own city, and perpetuating the idea of independence,
+by preserving it in a living type, and by enlisting in its support the
+interests and affections of individual men.
+
+  [299] Montlosier, with the fine spirit of a French noble, taunts the
+        English aristocracy with this: 'En France la noblesse, attaquée
+        sans cesse, s'est défendue sans cesse. Elle a subi l'oppression;
+        elle ne l'a point acceptée. En Angleterre, elle a couru dès la
+        première commotion, se réfugier dans les rangs des bourgeois, et
+        sous leur protection. Elle a abdiqué ainsi son existence.'
+        _Montlosier_, _Monarchie Française_, vol. iii. p. 162. Compare an
+        instructive passage in _De Staël_, _Consid. sur la Révolution_,
+        vol. i. p. 421.
+
+But the habits of self-government which, under these circumstances, were
+cultivated in England, were, under opposite circumstances, neglected in
+France. The great French lords being too powerful to need the people,
+were unwilling to seek their alliance.[300] The result was, that, amid a
+great variety of forms and names, society was, in reality, only divided
+into two classes--the upper and the lower, the protectors and the
+protected. And, looking at the ferocity of the prevailing manners, it
+is not too much to say, that in France, under the feudal system, every
+man was either a tyrant or a slave. Indeed, in most instances, the two
+characters were combined in the same person. For, the practice of
+subinfeudation, which in our country was actively checked, became in
+France almost universal.[301] By this, the great lords having granted
+lands on condition of fealty and other services to certain persons,
+these last subgranted them; that is, made them over on similar
+conditions to other persons, who had likewise the power of bestowing
+them on a fourth party, and so on in an endless series;[302] thus
+forming a long chain of dependence, and, as it were, organizing
+submission into a system.[303] In England, on the other hand, such
+arrangements were so unsuited to the general state of affairs, that it
+is doubtful if they were ever carried on to any extent; and, at all
+events, it is certain that, in the reign of Edward I., they were finally
+stopped by the statute known to lawyers as _Quia emptores_.[304]
+
+  [300] See some good remarks in _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de
+        France_, vol. iii. pp. 114, 115.
+
+  [301] _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 111.
+
+  [302] 'Originally there was no limit to subinfeudation.' _Brougham's
+        Polit. Philos._ vol. i. p. 279.
+
+  [303] A living French historian boasts that, in his own country, 'toute
+        la société féodale formait ainsi une échelle de clientelle et de
+        patronage.' _Cassagnac_, _Révolution Française_, vol. i. p. 459.
+
+  [304] This is 18 Edw. I. c. 1; respecting which, see _Blackstone's
+        Comment._ vol. ii. p. 91, vol. iv. p. 425; _Reeve's Hist. of
+        English Law_, vol. ii. p. 223; _Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal
+        Property_, pp. 102, 243, 340.
+
+Thus early was there a great social divergence between France and
+England. The consequences of this were still more obvious when, in the
+fourteenth century, the feudal system rapidly decayed in both countries.
+For in England, the principle of protection being feeble, men were in
+some degree accustomed to self-government; and they were able to hold
+fast by those great institutions which would have been ill adapted to
+the more obedient habits of the French people. Our municipal privileges,
+the rights of our yeomanry, and the security of our copyholders, were,
+from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the three most
+important guarantees for the liberties of England.[305] In France such
+guarantees were impossible. The real division being between those who
+were noble, and those who were not noble, no room was left for the
+establishment of intervening classes; but all were compelled to fall
+into one of these two great ranks.[306] The French have never had any
+thing answering to our yeomanry; nor were copyholders recognized by
+their laws. And, although they attempted to introduce into their
+country municipal institutions, all such efforts were futile; for, while
+they copied the forms of liberty, they lacked that bold and sturdy
+spirit by which alone liberty can be secured. They had, indeed, its
+image and superscription; but they wanted the sacred fire that warms the
+image into life. Every thing else they possessed. The show and
+appliances of freedom were there. Charters were granted to their towns,
+and privileges conceded to their magistrates. All, however, was useless.
+For it is not by the wax and parchment of lawyers that the independence
+of men can be preserved. Such things are the mere externals; they set
+off liberty to advantage; they are as its dress and paraphernalia, its
+holiday-suit in times of peace and quiet. But, when the evil days set
+in, when the invasions of despotism have begun, liberty will be
+retained, not by those who can show the oldest deeds and the largest
+charters, but by those who have been most inured to habits of
+independence, most accustomed to think and act for themselves, and most
+regardless of that insidious protection which the upper classes have
+always been so ready to bestow, that, in many countries, they have now
+left nothing worth the trouble to protect.
+
+  [305] The history of the decay of that once most important class, the
+        English yeomanry, is an interesting subject, and one for which I
+        have collected considerable materials; at present, I will only
+        say, that its decline was first distinctly perceptible in the
+        latter half of the seventeenth century, and was consummated by
+        the rapidly-increasing power of the commercial and manufacturing
+        classes early in the eighteenth century. After losing their
+        influence, their numbers naturally diminished, and they made way
+        for other bodies of men, whose habits of mind were less
+        prejudiced, and therefore better suited to that new state which
+        society assumed in the last age. I mention this, because some
+        writers regret the almost total destruction of the yeoman
+        freeholders; overlooking the fact, that they are disappearing,
+        not in consequence of any violent revolution or stretch of
+        arbitrary power, but simply by the general march of affairs;
+        society doing away with what it no longer requires. Compare
+        _Kay's Social Condition of the People_, vol. i. pp. 43, 602, with
+        a letter from Wordsworth in _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_,
+        p. 440; a note in _Mill's Polit. Econ._ vol. i. pp. 311, 312;
+        another in _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. v. p. 323; and _Sinclair's
+        Correspond._ vol. i. p. 229.
+
+  [306] This is stated as an admitted fact by French writers living in
+        different periods and holding different opinions; but all agreed
+        as to there being only two divisions: 'comme en France on est
+        toujours ou noble, ou roturier, et qu'il n'y a pas de milieu.'
+        _Mém. de Rivarol_, p. 7. 'La grande distinction des nobles et des
+        roturiers.' _Giraud_, _Précis de l'Ancien Droit_, p. 10. Indeed,
+        according to the Coutumes, the nobles and roturiers attained
+        their majority at different ages. _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_,
+        vol. ii. p. 249 (erroneously stated in _Story's Conflict of
+        Laws_, pp. 56, 79, 114). See further respecting this capital
+        distinction, _Mém. de Duplessis Mornay_, vol. ii. p. 230
+        ('agréable à la noblesse et au peuple'); _[OE]uvres de Turgot_,
+        vol. viii. pp. 222, 232, 237; _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_,
+        p. 256; _Mably_, _Observations_, vol. iii. p. 263; and _Mercier
+        sur Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 38: 'On étoit roturier, vilain, homme
+        de néant, canaille, dès qu'on ne s'appelloit plus marquis, baron,
+        comte, chevalier, etc.'
+
+And so it was in France. The towns, with few exceptions, fell at the
+first shock; and the citizens lost those municipal privileges which, not
+being grafted on the national character, it was found impossible to
+preserve. In the same way, in our country, power naturally, and by the
+mere force of the democratic movement, fell into the hands of the House
+of Commons; whose authority has ever since, notwithstanding occasional
+checks, continued to increase at the expense of the more aristocratic
+parts of the legislature. The only institution answering to this in
+France was the States-General; which, however, had so little influence,
+that, in the opinion of native historians, it was hardly to be called an
+institution at all.[307] Indeed, the French were, by this time, so
+accustomed to the idea of protection, and to the subordination which
+that idea involves, that they were little inclined to uphold an
+establishment which, in their constitution, was the sole representative
+of the popular element. The result was, that, by the fourteenth century,
+the liberties of Englishmen were secured;[308] and, since then, their
+only concern has been to increase what they have already obtained. But
+in that same century, in France, the protective spirit assumed a new
+form; the power of the aristocracy was, in a great measure, succeeded by
+the power of the crown; and there began that tendency to centralization
+which, having been pushed still further, first under Louis XIV., and
+afterwards under Napoleon, has become the bane of the French
+people.[309] For by it the feudal ideas of superiority and submission
+have long survived that barbarous age to which alone they were suited.
+Indeed, by their transmigration, they seemed to have gained fresh
+strength. In France, every thing is referred to one common centre, in
+which all civil functions are absorbed. All improvements of any
+importance, all schemes for bettering even the material condition of the
+people must receive the sanction of government; the local authorities
+not being considered equal to such arduous tasks. In order that inferior
+magistrates may not abuse their power, no power is conferred upon them.
+The exercise of independent jurisdiction is almost unknown. Every thing
+that is done must be done at head quarters.[310] The government is
+believed to see every thing, know every thing, and provide for every
+thing. To enforce this monstrous monopoly there has been contrived a
+machinery well worthy of the design. The entire country is covered by an
+immense array of officials;[311] who, in the regularity of their
+hierarchy, and in the order of their descending series, form an
+admirable emblem of that feudal principle, which ceasing to be
+territorial, has now become personal. In fact, the whole business of the
+state is conducted on the supposition that no man either knows his own
+interest, or is fit to take care of himself. So paternal are the
+feelings of government, so eager for the welfare of its subjects, that
+it has drawn within its jurisdiction the most rare, as well as the most
+ordinary, actions of life. In order that the French may not make
+imprudent wills, it has limited the right of bequest; and, for fear that
+they should bequeath their property wrongly, it prevents them from
+bequeathing the greater part of it at all. In order that society may be
+protected by its police, it has directed that no one shall travel
+without a passport. And when men are actually travelling, they are met
+at every turn by the same interfering spirit, which, under pretence of
+protecting their persons, shackles their liberty. Into another matter,
+far more serious, the French have carried the same principle. Such is
+their anxiety to protect society against criminals, that, when an
+offender is placed at the bar of one of their courts, there is exhibited
+a spectacle which is no idle boast to say we, in England, could not
+tolerate for a single hour. There is seen a great public magistrate, by
+whom the prisoner is about to be tried, examining him in order to
+ascertain his supposed guilt, re-examining him, cross-examining him,
+performing the duties, not of a judge, but of a prosecutor, and bringing
+to bear against the unhappy man all the authority of his judicial
+position, all his professional subtlety, all his experience, all the
+dexterity of his practised understanding. This is, perhaps, the most
+alarming of the many instances in which the tendencies of the French
+intellect are shown; because it supplies a machinery ready for the
+purposes of absolute power; because it brings the administration of
+justice into disrepute, by associating with it an idea of unfairness;
+and because it injures that calm and equable temper, which it is
+impossible fully to maintain under a system that makes a magistrate an
+advocate, and turns the judge into a partizan. But this, mischievous as
+it is, only forms part of a far larger scheme. For, to the method by
+which criminals are discovered, there is added an analogous method, by
+which crime is prevented. With this view, the people, even in their
+ordinary amusements, are watched and carefully superintended. Lest they
+should harm each other by some sudden indiscretion, precautions are
+taken similar to those with which a father might surround his children.
+In their fairs, at their theatres, their concerts, and their other
+places of public resort, there are always present soldiers, who are sent
+to see that no mischief is done, that there is no unnecessary crowding,
+that no one uses harsh language, that no one quarrels with his
+neighbour. Nor does the vigilance of the government stop there. Even the
+education of children is brought under the control of the state, instead
+of being regulated by the judgment of masters or parents.[312] And the
+whole plan is executed with such energy, that, as the French while men
+are never let alone, just so while children they are never left
+alone.[313] At the same time, it being reasonably supposed that the
+adults thus kept in pupilage cannot be proper judges of their own food,
+the government has provided for this also. Its prying eye follows the
+butcher to the shambles, and the baker to the oven. By its paternal
+hand, meat is examined lest it should be bad, and bread is weighed lest
+it should be light. In short, without multiplying instances, with which
+most readers must be familiar, it is enough to say that in France, as in
+every country where the protective principle is active, the government
+has established a monopoly of the worst kind; a monopoly which comes
+home to the business and bosoms of men, follows them in their daily
+avocations, troubles them with its petty, meddling spirit, and, what is
+worse than all, diminishes their responsibility to themselves; thus
+depriving them of what is the only real education that most minds
+receive,--the constant necessity of providing for future contingencies,
+and the habit of grappling with the difficulties of life.
+
+  [307] 'Les états-généraux sont portés dans la liste de nos institutions.
+        Je ne sais cependant s'il est permis de donner ce nom à des
+        rassemblemens aussi irréguliers.' _Montlosier_, _Monarchie
+        Française_, vol. i. p. 266. 'En France, les états-généraux, au
+        moment même de leur plus grand éclat, c'est à dire dans le cours
+        du xiv^e siècle, n'ont guère été que des accidents, un pouvoir
+        national et souvent invoqué, mais non un établissement
+        constitutionnel.' _Guizot_, _Essais_, p. 253. See also _Mably_,
+        _Observations_, vol. iii. p. 147; and _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. xiv. p. 642.
+
+  [308] This is frankly admitted by one of the most candid and enlightened
+        of all the foreign writers on our history, _Guizot_, _Essais_, p.
+        297: 'En 1307, les droits qui devaient enfanter en Angleterre un
+        gouvernement libre étaient définitivement reconnus.'
+
+  [309] See an account of the policy of Philip the Fair, in _Mably_,
+        _Observations_, vol. ii. pp. 25-44; in _Boulainvilliers_, _Ancien
+        Gouvernement_, vol. i. pp. 292, 314, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38; and in
+        _Guizot_, _Civilisation en France_, vol. iv. pp. 170-192. M.
+        Guizot says, perhaps too strongly, that his reign was 'la
+        métamorphose de la royauté en despotisme,' On the connexion of
+        this with the centralizing movement, see _Tocqueville's
+        Démocratie_, vol. i. p. 307: 'Le goût de la centralisation et la
+        manie réglementaire remontent, en France, à l'époque où les
+        légistes sont entrés dans le gouvernement; ce qui nous reporte au
+        temps de Philippe le Bel.' Tennemann also notices, that in his
+        reign the 'Rechtstheorie' began to exercise influence; but this
+        learned writer takes a purely metaphysical view, and has
+        therefore misunderstood the more general social tendency. _Gesch.
+        der Philos._ vol. viii. p. 823.
+
+  [310] As several writers on law notice this system with a lenient eye
+        _Origines du Droit Français_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii.
+        p. 321; and _Eschbach_, _Etude du Droit_, p. 129: 'le système
+        énergique de la centralisation', it may be well to state how it
+        actually works.
+
+        Mr. Bulwer, writing twenty years ago, says: 'Not only cannot a
+        commune determine its own expenses without the consent of the
+        minister or one of his deputed functionaries, it cannot even
+        erect a building, the cost of which shall have been sanctioned,
+        without the plan being adopted by a board of public works
+        attached to the central authority, and having the supervision and
+        direction of every public building throughout the Kingdom.'
+        _Bulwer's Monarchy of the Middle Classes_, 1836, vol. ii. p. 262.
+
+        M. Tocqueville, writing in the present year (1856), says, 'Sous
+        l'ancien régime, _comme de nos jours_, il n'y avait ville, bourg,
+        village, ni si petit hameau en France, hôpital, fabrique, couvent
+        ni collège, qui pût avoir une volonté indépendante dans ses
+        affaires particulières, ni administrer à sa volonté ses propres
+        biens. Alors, _comme aujourd'hui_, l'administration tenait donc
+        tous les Français en tutelle, et si l'insolence du mot ne s'était
+        pas encore produite, on avait du moins déjà la chose.'
+        _Tocqueville_, _l'Ancien Régime_, 1856, pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [311] The number of civil functionaries in France, who are paid by the
+        government to trouble the people, passes all belief, being
+        estimated, at different periods during the present century, at
+        from 138,000 to upwards of 800,000. _Tocqueville_, _de la
+        Démocratie_, vol. i. p. 220; _Alison's Europe_, vol. xiv. pp. 127,
+        140; _Kay's Condition of the People_, vol. i. p. 272; _Laing's
+        Notes_, 2d series, p. 185. Mr. Laing, writing in 1850, says: 'In
+        France, at the expulsion of Louis Philippe, the civil
+        functionaries were stated to amount to 807,030 individuals.'
+
+  [312] 'The government in France possesses control over all the education
+        of the country, with the exception of the colleges for the
+        education of the clergy, which are termed seminaries, and their
+        subordinate institutions.' _Report on the State of Superior
+        Education in France in_ 1843, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol.
+        vi. p. 304. On the steps taken during the power of Napoleon, see
+        _Alison's Europe_, vol. viii. p. 203: 'Nearly the whole education
+        of the empire was brought effectually under the direction and
+        appointment of government.'
+
+  [313] Much attention is paid to the _surveillance_ of pupils; it being a
+        fundamental principle of French education, that children should
+        never be left alone. _Report on General Education in France in_
+        1842, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. v. p. 20.
+
+The consequence of all this has been, that the French, though a great
+and splendid people,--a people full of mettle, high-spirited, abounding
+in knowledge, and perhaps less oppressed by superstition than any other
+in Europe,--have always been found unfit to exercise political power.
+Even when they have possessed it, they have never been able to combine
+permanence with liberty. One of these two elements has always been
+wanting. They have had free governments, which have not been stable.
+They have had stable governments, which have not been free. Owing to
+their fearless temper, they have rebelled, and no doubt will continue to
+rebel, against so evil a condition.[314] But it does not need the tongue
+of a prophet to tell that, for at least some generations, all such
+efforts must be unsuccessful. For men can never be free, unless they are
+educated to freedom. And this is not the education which is to be found
+in schools, or gained from books; but it is that which consists in
+self-discipline, in self-reliance, and in self-government. These, in
+England, are matters of hereditary descent--traditional habits, which we
+imbibe in our youth, and which regulate us in the conduct of life. The
+old associations of the French all point in another direction. At the
+slightest difficulty, they call on the government for support. What with
+us is competition, with them is monopoly. That which we effect by
+private companies, they effect by public boards. They cannot cut a
+canal, or lay down a railroad, without appealing to the government for
+aid. With them, the people look to the rulers; with us, the rulers look
+to the people. With them, the executive is the centre from which society
+radiates;[315] with us, society is the instigator, and the executive the
+organ. The difference in the result has corresponded with the difference
+in the process. We have been made fit for political power, by the long
+exercise of civil rights; they, neglecting the exercise, think they can
+at once begin with the power. We have always shown a determination to
+uphold our liberties, and, when the times are fitting, to increase them;
+and this we have done with a decency and a gravity natural to men to
+whom such subjects have long been familiar. But the French, always
+treated as children, are, in political matters, children still. And as
+they have handled the most weighty concerns in that gay and volatile
+spirit which adorns their lighter literature, it is no wonder that they
+have failed in matters where the first condition of success is, that men
+should have been long accustomed to rely upon their own energies, and
+that before they try their skill in a political struggle, their
+resources should have been sharpened by that preliminary discipline,
+which a contest with the difficulties of civil life can never fail to
+impart.
+
+  [314] A distinguished French author says: 'La France souffre du mal du
+        siècle; elle en est plus malade qu'aucun autre pays; ce mal c'est
+        la haine de l'autorité.' _Custine_, _Russie_, vol. ii. p. 136.
+        Compare, _Rey_, _Science Sociale_, vol. ii. p. 86 note.
+
+  [315] It is to the activity of this protective and centralizing spirit
+        that we must ascribe, what a very great authority noticed thirty
+        years ago, as 'le défaut de spontanéité, qui caractérise les
+        institutions de la France moderne.' _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._
+        vol. iv. p. 536. It is also this which, in literature and in
+        science, makes them favour the establishment of academies; and it
+        is probably to the same principle that their jurists owe their
+        love of codification. All these are manifestations of an
+        unwillingness to rely on the general march of affairs, and show
+        an undue contempt for the unaided conclusions of private men.
+
+These are among the considerations by which we must be guided, in
+estimating the probable destinies of the great countries of Europe. But
+what we are now rather concerned with is, to notice how the opposite
+tendencies of France and England long continued to be displayed in the
+condition and treatment of their aristocracy; and how from this there
+naturally followed some striking differences between the war conducted
+by the Fronde, and that waged by the Long Parliament.
+
+When, in the fourteenth century, the authority of the French kings began
+rapidly to increase, the political influence of the nobility was, of
+course, correspondingly diminished. What, however, proves the extent to
+which their power had taken root, is the undoubted fact, that,
+notwithstanding this to them unfavourable circumstance, the people were
+never able to emancipate themselves from their control.[316] The
+relation the nobles bore to the throne became entirely changed; that
+which they bore to the people remained almost the same. In England,
+slavery, or villenage, as it is mildly termed, quickly diminished, and
+was extinct by the end of the sixteenth century.[317] In France, it
+lingered on two hundred years later, and was only destroyed in that
+great Revolution by which the possessors of ill-gotten power were called
+to so sharp an account.[318] Thus, too, until the last seventy years,
+the nobles were in France exempt from those onerous taxes which
+oppressed the people. The taille and corvée were heavy and grievous
+exactions, but they fell solely on men of ignoble birth;[319] for the
+French aristocracy, being a high and chivalrous race, would have deemed
+it an insult to their illustrious descent, if they had been taxed to the
+same amount as those whom they despised as their inferiors.[320]
+Indeed, every thing tended to nurture this general contempt. Every
+thing was contrived to humble one class, and exalt the other. For the
+nobles there were reserved the best appointments in the church, and also
+the most important military posts.[321] The privilege of entering the
+army as officers was confined to them;[322] and they alone possessed a
+prescriptive right to belong to the cavalry.[323] At the same time, and
+to avoid the least chance of confusion, an equal vigilance was displayed
+in the most trifling matters, and care was taken to prevent any
+similarity, even in the amusements of the two classes. To such a pitch
+was this brought, that, in many parts of France, the right of having an
+aviary or a dovecote depended entirely on a man's rank; and no
+Frenchman, whatever his wealth might be, could keep pigeons, unless he
+were a noble; it being considered that these recreations were too
+elevated for persons of plebeian origin.[324]
+
+  [316] Mably (_Observations_, vol. iii. pp. 154, 155, 352-362) has
+        collected some striking evidence of the tyranny of the French
+        nobles in the sixteenth century; and as to the wanton cruelty
+        with which they exercised their power in the seventeenth century,
+        see _Des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. vii. p. 155, vol. viii. p.
+        79, vol. ix. pp. 40, 61, 62, vol. x. pp. 255-257. In the
+        eighteenth century, matters were somewhat better; but still the
+        subordination was excessive, and the people were poor,
+        ill-treated, and miserable. Compare _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol.
+        iv. p. 139; _Letter from the Earl of Cork_, dated Lyons, 1754, in
+        _Burton's Diary_, vol. iv. p. 80; the statement of Fox, in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 406; _Jefferson's Correspond._ vol. ii. p.
+        45; and _Smith's Tour on the Continent_, edit. 1793, vol. iii.
+        pp. 201, 202.
+
+  [317] Mr. Eccleston (_English Antiq._ p. 138) says, that in 1450
+        'villenage had almost passed away;' and according to Mr. Thornton
+        (_Over-Population_, p. 182), 'Sir Thomas Smith, who wrote about
+        the year 1550, declares that he had never met with any personal
+        or domestic slaves; and that the villains, or predial slaves,
+        still to be found, were so few, as to be scarcely worth
+        mentioning.' Mr. Hallam can find no 'unequivocal testimony to the
+        existence of villenage' later than 1574. _Middle Ages_, vol. ii.
+        p. 312; see, to the same effect, _Barrington on the Statutes_,
+        pp. 308, 309. If, however, my memory does not deceive me, I have
+        met with evidence of it in the reign of James I., but I cannot
+        recall the passage.
+
+  [318] M. Cassagnac (_Causes de la Révolution_, vol. iii. p. 11) says:
+        'Chose surprenante, il y avait encore, au 4 août 1789, _un
+        million cinq cent mille serfs de corps_;' and M. Giraud (_Précis
+        de l'Ancien Droit_, Paris, 1852, p. 3), 'jusqu'à la révolution
+        une division fondamentale partageait les personnes en personnes
+        libres et personnes sujettes à condition servile.' A few years
+        before the Revolution, this shameful distinction was abolished by
+        Louis XVI. in his own domains. Compare _Eschbach_, _Etude du
+        Droit_, pp. 271, 272, with _Du Mesnil_, _Mém. sur le Prince le
+        Brun_, p. 94. I notice this particularly, because M. Monteil, a
+        learned and generally accurate writer, supposes that the
+        abolition took place earlier than it really did. _Hist. des
+        divers Etats_, vol. vi. p. 101.
+
+  [319] _Cassagnac_, _de la Révolution_, vol. i. pp. 122, 173; _Giraud_,
+        _Ancien Droit_, p. 11; _Soulavie_, _Mém. de Louis XVI_, vol. vi.
+        p. 156; _Mém. au Roi sur les Municipalités_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. vii. p. 423; _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. i. p. 200.
+
+        Further information respecting the amount and nature of these
+        vexatious impositions will be found in _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+        vol. xiii. p. 24, vol. xiv. p. 118; _Sainte-Aulaire_, _Hist. de
+        la Fronde_, vol. i. p. 125; _Tocqueville_, _Ancien Régime_, pp.
+        135, 191, 420, 440; _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ii. p.
+        412, vol. iii. p. 226, vol. iv. p. 199, vol. v. pp. 339, 410,
+        vol. vi. p. 94; _Relat. des Ambassad. Vénit._ vol. i. p. 96;
+        _Mably_, _Observations_, vol. iii. pp. 355, 356;
+        _Boulainvilliers_, _Ancien Gouvernement_, vol. iii. p. 109; _Le
+        Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 29; _Mém. d'Omer
+        Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 103, 369; _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 82;
+        _Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol. i. pp. 87, 332;
+        _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. i. p. 372, vol. iv. pp. 58, 59, 74,
+        75, 242, 278, vol. v. pp. 226, 242, vol. vi. p. 144, vol. viii.
+        pp. 152, 280.
+
+  [320] So deeply rooted were these feelings, that, even in 1789, the very
+        year the Revolution broke out, it was deemed a great concession
+        that the nobles 'will consent, indeed, to equal taxation.' See a
+        letter from Jefferson to Jay, dated Paris, May 9th, 1789, in
+        _Jefferson's Corresp._ vol. ii. pp. 462, 463. Compare _Mercier
+        sur Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 136.
+
+  [321] 'Les nobles, qui avaient le privilége exclusif des grandes
+        dignités et des gros bénéfices.' _Mém. de Rivarol_, p. 97: see
+        also _Mém. de Bouillé_, vol. i. p. 56; _Lemontey_,
+        _Etablissement Monarchique_, p. 337; _Daniel_, _Hist. de la
+        Milice Françoise_, vol. ii. p. 556; _Campan_, _Mém. sur
+        Marie-Antoinette_, vol. i. pp. 238, 239.
+
+  [322] 'L'ancien régime n'avait admis que des nobles pour officiers.'
+        _Mém. de Roland_, vol. i. p. 398. Ségur mentions that, early in
+        the reign of Louis XVI., 'les nobles seuls avaient le droit
+        d'entrer au service comme sous-lieutenans.' _Mém. de Ségur_, vol.
+        i. p. 65. Compare pp. 117, 265-271, with _Mém. de Genlis_,
+        vol. iii. p. 74, and _De Staël_, _Consid. sur la Rév._ vol. i.
+        p. 123.
+
+  [323] Thus, De Thou says of Henry III., 'il remet sous l'ancien pied la
+        cavalerie ordinaire, qui n'étoit composée que de la noblesse.'
+        _Hist. Univ._ vol. ix. pp. 202, 203; and see vol. x. pp. 504,
+        505, vol. xiii. p. 22; and an imperfect statement of the same
+        fact in _Boullier_, _Hist. des divers Corps de la Maison
+        Militaire des Rois de France_, Paris, 1818, p. 58, a superficial
+        work on an uninteresting subject.
+
+  [324] M. Tocqueville (_L'Ancien Régime_, p. 448) mentions, among other
+        regulations still in force late in the eighteenth century, that
+        'en Dauphiné, en Bretagne, en Normandie, il est prohibé à tout
+        roturier d'avoir des colombiers, fuies et volière; il n'y a que
+        les nobles qui puissent avoir des pigeons.'
+
+Circumstances like these are valuable, as evidence of the state of
+society to which they belong; and their importance will become
+peculiarly obvious, when we compare them with the opposite condition of
+England.
+
+For in England, neither these nor any similar distinctions have ever
+been known. The spirit of which our yeomanry, copyholders, and free
+burgesses were the representatives, proved far too strong for those
+protective and monopolizing principles of which the aristocracy are the
+guardians in politics, and the clergy in religion. And it is to the
+successful opposition made by these feelings of individual independence
+that we owe our two greatest national acts--our Reformation in the
+sixteenth, and our Rebellion in the seventeenth century. Before,
+however, tracing the steps taken in these matters, there is one other
+point of view to which I wish to call attention, as a further
+illustration of the early and radical difference between France and
+England.
+
+In the eleventh century there arose the celebrated institution of
+chivalry,[325] which was to manners what feudalism was to politics. This
+connexion is clear, not only from the testimony of contemporaries, but
+also from two general considerations. In the first place, chivalry was
+so highly aristocratic, that no one could even receive knighthood unless
+he were of noble birth;[326] and the preliminary education which was
+held to be necessary was carried on either in schools appointed by the
+nobles, or else in their own baronial castles.[327] In the second place,
+it was essentially a protective, and not at all a reforming institution.
+It was contrived with a view to remedy certain oppressions as they
+successively arose; opposed in this respect to the reforming spirit,
+which, being remedial rather than palliative, strikes at the root of an
+evil by humbling the class from which the evil proceeds, passing over
+individual cases in order to direct its attention to general causes. But
+chivalry, so far from doing this, was in fact a fusion of the
+aristocratic and the ecclesiastical forms of the protective spirit.[328]
+For, by introducing among the nobles the principle of knighthood, which,
+being personal, could never be bequeathed, it presented a point at which
+the ecclesiastical doctrine of celibacy could coalesce with the
+aristocratic doctrine of hereditary descent.[329] Out of this coalition
+sprung results of great moment. It is to this that Europe owes those
+orders, half aristocratic half religious,[330] the Knights Templars,
+the Knights of St. James, the Knights of St. John, the Knights of St.
+Michael: establishments which inflicted the greatest evils on society;
+and whose members, combining analogous vices, enlivened the superstition
+of monks with the debauchery of soldiers. As a natural consequence, an
+immense number of noble knights were solemnly pledged to 'defend the
+church;' an ominous expression, the meaning of which is too well known
+to the readers of ecclesiastical history.[331] Thus it was that
+chivalry, uniting the hostile principles of celibacy and noble birth,
+became the incarnation of the spirit of the two classes to which those
+principles belonged. Whatever benefit, therefore, this institution may
+have conferred upon manners,[332] there can be no doubt that it actively
+contributed to keep men in a state of pupilage, and stopped the march
+of society by prolonging the term of its infancy.[333]
+
+  [325] 'Dès la fin du onzième siècle, à l'époque même où commencèrent les
+        croisades, on trouve la chevalerie établie.' _Koch_, _Tab. des
+        Révolutions_, vol. i. p. 143; see also _Sainte-Palaye_, _Mém. sur
+        la Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 42, 68. M. Guizot (_Civilis. en
+        France_, vol. iii. pp. 349-354) has attempted to trace it back to
+        an earlier period; but he appears to have failed, though of
+        course its germs may be easily found. According to some writers
+        it originated in northern Europe; according to others in Arabia!
+        _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, p. 202; _Journal of Asiat. Soc._
+        vol. ii. p. 11.
+
+  [326] 'L'ordre de chevalerie n'étoit accordé qu'aux hommes d'un sang
+        noble.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iv. p. 204.
+        Compare _Daniel_, _Hist. de la Milice_, vol. i. p. 97, and
+        _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 20.
+
+  [327] 'In some places there were schools appointed by the nobles of the
+        country, but most frequently their own castles served.' _Mills'
+        Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 31; and see _Sainte-Palaye_, _Mém.
+        sur l'Anc. Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 30, 56, 57, on this
+        education.
+
+  [328] This combination of knighthood and religious rites is often
+        ascribed to the crusades; but there is good evidence that it took
+        place a little earlier, and must be referred to the latter half
+        of the eleventh century. Compare _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol.
+        i. pp. 10, 11; _Daniel_, _Hist. de la Milice_, vol. i. pp. 101,
+        102, 108; _Boulainvilliers_, _Ancien Gouv._ vol. i. p. 326.
+        Sainte-Palaye (_Mém. sur la Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 119-123),
+        who has collected some illustrations of the relation between
+        chivalry and the church, says, p. 119, 'enfin la chevalerie étoit
+        regardée comme une ordination, un sacerdoce.' The superior clergy
+        possessed the right of conferring knighthood, and William Rufus
+        was actually knighted by Archbishop Lanfranc: 'Archiepiscopus
+        Lanfrancus, eo quòd eum nutrierat, et militem fecerat.' _Will.
+        Malmes._ lib. iv., in _Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 67. Compare
+        _Fosbroke's British Monachism_, 1843, p. 101, on knighting by
+        abbots.
+
+  [329] The influence of this on the nobles is rather exaggerated by Mr.
+        Mills; who, on the other hand, has not noticed how the
+        unhereditary element was favourable to the ecclesiastical spirit.
+        _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. pp. 15, 389, vol. ii. p. 169;
+        a work interesting as an assemblage of facts, but almost useless
+        as a philosophic estimate.
+
+  [330] 'In their origin all the military orders, and most of the
+        religious ones, were entirely aristocratic.' _Mills' Hist. of
+        Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 336.
+
+  [331] _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. pp. 148, 338. About the year
+        1127, St. Bernard wrote a discourse in favour of the Knights
+        Templars, in which 'he extols this order as a combination of
+        monasticism and knighthood.... He describes the design of it as
+        being to give the military order and knighthood a serious
+        Christian direction, and to convert war into something that God
+        might approve.' _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. vii. p.
+        358. To this may be added, that, early in the thirteenth century,
+        a chivalric association was formed, and afterwards merged in the
+        Dominican order, called the Militia of Christ: 'un nouvel ordre
+        de chevalerie destiné à poursuivre les hérétiques, sur le modèle
+        de celui des Templiers, et sous le nom de Milice de Christ.'
+        _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. pp. 52, 133, 203.
+
+  [332] Several writers ascribe to chivalry the merit of softening
+        manners, and of increasing the influence of women.
+        _Sainte-Palaye_, _Mém. sur la Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 220-223,
+        282, 284, vol. iii. pp. vi. vii. 159-161; _Helvétius de
+        l'Esprit_, vol. ii. pp. 50, 51; _Schlegel's Lectures_, vol. i. p.
+        209. That there was such a tendency is, I think, indisputable;
+        but it has been greatly exaggerated; and an author of
+        considerable reading on these subjects says, 'The rigid treatment
+        shown to prisoners of war in ancient times strongly marks the
+        ferocity and uncultivated manners of our ancestors, and that even
+        to ladies of high rank; notwithstanding the homage said to have
+        been paid to the fair sex in those days of chivalry.' _Grose's
+        Military Antiquities_, vol. ii. p. 114. Compare _Manning on the
+        Law of Nations_, 1839, pp. 145, 146.
+
+  [333] Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 464) says, 'A third
+        reproach may be made to the character of knighthood, that it
+        widened the separation between the different classes of society,
+        and confirmed that aristocratical spirit of high birth, by which
+        the large mass of mankind were kept in unjust degradation.'
+
+On this account, it is evident that, whether we look at the immediate or
+at the remote tendency of chivalry, its strength and duration become a
+measure of the predominance of the protective spirit. If, with this
+view, we compare France and England, we shall find fresh proof of the
+early divergence of those countries. Tournaments, the first open
+expression of chivalry, are of French origin.[334] The greatest and,
+indeed, the only two great describers of chivalry are Joinville and
+Froissart, both of whom were Frenchmen. Bayard, that famous chevalier,
+who is always considered as the last representative of chivalry, was a
+Frenchman, and was killed when fighting for Francis I. Nor was it until
+nearly forty years after his death that tournaments were finally
+abolished in France, the last one having been held in 1560.[335]
+
+  [334] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iv. pp. 370, 371, 377;
+        _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p. 478; _Foncemagne_, _De
+        l'Origine des Armoiries_, in _Mém. de l'Académie des
+        Inscriptions_, vol. xx. p. 580. Koch also says (_Tableau des
+        Révolutions_, vol. i. p. 139), 'c'est de la France que l'usage
+        des tournois se répandit chez les autres nations de l'Europe.'
+        They were first introduced into England in the reign of Stephen.
+        _Lingard's England_, vol. ii. p. 27.
+
+  [335] Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 470) says they were
+        'entirely discontinued in France' in consequence of the death of
+        Henry II.; but according to _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. ii.
+        p. 226, they lasted the next year; when another fatal accident
+        occurred, and 'tournaments ceased for ever.' Compare
+        _Sainte-Palaye sur la Chevalerie_, vol. ii. pp. 39, 40.
+
+But in England, the protective spirit being much less active than in
+France, we should expect to find that chivalry, as its offspring, had
+less influence. And such was really the case. The honours that were paid
+to knights, and the social distinctions by which they were separated
+from the other classes, were never so great in our country as in
+France.[336] As men became more free, the little respect they had for
+such matters still further diminished. In the thirteenth century, and
+indeed in the very reign in which burgesses were first returned to
+parliament, the leading symbol of chivalry fell into such disrepute,
+that a law was passed obliging certain persons to accept that rank of
+knighthood which in other nations was one of the highest objects of
+ambition.[337] In the fourteenth century, this was followed by another
+blow, which deprived knighthood of its exclusively military character;
+the custom having grown up in the reign of Edward III. of conferring it
+on the judges in the courts of law, thus turning a warlike title into a
+civil honour.[338] Finally, before the end of the fifteenth century, the
+spirit of chivalry, in France still at its height, was in our country
+extinct, and this mischievous institution had become a subject for
+ridicule even among the people themselves.[339] To these circumstances
+we may add two others, which seem worthy of observation. The first is,
+that the French, notwithstanding their many admirable qualities, have
+always been more remarkable for personal vanity than the English;[340] a
+peculiarity partly referable to those chivalric traditions which even
+their occasional republics have been unable to destroy, and which makes
+them attach undue importance to external distinctions, by which I mean,
+not only dress and manners, but also medals, ribbons, stars, crosses,
+and the like, which we, a prouder people, have never held in such high
+estimation. The other circumstance is, that duelling has from the
+beginning been more popular in France than in England; and as this is a
+custom which we owe to chivalry, the difference in this respect between
+the two countries supplies another link in that long chain of evidence
+by which we must estimate their national tendencies.[341]
+
+  [336] Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 467) observes, that the
+        knight, as compared with other classes, 'was addressed by titles
+        of more respect. _There was not, however, so much distinction in
+        England as in France._' The great honour paid to knights in
+        France is noticed by Daniel (_Milice Française_, vol. i. pp. 128,
+        129) and Herder (Ideen zur Geschichte, vol. iv. pp. 226, 267)
+        says, that in France chivalry flourished more than in any other
+        country. The same remark is made by Sismondi (_Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. iv. p. 198).
+
+  [337] The _Statutum de Militibus_, in 1307, was perhaps the first
+        recognition of this. Compare _Blackstone's Comment._ vol. ii. p.
+        69; _Barrington on the Statutes_, pp. 192, 193. But we have
+        positive evidence that compulsory knighthood existed in the reign
+        of Henry III.; or at least that those who refused it were obliged
+        to pay a fine. See _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 421, and
+        _Lyttleton's Hist. of Henry II._ vol. ii. pp. 238, 239, 2nd edit.
+        4to. 1767. Lord Lyttleton, evidently puzzled, says, 'Indeed it
+        seems a deviation from the original principle of this
+        institution. For one cannot but think it a very great
+        inconsistency, that a dignity, which was deemed an accession of
+        honour to kings themselves, should be forced upon any.'
+
+  [338] In _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. ii. p. 154, it is said, that
+        'the judges of the courts of law' were first knighted in the
+        reign of Edward III.
+
+  [339] Mr. Mills (_Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. ii. pp. 99, 100) has printed
+        a curious extract from a lamentation over the destruction of
+        chivalry, written in the reign of Edward IV.; but he has
+        overlooked a still more singular instance. This is a popular
+        ballad, written in the middle of the fifteenth century, and
+        called the Turnament of Tottenham, in which the follies of
+        chivalry are admirably ridiculed. See _Warton's Hist. of English
+        Poetry_, edit. 1840, vol. iii. pp. 98-101; and _Percy's Reliques
+        of Ancient Poetry_, edit. 1845, pp. 92-95. According to Turner
+        (_Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 363), 'the ancient books of
+        chivalry were laid aside' about the reign of Henry VI.
+
+  [340] This is not a mere popular opinion, but rests upon a large amount
+        of evidence, supplied by competent and impartial observers.
+        Addison, who was a lenient as well as an able judge, and who had
+        lived much among the French, calls them 'the vainest nation in
+        the world.' _Letter to Bishop Hough_, in _Aikin's Life of
+        Addison_, vol. i. p. 90. Napoleon says, 'vanity is the ruling
+        principle of the French.' _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. vi. p.
+        25. Dumont (_Souvenirs sur Mirabeau_, p. 111) declares, that 'le
+        trait le plus dominant dans le caractère français, c'est l'amour
+        propre;' and Ségur (_Souvenirs_, vol. i. pp. 73, 74), 'car en
+        France l'amour propre, ou, si on le veut, la vanité, est de
+        toutes les passions la plus irritable.' It is moreover stated,
+        that phrenological observations prove that the French are vainer
+        than the English. _Combe's Elements of Phrenology_, 6th edit.
+        Edinb. 1845, p. 90; and a partial recognition of the same fact in
+        _Broussais_, _Cours de Phrénologie_, p. 297. For other instances
+        of writers who have noticed the vanity of the French, see
+        _Tocqueville_, _l'Ancien Régime_, p. 148; _Barante_, _Lit. Franç.
+        au XVIII^e. Siècle_, p. 80; _Mém. de Brissot_, vol. i. p. 272;
+        _Mézéray_, _Hist. de France_, vol. ii. p. 933; _Lemontey_,
+        _Etablissement Monarchique_, p. 418; _Voltaire_, _Lettres
+        inédites_, vol. ii. p. 282; _Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_,
+        vol. ii. p. 358; _De Staël sur la Révolution_, vol. i. p. 260,
+        vol. ii. p. 258.
+
+  [341] The relation between chivalry and duelling has been noticed by
+        several writers; and in France, where the chivalric spirit was
+        not completely destroyed until the Revolution, we find occasional
+        traces of this connexion even in the reign of Louis XVI. See, for
+        instance, in _Mém. de Lafayette_, vol. i. p. 86, a curious letter
+        in regard to chivalry and duelling in 1778. In England there is,
+        I believe, no evidence of even a single private duel being fought
+        earlier than the sixteenth century, and there were not many till
+        the latter half of Elizabeth's reign; but in France the custom
+        arose early in the fifteenth century, and in the sixteenth it
+        became usual for the seconds to fight as well as the principals.
+        Compare _Montlosier_, _Monarc. Franç._ vol. ii. p. 436, with
+        _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. vi. p. 48. From that
+        time the love of the French for duelling became quite a passion
+        until the end of the eighteenth century, when the Revolution, or
+        rather the circumstances which led to the Revolution, caused its
+        comparative cessation. Some idea may be formed of the enormous
+        extent of this practice formerly in France, by comparing the
+        following passages, which I have the more pleasure in bringing
+        together, as no one has written even a tolerable history of
+        duelling, notwithstanding the great part it once played in
+        European society. _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. ix. pp. 592, 593,
+        vol. xv. p. 57; _Daniel_, _Milice Française_, vol. ii. p. 582;
+        _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. i. p. 301, vol. iii. p. 406, vol.
+        vi. p. 122, vol. viii. p. 41, vol. ix. p. 408; _Carew's State of
+        France under Henry IV._, in _Birch's Historical Negotiations_, p.
+        467; _Ben Jonson's Works_, edit. Gifford, vol. vi. p. 69;
+        _Dulaure_, _Hist. de Paris_ (1825 3rd edit.), vol. iv. p. 567,
+        vol. v. pp. 300, 301; _Le Clerc_, _Bibliothèque Univ._ vol. xx.
+        p. 242; _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 536; _Capefigue_, _Hist.
+        de la Réforme_, vol. viii. p. 98; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol.
+        i. p. 63; _Des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. x. p. 13; _Mém. de
+        Genlis_, vol. ii. p. 191, vol. vii. p. 215, vol. ix. p. 351;
+        _Mem. of the Baroness d'Oberkirch_, vol. i. p. 71, edit. Lond.
+        1852; _Lettres inédites d'Aguesseau_, vol. i. p. 211; _Lettres de
+        Dudeffand à Walpole_, vol. iii. p. 249, vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152;
+        _Boullier_, _Maison Militaire des Rois de France_, pp. 87, 88;
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. v. pp. 402, 403, vol. xxiii. p. 411, vol.
+        xliv. pp. 127, 401, vol. xlviii. p. 522, vol. xlix. p. 130.
+
+The old associations, of which these facts are but the external
+expression, now continued to act with increasing vigour. In France, the
+protective spirit, carried into religion, was strong enough to resist
+the Reformation, and preserve to the clergy the forms, at least, of
+their ancient supremacy. In England, the pride of men, and their habits
+of self-reliance, enabled them to mature into a system what is called
+the right of private judgment, by which some of the most cherished
+traditions were eradicated; and this, as we have already seen, being
+quickly succeeded, first by scepticism, and then by toleration, prepared
+the way for that subordination of the church to the state, for which we
+are pre-eminent, and without a rival, among the nations of Europe. The
+very same tendency, acting in politics, displayed analogous results. Our
+ancestors found no difficulty in humbling the nobles, and reducing them
+to comparative insignificance. The wars of the Roses, by breaking up the
+leading families into two hostile factions, aided this movement;[342]
+and, after the reign of Edward IV., there is no instance of any
+Englishman, even of the highest rank, venturing to carry on those
+private wars, by which, in other countries, the great lords still
+disturbed the peace of society.[343] When the civil contests subsided,
+the same spirit displayed itself in the policy of Henry VII. and Henry
+VIII. For, those princes, despots as they were, mainly oppressed the
+highest classes; and even Henry VIII., notwithstanding his barbarous
+cruelties, was loved by the people, to whom his reign was, on the whole,
+decidedly beneficial. Then there came the Reformation; which, being an
+uprising of the human mind, was essentially a rebellious movement, and
+thus increasing the insubordination of men, sowed, in the sixteenth
+century, the seeds of those great political revolutions which, in the
+seventeenth century, broke out in nearly every part of Europe. The
+connexion between these two revolutionary epochs is a subject full of
+interest; but, for the purpose of the present chapter, it will be
+sufficient to notice such events, during the latter half of the
+sixteenth century, as explain the sympathy between the ecclesiastical
+and aristocratic classes, and prove how the same circumstances that were
+fatal to the one, also prepared the way for the downfall of the other.
+
+  [342] On the effect of the wars of the Roses upon the nobles, compare
+        _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 10; _Lingard's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 340; _Eccleston's English Antiq._ pp. 224,
+        320: and on their immense pecuniary, or rather territorial,
+        losses, _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. i. p. 155.
+
+  [343] 'The last instance of a pitched battle between two powerful
+        noblemen in England occurs in the reign of Edward IV.' _Allen on
+        the Prerogative_, p. 123.
+
+When Elizabeth ascended the throne of England, a large majority of the
+nobility were opposed to the Protestant religion. This we know from the
+most decisive evidence; and, even if we had no such evidence, a general
+acquaintance with human nature would induce us to suspect that such was
+the case. For, the aristocracy, by the very conditions of their
+existence, must, as a body, always be averse to innovation. And this,
+not only because by a change they have much to lose and little to gain,
+but because some of their most pleasurable emotions are connected with
+the past rather than with the present. In the collision of actual life,
+their vanity is sometimes offended by the assumptions of inferior men;
+it is frequently wounded by the successful competition of able men.
+These are mortifications to which, in the progress of society, their
+liability is constantly increasing. But the moment they turn to the
+past, they see in those good old times which are now gone by, many
+sources of consolation. There they find a period in which their glory is
+without a rival. When they look at their pedigrees, their quarterings,
+their escutcheons; when they think of the purity of their blood, and the
+antiquity of their ancestors--they experience a comfort which ought
+amply to atone for any present inconvenience. The tendency of this is
+very obvious, and has shown itself in the history of every aristocracy
+the world has yet seen. Men who have worked themselves to so extravagant
+a pitch as to believe that it is an honour to have had one ancestor who
+came over with the Normans, and another ancestor who was present at the
+first invasion of Ireland--men who have reached this ecstacy of the
+fancy are not disposed to stop there, but, by a process with which most
+minds are familiar, they generalize their view; and, even on matters not
+immediately connected with their fame, they acquire a habit of
+associating grandeur with antiquity, and of measuring value by age;
+thus transferring to the past an admiration which otherwise they might
+reserve for the present.
+
+The connexion between these feelings and those which animate the clergy
+is very evident. What the nobles are to politics, that are the priests
+to religion. Both classes, constantly appealing to the voice of
+antiquity, rely much on tradition, and make great account of upholding
+established customs. Both take for granted that what is old is better
+than what is new; and that in former times there were means of
+discovering truths respecting government and theology which we, in these
+degenerate ages, no longer possess. And it may be added, that the
+similarity of their functions follows from the similarity of their
+principles. Both are eminently protective, stationary, or, as they are
+sometimes called, conservative. It is believed that the aristocracy
+guard the state against revolution, and that the clergy keep the church
+from error. The first are the enemies of reformers; the others are the
+scourge of heretics.
+
+It does not enter into the province of this Introduction to examine how
+far these principles are reasonable, or to inquire into the propriety of
+notions which suppose that, on certain subjects of immense importance,
+men are to remain stationary, while on all other subjects they are
+constantly advancing. But what I now rather wish to point out, is the
+manner in which, in the reign of Elizabeth, the two great conservative
+and protective classes were weakened by that vast movement, the
+Reformation, which, though completed in the sixteenth century, had been
+prepared by a long chain of intellectual antecedents.
+
+Whatever the prejudices of some may suggest, it will be admitted, by all
+unbiassed judges, that the Protestant Reformation was neither more nor
+less than an open rebellion. Indeed, the mere mention of private
+judgment, on which it was avowedly based, is enough to substantiate this
+fact. To establish the right of private judgment, was to appeal from the
+church to individuals; it was to increase the play of each man's
+intellect; it was to test the opinions of the priesthood by the
+opinions of laymen; it was, in fact, a rising of the scholars against
+their teachers, of the ruled against their rulers. And although the
+reformed clergy, as soon as they had organised themselves into a
+hierarchy, did undoubtedly abandon the great principle with which they
+started, and attempt to impose articles and canons of their own
+contrivance, still, this ought not to blind us to the merits of the
+Reformation itself. The tyranny of the Church of England, during the
+reign of Elizabeth, and still more during the reigns of her two
+successors, was but the natural consequence of that corruption which
+power always begets in those who wield it, and does not lessen the
+importance of the movement by which the power was originally obtained.
+For men could not forget that, tried by the old theological theory, the
+church of England was a schismatic establishment, and could only defend
+itself from the charge of heresy by appealing to that private judgment,
+to the exercise of which it owed its existence, but of the rights of
+which its own proceedings were a constant infraction. It was evident
+that if, in religious matters, private judgment were supreme, it became
+a high spiritual crime to issue any articles, or to take any measure, by
+which that judgment could be tied up; while, on the other hand, if the
+right of private judgment were not supreme, the church of England was
+guilty of apostacy, inasmuch as its founders did, by virtue of the
+interpretation which their own private judgment made of the Bible,
+abandon tenets which they had hitherto held, stigmatize those tenets as
+idolatrous, and openly renounce their allegiance to what had for
+centuries been venerated as the catholic and apostolic church.
+
+This was a simple alternative; which might, indeed, be kept out of
+sight, but could not be refined away, and most assuredly has never been
+forgotten. The memory of the great truth it conveys was preserved by the
+writings and teachings of the Puritans, and by those habits of thought
+natural to an inquisitive age. And when the fulness of time had come, it
+did not fail to bear its fruit. It continued slowly to fructify; and
+before the middle of the seventeenth century, its seed had quickened
+into a life, the energy of which nothing could withstand. That same
+right of private judgment which the early Reformers had loudly
+proclaimed, was now pushed to an extent fatal to those who opposed it.
+This it was which, carried into politics, overturned the government,
+and, carried into religion, upset the church.[344] For, rebellion and
+heresy are but different forms of the same disregard of tradition, the
+same bold and independent spirit. Both are of the nature of a protest
+made by modern ideas against old associations. They are as a struggle
+between the feelings of the present and the memory of the past. Without
+the exercise of private judgment, such a contest could never take place;
+the mere conception of it could not enter the minds of men, nor would
+they even dream of controlling, by their individual energy, those abuses
+to which all great societies are liable. It is, therefore, in the
+highest degree natural that the exercise of this judgment should be
+opposed by those two powerful classes who, from their position, their
+interests, and the habits of their mind, are more prone than any other
+to cherish antiquity, cleave to superannuated customs, and uphold
+institutions which, to use their favourite language, have been
+consecrated by the wisdom of their fathers.
+
+  [344] Clarendon (_Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 80), in a very angry
+        spirit, but with perfect truth, notices (under the year 1640) the
+        connexion between 'a proud and venomous dislike against the
+        discipline of the church of England, and so by degrees (as the
+        progress is very natural) an equal irreverence to the government
+        of the state too.' The Spanish government, perhaps more than any
+        other in Europe, has understood this relation; and even so late
+        as 1789, an edict of Charles IV. declared, 'qu'il y a crime
+        d'hérésie dans tout ce qui tend, ou contribue, à propager les
+        idées révolutionnaires.' _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_,
+        vol. ii. p. 130.
+
+From this point of view we are able to see with great clearness the
+intimate connexion which, at the accession of Elizabeth, existed between
+the English nobles and the Catholic clergy. Notwithstanding many
+exceptions, an immense majority of both classes opposed the Reformation,
+because it was based on that right of private judgment of which they,
+as the protectors of old opinions, were the natural antagonists. All
+this can excite no surprise; it was in the order of things, and strictly
+accordant with the spirit of those two great sections of society.
+Fortunately, however, for our country, the throne was now occupied by a
+sovereign who was equal to the emergency, and who, instead of yielding
+to the two classes, availed herself of the temper of the age to humble
+them. The manner in which this was effected by Elizabeth, in respect,
+first to the Catholic clergy, and afterwards to the Protestant
+clergy,[345] forms one of the most interesting parts of our history; and
+in an account of the reign of the great queen, I hope to examine it at
+considerable length. At present, it will be sufficient to glance at her
+policy towards the nobles--that other class with which the priesthood,
+by their interests, opinions, and associations, have always much in
+common.
+
+  [345] The general character of her policy towards the Protestant English
+        bishops is summed up very fairly by Collier; though he, as a
+        professional writer, is naturally displeased with her disregard
+        for the heads of the church. _Collier's Eccles. Hist. of Great
+        Britain_, vol. vii. pp. 257, 258, edit. Barham, 1840.
+
+Elizabeth, at her accession to the throne, finding that the ancient
+families adhered to the ancient religion, naturally called to her
+councils advisers who were more likely to uphold the novelties on which
+the age was bent. She selected men who, being little burdened by past
+associations, were more inclined to favour present interests. The two
+Bacons, the two Cecils, Knollys, Sadler, Smith, Throgmorton, Walsingham,
+were the most eminent statesmen and diplomatists in her reign; but all
+of them were commoners; only one did she raise to the peerage; and they
+were certainly nowise remarkable, either for the rank of their immediate
+connexions, or for the celebrity of their remote ancestors. They,
+however, were recommended to Elizabeth by their great abilities, and by
+their determination to uphold a religion which the ancient aristocracy
+naturally opposed. And it is observable that, among the accusations
+which the Catholics brought against the queen, they taunted her, not
+only with forsaking the old religion, but also with neglecting the old
+nobility.[346]
+
+  [346] One of the charges which, in 1588, Sixtus V. publicly brought
+        against Elizabeth, was, that 'she hath rejected and excluded the
+        ancient nobility, and promoted to honour obscure people.'
+        _Butler's Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. ii. p. 4. Persons also
+        reproaches her with her low-born ministers, and says that she was
+        influenced 'by five persons in particular--all of them sprung
+        from the earth--Bacon, Cecil, Dudley, Hatton, and Walsingham.'
+        _Butler_, vol. ii. p. 31. Cardinal Allen taunted her with
+        'disgracing the ancient nobility, erecting base and unworthy
+        persons to all the civil and ecclesiastical dignities.' _Dodd's
+        Church History_, edit. Tierney, 1840, vol. iii. appendix no. xii.
+        p. xlvi. The same influential writer, in his _Admonition_, said
+        that she had injured England, 'by great contempt and abasing of
+        the ancient nobility, repelling them from due government,
+        offices, and places of honour.' _Allen's Admonition to the
+        Nobility and People of England and Ireland_, 1588 (reprinted
+        London, 1842), p. xv. Compare the account of the Bull of 1588, in
+        _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. x. p. 175: 'On accusoit Elisabeth
+        d'avoir au préjudice de la noblesse angloise élevé aux dignités,
+        tant civiles qu'ecclésiastiques, des hommes nouveaux, sans
+        naissance, et indignes de les posséder.'
+
+Nor does it require much acquaintance with the history of the time to
+see the justice of this charge. Whatever explanation we may choose to
+give of the fact, it cannot be denied that, during the reign of
+Elizabeth, there was an open and constant opposition between the nobles
+and the executive government. The rebellion of 1569 was essentially an
+aristocratic movement; it was a rising of the great families of the
+north against what they considered the upstart and plebeian
+administration of the queen.[347] The bitterest enemy of Elizabeth was
+certainly Mary of Scotland; and the interests of Mary were publicly
+defended by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of
+Westmoreland, and the Earl of Arundel; while there is reason to believe
+that her cause was secretly favoured by the Marquis of Northampton, the
+Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Cumberland, the Earl of
+Shrewsbury, and the Earl of Sussex.[348]
+
+  [347] To the philosophic historian this rebellion, though not
+        sufficiently appreciated by ordinary writers, is a very important
+        study, because it is the last attempt ever made by the great
+        English families to establish their authority by force of arms.
+        Mr. Wright says, that probably all those who took a leading part
+        in it 'were allied by blood or intermarriage with the two
+        families of the Percies and Neviles.' _Wright's Elizabeth_, 1838,
+        vol. i. p. xxxiv.; a valuable work. See also, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. i. p. 730, a list of some of those who, in 1571, were
+        attainted on account of this rebellion, and who are said to be
+        'all of the best families in the north of England.'
+
+        But the most complete evidence we have respecting this struggle,
+        consists of the collection of original documents published in
+        1840 by Sir C. Sharpe, under the title of _Memorials of the
+        Rebellion of 1569_. They show very clearly the real nature of the
+        outbreak. On 17th November 1569, Sir George Bowes writes, that
+        the complaint of the insurgents was that 'there was certaine
+        counsellors cropen' (_i.e._ crept) 'in aboute the prince, which
+        had excluded the nobility from the prince,' &c., _Memorials_, p.
+        42; and the editor's note says that this is one of the charges
+        made in all the proclamations by the earls. Perhaps the most
+        curious proof of how notorious the policy of Elizabeth had
+        become, is contained in a friendly letter from Sussex to Cecil,
+        dated 5th January 1569 (_Memorials_, p. 137), one paragraph of
+        which begins, 'Of late years few young noblemen have been
+        employed in service.'
+
+  [348] _Hallam_, i. p. 130; _Lingard_, v. pp. 97, 102; _Turner_, xii.
+        pp. 245, 247.
+
+The existence of this antagonism of interests could not escape the
+sagacity of the English government. Cecil, who was the most powerful of
+the ministers of Elizabeth, and who was at the head of affairs for forty
+years, made it part of his business to study the genealogies and
+material resources of the great families; and this he did, not out of
+idle curiosity, but in order to increase his control over them, or, as a
+great historian says, to let them know 'that his eye was upon
+them.'[349] The queen herself, though too fond of power, was by no means
+of a cruel disposition; but she seemed to delight in humbling the
+nobles. On them her hand fell heavily; and there is hardly to be found a
+single instance of her pardoning their offences, while she punished
+several of them for acts which would now be considered no offences at
+all. She was always unwilling to admit them to authority; and it is
+unquestionably true that, taking them as a class, they were, during her
+long and prosperous reign, treated with unusual disrespect. Indeed, so
+clearly marked was her policy, that when the ducal order became extinct,
+she refused to renew it; and a whole generation passed away to whom the
+name of duke was a mere matter of history, a point to be mooted by
+antiquaries, but with which the business of practical life had no
+concern.[350] Whatever may be her other faults, she was on this subject
+always consistent. Although she evinced the greatest anxiety to surround
+the throne with men of ability, she cared little for those conventional
+distinctions by which the minds of ordinary sovereigns are greatly
+moved. She made no account of dignity of rank; she did not even care for
+purity of blood. She valued men neither for the splendour of their
+ancestry, nor for the length of their pedigrees, nor for the grandeur of
+their titles. Such questions she left for her degenerate successors, to
+the size of whose understandings they were admirably fitted. Our great
+queen regulated her conduct by another standard. Her large and powerful
+intellect, cultivated to its highest point by reflection and study,
+taught her the true measure of affairs, and enabled her to see, that to
+make a government flourish, its councillors must be men of ability and
+of virtue; but that if these two conditions are fulfilled, the nobles
+may be left to repose in the enjoyment of their leisure, unoppressed by
+those cares of the state for which, with a few brilliant exceptions,
+they are naturally disqualified by the number of their prejudices and by
+the frivolity of their pursuits.
+
+  [349] _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 241; an interesting passage.
+        Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. xii. p. 237) says, that Cecil
+        'knew the tendency of the great lords to combine against the
+        crown, that they might reinstate the peerage in the power from
+        which the house of Tudor had depressed it.'
+
+  [350] In 1572 the order of dukes became extinct; and was not revived
+        till fifty years afterwards, when James I. made the miserable
+        Villiers, duke of Buckingham. _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol.
+        i. p. 397. This evidently attracted attention; for Ben Jonson, in
+        one of his comedies in 1616, mentions 'the received heresy that
+        England bears no dukes.' _Jonson's Works_, edit. Gifford, 1816,
+        vol. v. p. 47, where Gifford, not being aware of the extinction
+        in 1572, has made an unsatisfactory note.
+
+After the death of Elizabeth, an attempt was made, first by James, and
+then by Charles, to revive the power of the two great protective
+classes, the nobles and the clergy. But so admirably had the policy of
+Elizabeth been supported by the general temper of the age, that it was
+found impossible for the Stuarts to execute their mischievous plans. The
+exercise of private judgment, both in religion and in politics, had
+become so habitual, that these princes were unable to subjugate it to
+their will. And as Charles I., with inconceivable blindness, and with an
+obstinacy even greater than that of his father, persisted in adopting in
+their worst forms the superannuated theories of protection, and
+attempted to enforce a scheme of government which men from their
+increasing independence were determined to reject, there inevitably
+arose that memorable collision which is well termed The Great Rebellion
+of England.[351] The analogy between this and the Protestant
+Reformation, I have already noticed; but what we have now to consider,
+and what, in the next chapter, I will endeavour to trace, is the nature
+of the difference between our Rebellion, and those contemporary wars of
+the Fronde, to which it was in some respects very similar.
+
+  [351] Clarendon (_Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 216) truly calls it 'the
+        most prodigious and the boldest rebellion, that any age or
+        country ever brought forth.' See also some striking remarks in
+        _Warwick's Memoirs_, p. 207.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF
+  THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH
+                               REBELLION.
+
+
+The object of the last chapter was to enquire into the origin of the
+protective spirit. From the evidence there collected, it appears that
+this spirit was first organized into a distinct secular form at the
+close of the dark ages; but that, owing to circumstances which then
+arose, it was, from the beginning, much less powerful in England than in
+France. It has likewise appeared that, in our country, it continued to
+lose ground; while in France, it early in the fourteenth century assumed
+a new shape, and gave rise to a centralizing movement, manifested not
+only in the civil and political institutions, but also in the social and
+literary habits of the French nation. Thus far we seem to have cleared
+the way for a proper understanding of the history of the two countries;
+and I now purpose to follow this up a little further, and point out how
+this difference explains the discrepancy between the civil wars of
+England, and those which at the same time broke out in France.
+
+Among the obvious circumstances connected with the Great English
+Rebellion, the most remarkable is, that it was a war of classes as well
+as of factions. From the beginning of the contest, the yeomanry and
+traders adhered to the parliament;[352] the nobles and the clergy
+rallied round the throne.[353] And the name given to the two parties, of
+Roundheads[354] and Cavaliers,[355] proves that the true nature of this
+opposition was generally known. It proves that men were aware that a
+question was at issue, upon which England was divided, not so much by
+the particular interests of individuals, as by the general interests of
+the classes to which those individuals belonged.
+
+  [352] 'From the beginning it may be said that the yeomanry and trading
+        classes of towns were generally hostile to the king's side, even
+        in those counties which were in his military occupation; except
+        in a few, such as Cornwall, Worcester, Salop, and most of Wales,
+        where the prevailing sentiment was chiefly royalist.' _Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 578. See also _Lingard's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. vi. p. 304; and _Alison's Hist. of Europe_,
+        vol. i. p. 49.
+
+  [353] On this division of classes, which, notwithstanding a few
+        exceptions, is undoubtedly true as a general fact, compare
+        _Memoirs of Sir P. Warwick_, p. 217; _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol.
+        iii. p. 347; _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 294, 297,
+        345, 346, 401, 476; _May's Hist. of the Long Parliament_, book i.
+        pp. 22, 64, book ii. p. 63, book iii. p. 78; _Hutchinson's
+        Memoirs_, p. 100; _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 104, vol. iii.
+        p. 258; _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, p. 86.
+
+  [354] Lord Clarendon says, in his grand style, 'the rabble contemned and
+        despised under the name of roundheads.' _Hist. of the Rebellion_,
+        p. 136. This was in 1641, when the title appears to have been
+        first bestowed. See _Fairfax Corresp._ vol. ii. pp. 185, 320.
+
+  [355] Just before the battle of Edgehill, in 1642, Charles said to his
+        troops, 'You are called cavaliers in a reproachful
+        signification.' See the king's speech, in _Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        iv. p. 478. Directly after the battle, he accused his opponents
+        of 'rendering all persons of honour odious to the common people,
+        under the style of cavaliers.' _May's Hist. of the Long
+        Parliament_, book iii. p. 25.
+
+But in the history of the French rebellion, there is no trace of so
+large a division. The objects of the war were in both countries
+precisely the same: the machinery by which those objects were attained
+was very different. The Fronde was like our Rebellion, insomuch that it
+was a struggle of the parliament against the crown; an attempt to secure
+liberty, and raise up a barrier against the despotism of
+government.[356] So far, and so long, as we merely take a view of
+political objects, the parallel is complete. But the social and
+intellectual antecedents of the French being very different from those
+of the English, it necessarily followed that the shape which the
+rebellion took should likewise be different, even though the motives
+were the same. If we examine this divergence a little nearer, we shall
+find that it is connected with the circumstance I have already
+noticed--namely, that in England a war for liberty was accompanied by a
+war of classes, while in France there was no war of classes at all. From
+this it resulted, that in France the rebellion, being merely political,
+and not, as with us, also social, took less hold of the public mind: it
+was unaccompanied by those feelings of insubordination, in the absence
+of which freedom has always been impossible; and, striking no root into
+the national character, it could not save the country from that servile
+state into which, a few years later, it, under the government of Louis
+XIV. rapidly fell.
+
+  [356] M. Saint-Aulaire (_Hist. de la Fronde_, vol. i. p. v.) says, that
+        the object of the Frondeurs was, 'limiter l'autorité royale,
+        consacrer les principes de la liberté civile et en confier la
+        garde aux compagnies souveraines;' and at p. vi. he calls the
+        declaration of 1648, 'une véritable charte constitutionnelle.'
+        See also, at vol. i. p. 128, the concluding paragraph of the
+        speech of Omer Talon. Joly, who was much displeased at this
+        tendency, complains that in 1648, 'le peuple tomboit
+        imperceptiblement dans le sentiment dangereux, qu'il est naturel
+        et permis de se défendre et de s'armer contre la violence des
+        supérieurs.' _Mém. de Joly_, p. 15. Of the immediate objects
+        proposed by the Fronde, one was to diminish the taille, and
+        another was to obtain a law that no one should be kept in prison
+        more than twenty-four hours, 'sans être remis entre les mains du
+        parlement pour lui faire son procès s'il se trouvoit criminel ou
+        l'élargir s'il étoit innocent.' _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. ii. p.
+        135; _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 398; _Mém. de Retz_, vol.
+        i. p. 265; _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225, 240, 328.
+
+That our Great Rebellion was, in its external form, a war of classes, is
+one of those palpable facts which lie on the surface of history. At
+first, the parliament[357] did indeed attempt to draw over to their side
+some of the nobles; and in this they for a time succeeded. But as the
+struggle advanced, the futility of this policy became evident. In the
+natural order of the great movement, the nobles grew more loyal;[358]
+the parliament grew more democratic.[359] And when it was clearly seen
+that both parties were determined either to conquer or to die, this
+antagonism of classes was too clearly marked to be misunderstood; the
+perception which each had of its own interests being sharpened by the
+magnitude of the stake for which they contended.
+
+  [357] I use the word 'parliament' in the sense given to it by writers of
+        that time, and not in the legal sense.
+
+  [358] In May 1642, there remained at Westminster forty-two peers,
+        _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 559; but they gradually
+        abandoned the popular cause; and, according to _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        iii. p. 1282, so dwindled, that eventually 'seldom more than five
+        or six' were present.
+
+  [359] These increasing democratic tendencies are most clearly indicated
+        in Walker's curious work, _The History of Independency_. See
+        among other passages, book i. p. 59. And Clarendon, under the
+        year 1644, says (_Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 514): 'That violent
+        party, which had at first cozened the rest into the war, and
+        afterwards obstructed all the approaches towards peace, found now
+        that they had finished as much of their work as the tools which
+        they had wrought with could be applied to, and what remained to
+        be done must be despatched by new workmen.' What these new
+        workmen were, he afterwards explains, p. 641, to be 'the most
+        inferior people preferred to all places of trust and profit.'
+        Book xi. under the year 1648. Compare some good remarks by Mr.
+        Bell, in _Fairfax Correspond._ vol. iii. pp. 115, 116.
+
+For, without burdening this Introduction with what may be read in our
+common histories, it will be sufficient to remind the reader of a few of
+the conspicuous events of that time. Just before the war began, the Earl
+of Essex was appointed general of the parliamentary forces, with the
+Earl of Bedford as his lieutenant. A commission to raise troops was
+likewise given to the Earl of Manchester,[360] the only man of high rank
+against whom Charles had displayed open enmity.[361] Notwithstanding
+these marks of confidence, the nobles, in whom parliament was at first
+disposed to trust, could not avoid showing the old leaven of their
+order.[362] The Earl of Essex so conducted himself, as to inspire the
+popular party with the greatest apprehensions of his treachery;[363] and
+when the defence of London was intrusted to Waller, he so obstinately
+refused to enter the name of that able officer in the commission, that
+the Commons were obliged to insert it by virtue of their own authority,
+and in spite of their own general.[364] The Earl of Bedford, though he
+had received a military command, did not hesitate to abandon those who
+conferred it. This apostate noble fled from Westminster to Oxford: but
+finding that the king, who never forgave his enemies, did not receive
+him with the favour he expected, he returned to London; where, though he
+was allowed to remain in safety, it could not be supposed that he should
+again experience the confidence of parliament.[365]
+
+  [360] This was after the appointments of Essex and Bedford, and was in
+        1643. _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. i. p. 58; _Carlyle's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. 189.
+
+  [361] 'When the king attempted to arrest the five members, Manchester,
+        at that time Lord Kymbolton, was the only peer whom he impeached.
+        This circumstance endeared Kymbolton to the party; his own safety
+        bound him more closely to its interests.' _Lingard's England_,
+        vol. vi. p. 337. Compare _Clarendon_, p. 375; _Ludlow_, vol. i.
+        p. 20. It is also said that Lord Essex joined the popular party
+        from personal pique against the king. _Fairfax Corresp._
+        vol. iii. p. 37.
+
+  [362] Mr. Carlyle has made some very characteristic, but very just,
+        observations on the 'high Essexes and Manchesters of limited
+        notions and large estates.' _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 215.
+
+  [363] _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. iii. p. 110; _Hutchinson's Memoirs_,
+        pp. 230, 231; _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. iii. p. 106;
+        _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, pp. 112, 113, 119; _Clarendon's
+        Rebellion_, pp. 486, 514; or, as Lord North puts it, 'for General
+        Essex began now to appear to the private cabalists somewhat
+        wresty.' _North's Narrative of Passages relating to the Long
+        Parliament_, published in 1670, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. vi. p.
+        578. At p. 584, the same elegant writer says of Essex, 'being the
+        first person and last of the nobility employed by the parliament
+        in military affairs, which soon brought him to the period of his
+        life. And may he be an example to all future ages, to deter all
+        persons of like dignity from being instrumental in setting up a
+        democratical power, whose interest it is to keep down all persons
+        of his condition.' The 'Letter of Admonition' addressed to him by
+        parliament in 1644, is printed in _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 274.
+
+  [364] _Lingard's Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 318. See also, on the
+        hostility between Essex and Waller, _Walker's Hist. of
+        Independency_, part i. pp. 28, 29; and _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p.
+        177. Sir Philip Warwick (_Memoirs_, p. 254) contemptuously calls
+        Waller 'favourite-general of the city of London.'
+
+  [365] Compare _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 569, 570, with
+        _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, p. 96, and Lord Bedford's letter, in
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. pp. 189, 190. This shuffling letter
+        confirms the unfavourable account of the writer, which is given
+        in _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 422.
+
+Such examples as these were not likely to lessen the distrust which both
+parties felt for each other. It soon became evident that a war of
+classes was unavoidable, and that the rebellion of the parliament
+against the king must be reinforced by a rebellion of the people against
+the nobles.[366] To this the popular party, whatever may have been their
+first intention, now willingly agreed. In 1645 they enacted a law, by
+which not only the Earl of Essex and the Earl of Manchester lost their
+command, but all members of either house were made incapable of military
+service.[367] And, only a week after the execution of the king, they
+formally took away the legislative power of the peers; putting at the
+same time on record their memorable opinion, that the House of Lords is
+'useless, dangerous, and ought to be abolished.'[368]
+
+  [366] Dr. Bates, who had been physician to Cromwell, intimates that this
+        was foreseen from the beginning. He says, that the popular party
+        offered command to some of the nobles, 'not that they had any
+        respect for the lords, whom shortly they intended to turn out and
+        to level with the commoners, but that they might poison them with
+        their own venom, and rise to greater authority by drawing more
+        over to their side.' _Bates's Account of the late Troubles in
+        England_, part i. p. 76. Lord North too supposes, that almost
+        immediately after the war began, it was determined to dissolve
+        the House of Lords. See _Somers Tracts_, vol. vi. p. 582. Beyond
+        this, I am not aware of any direct early evidence; except that,
+        in 1644, Cromwell is alleged to have stated that 'there would
+        never be a good time in England till we had done with lords.'
+        _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 217; and, what is evidently the
+        same circumstance, in _Holles's Memoirs_, p. 18.
+
+  [367] This was the 'Self-denying Ordinance,' which was introduced in
+        December, 1644; but, owing to the resistance of the peers, was
+        not carried until the subsequent April. _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii.
+        pp. 326-337, 340-343, 354, 355. See also _Mem. of Lord Holles_,
+        p. 30; _Mem. of Sir P. Warwick_, p. 283.
+
+  [368] On this great Epoch in the history of England, see _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. iii. p. 1284; _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 643;
+        _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. i. p. 424; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol.
+        i. p. 246; _Warwick's Mem._ pp. 182, 336, 352.
+
+But we may find proofs still more convincing of the true character of
+the English rebellion, if we consider who those were by whom it was
+accomplished. This will show us the democratic nature of a movement
+which lawyers and antiquaries have vainly attempted to shelter under the
+form of constitutional precedent. Our great rebellion was the work, not
+of men who looked behind, but of men who looked before. To attempt to
+trace it to personal and temporary causes; to ascribe this unparalleled
+outbreak to a dispute respecting ship-money, or to a quarrel about the
+privileges of parliament, can only suit the habits of those historians
+who see no further than the preamble of a statute, or the decision of a
+judge. Such writers forget that the trial of Hampden, and the
+impeachment of the five members, could have produced no effect on the
+country, unless the people had already been prepared, and unless the
+spirit of inquiry and insubordination had so increased the discontents
+of men, as to put them in a state, where, the train being laid, the
+slightest spark sufficed to kindle a conflagration.
+
+The truth is, that the rebellion was an outbreak of the democratic
+spirit. It was the political form of a movement, of which the
+Reformation was the religious form. As the Reformation was aided, not by
+men in high ecclesiastical offices, not by great cardinals or wealthy
+bishops, but by men filling the lowest and most subordinate posts, just
+so was the English rebellion a movement from below, an uprising from the
+foundations, or as some will have it, the dregs of society. The few
+persons of high rank who adhered to the popular cause were quickly
+discarded, and the ease and rapidity with which they fell off was a
+clear indication of the turn that things were taking. Directly the army
+was freed from its noble leaders, and supplied with officers drawn from
+the lower classes, the fortune of war changed, the royalists were every
+where defeated, and the king made prisoner by his own subjects. Between
+his capture and execution, the two most important political events were
+his abduction by Joyce, and the forcible expulsion from the House of
+Commons of those members who were thought likely to interfere in his
+favour. Both these decisive steps were taken, and indeed only could have
+been taken, by men of great personal influence, and of a bold and
+resolute spirit. Joyce, who carried off the king, and who was highly
+respected in the army, had, however, been recently a common working
+tailor;[369] while Colonel Pride, whose name is preserved in history as
+having purged the House of Commons of the malignants, was about on a
+level with Joyce, since his original occupation was that of a
+drayman.[370] The tailor and the drayman were, in that age, strong
+enough to direct the course of public affairs, and to win for themselves
+a conspicuous position in the state. After the execution of Charles, the
+same tendency was displayed, the old monarchy being destroyed, that
+small but active party known as the fifth-monarchy men increased in
+importance, and for a time exercised considerable influence. Their three
+principal and most distinguished members were Venner, Tuffnel, and Okey.
+Venner, who was the leader, was a wine-cooper;[371] Tuffnel, who was
+second in command, was a carpenter;[372] and Okey, though he became a
+colonel, had filled the menial office of stoker in an Islington
+brewery.[373]
+
+  [369] 'Cornet Joyce, who was one of the agitators in the army, a tailor,
+        a fellow who had two or three years before served in a very
+        inferior employment in Mr. Hollis's house.' _Clarendon's
+        Rebellion_, p. 612. 'A shrewd tailor-man.' _D'Israeli's
+        Commentaries on the Reign of Charles I._, 1851, vol. ii. p. 466.
+
+  [370] Ludlow (_Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 139); Noble (_Memoirs of the House
+        of Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 470); and Winstanley (_Loyal
+        Martyrology_, edit. 1665, p. 108), mention that Pride had been a
+        drayman. It is said that Cromwell, in ridicule of the old
+        distinctions, conferred knighthood on him 'with a faggot.'
+        _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 164; _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_,
+        vol. iii. p. 478.
+
+  [371] 'The fifth-monarchy, headed mainly by one Venner, a wine-cooper.'
+        _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. iii. p. 282. 'Venner, a wine-cooper.'
+        _Lister's Life and Corresp. of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p. 62.
+
+  [372] 'The second to Venner was one Tuffnel a carpenter living in Gray's
+        Inn Lane.' _Winstanley's Martyrology_, p. 163.
+
+  [373] 'He was stoaker in a brewhouse at Islington, and next a most poor
+        chandler near Lion-Key, in Thames Street.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        iii. p. 1605. See also _Winstanley's Martyrology_, p. 122.
+
+Nor are these to be regarded as exceptional cases. In that period,
+promotion depended solely on merit; and if a man had ability he was sure
+to rise, no matter what his birth or former avocations might have been.
+Cromwell himself was a brewer;[374] and Colonel Jones, his
+brother-in-law, had been servant to a private gentleman.[375] Deane was
+the servant of a tradesman; but he became an admiral, and was made one
+of the commissioners of the navy.[376] Colonel Goffe had been apprentice
+to a drysalter;[377] Major-general Whalley had been apprentice to a
+draper.[378] Skippon, a common soldier who had received no
+education,[379] was appointed commander of the London militia; he was
+raised to the office of sergeant-major-general of the army; he was
+declared commander-in-chief in Ireland; and he became one of the
+fourteen members of Cromwell's council.[380] Two of the lieutenants of
+the Tower were Berkstead and Tichborne. Berkstead was a pedlar, or at
+all events a hawker of small wares;[381] and Tichborne, who was a
+linendraper, not only received the lieutenancy of the Tower, but became
+a colonel, and a member of the committee of state in 1655, and of the
+council of state in 1659.[382] Other trades were equally successful; the
+highest prizes being open to all men, provided they displayed the
+requisite capacity. Colonel Harvey was a silk-mercer;[383] so was
+Colonel Rowe;[384] so also was Colonel Venn.[385] Salway had been
+apprentice to a grocer, but, being an able man, he rose to the rank of
+major in the army; he received the king's remembrancer's office; and in
+1659 he was appointed by parliament a member of the council of
+state.[386] Around that council-board were also gathered Bond the
+draper,[387] and Cawley the brewer;[388] while by their side we find
+John Berners, who is said to have been a private servant,[389] and
+Cornelius Holland, who is known to have been a servant, and who was,
+indeed, formerly a link-boy.[390] Among others who were now favoured and
+promoted to offices of trust, were Packe the woollen-draper,[391] Pury
+the weaver,[392] and Pemble the tailor.[393] The parliament which was
+summoned in 1653 is still remembered as Barebone's parliament, being so
+called after one of its most active members, whose name was Barebone,
+and who was a leather-seller in Fleet Street.[394] Thus too, Downing,
+though a poor charity-boy,[395] became teller of the exchequer, and
+representative of England at the Hague.[396] To these we may add, that
+Colonel Horton had been a gentleman's servant;[397] Colonel Berry had
+been a woodmonger;[398] Colonel Cooper a haberdasher;[399] Major Rolfe
+a shoemaker;[400] Colonel Fox a tinker;[401] and Colonel Hewson a
+cobbler.[402]
+
+  [374] Some of the clumsy eulogists of Cromwell wish to suppress the fact
+        of his being a brewer; but that he really practised that useful
+        trade is attested by a variety of evidence, and is distinctly
+        stated by his own physician, Dr. Bates. _Bates's Troubles in
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 238. See also _Walker's History of
+        Independency_, part i. p. 32, part ii. p. 25, part iii. p. 37;
+        _Noble's House of Cromwell_, vol. i. pp. 328-331. Other passages,
+        which I cannot now call to mind, will occur to those who have
+        studied the literature of the time.
+
+  [375] 'John Jones, at first a serving-man, then a colonel of the Long
+        Parliament, ... married the Protector's sister.' _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. iii. p. 1600. 'A serving-man; ... in process of time married
+        one of Cromwell's sisters.' _Winstanley's Martyrology_, p. 125.
+
+  [376] 'Richard Deane, Esq., is said to have been a servant to one
+        Button, a toyman in Ipswich, and to have himself been the son of
+        a person in the same employment; ... was appointed one of the
+        commissioners of the navy with Popham and Blake, and in April
+        (1649) he became an admiral and general at sea.' _Noble's Lives
+        of the Regicides_, vol. i. pp. 172, 173. Winstanley (_Martyrol._
+        p. 121) also says that Deane was 'servant in Ipswich.'
+
+  [377] 'Apprentice to one Vaughan a dry-salter.' _Noble's House of
+        Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 507: and see his _Regicides_, vol. i.
+        p. 255.
+
+  [378] 'Bound apprentice to a woollen-draper.' _Winstanley's Martyr._
+        p. 108. He afterwards set up in the same trade for himself; but
+        with little success, for Dr. Bates (_Troubles in England_, vol.
+        ii. p. 222) calls him 'a broken clothier.'
+
+  [379] 'Altogether illiterate.' _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 152. Two
+        extraordinary speeches by him are preserved in _Burton's Diary_,
+        vol. i. pp. 24, 25, 48-50.
+
+  [380] _Holles's Mem._ p. 82; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. ii. p. 39; and a
+        letter from Fairfax in _Cary's Memorials of the Civil War_, 1842,
+        vol. i. p. 413.
+
+  [381] 'Berkstead, who heretofore sold needles, bodkins, and thimbles,
+        and would have run on an errand any where for a little money; but
+        who now by Cromwell was preferred to the honourable charge of
+        lieutenant of the Tower of London.' _Bates's Account of the
+        Troubles_, part ii. p. 222.
+
+  [382] _Noble's Regicides_, vol. ii. pp. 272, 273. Lord Holles
+        (_Memoirs_, p. 174) also mentions that he was 'a linen-draper.'
+
+  [383] 'Edward Harvy, late a poor silk-man, now colonel, and hath got the
+        Bishop of London's house and manor of Fulham.' _Walker's
+        Independency_, part i. p. 170. 'One Harvey, a decayed silk-man,'
+        _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 418.
+
+  [384] Owen Rowe, 'put to the trade of a silk-mercer, ... went into the
+        parliament army, and became a colonel.' _Noble's Regicides_,
+        vol. ii. p. 150.
+
+  [385] 'A silkman in London; ... went into the army, and rose to the rank
+        of colonel.' _Noble's Regicides_, vol. ii. p. 283. 'A broken
+        silk-man in Cheapside.' _Winstanley's Martyrol._ p. 130.
+
+  [386] _Walker's Independency_, part i. p. 143; _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii.
+        p. 1608; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. ii. pp. 241, 259; _Noble's
+        Regicides_, vol. ii. pp. 158, 162.
+
+  [387] He was 'a woollen-draper at Dorchester,' and was 'one of the
+        council of state in 1649 and 1651.' _Noble's Regicides_, vol. i.
+        p. 99: see also _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 1594.
+
+  [388] 'A brewer in Chichester; ... in 1650-1 he was appointed one of the
+        council of state.' _Noble's Regicides_, vol. i. p. 136. 'William
+        Cawley, a brewer of Chichester.' _Winstanley's Martyrol._ p. 138.
+
+  [389] John Berners, 'supposed to have been originally a serving-man,'
+        was 'one of the council of state in 1659,' _Noble's Regicides_,
+        vol. i. p. 90.
+
+  [390] 'Holland the link-boy,' _Walker's Independency_, part iii. p. 37.
+        'He was originally nothing more than a servant to Sir Henry Vane;
+        ... upon the establishment of the Commonwealth, he was made one
+        of the council of state in 1649, and again in 1650.' _Noble's
+        Regicides_, vol. i. pp. 357, 358.
+
+  [391] _Noble's Mem. of Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 502.
+
+  [392] _Walker's Hist. of Independency_, part i. p. 167.
+
+  [393] _Ellis's Original Letters illustrative of English History_, third
+        series, vol. iv. p. 219, Lond. 1846.
+
+  [394] _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 1407; _Rose's Biog. Dict._ vol. iii.
+        p. 172; _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 794.
+
+  [395] 'A poor child bred upon charity.' _Harris's Stuarts_, vol. v. p.
+        281. 'A man of an obscure birth, and more obscure education.'
+        _Clarendon's Life of Himself_, p. 1116.
+
+  [396] See _Vaughan's Cromwell_, vol. i. pp. 227, 228, vol. ii. pp. 299,
+        302, 433; _Lister's Life and Corresp. of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p.
+        231, vol. iii. p. 134. The common opinion is, that he was the son
+        of a clergyman at Hackney; but if so, he was probably
+        illegitimate, considering the way he was brought up. However, his
+        Hackney origin is very doubtful, and no one appears to know who
+        his father was. See _Notes and Queries_, vol. iii. pp. 69, 213.
+
+  [397] _Noble's Regicides_, vol. i. p. 362. Cromwell had a great regard
+        for this remarkable man, who not only distinguished himself as a
+        soldier, but, judging from a letter of his recently published,
+        appears to have repaired the deficiencies of his early education.
+        See _Fairfax Correspond._ vol. iv. pp. 22-25, 108. There never
+        has been a period in the history of England in which so many men
+        of natural ability were employed in the public service as during
+        the Commonwealth.
+
+  [398] _Noble's House of Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 507.
+
+  [399] _Noble's Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 518; _Bates's Troubles_, vol. ii.
+        p. 222.
+
+  [400] _Bates's Late Troubles_, vol. i. p. 87; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. i.
+        p. 220.
+
+  [401] _Walker's Hist. of Independency_, part ii. p. 87.
+
+  [402] Ludlow who was well acquainted with Colonel Hewson, says that he
+        'had been a shoemaker.' _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 139. But
+        this is the amiable partiality of a friend; and there is no doubt
+        that the gallant colonel was neither more nor less than a
+        cobbler. See _Walker's Independency_, part ii. p. 39;
+        _Winstanley's Martyrol._ p. 123; _Bates's Late Troubles_, vol.
+        ii. p. 222; _Noble's Cromwell_, vol. ii. pp. 251, 345, 470.
+
+Such were the leaders of the English rebellion, or to speak more
+properly, such were the instruments by which the rebellion was
+consummated.[403] If we now turn to France, we shall clearly see the
+difference between the feelings and temper of the two nations. In that
+country, the old protective spirit still retained its activity; and the
+people, being kept in a state of pupilage, had not acquired those habits
+of self-command and self-reliance, by which alone great things can be
+effected. They had been so long accustomed to look with timid reverence
+to the upper classes, that, even when they rose in arms, they could not
+throw off the ideas of submission which were quickly discarded by our
+ancestors. The influence of the higher ranks was, in England,
+constantly diminishing; in France, it was scarcely impaired. Hence it
+happened that, although the English and French rebellions were
+contemporary, and, in their origin, aimed at precisely the same objects,
+they were distinguished by one most important difference. This was, that
+the English rebels were headed by popular leaders; the French rebels by
+noble leaders. The bold and sturdy habits which had long been cultivated
+in England, enabled the middle and lower classes to supply their own
+chiefs out of their own ranks. In France such chiefs were not to be
+found; simply because, owing to the protective spirit, such habits had
+not been cultivated. While, therefore, in our island, the functions of
+civil government, and of war, were conducted with conspicuous ability,
+and complete success, by butchers, by bakers, by brewers, by cobblers,
+and by tinkers, the struggle which, at the same moment, was going on in
+France, presented an appearance totally different. In that country, the
+rebellion was headed by men of a far higher standing; men, indeed, of
+the longest and most illustrious lineage. There, to be sure, was a
+display of unexampled splendour; a galaxy of rank, a noble assemblage of
+aristocratic insurgents and titled demagogues. There was the Prince de
+Condé, the Prince de Conti, the Prince de Marsillac, the Duke de
+Bouillon, the Duke de Beaufort, the Duke de Longueville, the Duke de
+Chevreuse, the Duke de Nemours, the Duke de Luynes, the Duke de Brissac,
+the Duke d'Elb[oe]uf, the Duke de Candale, the Duke de la Tremouille,
+the Marquis de la Boulaye, the Marquis de Laigues, the Marquis de
+Noirmoutier, the Marquis de Vitry, the Marquis de Fosseuse, the Marquis
+de Sillery, the Marquis d'Estissac, the Marquis d'Hocquincourt, the
+Count de Rantzau, the Count de Montresor.
+
+  [403] Walker, who relates what he himself witnessed, says, that, about
+        1649, the army was commanded by 'colonels and superior officers,
+        who lord it in their gilt coaches, rich apparel, costly
+        feastings; though some of them led dray-horses, wore
+        leather-pelts, and were never able to name their own fathers or
+        mothers.' _Hist. of Independ._ part ii. p. 244. The _Mercurius
+        Rusticus_, 1647, says, 'Chelmsford was governed by a tinker, two
+        cobblers, two tailors, two pedlars.' _Southey's Commonplace
+        Book_, third series, 1850, p. 430. And, at p. 434, another work,
+        in 1647, makes a similar statement in regard to Cambridge; while
+        Lord Holles assures us, that 'most of the colonels and officers
+        (were) mean tradesmen, brewers, taylors, goldsmiths, shoe-makers,
+        and the like.' _Holles's Memoirs_, p. 149. When Whitelocke was in
+        Sweden in 1653, the prætor of one of the towns abused the
+        parliament, saying, 'that they killed their king, and were a
+        company of taylors and cobblers.' _Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy_,
+        vol. i. p. 205. See also note in _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church
+        of England_, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+These were the leaders of the Fronde;[404] and the mere announcement of
+their names indicate the difference between the French and English
+rebellions. And, in consequence of this difference, there followed some
+results, which are well worth the attention of those writers who, in
+their ignorance of the progress of human affairs, seek to uphold that
+aristocratic power, which, fortunately for the interests of mankind, has
+long been waning; and which, during the last seventy years has, in the
+most civilized countries, received such severe and repeated shocks, that
+its ultimate fate is hardly a matter respecting which much doubt can now
+be entertained.
+
+  [404] Even De Retz, who vainly attempted to organise a popular party,
+        found that it was impossible to take any step without the nobles;
+        and, notwithstanding his democratic tendencies, he, in 1648,
+        thought it advisable 'tâcher d'engager dans les intérêts publics
+        les personnes de qualité.' _Mém. de Joly_, p. 31.
+
+The English rebellion was headed by men, whose tastes, habits, and
+associations, being altogether popular, formed a bond of sympathy
+between them and the people, and preserved the union of the whole party.
+In France the sympathy was very weak, and therefore, the union was very
+precarious. What sort of sympathy could there be between the mechanic
+and the peasant, toiling for their daily bread, and the rich and
+dissolute noble, whose life was passed in those idle and frivolous
+pursuits which debased his mind, and made his order a byword and a
+reproach among the nations? To talk of sympathy existing between the two
+classes is a manifest absurdity, and most assuredly would have been
+deemed an insult by those high-born men, who treated their inferiors
+with habitual and insolent contempt. It is true, that, from causes which
+have been already stated, the people did, unhappily for themselves, look
+up to those above them with the greatest veneration;[405] but every page
+of French history proves how unworthily this feeling was reciprocated,
+and in how complete a thraldom the lower classes were kept. While,
+therefore, the French, from their long-established habits of dependence,
+were become incapable of conducting their own rebellion, and, on that
+account, were obliged to place themselves under the command of their
+nobles, this very necessity confirmed the servility which caused it; and
+thus stunting the growth of freedom, prevented the nation from
+effecting, by their civil wars, those great things which we, in England,
+were able to bring about by ours.
+
+  [405] Mably (_Observations sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. i. p. 357)
+        frankly says, 'L'exemple d'un grand a toujours été plus
+        contagieux chez les Français que partout ailleurs.' See also vol.
+        ii. p. 267: 'Jamais l'exemple des grands n'a été aussi contagieux
+        ailleurs qu'en France; on dirait qu'ils ont le malheureux
+        privilège de tout justifier.' Rivarol, though his opinions on
+        other points were entirely opposed to those of Mably, says, that,
+        in France, 'la noblesse est aux yeux du peuple une espèce de
+        religion, dont les gentilshommes sont les prêtres.' _Mém. de
+        Rivarol_, p. 94. Happily, the French Revolution, or rather the
+        circumstances which caused the French Revolution, have utterly
+        destroyed this ignominious homage.
+
+Indeed, it is only necessary to read the French literature of the
+seventeenth century, to see the incompatibility of the two classes, and
+the utter hopelessness of fusing into one party the popular and
+aristocratic spirit. While the object of the people was to free
+themselves from the yoke, the object of the nobles was merely to find
+new sources of excitement,[406] and minister to that personal vanity for
+which, as a body, they have always been notorious. As this is a
+department of history that has been little studied, it will be
+interesting to collect a few instances, which will illustrate the temper
+of the French aristocracy, and will show what sort of honours, and what
+manner of distinctions, those were which this powerful class was most
+anxious to obtain.
+
+  [406] The Duke de la Rochefoucauld candidly admits that, in 1649, the
+        nobles raised a civil war, 'avec d'autant plus de haleur que
+        c'était une nouveauté.' _Mém. de Rochefoucauld_, vol. i. p. 406.
+        Thus too Lemontey (_Etablissement de Louis XIV_, p. 368): 'La
+        vieille noblesse, qui ne savait que combattre, faisait la guerre
+        par goût, par besoin, par vanité, par ennui.' Compare, in _Mém.
+        d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 467, 468, a summary of the reasons
+        which, in 1649, induced the nobles to go to war; and on the way
+        in which their frivolity debased the Fronde, see _Lavallée_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. pp. 169, 170.
+
+That the objects chiefly coveted were of a very trifling description,
+will be anticipated by whoever has studied the effect which, in an
+immense majority of minds, hereditary distinctions produce upon personal
+character. How pernicious such distinctions are, may be clearly seen in
+the history of all the European aristocracies; and in the notorious
+fact, that none of them have preserved even a mediocrity of talent,
+except in countries where they are frequently invigorated by the
+infusion of plebeian blood, and their order strengthened by the
+accession of those masculine energies which are natural to men who make
+their own position, but cannot be looked for in men whose position is
+made for them. For, when the notion is once firmly implanted in the
+mind, that the source of honour is from without, rather than from
+within, it must invariably happen that the possession of external
+distinction will be preferred to the sense of internal power. In such
+cases, the majesty of the human intellect, and the dignity of human
+knowledge, are considered subordinate to those mock and spurious
+gradations by which weak men measure the degrees of their own
+littleness. Hence it is, that the real precedence of things becomes
+altogether reversed; that which is trifling is valued more than that
+which is great; and the mind is enervated by conforming to a false
+standard of merit, which its own prejudices have raised. On this
+account, they are evidently in the wrong who reproach the nobles with
+their pride, as if it were a characteristic of their order. The truth
+is, that if pride were once established among them, their extinction
+would rapidly follow. To talk of the pride of hereditary rank, is a
+contradiction in terms. Pride depends on the consciousness of
+self-applause; vanity is fed by the applause of others. Pride is a
+reserved and lofty passion, which disdains those external distinctions
+that vanity eagerly grasps. The proud man sees in his own mind, the
+source of his own dignity; which, as he well knows, can be neither
+increased or diminished by any acts except those which proceed solely
+from himself. The vain man, restless, insatiable, and always craving
+after the admiration of his contemporaries, must naturally make great
+account of those external marks, those visible tokens, which, whether
+they be decorations or titles, strike directly on the senses, and thus
+captivate the vulgar, to whose understandings they are immediately
+obvious. This, therefore, being the great distinction, that pride looks
+within, while vanity looks without, it is clear that when a man values
+himself for a rank which he inherited by chance, without exertion, and
+without merit, it is a proof, not of pride, but of vanity, and of vanity
+of the most despicable kind. It is a proof that such a man has no sense
+of real dignity, no idea of what that is in which alone all greatness
+consists. What marvel if, to minds of this sort, the most insignificant
+trifles should swell into matters of the highest importance? What marvel
+if such empty understandings should be busied with ribbons, and stars,
+and crosses; if this noble should yearn after the Garter, and that noble
+pine for the Golden Fleece; if one man should long to carry a wand in
+the precincts of the court, and another man to fill an office in the
+royal household; while the ambition of a third is to make his daughter a
+maid-of-honour, or to raise his wife to be mistress of the robes?
+
+We, seeing these things, ought not to be surprised that the French
+nobles, in the seventeenth century, displayed, in their intrigues and
+disputes, a frivolity, which, though redeemed by occasional exceptions,
+is the natural characteristic of every hereditary aristocracy. A few
+examples of this will suffice to give the reader some idea of the tastes
+and temper of that powerful class which, during several centuries,
+retarded the progress of French civilization.
+
+Of all the questions on which the French nobles were divided, the most
+important was that touching the right of sitting in the royal presence.
+This was considered to be a matter of such gravity, that, in comparison
+with it, a mere struggle for liberty faded into insignificance. And what
+made it still more exciting to the minds of the nobles was, the extreme
+difficulty with which this great social problem was beset. According to
+the ancient etiquette of the French court, if a man were a duke, his
+wife might sit in the presence of the queen; but if his rank were
+inferior, even if he were a marquis, no such liberty could be
+allowed.[407] So far, the rule was very simple, and, to the duchesses
+themselves, highly agreeable. But the marquises, the counts, and the
+other illustrious nobles, were uneasy at this invidious distinction, and
+exerted all their energies to procure for their own wives the same
+honour. This the dukes strenuously resisted; but, owing to circumstances
+which unfortunately are not fully understood, an innovation was made in
+the reign of Louis XIII., and the privilege of sitting in the same room
+with the queen was conceded to the female members of the Bouillon
+family.[408] In consequence of this evil precedent, the question became
+seriously complicated, since other members of the aristocracy considered
+that the purity of their descent gave them claims nowise inferior to
+those of the house of Bouillon, whose antiquity, they said, had been
+grossly exaggerated. The contest which ensued, had the effect of
+breaking up the nobles into two hostile parties, one of which sought to
+preserve that exclusive privilege in which the other wished to
+participate. To reconcile these rival pretensions, various expedients
+were suggested; but all were in vain, and the court, during the
+administration of Mazarin, being pressed by the fear of a rebellion,
+showed symptoms of giving way, and of yielding to the inferior nobles
+the point they so ardently desired. In 1648 and 1649, the queen-regent,
+acting under the advice of her council, formally conceded the right of
+sitting in the royal presence to the three most distinguished members of
+the lower aristocracy, namely, the Countess de Fleix, Madame de Pons,
+and the Princess de Marsillac.[409] Scarcely had this decision been
+promulgated, when the princes of the blood and the peers of the realm
+were thrown into the greatest agitation.[410] They immediately summoned
+to the capital those members of their own order who were interested in
+repelling this daring aggression, and, forming themselves into an
+assembly, they at once adopted measures to vindicate their ancient
+rights.[411] On the other hand, the inferior nobles, flushed by their
+recent success, insisted that the concession just made should be raised
+into a precedent; and that, as the honour of being seated in the
+presence of majesty had been conceded to the house of Foix, in the
+person of the Countess de Fleix, it should likewise be granted to all
+those who could prove that their ancestry was equally illustrious.[412]
+The greatest confusion now arose; and both sides urgently insisting on
+their own claims, there was, for many months, imminent danger lest the
+question should be decided by an appeal to the sword.[413] But as the
+higher nobles, though less numerous than their opponents, were more
+powerful, the dispute was finally settled in their favour. The queen
+sent to their assembly a formal message, which was conveyed by four of
+the marshals of France, and in which she promised to revoke those
+privileges, the concession of which had given such offence to the most
+illustrious members of the French aristocracy. At the same time, the
+marshals not only pledged themselves as responsible for the promise of
+the queen, but undertook to sign an agreement that they would personally
+superintend its execution.[414] The nobles, however, who felt that they
+had been aggrieved in their most tender point, were not yet satisfied,
+and, to appease them, it was necessary that the atonement should be as
+public as the injury. It was found necessary, before they would
+peaceably disperse, that government should issue a document, signed by
+the queen-regent, and by the four secretaries of state,[415] in which
+the favours granted to the unprivileged nobility were withdrawn, and the
+much-cherished honour of sitting in the royal presence was taken away
+from the Princess de Marsillac, from Madame de Pons, and from the
+Countess de Fleix.[416]
+
+  [407] Hence the duchesses were called 'femmes assises;' those of lower
+        rank 'non assises.' _Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 111.
+        The Count de Ségur tells us that 'les duchesses jouissaient de la
+        prérogative d'être assises sur un tabouret chez la reine.' _Mém.
+        de Ségur_, vol. i. p. 79. The importance attached to this is
+        amusingly illustrated in _Mém. de Saint-Simon_, vol. iii. pp.
+        215-218, Paris, 1842; which should be compared with _De
+        Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 116, and _Mém. de
+        Genlis_, vol. x. p. 383.
+
+  [408] 'Survint incontinent une autre difficulté à la cour sur le sujet
+        des tabourets, que doivent avoir les dames dans la chambre de la
+        reine; car encore que cela ne s'accorde régulièrement qu'aux
+        duchesses, néanmoins le feu roi Louis XIII l'avoit accordé aux
+        filles de la maison de Bouillon,' &c. _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol.
+        iii. p. 5. See also, on this encroachment on the rights of the
+        duchesses under Louis XIII., the case of Séguier, in _Duclos_,
+        _Mémoires Secrets_, vol. i. pp. 360, 361. The consequences of the
+        innovation were very serious; and Tallemant des Réaux
+        (_Historiettes_, vol. iii. pp. 223, 224) mentions a distinguished
+        lady, of whom he says, 'Pour satisfaire son ambition, il lui
+        falloit un tabouret: elle cabale pour épouser le vieux Bouillon
+        La Marck veuf pour la seconde fois.' In this she failed; but,
+        determined not to be baffled, 'elle ne se rebute point, et
+        voulant à toute force avoir un tabouret, elle épouse le fils aîné
+        du duc de Villars: c'est un ridicule de corps et d'esprit, car il
+        est bossu et quasi imbécile, et gueux par-dessus cela.' This
+        melancholy event happened in 1649.
+
+  [409] As to the Countess de Fleix and Madame de Pons, see _Mém. de
+        Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 116, 369. According to the same high
+        authority (vol. iii. p. 367), the inferiority of the Princess de
+        Marsillac consisted in the painful fact, that her husband was
+        merely the son of a duke, and the duke himself was still alive
+        'il n'étoit que gentilhomme, et son père le duc de la
+        Rochefoucauld n'étoit pas mort.'
+
+  [410] The long account of these proceedings in _Mém. de Motteville_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 367-393, shows the importance attached to them by
+        contemporary opinion.
+
+  [411] In October 1649, 'la noblesse s'assembla à Paris sur le fait des
+        tabourets,' _Mém. de Lenet_, vol. i. p. 184.
+
+  [412] 'Tous ceux donc qui par leurs aïeux avoient dans leurs maisons de
+        la grandeur, par des alliances des femmes descendues de ceux qui
+        étoient autrefois maîtres et souverains des provinces de France,
+        demandèrent la même prérogative que celle qui venoit d'être
+        accordée au sang de Foix.' _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. iii. p.
+        117. Another contemporary says: 'Cette prétention émut toutes les
+        maisons de la cour sur cette différence et inégalité.' _Mém.
+        d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 6; and vol. ii. p. 437: 'le marquis
+        de Noirmoutier et celui de Vitry demandoient le tabouret pour
+        leurs femmes.'
+
+  [413] Indeed, at one moment, it was determined that a
+        counter-demonstration should be made on the part of the inferior
+        nobles; a proceeding which, if adopted, must have caused civil
+        war: 'Nous résolûmes une contre-assemblée de noblesse pour
+        soutenir le tabouret de la maison de Rohan.' _De Retz_,
+        _Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 284.
+
+  [414] _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 389.
+
+  [415] 'Signé d'elle et des quatre secrétaires d'état.' _Ibid._ vol. iii.
+        p. 391.
+
+  [416] The best accounts of this great struggle will be found in the
+        _Memoirs of Madame de Motteville_, and in those of Omer Talon;
+        two writers of very different minds, but both of them deeply
+        impressed with the magnitude of the contest.
+
+These were the subjects which occupied the minds and wasted the
+energies, of the French nobles, while their country was distracted by
+civil war, and while questions were at issue of the greatest
+importance--questions concerning the liberty of the nation, and the
+reconstruction of the government.[417] It is hardly necessary to point
+out how unfit such men must have been to head the people in their
+arduous struggle, and how immense was the difference between them and
+the leaders of the great English Rebellion. The causes of the failure of
+the Fronde are, indeed, obvious, when we consider that its chiefs were
+drawn from that very class respecting whose tastes and feelings some
+evidence has just been given.[418] How that evidence might be almost
+indefinitely extended, is well known to readers of the French memoirs of
+the seventeenth century--a class of works which, being mostly written
+either by the nobles or their adherents, supplies the best materials
+from which an opinion may be formed. In looking into these authorities,
+where such matters are related with a becoming sense of their
+importance, we find the greatest difficulties and disputes arising as to
+who was to have an arm-chair at court;[419] who was to be invited to
+the royal dinners, and who was to be excluded from them;[420] who was to
+be kissed by the queen, and who was not to be kissed by her;[421] who
+should have the first seat in church;[422] what the proper proportion
+was between the rank of different persons, and the length of the cloth
+on which they were allowed to stand;[423] what was the dignity a noble
+must have attained, in order to justify his entering the Louvre in a
+coach;[424] who was to have precedence at coronations;[425] whether all
+dukes were equal, or whether, as some thought, the Duke de Bouillon,
+having once possessed the sovereignty of Sedan, was superior to the Duke
+de la Rochefoucauld, who had never possessed any sovereignty at
+all;[426] whether the Duke de Beaufort ought or ought not to enter the
+council-chamber before the Duke de Nemours, and whether, being there, he
+ought to sit above him.[427] These were the great questions of the day:
+while, as if to exhaust every form of absurdity, the most serious
+misunderstandings arose as to who should have the honour of giving the
+king his napkin as he ate his meals[428] and who was to enjoy the
+inestimable privilege of helping on the queen with her shift.[429]
+
+  [417] Saint-Aulaire (_Hist. de la Fronde_, vol. i. p. 317) says, that in
+        this same year (1649), 'l'esprit de discussion fermentait dans
+        toutes les têtes, et chacun à cette époque soumettait les actes
+        de l'autorité à un examen raisonné.' Thus, too, in _Mém. de
+        Montglat_, under 1649, 'on ne parlait publiquement dans Paris que
+        de république et de liberté,' vol. ii. p. 186. In 1648, 'effusa
+        est contemptio super principes.' _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii.
+        p. 271.
+
+  [418] That the failure of the Fronde is not to be ascribed to the
+        inconstancy of the people, is admitted by De Retz, by far the
+        ablest observer of his time: 'Vous vous étonnerez peut-être de ce
+        que je dis plus sûr, à cause de l'instabilité du peuple: mais il
+        faut avouer que celui de Paris se fixe plus aisément qu'aucun
+        autre; et M. de Villeroi, qui a été le plus habile homme de son
+        siècle, et qui en a parfaitement connu le naturel dans tout le
+        cours de la ligue, où il le gouverna sous M. du Maine, a été de
+        ce sentiment. Ce que j'en éprouvois moi-même me le persuadoit.'
+        _Mém. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 348; a remarkable passage, and forming
+        a striking contrast to the declamation of those ignorant writers
+        who are always reproaching the people with their fickleness.
+
+  [419] This knotty point was decided in favour of the Duke of York, to
+        whom, in 1649, 'la reine fit de grands honneurs, et lui donna une
+        chaise à bras.' _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 275. In the
+        chamber of the king, the matter seems to have been differently
+        arranged; for Omer Talon (_Mém._ vol. ii. p. 332) tells us that
+        'le duc d'Orléans n'avoit point de fauteuil, mais un simple siège
+        pliant, à cause que nous étions dans la chambre du roi.' In the
+        subsequent year, the scene not being in the king's room, the same
+        writer describes 'M. le duc d'Orléans assis dans un fauteuil.'
+        _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 95. Compare _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+        XIII_, vol. viii. p. 310. Voltaire (_Dict. Philos._ art.
+        _Cérémonies_) says: 'Le fauteuil à bras, la chaise à dos, le
+        tabouret, la main droite et la main gauche, ont été pendant
+        plusieurs siècles d'importants objets de politique, et
+        d'illustres sujets de querelles.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol.
+        xxxvii. p. 486. The etiquette of the 'fauteuil' and 'chaise' is
+        explained in _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. x. p. 287.
+
+  [420] See _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 309, 310.
+
+  [421] See a list of those it was proper for the queen to kiss, in _Mém.
+        de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 318.
+
+  [422] _Mém. de Omer Talon_, vol. i. pp. 217-219. The Prince de Condé
+        hotly asserted, that at a _Te Deum_ 'il ne pouvait être assis en
+        autre place que dans la première chaire.' This was in 1642.
+
+  [423] For a quarrel respecting the 'drap de pied,' see _Mém. de
+        Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 249.
+
+  [424] A very serious dispute was caused by the claim of the Prince de
+        Marsillac, for 'permission d'entrer dans le Louvre en carrosse.'
+        _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 367-389.
+
+  [425] _Mém. de Pontchartrain_, vol. i. pp. 422, 423, at the coronation
+        of Louis XIII. Other instances of difficulties caused by
+        questions of precedence, will be found in _Mém. d'Omer Talon_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 23, 24, 437; and even in the grave work of Sully,
+        _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. vii. p. 126, vol. viii. p. 395;
+        which should be compared with _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. ix.
+        pp. 86, 87.
+
+  [426] _Mém. de Lenet_, vol. i. pp. 378, 379. Lenet, who was a great
+        admirer of the nobles, relates all this without the faintest
+        perception of its absurdity. I ought not to omit a terrible
+        dispute, in 1652, respecting the recognition of the claims of the
+        Duke de Rohan (_Mém. de Conrart_, pp. 151, 152); nor another
+        dispute, in the reign of Henry IV., as to whether a duke ought to
+        sign his name before a marshal, or whether a marshal should sign
+        first. _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 11.
+
+  [427] This difficulty, in 1652, caused a violent quarrel between the two
+        dukes, and ended in a duel in which the Duke de Nemours was
+        killed, as is mentioned by most of the contemporary writers. See
+        _Mém. de Montglat_, vol. ii. p. 357; _Mém. de la Rochefoucauld_,
+        vol. ii. p. 172; _Mém. de Conrart_, pp. 172-175; _Mém. de Retz_,
+        vol. ii. p. 203; _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 437.
+
+  [428] Pontchartrain, one of the ministers of state, writes, under the
+        year 1620: 'En ce même temps s'étoit mû un très-grand différend
+        entre M. le prince de Condé et M. le comte de Soissons, sur le
+        sujet de la serviette que chacun d'eux prétendoit devoir
+        présenter au roi quand ils se rencontreroient tous deux près sa
+        majesté.' _Mém. de Pontchartrain_, vol. ii. p. 295. Le Vassor,
+        who gives a fuller account (_Règne de Louis XIII_, vol. iii. pp.
+        536, 537), says, 'Chacun des deux princes du sang, fort échauffez
+        à qui feroit une fonction de maître d'hôtel, tiroit la serviette
+        de son côté, et la contestation augmentoit d'une manière dont les
+        suites pouvoient devenir fâcheuses.' But the king interposing,
+        'ils furent donc obligez de céder: mais ce ne fut pas sans se
+        dire l'un à l'autre des paroles hautes et menaçantes.'
+
+  [429] According to some authorities, a man ought to be a duke before his
+        wife could be allowed to meddle with the queen's shift; according
+        to other authorities, the lady-in-waiting, whoever she might be,
+        had the right, unless a princess happened to be present. On these
+        alternatives, and on the difficulties caused by them, compare
+        _Mém. de Saint-Simon_, 1842, vol. vii. p. 125, with _Mém. de
+        Motteville_, vol. ii. pp. 28, 276, 277.
+
+It may, perhaps, be thought that I owe some apology to the reader for
+obtruding upon his notice these miserable disputes respecting matters
+which, however despicable they now appear, were once valued by men not
+wholly devoid of understanding. But, it should be remembered that their
+occurrence, and above all, the importance formerly attached to them, is
+part of the history of the French mind; and they are therefore to be
+estimated, not according to their intrinsic dignity, but according to
+the information they supply respecting a state of things which has now
+passed away. Events of this sort, though neglected by ordinary
+historians, are among the staff and staple of history. Not only do they
+assist in bringing before our minds the age to which they refer, but in
+a philosophic point of view they are highly important. They are part of
+the materials from which we may generalize the laws of that great
+protective spirit, which in different periods assumes different shapes;
+but which, whatever its form may be, always owes its power to the
+feeling of veneration as opposed to the feeling of independence. How
+natural this power is, in certain stages of society, becomes evident if
+we examine the basis on which veneration is itself supported. The origin
+of veneration is wonder and fear. These two passions, either alone or
+combined, are the ordinary source of veneration; and the way in which
+they arise is obvious. We wonder because we are ignorant, and we fear
+because we are weak. It is therefore natural, that in former times, when
+men were more ignorant and more weak than they now are, they should
+likewise have been more given to veneration, more inclined to those
+habits of reverence, which if carried into religion, cause superstition,
+and if carried into politics, cause despotism. In the ordinary march of
+society, those evils are remedied by that progress of knowledge, which
+at once lessens our ignorance and increases our resources: in other
+words, which diminishes our proneness to wonder and to fear, and thus
+weakening our feelings of veneration, strengthens, in the same
+proportion, our feelings of independence. But in France, this natural
+tendency was, as we have already seen, counteracted by an opposite
+tendency; so that while, on the one hand, the protective spirit was
+enfeebled by the advance of knowledge, it was, on the other hand,
+invigorated by those social and political circumstances which I have
+attempted to trace; and by virtue of which, each class exercising great
+power over the one below it, the subordination and subserviency of the
+whole were completely maintained. Hence the mind became accustomed to
+look upwards, and to rely, not on its own resources, but on the
+resources of others. Hence that pliant and submissive disposition, for
+which the French, until the eighteenth century, were always remarkable.
+Hence, too, that inordinate respect for the opinions of others, on which
+vanity, as one of their national characteristics, is founded.[430] For,
+the feelings of vanity and of veneration have evidently this in common,
+that they induce each man to measure his actions by a standard external
+to himself; while the opposite feelings of pride and of independence
+would make him prefer that internal standard which his own mind alone
+can supply. The result of all this was, that when, in the middle of the
+seventeenth century, the intellectual movement stimulated the French to
+rebellion, its effect was neutralized by that social tendency which,
+even in the midst of the struggle, kept alive the habits of their old
+subservience. Thus it was that, while the war went on, there still
+remained a constant inclination on the part of the people to look up to
+the nobles, on the part of the nobles to look up to the crown. Both
+classes relied upon what they saw immediately above them. The people
+believed that without the nobles there was no safety; the nobles
+believed that without the crown there was no honour. In the case of the
+nobles, this opinion can hardly be blamed; for as their distinctions
+proceed from the crown, they have a direct interest in upholding the
+ancient notion that the sovereign is the fountain of honour. They have a
+direct interest in that preposterous doctrine, according to which, the
+true source of honour being overlooked, our attention is directed to an
+imaginary source, by whose operation it is believed, that in a moment,
+and at the mere will of a prince, the highest honours may be conferred
+upon the meanest men. This, indeed, is but part of the old scheme to
+create distinctions for which nature has given no warrant; to substitute
+a superiority which is conventional for that which is real; and thus try
+to raise little minds above the level of great ones. The utter failure,
+and, as society advances, the eventual cessation of all such attempts,
+is certain; but it is evident, that as long as the attempts are made,
+they who profit by them must be inclined to value those from whom they
+proceed. Unless counteracting circumstances interpose, there must be
+between the two parties that sympathy which is caused by the memory of
+past favours, and the hope of future ones. In France, this natural
+feeling being strengthened by that protective spirit which induced men
+to cling to those above them, it is not strange that the nobles, even in
+the midst of their turbulence, should seek the slightest favours of the
+crown with an eagerness of which some examples have just been given.
+They had been so long accustomed to look up to the sovereign as the
+source of their own dignity, that they believed there was some hidden
+dignity even in his commonest actions; so that, to their minds, it was a
+matter of the greatest importance which of them should hand him his
+napkin, which of them should hold his basin, and which of them should
+put on his shirt.[431] It is not, however, for the sake of casting
+ridicule upon these idle and frivolous men, that I have collected
+evidence respecting the disputes with which they were engrossed. So far
+from this, they are rather to be pitied than blamed: they acted
+according to their instincts; they even exerted such slender abilities
+as nature had given to them. But we may well feel for that great country
+whose interests depended on their care. And it is solely in reference to
+the fate of the French people that the historian need trouble himself
+with the history of the French nobles. At the same time, evidence of
+this sort, by disclosing the tendencies of the old nobility, displays in
+one of its most active forms that protective and aristocratic spirit, of
+which they know little who only know it in its present reduced and
+waning condition. Such facts are to be regarded as the symptoms of a
+cruel disease, by which Europe is indeed still afflicted, but which we
+now see only in a very mitigated form, and of whose native virulence no
+one can have an idea, unless he has studied it in those early stages,
+when, raging uncontrolled, it obtained such a mastery as to check the
+growth of liberty, stop the progress of nations, and dwarf the energies
+of the human mind.
+
+  [430] Also connected with the institution of chivalry, both being
+        cognate symptoms of the same spirit.
+
+  [431] Even just before the French Revolution, these feelings still
+        existed. See, for instance the extraordinary details in _Campan_,
+        _Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette_, vol. i. pp. 98, 99; which should be
+        compared with an extract from _Prudhomme's Mirror de Paris_, in
+        _Southey's Commonplace Book_, third series, 1850, p. 251,
+        no. 165.
+
+It is hardly necessary to trace at greater length the way in which
+France and England diverged from each other, or to point out what I hope
+will henceforth be considered the obvious difference between the civil
+wars in the two countries. It is evident that the low-born and plebeian
+leaders of our rebellion could have no sympathy with those matters which
+perplexed the understanding of the great French nobles. Men like
+Cromwell and his co-adjutors were not much versed in the mysteries of
+genealogy, or in the subtleties of heraldic lore. They had paid small
+attention to the etiquette of courts; they had not even studied the
+rules of precedence. All this was foreign to their design. On the other
+hand, what they did was done thoroughly. They knew that they had a great
+work to perform; and they performed it well.[432] They had risen in arms
+against a corrupt and despotic government, and they would not stay
+their hands until they had pulled down those who were in high places;
+until they had not only removed the evil, but had likewise chastised
+those bad men by whom the evil was committed. And although in this,
+their glorious undertaking, they did undoubtedly display some of the
+infirmities to which even the highest minds are subject; we, at least,
+ought never to speak of them but with that unfeigned respect which is
+due to those who taught the first great lesson to the kings of Europe,
+and who, in language not to be mistaken, proclaimed to them that the
+impunity which they had long enjoyed was now come to an end, and that
+against their transgressions the people possessed a remedy, sharper, and
+more decisive, than any they had hitherto ventured to use.
+
+  [432] Ludlow thus expresses the sentiments which induced him to make war
+        upon the crown: 'The question in dispute between the king's party
+        and us being, as I apprehend, whether the king should govern as a
+        god by his will, and the nation be governed by force like beasts?
+        or whether the people should be governed by laws made by
+        themselves, and live under a government derived from their own
+        consent? being fully persuaded, that an accommodation with the
+        king was unsafe to the people of England, and unjust and wicked
+        in the nature of it.' _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 230. Compare
+        Whitelocke's spirited speech to Christina, in _Journal of the
+        Swedish Embassy_, vol. i. p. 238; and see pp. 390, 391.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE. EXAMINATION
+   OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES
+                       AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.
+
+
+The reader will now be able to understand how it was that the protective
+system, and the notions of subordination connected with it, gained in
+France a strength unknown in England, and caused an essential divergence
+between the two countries. To complete the comparison, it seems
+necessary to examine how this same spirit influenced the purely
+intellectual history of France as well as its social and political
+history. For the ideas of dependence upon which the protective scheme is
+based, encouraged a belief that the subordination which existed in
+politics and in society ought also to exist in literature; and that the
+paternal, inquisitive, and centralizing system which regulated the
+material interests of the country, should likewise regulate the
+interests of its knowledge. When, therefore, the Fronde was finally
+overthrown, everything was prepared for that singular intellectual
+polity which, during fifty years characterised the reign of Louis XIV.,
+and which was to French literature what feudalism was to French
+politics. In both cases, homage was paid by one party, and protection
+and favour accorded by the other. Every man of letters became a vassal
+of the French crown. Every book was written with a view to the royal
+favour; and to obtain the patronage of the king was considered the most
+decisive proof of intellectual eminence. The effects produced by this
+system will be examined in the present chapter. The apparent cause of
+the system was the personal character of Louis XIV.; but the real and
+overruling causes were those circumstances which I have already pointed
+out, and which established in the French mind associations that remained
+undisturbed until the eighteenth century. To invigorate those
+associations, and to carry them into every department of life, was the
+great aim of Louis XIV.; and in that he was completely successful. It is
+on this account that the history of his reign becomes highly
+instructive, because we see in it the most remarkable instance of
+despotism which has ever occurred; a despotism of the largest and most
+comprehensive kind; a despotism of fifty years over one of the most
+civilized people in Europe, who not only bore the yoke without repining,
+but submitted with cheerfulness, and even with gratitude, to him by whom
+it was imposed.[433]
+
+  [433] On the disgraceful subserviency of the most eminent men of
+        letters, see _Capefigue's Louis XIV._, vol. i. pp. 41, 42, 116;
+        and on the feeling of the people, Le Vassor, who wrote late in
+        the reign of Louis XIV., bitterly says, 'mais les Français,
+        accoutumés à l'esclavage, ne sentent plus la pesanteur de leurs
+        chaînes.' _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. vi. p. 670.
+        Foreigners were equally amazed at the general, and still more, at
+        the willing servility. Lord Shaftesbury, in a letter dated
+        February 1704-5, passes a glowing eulogy upon liberty; but he
+        adds, that in France 'you will hardly find this argument
+        understood; for whatever flashes may now and then appear, I never
+        yet knew one single Frenchman a free man.' _Forster's Original
+        Letters of Locke, Sidney, and Shaftesbury_, 1830, p. 205. In the
+        same year, De Foe makes a similar remark in regard to the French
+        nobles, _Wilson's Life of De Foe_, vol. ii. p. 209; and, in 1699,
+        Addison writes from Blois a letter which strikingly illustrates
+        the degradation of the French. _Aikin's Life of Addison_, vol. i.
+        p. 80. Compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 365, on 'the
+        gross excess of flattery to which the French have run, beyond the
+        examples of former ages, in honour of their king.'
+
+What makes this the more strange is, that the reign of Louis XIV. must
+be utterly condemned if it is tried even by the lowest standard of
+morals, of honour, or of interest. A coarse and unbridled profligacy,
+followed by the meanest and most grovelling superstition, characterized
+his private life, while in his public career he displayed an arrogance
+and a systematic perfidy which eventually roused the anger of all
+Europe, and brought upon France sharp and signal retribution. As to his
+domestic policy, he formed a strict alliance with the church; and
+although he resisted the authority of the Pope, he willingly left his
+subjects to be oppressed by the tyranny of the clergy.[434] To them he
+abandoned everything except the exercise of his own prerogative.[435]
+Led on by them, he, from the moment he assumed the Government, began to
+encroach upon those religious liberties of which Henry IV. had laid the
+foundation, and which down to this period had been preserved
+intact.[436] It was at the instigation of the clergy that he revoked the
+Edict of Nantes, by which the principle of toleration had for nearly a
+century been incorporated with the law of the land.[437] It was at their
+instigation that, just before this outrage upon the most sacred rights
+of his subjects, he, in order to terrify the Protestants into
+conversion, suddenly let loose upon them whole troops of dissolute
+soldiers, who were allowed to practise the most revolting cruelties. The
+frightful barbarities which followed are related by authentic
+writers;[438] and of the effect produced on the material interests of
+the nation, some idea may be formed from the fact, that these religious
+persecutions cost France half a million of her most industrious
+inhabitants, who fled to different parts, taking with them those habits
+of labour, and that knowledge and experience in their respective trades,
+which had hitherto been employed in enriching their own country.[439]
+These things are notorious, they are incontestable, and they lie on the
+surface of history. Yet, in the face of them there are still found men
+who hold up for admiration the age of Louis XIV. Although it is well
+known that in his reign every vestige of liberty was destroyed; that the
+people were weighed down by an insufferable taxation; that their
+children were torn from them by tens of thousands to swell the royal
+armies; that the resources of the country were squandered to an
+unprecedented extent; that a despotism of the worst kind was firmly
+established;--although all this is universally admitted, yet there are
+writers, even in our own day, who are so infatuated with the glories of
+literature, as to balance them against the most enormous crimes, and who
+will forgive every injury inflicted by a prince during whose life there
+were produced the Letters of Pascal, the orations of Bossuet, the
+Comedies of Molière, and the Tragedies of Racine.
+
+  [434] The terms of this compact between the crown and the church are
+        fairly stated by M. Ranke: 'Wir sehen, die beiden Gewalten
+        unterstützten einander. Der König ward von den Einwirkungen der
+        weltlichen, der Clerus von der unbedingten Autorität der
+        geistlichen Gewalt des Papstthums freigesprochen.' _Die Päpste_,
+        vol. iii. p. 168.
+
+  [435] This part of his character is skilfully drawn by Sismondi, _Hist.
+        des Français_, vol. xxv. p. 43.
+
+  [436] Flasson supposes that the first persecuting laws were in 1679:
+        'Des l'année 1679 les concessions faites aux protestans avaient
+        été graduellement restreintes.' _Diplomatie Française_, vol. iv.
+        p. 92. But the fact is, that these laws began in 1662, the year
+        after the death of Mazarin. See _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_,
+        vol. xxv. p. 167; _Benoist_, _Edit. de Nantes_, vol. iii. pp.
+        460-462, 481. In 1667, a letter from Thynne to Lord Clarendon
+        (_Lister's Life of Clarendon_, vol. iii. p. 446) mentions 'the
+        horrid persecutions the reformed religion undergoes in France;'
+        and Locke, who travelled in France in 1675 and 1676, states in
+        his Journal (_King's Life of Locke_, vol. i. p. 110) that the
+        Protestants were losing 'every day some privilege or other.'
+
+  [437] An account of the revocation will be found in all the French
+        historians; but I do not remember that any of them have noticed
+        that there was a rumour of it in Paris twenty years before it
+        occurred. In March 1665 Patin writes, 'On dit que, pour miner les
+        huguenots, le roi veut supprimer les chambres de l'édit, et
+        abolir l'édit de Nantes.' _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 516.
+
+  [438] Compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. pp. 73-76, with _Siècle de
+        Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xx. pp. 377, 378.
+        Voltaire says that the Protestants who persisted in their
+        religion 'étaient livrés aux soldats, qui eurent toute licence,
+        excepté celle de tuer. Il y eut pourtant plusieurs personnes si
+        cruellement maltraitées qu'elles en moururent.' And Burnet, who
+        was in France in 1685, says, 'all men set their thoughts on work
+        to invent new methods of cruelty.' What some of those methods
+        were, I shall now relate; because the evidence, however painful
+        it may be, is necessary to enable us to understand the reign of
+        Louis XIV. It is necessary that the veil should be rent; and that
+        the squeamish delicacy which would hide such facts, should give
+        way before the obligation which the historian is under of holding
+        up to public opprobrium, and branding with public infamy, the
+        church by which the measures were instigated, the sovereign by
+        whom they were enforced, and the age in which they were
+        permitted.
+
+        The two original sources for our knowledge of these events are,
+        _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, 1692, folio; and _Benoist_,
+        _Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes_, 1695, 4to. From these works I
+        extract the following accounts of what happened in France in
+        1685. 'Afterwards they fall upon the persons of the Protestants;
+        and there was no wickedness, though never so horrid, which they
+        did not put in practice, that they might enforce them to change
+        their religion.... They bound them as criminals are when they be
+        put to the rack; and in that posture, putting a funnel into their
+        mouths, they poured wine down their throats till its fumes had
+        deprived them of their reason, and they had in that condition
+        made them consent to become Catholics. Some they stripped stark
+        naked, and after they had offered them a thousand indignities,
+        they stuck them with pins from head to foot; they cut them with
+        pen-knives, tear them by the noses with red-hot pincers, and
+        dragged them about the rooms till they promised to become Roman
+        Catholics, or that the doleful outcries of these poor tormented
+        creatures, calling upon God for mercy, constrained them to let
+        them go.... In some places they tied fathers and husbands to the
+        bed-posts, and ravished their wives and daughters before their
+        eyes.... From others they pluck off the nails of their hands and
+        toes, which must needs cause an intolerable pain. They burnt the
+        feet of others. They blew up men and women with bellows, till
+        they were ready to burst in pieces. If these horrid usages could
+        not prevail upon them to violate their consciences, and abandon
+        their religion, they did then imprison them in close and noisome
+        dungeons, in which they exercised all kinds of inhumanities upon
+        them.' _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. pp. cxxx. cxxxi. 'Cependant
+        les troupes exerçoient partout de cruautez inouies. Tout leur
+        étoit permis, pourveu qu'ils ne fissent pas mourir. Ils faisoient
+        danser quelquefois leurs hôtes, jusqu'à ce qu'ils tombassent en
+        défaillance. Ils bernoient les autres jusqu'à ce qu'ils n'en
+        pouvoient plus.... Il y en eut quelques-uns à qui on versa de
+        l'eau bouillante dans la bouche.... Il y en eut plusieurs à qui
+        on donna des coups de bâton sous les pieds, pour éprouver si ce
+        supplice est aussi cruel que les relations le publient. On
+        arrachoit à d'autres le poil de la barbe.... D'autres brûloient à
+        la chandelle le poil des bras et des jambes de leurs hôtes.
+        D'autres faisoient brûler de la poudre, si près du visage de ceux
+        qui leur resistoient, qu'elle leur grilloit toute la peau. Ils
+        mettoient à d'autres des charbons allumez dans les mains, et les
+        contraignoient de les tenir fermées, jusqu'à ce que les charbons
+        fussent éteints.... On brûla les pieds à plusieurs, tenant les
+        uns long-tems devant un grand feu; appliquant aux autres une
+        pelle ardente sous les pieds; liant les pieds des autres dans des
+        bottines pleines de graisse, qu'on faisoit fondre et chauffer peu
+        à peu devant un brasier ardent.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. v. pp. 887-889. One of the Protestants, named Ryau,
+        they 'lièrent fort étroitement; lui sevrèrent les doigts des
+        mains; lui fichèrent des épingles sous les ongles; lui firent
+        brûler de la poudre dans les oreilles; lui percèrent les cuisses
+        en plusieurs lieux, et versèrent du vinaigre et du sel dans ses
+        blessures. _Par ce tourment ils épuisèrent sa patience en deux
+        jours; et le forcèrent à changer de religion_,' p. 890. 'Ses
+        dragons étoient les mêmes en tous lieux. Ils battoient, ils
+        étourdissoient, ils brûloient en Bourgogne comme en Poitou, en
+        Champagne comme en Guyenne, en Normandie comme en Languedoc. Mais
+        ils n'avoient pour les femmes ni plus de respect, ni plus de
+        pitié que pour les hommes. Au contraire, ils abusoient de la
+        tendre pudeur qui est une des propriétez de leur sexe; et ils
+        s'en prevaloient pour leur faire de plus sensibles outrages. On
+        leur levoit quelquefois leurs juppes par dessus la tête, et on
+        leur jetoit des seaux d'eau sur le corps. Il y en eut plusieurs
+        que les soldats mirent en chemise, et qu'ils forcèrent de danser
+        avec eux dans cet état.... Deux filles de Calais, nommées le
+        Noble, furent mises toutes nuës sur le pavé, et furent ainsi
+        exposées à la mocquerie et aux outrages des passans.... Des
+        dragons ayant lié la dame de Vezençai à la quenouille de son lit,
+        lui crachoient dans la bouche quand elle l'ouvroit pour parler ou
+        pour soupirer.' pp. 891, 892. At p. 917 are other details, far
+        more horrible, respecting the treatment of women, and which
+        indignation rather than shame prevents me from transcribing.
+        Indeed, the shame can only light on the church and the government
+        under whose united authority such scandalous outrages could be
+        openly perpetrated, merely for the sake of compelling men to
+        change their religious opinions.
+
+  [439] M. Blanqui (_Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii. p. 10) says,
+        that the revocation of the Edict of Nantes cost France 'cinq cent
+        mille de ses enfants les plus industrieux,' who carried into
+        other countries 'les habitudes d'ordre et de travail dont ils
+        étaient imbus.' See also _Siècle de Louis XIV_, chap. xxxvi., in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xx. pp. 380, 381. Several of them
+        emigrated to North America. Compare _Godwin on Population_, pp.
+        388, 389, with _Benoist_, _l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. v. pp. 973,
+        974, and _Lyell's Second Visit to the United States_, edit. 1849,
+        vol. ii. p. 159. See also, on the effects of the Revocation,
+        _Lettres inédites de Voltaire_, vol. ii. p. 473.
+
+This method of estimating the merits of a sovereign is, indeed, so
+rapidly dying away, that I shall not spend any words in refuting it.
+But it is connected with a more widely diffused error respecting the
+influence of royal patronage upon national literature. This is a
+delusion which men of letters have themselves been the first to
+propagate. From the language too many of them are in the habit of
+employing, we might be led to believe that there is some magical power
+in the smiles of a king which stimulates the intellect of the fortunate
+individual whose heart they are permitted to gladden. Nor must this be
+despised as one of those harmless prejudices that still linger round the
+person of the sovereign. It is not only founded on a misconception of
+the nature of things, but it is in its practical consequences very
+injurious. It is injurious to the independent spirit which literature
+should always possess; and it is injurious to princes themselves,
+because it strengthens that vanity of which they generally have too
+large a share. Indeed, if we consider the position they now occupy in
+the most civilized countries, we shall at once see the absurdity of an
+opinion which, in the present state of knowledge, is unfit to be held by
+educated men.
+
+From the moment that there was finally abandoned the theological fiction
+of the divine right of kings, it necessarily followed that the respect
+felt for them should suffer a corresponding diminution.[440] The
+superstitious reverence with which they were formerly regarded is
+extinct, and at the present day we are no longer awed by that divinity
+with which their persons were once supposed to be hedged.[441] The
+standard, therefore, by which we should measure them is obvious. We
+should applaud their conduct in proportion as they contribute towards
+the happiness of the nation over which they are intrusted with power;
+but we ought to remember that, from the manner in which they are
+educated, and from the childish homage always paid to them, their
+information must be very inaccurate, and their prejudices very
+numerous.[442] On this account, so far from expecting that they should
+be judicious patrons of literature, or should in any way head their age,
+we ought to be satisfied if they do not obstinately oppose the spirit of
+their time, and if they do not attempt to stop the march of society.
+For, unless the sovereign, in spite of the intellectual disadvantages of
+his position, is a man of very enlarged mind, it must usually happen
+that he will reward, not those who are most able, but those who are most
+compliant; and that while he refuses his patronage to a profound and
+independent thinker, he will grant it to an author who cherishes ancient
+prejudices and defends ancient abuses. In this way, the practice of
+conferring on men of letters either honorary or pecuniary rewards, is
+agreeable, no doubt, to those who receive them; but has a manifest
+tendency to weaken the boldness and energy of their sentiments, and
+therefore to impair the value of their works. This might be made evident
+by publishing a list of those literary pensions which have been granted
+by European princes. If this were done, the mischief produced by these
+and similar rewards would be clearly seen. After a careful study of the
+history of literature, I think myself authorised to say, that for one
+instance in which a sovereign has recompensed a man who is before his
+age, there are at least twenty instances of his recompensing one who is
+behind his age. The result is, that in every country where royal
+patronage has been long and generally bestowed, the spirit of
+literature, instead of being progressive, has become reactionary. An
+alliance has been struck up between those who give and those who
+receive. By a system of bounties, there has been artificially engendered
+a greedy and necessitous class; who, eager for pensions, and offices,
+and titles, have made the pursuit of truth subordinate to the desire of
+gain, and have infused into their writings the prejudices of the court
+to which they cling. Hence it is, that the marks of favour have become
+the badge of servitude. Hence it is, that the acquisition of knowledge,
+by far the noblest of all occupations, an occupation which of all others
+raises the dignity of man, has been debased to the level of a common
+profession, where the chances of success are measured by the number of
+rewards, and where the highest honours are in the gift of whoever
+happens to be the minister or sovereign of the day.
+
+  [440] On the diminished respect for kings, caused by the abandonment of
+        divine right, see _Spencer's Social Statics_, pp. 423, 424; and
+        on the influence of the clergy in propagating the old doctrine,
+        see Allen's learned work on the _Royal Prerogative_, edit. 1849,
+        p. 156. See also some striking remarks by Locke, in _King's Life
+        of Locke_, vol ii. p. 90.
+
+  [441] 'Qu'est devenu, en effet, le droit divin, cette pensée, autrefois
+        acceptée par les masses, que les rois étaient les représentants
+        de Dieu sur la terre, que la racine de leur pouvoir était dans le
+        ciel? Elle s'est évanouie devant cette autre pensée, qu'aucun
+        nuage, aucun mysticisme n'obscurcit; devant cette pensée si
+        naturelle et brillant d'une clarté si nette et si vive, que la
+        souveraine puissance, sur la terre, appartient au peuple entier,
+        et non à une fraction, et moins encore à un seul homme.' _Rey_,
+        _Science Sociale_, vol. iii. p. 308. Compare _Manning on the Law
+        of Nations_, p. 101; _Laing's Sweden_, p. 408; _Laing's Denmark_,
+        p. 196; _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 391.
+
+  [442] In this, as in all instances, the language of respect long
+        survives the feeling to which the language owed its origin. Lord
+        Brougham (_Political Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 42, Lond. 1849)
+        observes, that 'all their titles are derived from a divine
+        original--all refer to them as representing the Deity on earth.
+        They are called "_Grace_," "_Majesty_." They are termed "_The
+        Lord's anointed_," "_The Vicegerent of God upon earth_;" with
+        many other names which are either nonsensical or blasphemous, but
+        which are outdone in absurdity by the kings of the East.' True
+        enough: but if Lord Brougham had written thus three centuries
+        ago, he would have had his ears cut off for his pains.
+
+This tendency forms of itself a decisive objection to the views of those
+who wish to entrust the executive government with the means of rewarding
+literary men. But there is also another objection, in some respects
+still more serious. Every nation which is allowed to pursue its course
+uncontrolled, will easily satisfy the wants of its own intellect, and
+will produce such a literature as is best suited to its actual
+condition. And it is evidently for the interest of all classes that the
+production shall not be greater than the want; that the supply shall not
+exceed the demand. It is, moreover, necessary to the well-being of
+society that a healthy proportion should be kept up between the
+intellectual classes and the practical classes. It is necessary that
+there should be a certain ratio between those who are most inclined to
+think, and those who are most inclined to act. If we were all authors,
+our material interests would suffer; if we were all men of business, our
+mental pleasures would be abridged. In the first case, we should be
+famished philosophers; in the other case, we should be wealthy fools.
+Now, it is obvious that, according to the commonest principles of human
+action the relative numbers of these two classes will be adjusted,
+without effort, by the natural, or, as we call it, the spontaneous
+movement of society. But if a government takes upon itself to pension
+literary men, it disturbs this movement; it troubles the harmony of
+things. This is the unavoidable result of that spirit of interference,
+or, as it is termed, protection, by which every country has been greatly
+injured. If, for instance, a fund were set apart by the state for
+rewarding butchers and tailors, it is certain that the number of those
+useful men would be needlessly augmented. If another fund is
+appropriated for the literary classes, it is as certain that men of
+letters will increase more rapidly than the exigencies of the country
+require. In both cases, an artificial stimulus will produce an unhealthy
+action. Surely, food and clothes are as necessary for the body as
+literature is for the mind. Why, then, should we call upon government to
+encourage those who write our books, any more than to encourage those
+who kill our mutton and mend our garments? The truth is, that the
+intellectual march of society is, in this respect, exactly analogous to
+its physical march. In some instances a forced supply may, indeed,
+create an unnatural want. But this is an artificial state of things,
+which indicates a diseased action. In a healthy condition, it is not the
+supply which causes the want, but it is the want which gives rise to the
+supply. To suppose, therefore, that an increase of authors would
+necessarily be followed by a diffusion of knowledge, is as if we were to
+suppose that an increase of butchers must be followed by a diffusion of
+food. This is not the way in which things are ordered. Men must have
+appetite before they will eat; they must have money before they can buy;
+they must be inquisitive before they will read. The two great principles
+which move the world are, the love of wealth and the love of knowledge.
+These two principles respectively represent and govern the two most
+important classes into which every civilized country is divided. What a
+government gives to one of these classes, it must take from the other.
+What it gives to literature, it must take from wealth. This can never be
+done to any great extent, without entailing the most ruinous
+consequences. For, the natural proportions of society being destroyed,
+society itself will be thrown into confusion. While men of letters are
+protected, men of industry will be depressed. The lower classes can
+count for little in the eyes of those to whom literature is the first
+consideration. The idea of the liberty of the people will be
+discouraged; their persons will be oppressed; their labour will be
+taxed. The arts necessary to life will be despised, in order that those
+which embellish life may be favoured. The many will be ruined, that the
+few may be pleased. While every thing is splendid above, all will be
+rotten below. Fine pictures, noble palaces, touching dramas--these may
+for a time be produced in profusion, but it will be at the cost of the
+heart and strength of the nation. Even the class for whom the sacrifice
+has been made, will soon decay. Poets may continue to sing the praises
+of the prince who has bought them with his gold. It is, however, certain
+that men who begin by losing their independence, will end by losing
+their energy. Their intellect must be robust indeed, if it does not
+wither in the sickly atmosphere of a court. Their attention being
+concentrated on their master, they insensibly contract those habits of
+servility which are suited to their position; and, as the range of their
+sympathies is diminished, the use and action of their genius become
+impaired. To them submission is a custom, and servitude a pleasure. In
+their hands, literature soon loses its boldness, tradition is appealed
+to as the ground of truth, and the spirit of inquiry is extinguished.
+Then it is, that there comes one of those sad moments in which, no
+outlet being left for public opinion, the minds of men are unable to
+find a vent; their discontents, having no voice, slowly rankle into a
+deadly hatred; their passions accumulate in silence, until at length,
+losing all patience, they are goaded into one of those terrible
+revolutions, by which they humble the pride of their rulers, and carry
+retribution even into the heart of the palace.
+
+The truth of this picture is well known to those who have studied the
+history of Louis XIV., and the connection between it and the French
+Revolution. That prince adopted, during his long reign, the mischievous
+practice of rewarding literary men with large sums of money, and of
+conferring on them numerous marks of personal favour. As this was done
+for more than half a century; and as the wealth which he thus
+unscrupulously employed was of course taken from his other subjects, we
+can find no better illustration of the results which such patronage is
+likely to produce. He, indeed, has the merit of organizing into a system
+that protection of literature which some are so anxious to restore. What
+the effect of this was upon the general interests of knowledge, we shall
+presently see. But its effect upon authors themselves should be
+particularly attended to by those men of letters who, with little regard
+to their own dignity, are constantly reproaching the English government
+for neglecting the profession of which they themselves are members. In
+no age have literary men been awarded with such profuseness as in the
+reign of Louis XIV.; and in no age have they been so mean-spirited, so
+servile, so utterly unfit to fulfil their great vocation as the apostles
+of knowledge and the missionaries of truth. The history of the most
+celebrated authors of that time proves that, notwithstanding their
+acquirements, and the power of their minds, they were unable to resist
+the surrounding corruption. To gain the favour of the king, they
+sacrificed that independent spirit which should have been dearer to them
+than life. They gave away the inheritance of genius; they sold their
+birthright for a mess of pottage. What happened then, would under the
+same circumstances happen now. A few eminent thinkers may be able for a
+certain time to resist the pressure of their age. But, looking at
+mankind generally, society can have no hold on any class except through
+the medium of their interests. It behoves, therefore, every people to
+take heed, that the interests of literary men are on their side rather
+than on the side of their rulers. For, literature is the representative
+of intellect, which is progressive; government is the representative of
+order, which is stationary. As long as these two great powers are
+separate, they will correct and react upon each other, and the people
+may hold the balance. If, however, these powers coalesce, if the
+government can corrupt the intellect, and if the intellect will yield to
+the government, the inevitable result must be, despotism in politics,
+and servility in literature. This was the history of France under Louis
+XIV.: and this, we may rest assured, will be the history of every
+country that shall be tempted to follow so attractive but so fatal an
+example.
+
+The reputation of Louis XIV. originated in the gratitude of men of
+letters; but it is now supported by a popular notion that the celebrated
+literature of his age is mainly to be ascribed to his fostering care.
+If, however, we examine this opinion, we shall find that, like many of
+the traditions of which history is full, it is entirely devoid of truth.
+We shall find two leading circumstances, which will prove that the
+literary splendour of his reign was not the result of his efforts, but
+was the work of that great generation which preceded him; and that the
+intellect of France, so far from being benefited by his munificence, was
+hampered by his protection.
+
+I. The first circumstance is, that the immense impulse which, during the
+administrations of Richelieu and of Mazarin, had been given to the
+highest branches of knowledge, was suddenly stopped. In 1661 Louis XIV.
+assumed the government;[443] and from that moment until his death, in
+1715, the history of France, so far as great discoveries are concerned,
+is a blank in the annals of Europe. If, putting aside all preconceived
+notions respecting the supposed glory of that age, we examine the matter
+fairly, it will be seen that in every department there was a manifest
+dearth of original thinkers. There was much that was elegant, much that
+was attractive. The senses of men were soothed and flattered by the
+creations of art, by paintings, by palaces, by poems; but scarcely any
+thing of moment was added to the sum of human knowledge. If we take the
+mathematics, and those mixed sciences to which they are applicable, it
+will be universally admitted that their most successful cultivators in
+France during the seventeenth century were Descartes, Pascal, Fermat,
+Gassendi, and Mersenne. But, so far from Louis XIV. having any share in
+the honour due to them, these eminent men were engaged in their
+investigations while the king was still in his cradle, and completed
+them before he assumed the government, and therefore before his system
+of protection came into play. Descartes died in 1650,[444] when the king
+was twelve years old. Pascal, whose name, like that of Descartes, is
+commonly associated with the age of Louis XIV., had gained an European
+reputation while Louis, occupied in the nursery with his toys, was not
+aware that any such man existed. His treatise on conic sections was
+written in 1639;[445] his decisive experiments on the weight of air were
+made in 1648;[446] and his researches on the cycloid, the last great
+inquiry he ever undertook, were in 1658,[447] when Louis, still under
+the tutelage of Mazarin, had no sort of authority. Fermat was one of the
+most profound thinkers of the seventeenth century, particularly as a
+geometrician, in which respect he was second only to Descartes.[448] The
+most important steps he took are those concerning the geometry of
+infinites, applied to the ordinates and tangents of curves; which,
+however, he completed in or before 1636.[449] As to Gassendi and
+Mersenne, it is enough to say that Gassendi died in 1655,[450] six years
+before Louis was at the head of affairs; while Mersenne died in
+1648,[451] when the great king was ten years old.
+
+  [443] 'La première période du gouvernement de Louis XIV commence donc en
+        1661.' _Capefigue's Louis XIV._, vol. i. p. 4.
+
+  [444] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 157.
+
+  [445] In _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiii. p. 50, he is said to have composed
+        it 'à l'âge de seize ans;' and at p. 46, to have been born
+        in 1623.
+
+  [446] _Leslie's Natural Philosophy_, p. 201; _Bordas Demoulin_, _Le
+        Cartésianisme_, vol. i. p. 310. Sir John Herschel (_Disc. on Nat.
+        Philos._ pp. 229, 230) calls this 'one of the first, if not the
+        very first,' crucial instance recorded in physics; and he thinks
+        that it 'tended, more powerfully than any thing which had
+        previously been done in science, to confirm in the minds of men
+        that disposition to experimental verification which had scarcely
+        yet taken full and secure root.' In this point of view, the
+        addition it actually made to knowledge is the smallest part of
+        its merit.
+
+  [447] Montucla (_Hist. des Mathématiques_, vol. ii. p. 61) says, 'vers
+        1658;' and at p. 65, 'il se mit, vers le commencement de 1658, à
+        considérer plus profondément les propriétés de cette courbe.'
+
+  [448] Montucla (_Hist. des Mathémat._ vol. ii. p. 136) enthusiastically
+        declares that 'si Descartes eût manqué à l'esprit humain, Fermat
+        l'eût remplacé en géométrie.' Simson, the celebrated restorer of
+        Greek geometry, said that Fermat was the only modern who
+        understood porisms. See _Trail's Account of Simson_, 1812, 4to.
+        pp. 18, 41. On the connexion between his views and the subsequent
+        discovery of the differential calculus, see _Brewster's Life of
+        Newton_, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8; and compare _Comte_, _Philosophie
+        Positive_, vol. i. pp. 228, 229, 726, 727.
+
+  [449] See extracts from two letters written by Fermat to Roberval, in
+        1636, in _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathématiques_, vol. ii. pp. 136,
+        137; respecting which there is no notice in the meagre article on
+        Fermat, in _Hutton's Mathematical Dictionary_, vol. i. p. 510,
+        4to. 1815. It is a disgrace to English mathematicians that this
+        unsatisfactory work of Hutton's should still remain the best they
+        have produced on the history of their own science. The same
+        disregard of dates is shown in the hasty remarks on Fermat by
+        Playfair. See _Playfair's Dissertation on the Progress of
+        Mathematical Science_, _Encyclop. Brit._ vol. i. p. 440, 7th
+        edition.
+
+  [450] _Hutton's Mathemat. Dict._ vol. i. p. 572.
+
+  [451] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 46.
+
+These were the men who flourished in France just before the system of
+Louis XIV. came into operation. Shortly after their death the patronage
+of the king began to tell upon the national intellect; and during the
+next fifty years no addition of importance was made to either branch of
+the mathematics, or, with the single exception of acoustics,[452] to any
+of the sciences to which the mathematics are applied.[453] The further
+the seventeenth century advanced, the more evident did the decline
+become, and the more clearly can we trace the connexion between the
+waning powers of the French, and that protective spirit which enfeebled
+the energies it wished to strengthen. Louis had heard that astronomy is
+a noble study; he was therefore anxious, by encouraging its cultivation
+in France, to add to the glories of his own name.[454] With this view,
+he rewarded its professors with unexampled profusion; he built the
+splendid Observatory of Paris; he invited to his court the most eminent
+foreign astronomers, Cassini from Italy, Römer from Denmark, Huygens
+from Holland. But, as to native ability, France did not produce a single
+man who made even one of those various discoveries which mark the epochs
+of astronomical science. In other countries vast progress was made; and
+Newton in particular, by his immense generalizations, reformed nearly
+every branch of physics, and remodelled astronomy by carrying the laws
+of gravitation to the extremity of the solar system. On the other hand,
+France had fallen into such a torpor, that these wonderful discoveries,
+which changed the face of knowledge, were entirely neglected, there
+being no instance of any French astronomer adopting them until 1732,
+that is, forty-five years after they had been published by their
+immortal author.[455] Even in matters of detail, the most valuable
+improvement made by French astronomers during the power of Louis XIV.
+was not original. They laid claim to the invention of the micrometer; an
+admirable resource, which, as they supposed, was first contrived by
+Picard and Auzout.[456] The truth, however, is, that here again they
+were anticipated by the activity of a freer and less protected people;
+since the micrometer was invented by Gascoigne in or just before 1639,
+when the English monarch, so far from having leisure to patronize
+science, was about to embark in that struggle which, ten years later,
+cost him his crown and his life.[457]
+
+  [452] Of which Sauveur may be considered the creator. Compare _Eloge de
+        Sauveur_, in _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p.
+        435, with _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. ii. p.
+        334; _Comte_, _Philos. Pos._ vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.
+
+  [453] In the report presented to Napoleon by the French Institute, it is
+        said of the reign of Louis XIV., 'les sciences exactes et les
+        sciences physiques peu cultivées en France dans un siècle qui
+        paroissoit ne trouver de charmes que dans la littérature.'
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport Historique_, p. 24. Or, as Lacretelle
+        expresses it (_Dix-huitième Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 10), 'La France,
+        après avoir fourni Descartes et Pascal, eut pendant quelque temps
+        à envier aux nations étrangères la gloire de produire des génies
+        créateurs dans les sciences.'
+
+  [454] A writer late in the seventeenth century says, with some
+        simplicity, 'the present king of France is reputed an encourager
+        of choice and able men, in all faculties, who can attribute to
+        his greatness.' _Aubrey's Letters_, vol. ii. p. 624.
+
+  [455] The _Principia_ of Newton appeared in 1687; and Maupertuis, in
+        1732, 'was the first astronomer of France who undertook a
+        critical defence of the theory of gravitation.' _Grant's Hist. of
+        Physical Astronomy_, pp. 31, 43. In 1738, Voltaire writes, 'La
+        France est jusqu'à présent le seul pays où les théories de Newton
+        en physique, et de Boerhaave en médecine, soient combattues. Nous
+        n'avons pas encore de bons éléments de physique; nous avons pour
+        toute astronomie le livre de Bion, qui n'est qu'un ramas informe
+        de quelques mémoires de l'académie.' _Correspond._ in _[OE]uvres
+        de Voltaire_, vol. xlvii. p. 340. On the tardy reception of
+        Newton's discoveries in France, compare _Eloge de Lacaille_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Bailly_, Paris, 1790, vol. i. pp. 175, 176. All
+        this is the more remarkable, because several of the conclusions
+        at which Newton had arrived were divulged before they were
+        embodied in the _Principia_; and it appears from _Brewster's Life
+        of Newton_ (vol. i. pp. 25, 26, 290), that his speculations
+        concerning gravity began in 1666, or perhaps in the autumn of
+        1665.
+
+  [456] 'L'abbé Picard fut en société avec Auzout, l'inventeur du
+        micromètre.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiv. p. 253. See also _Préface
+        de l'Hist. de l'Acad. des Sciences_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. x. p. 20.
+
+  [457] The best account I have seen of the invention of the micrometer,
+        is in Mr. Grant's recent work, _History of Physical Astronomy_,
+        pp. 428, 450-453, where it is proved that Gascoigne invented it
+        in 1639, or possibly a year or two earlier. Compare _Humboldt's
+        Cosmos_, vol. iii. p. 52; who also ascribes it to Gascoigne, but
+        erroneously dates it in 1640. Montucla (_Hist. des Mathémat._
+        vol. ii. pp. 570, 571) admits the priority of Gascoigne; but
+        underrates his merit, being apparently unacquainted with the
+        evidence which Mr. Grant subsequently adduced.
+
+The absence in France, during this period, not only of great
+discoveries, but also of mere practical ingenuity, is certainly very
+striking. In investigations requiring minute accuracy, the necessary
+tools, if at all complicated, were made by foreigners, the native
+workmen being too unskilled to construct them; and Dr. Lister, who was a
+very competent judge,[458] and who was in Paris at the end of the
+seventeenth century, supplies evidence that the best mathematical
+instruments sold in that city were made, not by a Frenchman, but by
+Butterfield, an Englishman residing there.[459] Nor did they succeed
+better in matters of immediate and obvious utility. The improvements
+effected in manufactures were few and insignificant, and were
+calculated, not for the comfort of the people, but for the luxury of the
+idle classes.[460] What was really valuable was neglected; no great
+invention was made; and by the end of the reign of Louis XIV. scarcely
+anything had been done in machinery, or in those other contrivances
+which, by economising national labour, increase national wealth.[461]
+
+  [458] For a short account of this able man, see _Lankester's Mem. of
+        Ray_, p. 17.
+
+  [459] Notwithstanding the strong prejudice then existing against
+        Englishmen, Butterfield was employed by 'the king and all the
+        princes.' _Lister's Account of Paris at the close of the
+        Seventeenth Century, edited by Dr. Henning_, p. 85. Fontenelle
+        mentions 'M. Hubin,' as one of the most celebrated makers in
+        Paris in 1687 (_Eloge d'Amoltons_, in _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_,
+        Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 113); but has forgotten to state that he
+        too was an Englishman. 'Lutetiæ sedem posuerat ante aliquod
+        tempus _Anglus quidam nomine Hubinus_, vir ingeniosus, atque
+        hujusmodi machinationum peritus opifex et industrius. Hominem
+        adii,' &c. _Huetii Commentarius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus_,
+        p. 346. Thus, again, in regard to time-keepers, the vast
+        superiority of the English makers, late in the reign of Louis
+        XIV., was equally incontestable. Compare _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv.
+        pp. 242, 243, with _Brewster's Life of Newton_, vol. ii. p. 262;
+        and as to the middle of the reign of Louis XIV., see _Eloge de
+        Sebastien_, in _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, vol. vi. pp. 332, 333.
+
+  [460] 'Les manufactures étaient plutôt dirigées vers le brillant que
+        vers l'utile. On s'efforça, par un arrêt du mois de mars 1700,
+        d'extirper, ou du moins de réduire beaucoup les fabriques de bas
+        au métier. Malgré cette fausse direction, les objets d'un luxe
+        très-recherché faisaient des progrès bien lents. En 1687, après
+        la mort de Colbert, la cour soldait encore l'industrie des
+        barbares, et faisait fabriquer et broder ses plus beaux habits à
+        Constantinople.' _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de Louis XIV_, p.
+        364. Lacretelle (_Dix-huitième Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 5) says, that
+        during the last thirty years of the reign of Louis XIV. 'les
+        manufactures tombaient.'
+
+  [461] Cuvier (_Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxvii. p. 199) thus describes the
+        condition of France only seven years after the death of Louis
+        XIV.: 'Nos forges étaient alors presque dans l'enfance; et nous
+        ne faisions point d'acier: tout celui qu'exigeaient les
+        différents métiers nous venait de l'étranger.... Nous ne
+        faisions point non plus alors de fer-blanc, et il ne nous venait
+        que de l'Allemagne.'
+
+While such was the state, not only of mathematical and astronomical
+science, but also of mechanical and inventive arts, corresponding
+symptoms of declining power were seen in other departments. In
+physiology, in anatomy and in medicine, we look in vain for any men
+equal to those by whom France had once been honoured. The greatest
+discovery of this kind ever made by a Frenchman, was that of the
+receptacle of the chyle; a discovery which, in the opinion of a high
+authority, is not inferior to that of the circulation of the blood by
+Harvey.[462] This important step in our knowledge is constantly assigned
+to the age of Louis XIV., as if it were one of the results of his
+gracious bounty; but it would be difficult to tell what Louis had to do
+with it, since the discovery was made by Pecquet in 1647,[463] when the
+great king was nine years old. After Pecquet, the most eminent of the
+French anatomists in the seventeenth century was Riolan; and his name we
+also find among the illustrious men who adorned the reign of Louis XIV.
+But the principal works of Riolan were written before Louis XIV. was
+born; his last work was published in 1652; and he himself died in
+1657.[464] Then there came a pause, and, during three generations, the
+French did nothing for these great subjects: they wrote no work upon
+them which is now read, they made no discoveries, and they seemed to
+have lost all heart, until that revival of knowledge, which, as we shall
+presently see, took place in France about the middle of the eighteenth
+century. In the practical parts of medicine, in its speculative parts,
+and in the arts connected with surgery, the same law prevails. The
+French, in these, as in other matters, had formerly produced men of
+great eminence, who had won for themselves an European reputation, and
+whose works are still remembered. Thus, only to mention two or three
+instances, they had a long line of illustrious physicians, among whom
+Fernel and Joubert were the earliest;[465] they had, in surgery,
+Ambroise Paré, who not only introduced important practical
+improvements,[466] but who has the still rarer merit of being one of the
+founders of comparative osteology;[467] and they had Baillou, who late
+in the sixteenth and early in the seventeenth century, advanced
+pathology, by connecting it with the study of morbid anatomy.[468] Under
+Louis XIV. all this was changed. Under him, surgery was neglected,
+though in other countries its progress was rapid.[469] The English, by
+the middle of the seventeenth century, had taken considerable steps in
+medicine: its therapeutical branch being reformed chiefly by Sydenham,
+its physiological branch by Glisson.[470] But the age of Louis XIV.
+cannot boast of a single medical writer who can be compared to these;
+not even one whose name is now known as having made any specific
+addition to our knowledge. In Paris, the practice of medicine was
+notoriously inferior to that in the capitals of Germany, Italy, and
+England; while in the French provinces, the ignorance, even of the best
+physicians, was scandalous.[471] Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say
+that, during the whole of this long period, the French in these matters
+effected comparatively nothing; they made no contributions to clinical
+literature,[472] and scarcely any to therapeutics, to pathology, to
+physiology, or to anatomy.[473]
+
+  [462] 'Certainement la découverte de Pecquet ne brille pas moins dans
+        l'histoire de notre art que la vérité démontrée pour la première
+        fois par Harvey.' _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. iv. p.
+        208.
+
+  [463] Henle (_Anatomie Générale_, vol. ii. p. 106) says, that the
+        discovery was made in 1649; but the historians of medicine assign
+        it to 1647. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. iv. pp. 207,
+        405; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 173.
+
+  [464] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxviii. pp. 123, 124.
+
+  [465] Some of the great steps taken by Joubert are concisely stated in
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. i. pp. 293,
+        294, vol. iii. p. 361. Compare _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Médecine_, vol. iii. p. 210. Fernel, though enthusiastically
+        praised by Patin, was probably hardly equal to Joubert. _Lettres
+        de Patin_, vol. iii. pp. 59, 199, 648. At p. 106, Patin calls
+        Fernel 'le premier médecin de son temps, et peut-être le plus
+        grand qui sera jamais.'
+
+  [466] See a summary of them in _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 405, 406, vol. vii. pp. 14, 15. Sir Benjamin Brodie
+        (_Lectures on Surgery_, p. 21) says, 'Few greater benefits have
+        been conferred on mankind than that for which we are indebted to
+        Ambrose Parey--the application of a ligature to a bleeding
+        artery.'
+
+  [467] 'C'était là une vue très-ingénieuse et très-juste qu'Ambroise Paré
+        donnait pour la première fois. C'était un commencement
+        d'ostéologie comparée.' _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part. ii.
+        p. 42. To this I may add, that he is the first French writer on
+        medical jurisprudence. See _Paris and Fonblanque's Medical
+        Jurisprudence_, 1823, vol. i. p. xviii.
+
+  [468] 'L'un des premiers auteurs à qui l'on doit des observations
+        cadavériques sur les maladies, est le fameux Baillou.'
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. ii. p. 218.
+        See also vol. iii. p. 362; and _Renouard_, _Hist. de la
+        Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 89. The value of his services is
+        recognized in a recent able work, _Phillips on Scrofula_, 1846,
+        p. 16.
+
+  [469] 'The most celebrated surgeon of the sixteenth century was Ambroise
+        Paré.... From the time of Paré until the commencement of the
+        eighteenth century, surgery was but little cultivated in France.
+        Mauriceau, Saviard, and Belloste, were the only French surgeons
+        of note who could be contrasted with so many eminent men of other
+        nations. During the eighteenth century, France produced two
+        surgeons of extraordinary genius; these are Petit and Desault.'
+        _Bowman's Surgery_, in _Encyclop. of Medical Sciences_, 1847,
+        4to. pp. 829, 830.
+
+  [470] It is unnecessary to adduce evidence respecting the services
+        rendered by Sydenham, as they are universally admitted; but what,
+        perhaps, is less generally known, is, that Glisson anticipated
+        those important views concerning irritability, which were
+        afterwards developed by Haller and Gorter. Compare _Renouard_,
+        _Hist. de le Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 192; _Elliotson's Human
+        Physiol_. p. 471; _Bordas Demoulin_, _Cartésianisme_, vol. i. p.
+        170; In _Wagner's Physiol._ 1841, p. 655, the theory is too
+        exclusively ascribed to Haller.
+
+  [471] Of this we have numerous complaints from foreigners who visited
+        France. I will quote the testimony of one celebrated man. In
+        1699, Addison writes from Blois: 'I made use of one of the
+        physicians of this place, who are as cheap as our English
+        farriers, and generally as ignorant.' _Aikin's Life of Addison_,
+        vol. i. p. 74.
+
+  [472] Indeed, France was the last great country in Europe in which a
+        chair of clinical medicine was established. See _Renouard_,
+        _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 312; and _Bouillaud_,
+        _Philos. Médicale_, p. 114.
+
+  [473] M. Bouillaud, in his account of the state of medicine in the
+        seventeenth century, does not mention a single Frenchman during
+        this period. See _Bouillaud_, _Philosophie Médicale_, pp. 13 seq.
+        During many years of the power of Louis XIV., the French Academy
+        only possessed one anatomist; and of him, few students of
+        physiology have ever heard: 'M. du Verney fut assez long-temps le
+        seul anatomiste de l'académie, et ce ne fut qu'en 1684 qu'on lui
+        joignit M. Mery.' _Eloge de Du Verney_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Fontenelle_, vol. vi. p. 392.
+
+In what are called the natural sciences, we also find the French now
+brought to a stand. In zoology, they had formerly possessed remarkable
+men, among whom Belon and Rondelet were the most conspicuous:[474] but,
+under Louis XIV., they did not produce one original observer in this
+great field of inquiry.[475] In chemistry, again, Rey had, in the reign
+of Louis XIII., struck out views of such vast importance, that he
+anticipated some of those generalizations which formed the glory of the
+French intellect in the eighteenth century.[476] During the corrupt and
+frivolous age of Louis XIV., all this was forgotten; the labours of Rey
+were neglected; and so complete was the indifference, that even the
+celebrated experiments of Boyle remained unknown in France for more than
+forty years after they were published.[477]
+
+  [474] _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. pp. 64-73, 76-80.
+
+  [475] After Belon, nothing was done in France for the natural history of
+        animals until 1734, when there appeared the first volume of
+        Reaumur's great work. See _Swainson on the Study of Nat. Hist._
+        pp. 24, 43.
+
+  [476] On this remarkable man, who was the first philosophic chemist
+        Europe produced, and who, so early as 1630, anticipated some of
+        the generalizations made a hundred and fifty years later by
+        Lavoisier, see _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, pp. 46, 47;
+        _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 95, 96; _Humboldt's
+        Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 729; _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences_,
+        vol. i. p. 30.
+
+  [477] Cuvier (_Progrès des Sciences_, vol. i. p. 30) says of Rey, 'son
+        écrit était tombé dans l'oubli le plus profond;' and, in another
+        work, the same great authority writes (_Hist. des Sciences_, part
+        ii. p. 333): 'Il y avait plus de quarante ans que Becker avait
+        présenté sa nouvelle théorie, développée par Stahl; il y avait
+        encore plus long-temps que les expériences de Boyle sur la chimie
+        pneumatique avaient été publiées, et cependant, rien de tout cela
+        n'entrait encore dans l'enseignement général de la chimie, du
+        moins en France.'
+
+Connected with zoology, and, to a philosophic mind, inseparable from it,
+is botany: which, occupying a middle place between the animal and
+mineral world, indicates their relation to each other, and at different
+points touches the confines of both. It also throws great light on the
+functions of nutrition,[478] and on the laws of development; while, from
+the marked analogy between animals and vegetables, we have every reason
+to hope that its further progress, assisted by that of electricity, will
+prepare the way for a comprehensive theory of life, to which the
+resources of our knowledge are still unequal, but towards which the
+movements of modern science are manifestly tending. On these grounds,
+far more than for the sake of practical advantages, botany will always
+attract the attention of thinking men; who, neglecting views of
+immediate utility, look to large and ultimate results, and only value
+particular facts in so far as they facilitate the discovery of general
+truths. The first step in this noble study was taken towards the middle
+of the sixteenth century, when authors, instead of copying what previous
+writers had said, began to observe nature for themselves.[479] The next
+step was, to add experiment to observation: but it required another
+hundred years before this could be done with accuracy; because the
+microscope, which is essential to such inquiries, was only invented
+about 1620, and the labour of a whole generation was needed to make it
+available for minute investigations.[480] So soon, however, as this
+resource was sufficiently matured to be applied to plants, the march of
+botany became rapid, at least as far as details are concerned; for it
+was not until the eighteenth century that the facts were actually
+generalized. But, in the preliminary work of accumulating the facts,
+great energy was shown; and, for reasons stated in an earlier part of
+the Introduction, this, like other studies relating to the external
+world, advanced with peculiar speed during the reign of Charles II. The
+tracheæ of plants were discovered by Henshaw in 1661;[481] and their
+cellular tissue by Hooke in 1667.[482] These were considerable
+approaches towards establishing the analogy between plants and animals;
+and, within a few years, Grew effected still more of the same kind. He
+made such minute and extensive dissections, as to raise the anatomy of
+vegetables to a separate study, and prove that their organization is
+scarcely less complicated than that possessed by animals.[483] His first
+work was written in 1670;[484] and, in 1676, another Englishman,
+Millington, ascertained the existence of a distinction of sexes;[485]
+thus supplying further evidence of the harmony between the animal and
+vegetable kingdoms, and of the unity of idea which regulates their
+composition.
+
+  [478] The highest present generalizations of the laws of nutrition are
+        those by M. Chevreul; which are thus summed up by MM. Robin et
+        Verdeil, in their admirable work, _Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. p.
+        203, Paris, 1853: 'En passant des plantes aux animaux, nous
+        voyons que plus l'organisation de ces derniers est compliquée,
+        plus les aliments dont ils se nourrissent sont complexes et
+        analogues par leurs principes immédiats aux principes des organes
+        qu'ils doivent entretenir.
+
+        'En définitive, on voit que les végétaux se nourrissent d'eau,
+        d'acide carbonique, d'autres gaz et de matières organiques à
+        l'état d'engrais, ou en d'autres termes altérées, c'est-à-dire
+        ramenées à l'état de principes plus simples, plus solubles. Au
+        contraire, les animaux plus élevés dans l'échelle organique ont
+        besoin de matières bien plus complexes quant aux principes
+        immédiats qui les composent, et plus variées dans leurs
+        propriétés.'
+
+  [479] Brunfels in 1530, and Fuchs in 1542, were the two first writers
+        who observed the vegetable kingdom for themselves, instead of
+        copying what the ancients had said. Compare _Whewell's Hist. of
+        the Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 305, 306, with _Pulteney's Hist. of
+        Botany_, vol. i. p. 38.
+
+  [480] The microscope was exhibited in London, by Drebbel, about 1620;
+        and this appears to be the earliest unquestionable notice of its
+        use, though some writers assert that it was invented at the
+        beginning of the seventeenth century, or even in 1590. Compare
+        the different statements, in _Pouillet_, _Elémens de Physique_,
+        vol. ii. p. 357; _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. pp. 699, 700;
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. iv. p. 337; _Winckler_,
+        _Gesch. der Botanik_, p. 136; _Quekett's Treatise on the
+        Microscope_, 1848, p. 2; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii.
+        p. 470; _Hallam's Lit. of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 202; _Leslie's
+        Nat. Philos._ p. 52. On the subsequent improvement of the
+        microscope during the seventeenth century, see _Brewster's Life
+        of Newton_, vol. i. pp. 29, 242, 243.
+
+  [481] See _Balfour's Botany_, p. 15. In Pulteney's _Progress of Botany
+        in England_, this beautiful discovery is, if I rightly remember,
+        not even alluded to; but it appears, from a letter written in
+        1672, that it was then becoming generally known, and had been
+        confirmed by Grew and Malpighi. _Ray's Correspond._ edit. 1848,
+        p. 98. Compare _Richard_, _Eléments de Botanique_, p. 46; where,
+        however, M. Richard erroneously supposes that Grew did not know
+        of the tracheæ till 1682.
+
+  [482] Compare _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 471, with
+        _Thomson's Vegetable Chemistry_, p. 950.
+
+  [483] Dr. Thomson (_Vegetable Chemistry_, p. 950) says: 'But the person
+        to whom we are indebted for the first attempt to ascertain the
+        structure of plants by dissection and microscopical observations,
+        was Dr. Nathaniel Grew.' The character of Grew's inquiries, as
+        'viewing the internal, as well as external parts of plants,' is
+        also noticed in _Ray's Correspond._ p. 188; and M. Winckler
+        (_Gesch. der Botanik_, p. 382) ascribes to him and Malpighi the
+        'neuen Aufschwung' taken by vegetable physiology late in the
+        seventeenth century. See also, on Grew, _Lindley's Botany_, vol.
+        i. p. 93; and _Third Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 27.
+
+  [484] The first book of his Anatomy of Plants was laid before the Royal
+        Society in 1670, and printed in 1671. _Hallam's Lit. of Europe_,
+        vol. iii. p. 580; and _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p.
+        44.
+
+  [485] 'The presence of sexual organs in plants was first shown in 1676,
+        by Sir Thomas Millington; and it was afterwards confirmed by
+        Grew, Malpighi, and Ray.' _Balfour's Botany_, p. 236. See also
+        _Pulteney's Progress of Botany_, vol. i. pp. 336, 337; and
+        _Lindley's Botany_, vol. ii. p. 217: and, as to Ray, who was
+        rather slow in admitting the discovery, see _Lankester's Mem. of
+        Ray_, p. 100. Before this, the sexual system of vegetables had
+        been empirically known to several of the ancients, but never
+        raised to a scientific truth. Compare _Richard_, _Eléments de
+        Botanique_, pp. 353, 427, 428, with _Matter_, _Hist. de l'Ecole
+        d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+This is what was effected in England during the reign of Charles II.;
+and we now ask what was done in France, during the same period, under
+the munificent patronage of Louis XIV. The answer is, nothing; no
+discovery, no idea, which forms an epoch in this important department of
+natural science. The son of the celebrated Sir Thomas Brown visited
+Paris in the hope of making some additions to his knowledge of botany,
+which he thought he could not fail to do in a country where science was
+held in such honour, its professors so caressed by the court, and its
+researches so bountifully encouraged. To his surprise, he, in 1665,
+found in that great city no one capable of teaching his favourite
+pursuit, and even the public lectures on it miserably meagre and
+unsatisfactory.[486] Neither then, nor at a much later period, did the
+French possess a good popular treatise on botany: still less did they
+make any improvement in it. Indeed, so completely was the philosophy of
+the subject misunderstood, that Tournefort, the only French botanist of
+repute in the reign of Louis, actually rejected that discovery of the
+sexes of plants, which had been made before he began to write, and which
+afterwards became the corner-stone of the Linnæan system.[487] This
+showed his incapacity for those large views respecting the unity of the
+organic world, which alone give to botany a scientific value; and we
+find, accordingly, that he did nothing for the physiology of plants, and
+that his only merit was as a collector and classifier of them.[488] And
+even in his classification he was guided, not by a comprehensive
+comparison of their various parts, but by considerations drawn from the
+mere appearance of the flower:[489] thus depriving botany of its real
+grandeur, degrading it into an arrangement of beautiful objects, and
+supplying another instance of the way in which the Frenchmen of that
+generation impoverished what they sought to enrich, and dwarfed every
+topic, until they suited the intellect and pleased the eye of that
+ignorant and luxurious court, to whose favour they looked for reward,
+and whose applause it was the business of their life to gain.
+
+  [486] In July 1665 he writes from Paris to his father, 'The lecture of
+        plants here is only the naming of them, their degrees in heat and
+        cold, and sometimes their use in physick; scarce a word more than
+        may be seen in every herball.' _Browne's Works_, vol. i. p. 108.
+
+  [487] Cuvier mentioning the inferiority of Tournefort's views to those
+        of his predecessors, gives as an instance, 'puisqu'il a rejeté
+        les sexes des plantes.' _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 496.
+        Hence he held that the farina was ex-crementitious. _Pulteney's
+        Progress of Botany_, vol. i. p. 340.
+
+  [488] This is admitted even by his eulogist Duvau. _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xlvi. p. 363.
+
+  [489] On the method of Tournefort, which was that of a corrollist,
+        compare _Richard_, _Eléments de Botanique_, p. 547; _Jussieu's
+        Botany_, edit. Wilson, 1849, p. 516; _Ray's Correspond._ pp. 381,
+        382; _Lankester's Mem. of Ray_, p. 49; _Winckler_, _Gesch. der
+        Botanik_, p. 142. Cuvier (_Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 496),
+        with quiet irony, says of it, 'vous voyez, messieurs, que cette
+        méthode a le mérite d'une grande clarté; qu'elle est fondée sur
+        la forme de la fleur, et par conséquent sur des considérations
+        agréables à saisir.... Ce qui en fit le succès, c'est que
+        Tournefort joignit à son ouvrage une figure de fleur et de fruit
+        appartenant à chacun de ses genres.' Even in this, he appears to
+        have been careless, and is said to have described 'a great many
+        plants he never examined nor saw.' _Letter from Dr. Sherard_, in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. i.
+        p. 356.
+
+The truth is, that in these, as in all matters of real importance, in
+questions requiring independent thought, and in questions of practical
+utility, the age of Louis XIV. was an age of decay: it was an age of
+misery, of intolerance, and oppression; it was an age of bondage, of
+ignominy, of incompetence. This would long since have been universally
+admitted, if those who have written the history of that period had taken
+the trouble to study subjects without which no history can be
+understood; or, I should rather say, without which no history can exist.
+If this had been done, the reputation of Louis XIV. would at once have
+shrunk to its natural size. Even at the risk of exposing myself to the
+charge of unduly estimating my own labours, I cannot avoid saying, that
+the facts which I have just pointed out have never before been
+collected, but have remained isolated in the text-books and repertories
+of the sciences to which they belong. Yet without them it is impossible
+to study the age of Louis XIV. It is impossible to estimate the
+character of any period except by tracing its development; in other
+words, by measuring the extent of its knowledge. Therefore it is, that
+to write the history of a country without regard to its intellectual
+progress, is as if an astronomer should compose a planetary system
+without regard to the sun, by whose light alone the planets can be seen,
+and by whose attraction they are held in their course, and compelled to
+run in the path of their appointed orbits. For the great luminary, even
+as it shines in the heaven, is not a more noble or a more powerful
+object than is the intellect of man in this nether world. It is to the
+human intellect, and to that alone, that every country owes its
+knowledge. And what is it but the progress and diffusion of knowledge
+which has given us our arts, our sciences, our manufactures, our laws,
+our opinions, our manners, our comforts, our luxuries, our civilization;
+in short, everything that raises us above the savages, who by their
+ignorance are degraded to the level of the brutes with which they herd?
+Surely, then, the time has now arrived when they who undertake to write
+the history of a great nation should occupy themselves with those
+matters by which alone the destiny of men is regulated, and should
+abandon the petty and insignificant details by which we have too long
+been wearied; details respecting the lives of kings, the intrigues of
+ministers, the vices and the gossip of courts.
+
+It is precisely these higher considerations which furnish the key to the
+history of the reign of Louis XIV. In that time, as in all others, the
+misery of the people and the degradation of the country followed the
+decline of the national intellect; while this last was, in its turn, the
+result of the protective spirit--that mischievous spirit which weakens
+whatever it touches. If in the long course and compass of history there
+is one thing more clear than another, it is, that whenever a government
+undertakes to protect intellectual pursuits, it will almost always
+protect them in the wrong place, and reward the wrong men. Nor is it
+surprising that this should be the case. What can kings and ministers
+know about those immense branches of knowledge, to cultivate which with
+success is often the business of an entire life? How can they,
+constantly occupied with their lofty pursuits, have leisure for such
+inferior matters? Is it to be supposed that such acquirements will be
+found among statesmen, who are always engaged in the most weighty
+concerns; sometimes writing despatches, sometimes making speeches,
+sometimes organising a party in the parliament, sometimes baffling an
+intrigue in the privy-chamber? Or if the sovereign should graciously
+bestow his patronage according to his own judgment, are we to expect
+that mere philosophy and science should be familiar to high and mighty
+princes, who have their own peculiar and arduous studies, and who have
+to learn the mysteries of heraldry, the nature and dignities of rank,
+the comparative value of the different orders, decorations, and titles,
+the laws of precedence, the prerogatives of noble birth, the names and
+powers of ribbons, stars, and garters, the various modes of conferring
+an honour or installing into an office, the adjustment of ceremonies,
+the subtleties of etiquette, and all those other courtly accomplishments
+necessary to the exalted functions which they perform?
+
+The mere statement of such questions proves the absurdity of the
+principle which they involve. For, unless we believe that kings are
+omniscient as well as immaculate, it is evident that in the bestowal of
+rewards they must be guided either by personal caprice or by the
+testimony of competent judges. And since no one is a competent judge of
+scientific excellence unless he is himself scientific, we are driven to
+this monstrous alternative, that the rewards of intellectual labour must
+be conferred injudiciously, or else that they must be given according to
+the verdict of that very class by whom they are received. In the first
+case, the reward will be ridiculous; in the latter case, it will be
+disgraceful. In the former case, weak men will be benefited by wealth
+which is taken from industry to be lavished on idleness. But in the
+latter case, those men of real genius, those great and illustrious
+thinkers, who are the masters and teachers of the human race, are to be
+tricked out with trumpery titles; and after scrambling in miserable
+rivalry for the sordid favours of a court, they are then to be turned
+into beggars of the state, who not only clamour for their share of the
+spoil, but even regulate the proportions into which the shares are to be
+divided.
+
+Under such a system, the natural results are, first, the impoverishment
+and servility of genius: then the decay of knowledge; then the decline
+of the country. Three times in the history of the world has this
+experiment been tried. In the ages of Augustus, of Leo X., and of Louis
+XIV., the same method was adopted, and the same result ensued. In each
+of these ages, there was much apparent splendour, immediately succeeded
+by sudden ruin. In each instance, the brilliancy survived the
+independence; and in each instance, the national spirit sank under that
+pernicious alliance between government and literature, by virtue of
+which the political classes become very powerful, and the intellectual
+classes very weak, simply because they who dispense the patronage will,
+of course, receive the homage; and if, on the one hand, government is
+always ready to reward literature, so on the other hand, will literature
+be always ready to succumb to government.
+
+Of these three ages, that of Louis XIV. was incomparably the worst; and
+nothing but the amazing energy of the French people could have enabled
+them to rally, as they afterwards did, from the effects of so enfeebling
+a system. But though they rallied, the effort cost them dear. The
+struggle, as we shall presently see, lasted two generations, and was
+only ended by that frightful Revolution which formed its natural climax.
+What the real history of that struggle was, I shall endeavour to
+ascertain towards the conclusion of this volume. Without, however,
+anticipating the course of affairs, we will now proceed to what I have
+already mentioned as the second great characteristic of the reign of
+Louis XIV.
+
+II. The second intellectual characteristic of the reign of Louis XIV.
+is, in importance, hardly inferior to the first. We have already seen
+that the national intellect, stunted by the protection of the court, was
+so diverted from the noblest branches of knowledge, that in none of them
+did it produce anything worthy of being recorded. As a natural
+consequence, the minds of men, driven from the higher departments, took
+refuge in the lower, and concentrated themselves upon those inferior
+subjects, where the discovery of truth is not the main object, but where
+beauty of form and expression are the things chiefly pursued. Thus, the
+first consequence of the patronage of Louis XIV. was, to diminish the
+field for genius, and to sacrifice science to art. The second
+consequence was, that, even in art itself, there was soon seen a marked
+decay. For a short time, the stimulus produced its effect; but was
+followed by that collapse which is its natural result. So essentially
+vicious is the whole system of patronage and reward, that after the
+death of those writers and artists, whose works form the only redeeming
+point in the reign of Louis, there was found no one capable of even
+imitating their excellences. The poets, dramatists, painters, musicians,
+sculptors, architects, were, with hardly an exception, not only born,
+but educated under that freer policy, which existed before his time.
+When they began their labours, they benefited by a munificence which
+encouraged the activity of their genius. But in a few years, that
+generation having died off, the hollowness of the whole system was
+clearly exposed. More than a quarter of a century before the death of
+Louis XIV., most of these eminent men had ceased to live; and then it
+was seen to how miserable a plight the country was reduced under the
+boasted patronage of the great king. At the moment when Louis XIV. died,
+there was scarcely a writer or an artist in France who enjoyed an
+European reputation. This is a circumstance well worth our notice. If we
+compare the different classes of literature, we shall find that sacred
+oratory, being the least influenced by the king, was able the longest to
+bear up against his system. Massillon belongs partly to the subsequent
+reign; but even of the other great divines, Bossuet and Bourdaloue both
+lived to 1704,[490] Mascaron to 1703,[491] and Flechier to 1710.[492]
+As, however, the king, particularly in his latter years, was very
+fearful of meddling with the church, it is in profane matters that we
+can best trace the workings of his policy, because it is there that his
+interference was most active. With a view to this, the simplest plan
+will be, to look, in the first place, into the history of the fine arts;
+and after ascertaining who the greatest artists were, observe the year
+in which they died, remembering that the government of Louis XIV. began
+in 1661, and ended in 1715.
+
+  [490] _Biog. Univ._ vol. v. pp. 236, 358.
+
+  [491] _Ibid._ xxvii. p. 351.
+
+  [492] _Ibid._ xv. p. 35.
+
+If, now, we examine this period of fifty-four years, we shall be struck
+by the remarkable fact, that everything which is celebrated was effected
+in the first half of it; while more than twenty years before its close,
+the most eminent masters all died without leaving any successors. The
+six greatest painters in the reign of Louis XIV. were Poussin, Lesueur,
+Claude Lorraine, Le Brun, and the two Mignards. Of these, Le Brun died
+in 1690;[493] the elder Mignard in 1668;[494] the younger in 1695;[495]
+Claude Lorraine in 1682;[496] Lesueur in 1655;[497] and Poussin, perhaps
+the most distinguished of all the French school, died in 1665.[498] The
+two greatest architects were, Claude Perrault and Francis Mansart; but
+Perrault died in 1688;[499] Mansart in 1666;[500] and Blondel, the next
+in fame, died in 1686.[501] The greatest of all the sculptors was Puget,
+who died in 1694.[502] Lulli, the founder of French music, died in
+1687.[503] Quinault, the greatest poet of French music, died in
+1688.[504] Under these eminent men, the fine arts, in the reign of
+Louis XIV., reached their zenith; and during the last thirty years of
+his life, their decline was portentously rapid. This was the case, not
+only in architecture and music, but even in painting, which, being more
+subservient than they are to personal vanity, is more likely to flourish
+under a rich and despotic government. The genius, however, of painters
+fell so low, that long before the death of Louis XIV., France ceased to
+possess one of any merit; and when his successor came to the throne,
+this beautiful art was, in that great country, almost extinct.[505]
+
+  [493] _Ibid._ xxiii. p. 496.
+
+  [494] _Ibid._ xxix. p. 17.
+
+  [495] _Ibid._ xxix. p. 19.
+
+  [496] 'His best pictures were painted from about 1640 to 1660; he died
+        in 1682.' _Wornum's Epochs of Painting_, Lond. 1847. p. 399.
+        Voltaire (_Siècle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xix. p.
+        205) says that he died in 1678.
+
+  [497] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 327; _Works of Sir Joshua Reynolds_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 454, 455.
+
+  [498] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxv. p. 579. Poussin was Barry's 'favourite'
+        painter. _Letter from Barry_, in _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p.
+        88. Compare _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. ii. p. 55. Sir Joshua
+        Reynolds (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 97, 351, 376) appears to have
+        preferred him to any of the French school; and in the report
+        presented to Napoleon by the Institute, he is the only French
+        painter mentioned by the side of the Greek and Italian artists.
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport Historique_, p. 23.
+
+  [499] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiii. p. 411; _Siècle de Louis XIV_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 158.
+
+  [500] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 503.
+
+  [501] _Ibid._ vol. iv. p. 593.
+
+  [502] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvi. p. 300. Respecting him, see _Lady Morgan's
+        France_, vol. ii. pp. 30, 31.
+
+  [503] M. Capefigue (_Louis XIV_, vol. ii. p. 79) says, 'Lulli mourut en
+        1689;' but 1687 is the date assigned in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxv.
+        p. 425; in _Chalmer's Biog. Dict._ vol. xx. p. 483; in _Rose's
+        Biog. Dict._ vol. ix. p. 350; and in _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_,
+        vol. vii p. 63. In _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 200, he
+        is called 'le père de la vraie musique en France.' He was admired
+        by Louis XIV. _Lettres de Sévigné_, vol. ii. pp. 162, 163.
+
+  [504] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxvi. p. 42. Voltaire (_[OE]uvres_, vol. xix.
+        p. 162) says, 'personne n'a jamais égalé Quinault;' and Mr.
+        Hallam (_Lit. of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 507), 'the unrivalled poet
+        of French music.' See also _Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole_, vol.
+        ii. p. 432.
+
+  [505] When Louis XV. ascended the throne, painting in France was in the
+        lowest state of degradation. _Lady Morgan's France_, vol. ii. p.
+        31. Lacretelle (_Dix-huitième Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 11) says 'Les
+        beaux arts dégénérèrent plus sensiblement que les lettres pendant
+        la seconde partie du siècle de Louis XIV.... Il est certain que
+        les vingt-cinq dernières années du règne de Louis XIV n'offrirent
+        que des productions très-inférieures,' &c. Thus too Barrington
+        (_Observations on the Statutes_, p. 377), 'It is very remarkable
+        that the French school hath not produced any very capital
+        painters since the expensive establishment by Louis XIV. of the
+        academies at Rome and Paris.'
+
+These are startling facts; not matters of opinion, which may be
+disputed, but stubborn dates, supported by irrefragable testimony. And
+if we examine in the same manner the literature of the age of Louis
+XIV., we shall arrive at similar conclusions. If we ascertain the dates
+of those masterpieces which adorn his reign, we shall find that during
+the last five-and-twenty years of his life, when his patronage had been
+the longest in operation, it was entirely barren of results; in other
+words, that when the French had been most habituated to his protection,
+they were least able to effect great things. Louis XIV. died in 1715.
+Racine produced _Phedre_ in 1677; _Andromaque_ in 1667; _Athelie_ in
+1691.[506] Molière published the _Misanthrope_ in 1666; _Tartuffe_ in
+1667; the _Avare_ in 1668.[507] The _Lutrin_ of Boileau was written in
+1674; his best Satires in 1666.[508] The last Fables of La Fontaine
+appeared in 1678, and his last Tales in 1671.[509] The _Inquiry
+respecting Truth_, by Malebranche, was published in 1674;[510] the
+_Caractères_ of La Bruyère in 1687;[511] the Maximes of Rochefoucauld in
+1665.[512] The _Provincial Letters_ of Pascal were written 1656, and he
+himself died in 1662.[513] As to Corneille, his great Tragedies were
+composed, some while Louis was still a boy, and the others before the
+king was born.[514] Such were the dates of the masterpieces of the age
+of Louis XIV. The authors of these immortal works all ceased to write,
+and nearly all ceased to live, before the close of the seventeenth
+century; and we may fairly ask the admirers of Louis XIV. who those men
+were that succeeded them. Where have their names been registered? Where
+are their works to be found? Who is there that now reads the books of
+those obscure hirelings, who for so many years thronged the court of the
+great king? Who has heard anything of Campistron, La Chapelle, Genest,
+Ducerceau, Dancourt, Danchet, Vergier, Catrou, Chaulieu, Legendre,
+Valincour, Lamotte, and the other ignoble compilers, who long remained
+the brightest ornaments of France? Was this, then, the consequence of
+the royal bounty? Was this the fruit of the royal patronage? If the
+system of reward and protection is really advantageous to literature and
+to art, how is it that it should have produced the meanest results when
+it had been the longest in operation? If the favour of kings is, as
+their flatterers tell us, of such importance, how comes it that the more
+the favour was displayed, the more the effects were contemptible?
+
+  [506] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxvi. pp. 499, 502; _Hallam's Lit._ vol. iii.
+        p. 493.
+
+  [507] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxix. pp. 306, 308.
+
+  [508] _Rose's Biog. Dict._ vol. iv. p. 376; and _Biog. Univ._ vol. v.
+        pp. 7, 8, where it is said that 'ses meilleures satires' were
+        those published in 1666.
+
+  [509] _Ibid._ vol. xxiii. p. 127.
+
+  [510] _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. p. 322.
+
+  [511] _Biog. Univ._ vol. vi. p. 175.
+
+  [512] _Brunet_, _Manuel du Libraire_, vol. iv. p. 105, Paris 1843; and
+        note in _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 421.
+
+  [513] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiii. pp. 64, 71; _Palissot_, _Mém. pour
+        l'Hist. de Lit._ vol. ii. pp. 239, 241.
+
+  [514] _Polyeucte_, which is probably his greatest work, appeared in
+        1640; _Médée_ in 1635; _The Cid_ in 1636; _Horace and Cinna_ both
+        in 1639. _Biog. Univ._ vol. ix. pp. 609-613.
+
+Nor was this almost inconceivable penury compensated by superiority in
+any other department. The simple fact is that Louis XIV. survived the
+entire intellect of the French nation, except that small part of it
+which grew up in opposition to his principles, and afterwards shook the
+throne of his successor.[515] Several years before his death, and when
+his protective system had been in full force for nearly half a century,
+there was not to be found in the whole of France a statesman who could
+develop the resources of the country, or a general who could defend it
+against its enemies. Both in the civil service and in the military
+service, every thing had fallen into disorder. At home there was nothing
+but confusion; abroad there was nothing but disaster. The spirit of
+France succumbed, and was laid prostrate. The men of letters, pensioned
+and decorated by the court, had degenerated into a fawning and
+hypocritical race, who, to meet the wishes of their masters, opposed all
+improvement, and exerted themselves in support of every old abuse. The
+end of all this was, a corruption, a servility, and a loss of power more
+complete than has ever been witnessed in any of the great countries of
+Europe. There was no popular liberty; there were no great men; there was
+no science; there was no literature; there were no arts. Within, there
+was a discontented people, a rapacious government, and a beggared
+exchequer. Without, there were foreign armies, which pressed upon all
+the frontiers, and which nothing but their mutual jealousies, and a
+change in the English cabinet, prevented from dismembering the monarchy
+of France.[516]
+
+  [515] Voltaire (_Siècle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp.
+        319-322) reluctantly confesses the decline of the French
+        intellect in the latter part of the reign of Louis; and Flassan
+        (_Diplomat. Franç._ vol. iv. p. 400) calls it 'remarquable.' See
+        also _Barante_, _Littérature Française_, p. 28; _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxvi. p. 217.
+
+  [516] Oppressed by defeats abroad, and by famine and misery at home,
+        Louis was laid at the mercy of his enemies; and 'was only saved by
+        a party revolution in the English ministry.' _Arnold's Lectures
+        on Modern History_, p. 137. Compare _Fragments sur l'Histoire_,
+        article xxiii. in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxvii. p. 345,
+        with _De Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol. i. p. 86.
+
+Such was the forlorn position of that noble country towards the close of
+the reign of Louis XIV.[517] The misfortunes which embittered the
+declining years of the king were, indeed, so serious, that they could
+not fail to excite our sympathy, if we did not know that they were the
+result of his own turbulent ambition, of his insufferable arrogance,
+but, above all, of a grasping and restless vanity, which, making him
+eager to concentrate on his single person all the glory of France, gave
+rise to that insidious policy, which, with gifts, with honours, and with
+honied words, began by gaining the admiration of the intellectual
+classes, then made them courtly and time-serving, and ended by
+destroying all their boldness, stifling every effort of original
+thought, and thus postponing for an indefinite period the progress of
+national civilization.
+
+  [517] For evidence of the depression and, indeed, utter exhaustion of
+        France during the latter years of Louis XIV., compare _Duclos_,
+        _Mémoires_, vol. i. pp. 11-18, with _Marmontel_, _Hist. de la
+        Régence_, Paris, 1826, pp. 79-97. The _Lettres inédites de Madame
+        de Maintenon_ (vol. i. pp. 263, 284, 358, 389, 393, 408, 414,
+        422, 426, 447, 457, 463, vol. ii. pp. 19, 23, 33, 46, 56, and
+        numerous other passages) fully confirm this, and, moreover, prove
+        that in Paris, early in the eighteenth century, the resources,
+        even of the wealthy classes, were beginning to fail; while both
+        public and private credit were so shaken, that it was hardly
+        possible to obtain money on any terms. In 1710, she, the wife of
+        Louis XIV., complains of her inability to borrow 500 livres:
+        'Tout mon crédit échoue souvent auprès de M. Desmaretz pour une
+        somme de cinq cents livres.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 33. In 1709, she
+        writes (vol. i. p. 447): 'Le jeu devient insipide, parce qu'il
+        n'y a presque plus d'argent.' See also vol. ii. p. 112; and in
+        February 1711 (p. 151): 'Ce n'est pas l'abondance mais l'avarice
+        qui fait jouer nos courtisans; on met le tout pour le tout pour
+        avoir quelque argent, et les tables de lansquenet ont plus l'air
+        d'un triste commerce que d'un divertissement.'
+
+        In regard to the people generally, the French writers supply us
+        with little information, because in that age they were too much
+        occupied with their great king and their showy literature, to pay
+        attention to mere popular interests. But I have collected from
+        other sources some information which I will now put together, and
+        which I recommend to the notice of the next French author who
+        undertakes to compose a history of Louis XIV.
+
+        Locke, who was travelling in France in 1676 and 1677, writes in
+        his journal, 'The rent of land in France fallen one-half in these
+        few years, by reason of the poverty of the people.' _King's Life
+        of Locke_, vol. i. p. 139. About the same time, Sir William
+        Temple says (_Works_, vol. ii. p. 268), 'The French peasantry are
+        wholly dispirited by labour and want.' In 1691, another observer,
+        proceeding from Calais, writes, 'From hence, travelling to Paris,
+        there was opportunity enough to observe what a prodigious state
+        of poverty the ambition and absoluteness of a tyrant can reduce
+        an opulent and fertile country to. There were visible all the
+        marks and signs of a growing misfortune; all the dismal
+        indications of an overwhelming calamity. The fields were
+        uncultivated, the villages unpeopled, the houses dropping to
+        decay.' _Burton's Diary_, note by Rutt, vol. iv. p. 79. In a
+        tract published in 1689, the author says (_Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        x. p. 264), 'I have known in France poor people sell their beds,
+        and lie upon straw; sell their pots, kettles, and all their
+        necessary household goods, to content the unmerciful collectors
+        of the king's taxes.' Dr. Lister, who visited Paris in 1698,
+        says, 'Such is the vast multitude of poor wretches in all parts
+        of this city, that whether a person is in a carriage or on foot,
+        in the street, or even in a shop, he is alike unable to transact
+        business, on account of the importunities of mendicants.'
+        _Lister's Account of Paris_, p. 46. Compare a _Letter from
+        Prior_, in _Ellis's Letters of Literary Men_, p. 213. In 1708,
+        Addison, who, from personal observation, was well acquainted with
+        France, writes: 'We think here as you do in the country, that
+        France is on her last legs.' _Aikin's Life of Addison_, vol. i.
+        p. 233. Finally, in 1718--that is, three years after the death of
+        Louis--Lady Mary Montagu gives the following account of the
+        result of his reign, in a letter to Lady Rich, dated Paris, 10th
+        October, 1718: 'I think nothing so terrible as objects of misery,
+        except one had the god-like attribute of being able to redress
+        them; and all the country villages of France show nothing else.
+        While the post-horses are changed, the whole town comes out to
+        beg, with such miserable starved faces, and thin, tattered
+        clothes, they need no other eloquence to persuade one of the
+        wretchedness of their condition.' _Works of Lady Mary Wortley
+        Montague_, vol. iii. p. 74, edit. 1803.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+     DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND
+                 PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
+
+
+At length Louis XIV. died. When it was positively known that the old
+king had ceased to breathe, the people went almost mad with joy.[518]
+The tyranny which had weighed them down was removed; and there at once
+followed a reaction which, for sudden violence, has no parallel in
+modern history.[519] The great majority indemnified themselves for their
+forced hypocrisy by indulging in the grossest licentiousness. But among
+the generation then forming, there were some high-spirited youths, who
+had far higher views, and whose notions of liberty were not confined to
+the license of the gaming-house and the brothel. Devoted to the great
+idea of restoring to France that freedom of utterance which it had lost,
+they naturally turned their eyes towards the only country where the
+freedom was practised. Their determination to search for liberty in the
+place where alone it could be found, gave rise to that junction of the
+French and English intellects, which, looking at the immense chain of
+its effects, is by far the most important fact in the history of the
+eighteenth century.
+
+  [518] 'L'annonce de la mort du grand roi ne produisit chez le peuple
+        français qu'une explosion de joie.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. xxvii. p. 220. 'Le jour des obsèques de Louis
+        XIV, on établit des guinguettes sur le chemin de Saint-Denis.
+        Voltaire, que la curiosité avoit mené aux funérailles du
+        souverain, vit dans ces guinguettes le peuple ivre de vin et de
+        joie de la mort de Louis XIV.' _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p.
+        29: see also _Condorcet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 118; _De
+        Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol. i. p. 18; _Duclos_,
+        _Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 221; _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de Louis
+        XIV_, pp. 311, 388.
+
+  [519] 'Kaum hatte er aber die Augen geschlossen, als alles umschlug. Der
+        reprimirte Geist warf sich in eine zügellose Bewegung.' _Ranke_,
+        _die Päpste_, vol. iii. p. 192.
+
+During the reign of Louis XIV., the French, puffed up by national
+vanity, despised the barbarism of a people who were so uncivilized as to
+be always turning on their rulers, and who, within the space of forty
+years, had executed one king, and deposed another.[520] They could not
+believe that such a restless horde possessed anything worthy the
+attention of enlightened men. Our laws, our literature, and our manners,
+were perfectly unknown to them; and I doubt if at the end of the
+seventeenth century there were, either in literature or in science, five
+persons in France acquainted with the English language.[521] But a long
+experience of the reign of Louis XIV. induced the French to reconsider
+many of their opinions. It induced them to suspect that despotism may
+have its disadvantages, and that a government composed of princes and
+bishops is not necessarily the best for a civilized country. They began
+to look, first with complacency, and then with respect, upon that
+strange and outlandish people, who, though only separated from
+themselves by a narrow sea, appeared to be of an altogether different
+kind; and who, having punished their oppressors, had carried their
+liberties and their prosperity to a height of which the world had seen
+no example. These feelings, which before the Revolution broke out, were
+entertained by the whole of the educated classes in France, were in the
+beginning, confined to those men whose intellects placed them at the
+head of their age. During the two generations which elapsed between the
+death of Louis XIV. and the outbreak of the Revolution, there was hardly
+a Frenchman of eminence who did not either visit England or learn
+English; while many of them did both. Buffon, Brissot, Broussonnet,
+Condamine, Delisle, Elie de Beaumont, Gournay, Helvétius, Jussieu,
+Lalande, Lafayette, Larcher, L'Héritier, Montesquieu, Maupertuis,
+Morellet, Mirabeau, Nollet, Raynal, the celebrated Roland, and his still
+more celebrated wife, Rousseau, Ségur, Suard, Voltaire--all these
+remarkable persons flocked to London, as also did others of inferior
+ability, but of considerable influence, such as Brequiny, Bordes,
+Calonne, Coyer, Cormatin, Dufay, Dumarest, Dezallier, Favier, Girod,
+Grosley, Godin, D'Hancarville, Hunauld, Jars, Le Blanc, Ledru,
+Lescallier, Linguet, Lesuire, Lemonnier, Levesque de Pouilly,
+Montgolfier, Morand, Patu, Poissonier, Reveillon, Septchènes,
+Silhouette, Siret, Soulavie, Soulès, and Valmont de Brienne.
+
+  [520] The shock which these events gave to the delicacy of the French
+        mind was very serious. The learned Saumaise declared that the
+        English are 'more savage than their own mastiffs.' _Carlyle's
+        Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 444. Another writer said that we were
+        'barbares révoltés;' and 'les barbares sujets du roi.' _Mém. de
+        Motteville_, vol. ii. pp. 105, 362. Patin likened us to the
+        Turks; and said, that having executed one king, we should
+        probably hang the next. _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 261, vol.
+        ii. p. 518, vol. iii. p. 148. Compare _Mém. de Campion_, p. 213.
+        After we had sent away James II., the indignation of the French
+        rose still higher, and even the amiable Madame Sévigné, having
+        occasion to mention Mary the wife of William III., could find no
+        better name for her than Tullia: 'la joie est universelle de la
+        déroute de ce prince, dont la femme est une Tullie.' _Lettres de
+        Sévigné_, vol. v. p. 179. Another influential French lady
+        mentions 'la férocité des anglais.' _Lettres inédites de
+        Maintenon_, vol. i. p. 303; and elsewhere (p. 109), 'je hais les
+        anglais comme le peuple.... Véritablement je ne les puis
+        souffrir.'
+
+        I will only give two more illustrations of the wide diffusion of
+        such feelings. In 1679, an attempt was made to bring bark into
+        discredit as a 'remède anglais' (_Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Médecine_, vol. v. p. 430): and at the end of the seventeenth
+        century, one of the arguments in Paris against coffee was that
+        the English liked it. _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_, vol. vii.
+        p. 216.
+
+  [521] 'Au temps de Boileau, personne en France n'apprenait l'anglais.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxxviii. p. 337, and see vol. xix.
+        p. 159. 'Parmi nos grands écrivains du xvii^e siècle, il n'en est
+        aucun, je crois, ou l'on puisse reconnaître un souvenir, une
+        impression de l'esprit anglais.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e
+        Siècle_, vol. iii. p. 324. Compare _Barante_, _XVIII^e Siècle_,
+        p. 47, _Grimm_, and _Correspond._ vol. v. p. 135, vol. xvii.
+        p. 2.
+
+        The French, during the reign of Louis XIV., principally knew us
+        from the accounts given by two of their countrymen, Monconys and
+        Sorbière; both of whom published their travels in England, but
+        neither of whom were acquainted with the English language. For
+        proof of this, see _Monconys_, _Voyages_, vol. iii. pp. 34, 69,
+        70, 96; and _Sorbière_, _Voyage_, pp. 45, 70.
+
+        When Prior arrived at the court of Louis XIV. as plenipotentiary,
+        no one in Paris was aware that he had written poetry (_Lettres
+        sur les Anglais_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxvi. p. 130);
+        and when Addison, being in Paris, presented Boileau with a copy
+        of the _Musæ Anglicanæ_, the Frenchman learnt for the first time
+        that we had any good poets: 'first conceived an opinion of the
+        English genius for poetry.' Tickell's statement, in _Aikin's Life
+        of Addison_, vol. i. p. 65. Finally, it is said that Milton's
+        _Paradise Lost_ was not even by report in France until after the
+        death of Louis XIV., though the poem was published in 1667, and
+        the king died in 1715; 'Nous n'avions jamais entendu parler de ce
+        poëme en France, avant que l'auteur de la Henriade nous en eût
+        donné une idée dans le neuvième chapitre de son Essai sur la
+        poésie épique. _Dict. Philos._ article _Epopée_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xxxix. p. 175; see also vol. lxvi. p. 249.
+
+Nearly all of these carefully studied our language, and most of them
+seized the spirit of our literature. Voltaire, in particular, devoted
+himself with his usual ardour to the new pursuit, and acquired in
+England a knowledge of those doctrines, the promulgation of which,
+afterwards won for him so great a reputation.[522] He was the first who
+popularized in France the philosophy of Newton, where it rapidly
+superseded that of Descartes.[523] He recommended to his countrymen the
+writings of Locke;[524] which soon gained immense popularity, and which
+supplied materials to Condillac for his system of metaphysics,[525] and
+to Rousseau for his theory of education.[526] Besides this, Voltaire was
+the first Frenchman who studied Shakespeare; to whose works he was
+greatly indebted, though he afterwards wished to lessen what he
+considered the exorbitant respect paid to them in France.[527] Indeed,
+so intimate was his knowledge of the English language,[528] that we can
+trace his obligations to Butler,[529] one of the most difficult of our
+poets, and to Tillotson,[530] one of the dullest of our theologians. He
+was acquainted with the speculations of Berkeley,[531] the most subtle
+metaphysician who has ever written in English; and he had read the
+works, not only of Shaftesbury,[532] but even of Chubb,[533]
+Garth,[534] Mandeville,[535] and Woolston.[536] Montesquieu imbibed in
+our country many of his principles; he studied our language; and he
+always expressed admiration for England, not only in his writings, but
+also in his private conversation.[537] Buffon learnt English, and his
+first appearance as an author was as the translator of Newton and of
+Hales.[538] Diderot, following in the same course, was an enthusiastic
+admirer of the novels of Richardson;[539] he took the idea of several of
+his plays from the English dramatists, particularly from Lillo; he
+borrowed many of his arguments from Shaftesbury and Collins, and his
+earliest publication was a translation of Stanyan's _History of
+Greece_.[540] Helvétius, who visited London, was never weary of praising
+the people; many of the views in his great work on the Mind are drawn
+from Mandeville; and he constantly refers to the authority of Locke,
+whose principles hardly any Frenchman would at an earlier period have
+dared to recommend.[541] The works of Bacon, previously little known,
+were now translated into French; and his classification of the human
+faculties was made the basis of that celebrated Encyclopædia, which is
+justly regarded as one of the greatest productions of the eighteenth
+century.[542] The _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, by Adam Smith, was
+during thirty-four years translated three different times, by three
+different French authors.[543] And such was the general eagerness, that
+directly the _Wealth of Nations_, by the same great writer, appeared,
+Morellet, who was then high in reputation, began to turn it into French;
+and was only prevented from printing his translation by the
+circumstance, that before it could be completed, another version of it
+was published in a French periodical.[544] Coyer, who is still
+remembered for his _Life of Sobieski_, visited England; and after
+returning to his own country, showed the direction of his studies by
+rendering into French the Commentaries of Blackstone.[545] Le Blanc
+travelled in England, wrote a work expressly upon the English, and
+translated into French the Political Discourses of Hume.[546] Holbach
+was certainly one of the most active leaders of the liberal party in
+Paris; but a large part of his very numerous writings consists solely in
+translations of English authors.[547] Indeed, it may be broadly stated,
+that while, at the end of the seventeenth century, it would have been
+difficult to find, even among the most educated Frenchmen, a single
+person acquainted with English, it would, in the eighteenth century,
+have been nearly as difficult to find in the same class one who was
+ignorant of it. Men of all tastes, and of the most opposite pursuits,
+were on this point united as by a common bond. Poets, geometricians,
+historians, naturalists, all seemed to agree as to the necessity of
+studying a literature on which no one before had wasted a thought. In
+the course of general reading, I have met with proofs that the English
+language was known, not only to those eminent Frenchmen whom I have
+already mentioned, but also to mathematicians, as D'Alembert,[548]
+Darquier,[549] Du Val le Roy,[550] Jurain,[551] Lachapelle,[552]
+Lalande,[553] Le Cozic,[554] Montucla,[555] Pezenas,[556] Prony,[557]
+Romme,[558] and Roger Martin;[559] to anatomists, physiologists, and
+writers on medicine, as Barthèz,[560] Bichat,[561] Bordeu,[562] Barbeu
+Dubourg,[563] Bosquillon,[564] Bourru,[565] Begue de Presle,[566]
+Cabanis,[567] Demours,[568] Duplanil,[569] Fouquet,[570] Goulin,[571]
+Lavirotte,[572] Lassus,[573] Petit Radel,[574] Pinel,[575] Roux,[576]
+Sauvages,[577] and Sue;[578] to naturalists, as Alyon,[579]
+Brémond,[580] Brisson,[581] Broussonnet,[582] Dalibard,[583] Haüy,[584]
+Latapie,[585] Richard,[586] Rigaud,[587] and Romé de Lisle;[588] to
+historians, philologists, and antiquaries, as Barthélemy,[589] Butel
+Dumont,[590] De Brosses,[591] Foucher,[592] Freret,[593] Larcher,[594]
+Le Coc de Villeray,[595] Millot,[596] Targe,[597] Velly,[598]
+Volney,[599] and Wailly;[600] to poets and dramatists, as Chéron,[601]
+Colardeau,[602] Delille,[603] Desforges,[604] Ducis,[605] Florian,[606]
+Laborde,[607] Lefèvre de Beauvray,[608] Mercier,[609] Patu,[610]
+Pompignan,[611] Quétant,[612] Roucher,[613] and Saint Ange;[614] to
+miscellaneous writers, as Bassinet,[615] Baudeau,[616] Beaulaton,[617]
+Benoist,[618] Bergier,[619] Blavet,[620] Bouchaud,[621]
+Bougainville,[622] Bruté,[623] Castera,[624] Chantreau,[625]
+Charpentier,[626] Chastellux,[627] Contant d'Orville,[628] De
+Bissy,[629] Demeunier,[630] Desfontaines,[631] Devienne,[632]
+Dubocage,[633] Dupré,[634] Duresnel,[635] Eidous,[636] Estienne,[637]
+Favier,[638] Flavigny,[639] Fontanelle,[640] Fontenay,[641]
+Framery,[642] Fresnais,[643] Fréville,[644] Frossard,[645] Galtier,[646]
+Garsault,[647] Goddard,[648] Goudar,[649] Guénée,[650] Guillemard,[651]
+Guyard,[652] Jault,[653] Imbert,[654] Joncourt,[655] Kéralio,[656]
+Laboreau,[657] Lacombe,[658] Lafargue,[659] La Montagne,[660]
+Lanjuinais,[661] Lasalle,[662] Lasteyrie,[663] Le Breton,[664]
+Lécuy,[665] Léonard des Malpeines,[666] Letourneur,[667] Linguet,[668]
+Lottin,[669] Luneau,[670] Maillet Duclairon,[671] Mandrillon,[672]
+Marsy,[673] Moet,[674] Monod,[675] Mosneron,[676] Nagot,[677]
+Peyron,[678] Prévost,[679] Puisieux,[680] Rivoire,[681] Robinet,[682]
+Roger,[683] Roubaud,[684] Salaville,[685] Sauseuil,[686] Secondat,[687]
+Septchènes,[688] Simon,[689] Soulès,[690] Suard,[691] Tannevot,[692]
+Thurot,[693] Toussaint,[694] Tressan,[695] Trochereau,[696] Turpin,[697]
+Ussieux,[698] Vaugeois,[699] Verlac,[700] and Virloys.[701] Indeed, Le
+Blanc, who wrote shortly before the middle of the eighteenth century,
+says: 'We have placed English in the rank of the learned languages; our
+women study it, and have abandoned Italian in order to study the
+language of this philosophic people; nor is there to be found among us
+any one who does not desire to learn it.'[702]
+
+  [522] 'Le vrai roi du xviii^e siècle, c'est Voltaire; mais Voltaire à
+        son tour est un écolier de l'Angleterre. Avant que Voltaire eût
+        connu l'Angleterre, soit par ses voyages, soit part ses amitiés,
+        il n'était pas Voltaire, et le xviii^e siècle se cherchait
+        encore.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._ I^{re} série, vol. iii.
+        pp. 38, 39. Compare _Damiron_, _Hist. de la Philos. en France_,
+        Paris, 1828, vol. i. p. 34.
+
+  [523] 'J'avais été le premier qui eût osé développer à ma nation les
+        découvertes de Newton, en langage intelligible.' _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 315; see also vol. xix. p. 87, vol. xxvi.
+        p. 71; _Whewell's Hist. of Induc. Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 206;
+        _Weld's Hist. of the Royal Society_, vol. i. p. 441. After this,
+        the Cartesian physics lost ground every day; and in _Grimm's
+        Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 148, there is a letter, dated Paris,
+        1757, which says, 'Il n'y a guère plus ici de partisans de
+        Descartes que M. de Mairan.' Compare _Observations et Pensées_,
+        in _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii. p. 298.
+
+  [524] Which he was never weary of praising; so that, as M. Cousin says
+        (_Hist. de la Philos._ II. série, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312), 'Locke
+        est le vrai maître de Voltaire.' Locke was one of the authors he
+        put into the hands of Madame du Châtelet. _Condorcet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, p. 296.
+
+  [525] _Morell's Hist. of Philos._ 1846, vol. i. p. 134; _Hamilton's
+        Discuss._ p. 3.
+
+  [526] 'Rousseau tira des ouvrages de Locke une grande partie de ses
+        idées sur la politique et l'éducation; Condillac toute sa
+        philosophie.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. i. p.
+        83. See also, on the obligations of Rousseau to Locke, _Grimm_,
+        _Correspond._ vol. v. p. 97; _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_,
+        vol. i. p. 38, vol. ii. p. 394; _Mém. de Morellet_, vol. i. p.
+        113; _Romilly's Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 211, 212.
+
+  [527] In 1768, Voltaire (_[OE]uvres_, vol. lxvi. p. 249) writes to
+        Horace Walpole, 'Je suie le premier qui ait fait connaître
+        Shakespeare aux français.' See also his _Lettres inédites_, vol.
+        ii. p. 500; _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. iii. p.
+        325; and _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xii. pp. 124, 125, 133.
+
+  [528] There are extant many English letters written by Voltaire, which,
+        though of course containing several errors, also contain abundant
+        evidence of the spirit with which he seized our idiomatic
+        expressions. In addition to his _Lettres inédites_, published at
+        Paris in the present year (1856), see _Chatham Correspond._ vol.
+        ii. pp. 131-133; and _Phillimore's Mém. of Lyttelton_, vol. i.
+        pp. 323-325, vol. ii. pp. 555, 556, 558.
+
+  [529] _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. i. p. 332; _Voltaire_, _Lettres
+        inédites_, vol. ii. p. 258; and the account of Hudibras, with
+        translations from it, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxvi. pp. 132-137;
+        also a conversation between Voltaire and Townley, in _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. p. 722.
+
+  [530] Compare _Mackintosh's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 341, with _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xxxix. p. 259, vol. xlvii. p. 85.
+
+  [531] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxxviii. pp. 216-218, vol. xlvi.
+        p. 282, vol. xlvii. p. 439, vol. lvii. p. 178.
+
+  [532] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvii. p. 353, vol. lvii. p. 66; _Correspond.
+        inédite de Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 230.
+
+  [533] _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxxiv. p. 294, vol. lvii. p. 121.
+
+  [534] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvii. pp. 407, 441.
+
+  [535] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvi. p. 46.
+
+  [536] _Ibid._ vol. xxxiv. p. 288, vol. xli. pp. 212-217; _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. li. pp. 199, 200.
+
+  [537] _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 221; _Klimrath_,
+        _Hist. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 502; _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_,
+        vol. ii. p. 398, vol. iii. pp. 432-434; _Mém. de Diderot_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 193, 194; _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 24.
+
+  [538] _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 182; _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. vi. p. 235; _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. i. p. 93,
+        vol. ii. pp. 159, 160.
+
+  [539] 'Admirateur passionné du romancier anglais.' _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xxxvii. p. 581. Compare _Diderot_, _Corresp._ vol. i. p.
+        352, vol. ii. pp. 44, 52, 53; _Mercier sur Rousseau_, vol. i.
+        p. 44.
+
+  [540] _Villemain_, _Lit._ vol. ii. p. 115; _Schlosser's Eighteenth
+        Century_, vol. i. pp. 34, 42; _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._
+        vol. xi. p. 314; _Biog. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 314; _Grimm_,
+        _Correspond._ vol. xv. p. 81. Stanyan's _History of Greece_ was
+        once famous, and even so late as 1804, I find Dr. Parr
+        recommending it. Parr's _Works_, vol. viii. p. 422. Diderot told
+        Sir Samuel Romilly that he had collected materials for a history
+        of the trial of Charles I. _Life of Romilly_, vol. i. p. 46.
+
+  [541] _Diderot_, _Mém._ vol. ii. p. 286; _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._
+        II^e série, vol. ii. p. 331; _Helvétius de l'Esprit_, vol. i. pp.
+        31, 38, 46, 65, 114, 169, 193, 266, 268, vol. ii. pp. 144, 163,
+        165, 195, 212; _Letters addressed to Hume_, Edinb. 1849, pp. 9,
+        10.
+
+  [542] This is the arrangement of our knowledge under the heads of
+        Memory, Reason, and Imagination, which D'Alembert took from
+        Bacon. Compare _Whewell's Philos. of the Sciences_, vol. ii. p.
+        306; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 276; _Georgel_,
+        _Mém._ vol. ii. p. 241; _Bordas Demoulin_, _Cartésianisme_,
+        vol. i. p. 18.
+
+  [543] _Quérard_, _France Lit._ ix. 193.
+
+  [544] _Mém de. Morellet_, i. 236, 237.
+
+  [545] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, lxv. 161, 190, 212; _Biog. Univ._ x. 158,
+        159.
+
+  [546] _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. i. pp. 365, 366, 406.
+
+  [547] See the list, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx. pp. 463-466; and compare
+        _Mém. de Diderot_, vol. iii. p. 49, from which it seems that
+        Holbach was indebted to Toland, though Diderot speaks rather
+        doubtingly. In _Almon's Mem. of Wilkes_ 1805, vol. iv. pp. 176,
+        177, there is an English letter, tolerably well written, from
+        Holbach to Wilkes.
+
+  [548] _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, ii. 10, 175; _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, liv. 207.
+
+  [549] _Biog. Univ._ x. 556.
+
+  [550] _Ibid._ xii. 418.
+
+  [551] _Quérard_, _France Lit._ iv. 34, 272.
+
+  [552] _Ibid._ iv. 361.
+
+  [553] _Biog. Univ._ xxiii. 226.
+
+  [554] _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathém._ ii. 170.
+
+  [555] _Montucla_, ii. 120, iv. 662, 665, 670.
+
+  [556] _Biog. Univ._ iii. 253, xxxiii. 564.
+
+  [557] _Quérard_, _France Lit._ vii. 353.
+
+  [558] _Biog. Univ._ xxxviii. 530.
+
+  [559] _Ibid._ xxxviii. 411.
+
+  [560] _Ibid._ iii. 450.
+
+  [561] _Bichat sur la Vie_, 244.
+
+  [562] _Quérard_, i. 416.
+
+  [563] _Biog. Univ._ iii. 345.
+
+  [564] _Quérard_, i. 260, 425, ii. 354.
+
+  [565] _Ibid._ i. 476.
+
+  [566] _Biog. Univ._ iv. 55, 56.
+
+  [567] _Notice sur Cabanis_, p. viii. in his _Physique et Moral._
+
+  [568] _Biog. Univ._ xi. 65, 66.
+
+  [569] _Ibid._ xii. 276.
+
+  [570] _Ibid._ xv. 359.
+
+  [571] _Ibid._ xviii. 187.
+
+  [572] _Quérard_, iv. 641, vi. 9, 398.
+
+  [573] _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, i. 354.
+
+  [574] _Quérard_, vii. 95.
+
+  [575] _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, iii. 382.
+
+  [576] _Biog. Univ._ xxxix. 174.
+
+  [577] _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, i. 93.
+
+  [578] _Quérard_, ix. 286.
+
+  [579] _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chim. Anat._ ii. 416.
+
+  [580] _Biog. Univ._ v. 530, 531.
+
+  [581] _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, i. 196.
+
+  [582] _Biog. Univ._ vi. 47.
+
+  [583] _Quérard_, ii. 372.
+
+  [584] _Haüy_, _Minéralogie_, ii. 247, 267, 295, 327, 529, 609, iii. 75,
+        293, 307, 447, 575, iv. 45, 280, 292, 362.
+
+  [585] _Quérard_, iv. 598.
+
+  [586] _Ibid._ viii. 22.
+
+  [587] _Swainson_, _Disc. on Nat. Hist._ 52; _Cuvier_, _Règne Animal_,
+        iii. 415.
+
+  [588] _De Lisle_, _Cristallographie_, 1772, xviii. xx. xxiii. xxv.
+        xxvii. 78, 206, 254.
+
+  [589] _Albemarle's Rockingham_, ii. 156; _Campbell's Chancellors_,
+        v. 365.
+
+  [590] _Biog. Univ._ vi. 386.
+
+  [591] _Letters to Hume_, Edin. 1849, 276, 278.
+
+  [592] _Biog. Univ._ xv. 332.
+
+  [593] _Brewster's Life of Newton_, ii. 302.
+
+  [594] _Palissot_, _Mém._ ii. 56.
+
+  [595] _Biog. Univ._ ix. 549.
+
+  [596] _Ibid._ xxix. 51, 53.
+
+  [597] _Ibid._ xliv. 534.
+
+  [598] _Ibid._ xlviii. 93.
+
+  [599] _Volney_, _Syrie et Egypte_, ii. 100, 157; _Quérard_, x. 271, 273.
+
+  [600] _Biog. Univ._ i. 42.
+
+  [601] _Ibid._ viii. 340, 341.
+
+  [602] _Mém. de Genlis_, i. 276.
+
+  [603] _Palissot_, _Mém._ i. 243.
+
+  [604] _Biog. Univ._ xi. 281, xi. 172, 173.
+
+  [605] _Quérard_, ii. 626, 627.
+
+  [606] _Ibid._ iii. 141.
+
+  [607] _Quérard_, iv. 342.
+
+  [608] _Ibid._ v. 83.
+
+  [609] _Ibid._ vi. 62.
+
+  [610] _Garrick Correspond._ 4to, 1832, ii. 385, 395, 416.
+
+  [611] _Biog. Univ._ xxxv. 314.
+
+  [612] _Quérard_, vii. 399.
+
+  [613] _Biog. Univ._ xxxix. 93.
+
+  [614] _Ibid._ xxxix. 530.
+
+  [615] _Quérard_, i. 209.
+
+  [616] _Biog. Univ._ iii. 533.
+
+  [617] _Ibid._ iii. 631.
+
+  [618] _Cuvier_, _Règne Animal_, iii. 334.
+
+  [619] _Quérard_, i. 284, vii. 287.
+
+  [620] _Mém. de Morellet_, i. 237.
+
+  [621] _Biog. Univ._ v. 264.
+
+  [622] _Dutens_, _Mém._ iii. 32.
+
+  [623] _Biog. Univ._ vi. 165.
+
+  [624] _Murray's Life of Bruce_, 121; _Biog. Univ._ vi. 79.
+
+  [625] _Ibid._ viii. 46.
+
+  [626] _Ibid._ viii. 246.
+
+  [627] _Ibid._ viii. 266.
+
+  [628] _Ibid._ ix. 497.
+
+  [629] _Ibid._ xlv. 394.
+
+  [630] _Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole_, iii. 184.
+
+  [631] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire._ lvi. 527.
+
+  [632] _Biog. Univ._ xi. 264.
+
+  [633] _Quérard_, ii. 598.
+
+  [634] _Biog. Univ._ xii. 313, 314.
+
+  [635] _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ ii. 154; _Palissot_, _Mém._ ii. 311.
+
+  [636] _Biog. Univ._ iv. 547, xii. 595.
+
+  [637] _Ibid._ xiii. 399.
+
+  [638] _Quérard_, iii. 79.
+
+  [639] _Biog. Univ._ xv. 29.
+
+  [640] _Ibid._ xv. 203.
+
+  [641] _Ibid._ 218.
+
+  [642] _Quérard_, i. 525.
+
+  [643] _Biog. Univ._ xvi. 48.
+
+  [644] _Ibid._ li. 508.
+
+  [645] _Smith's Tour on the Continent in 1786_, i. 143.
+
+  [646] _Biog. Univ._ xvi. 388.
+
+  [647] _Ibid._ xvi. 502.
+
+  [648] _Sinclair's Correspond._ i. 157.
+
+  [649] _Quérard_, iii. 418.
+
+  [650] _Biog. Univ._ xix. 13.
+
+  [651] _Quérard_, i. 10, iii. 536.
+
+  [652] _Ibid._ iii. 469.
+
+  [653] _Biog. Univ._ xxi. 419.
+
+  [654] _Ibid._ xxi. 200.
+
+  [655] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, xxxviii. 244.
+
+  [656] _Palissot_, _Mém._ i. 425.
+
+  [657] _Biog. Univ._ xxiii. 34.
+
+  [658] _Ibid._ xxiii. 56.
+
+  [659] _Ibid._ xxiii. 111.
+
+  [660] _Quérard_, iv. 503.
+
+  [661] _Biog. Univ._ xxiii. 373.
+
+  [662] _Quérard_, iv. 579.
+
+  [663] _Sinclair's Correspond._ ii. 139.
+
+  [664] _Mem. and Correspond. of Sir. J. E. Smith_, i. 163.
+
+  [665] _Biog. des Hommes Vivants_, iv. 164.
+
+  [666] _Quérard_, v. 177.
+
+  [667] _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ iv. 583; _Longchamp et Wagnière_, _Mém._
+        i. 395.
+
+  [668] _Quérard_, v. 316.
+
+  [669] _Biog. Univ._ xxv. 87.
+
+  [670] _Ibid._ xxv. 432.
+
+  [671] _Ibid._ xxvi. 244.
+
+  [672] _Ibid._ xxvi. 468.
+
+  [673] _Ibid._ xxvii. 269.
+
+  [674] _Ibid._ xxix. 208.
+
+  [675] _Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole_, i. 222.
+
+  [676] _Quérard_, vi. 330.
+
+  [677] _Biog. Univ._ xxx. 539.
+
+  [678] _Ibid._ xxxiii. 553.
+
+  [679] _Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole_, i. 22, iii. 307, iv. 207.
+
+  [680] _Biog. Univ._ xxxvi. 305, 306.
+
+  [681] _Ibid._ xxxviii. 174.
+
+  [682] _Peignot_, _Dict. des Livres_, ii. 233.
+
+  [683] _Quérard_, viii. 111.
+
+  [684] _Biog. Univ._ xxxix. 84.
+
+  [685] _Biog. des Hommes Vivants_, v. 294.
+
+  [686] _Quérard_, viii. 474.
+
+  [687] _Biog. Univ._ xli. 426.
+
+  [688] _Ibid._ xlii. 45, 46.
+
+  [689] _Ibid._ xlii. 389.
+
+  [690] _Ibid._ xliii. 181.
+
+  [691] _Garrick Correspond._ ii. 604; _Mém. de Genlis_, vi. 205.
+
+  [692] _Biog. Univ._ xliv. 512.
+
+  [693] _Life of Roscoe_, _by his Son_, i. 200.
+
+  [694] _Biog. Univ._ xlvi. 398, 399.
+
+  [695] _Ibid._ xlvi. 497.
+
+  [696] _Quérard_, iv. 45, ix. 558.
+
+  [697] _Biog. Univ._ xlvii. 98.
+
+  [698] _Ibid._ xlvii. 232.
+
+  [699] _Mém. de Brissot_, i. 78.
+
+  [700] _Biog. Univ._ xlviii. 217, 218.
+
+  [701] _Ibid._ xlix. 223.
+
+  [702] 'Nous avons mis depuis peu leur langue au rang des langues
+        savantes; les femmes même l'apprennent, et ont renoncé à
+        l'italien pour étudier celle de ce peuple philosophe. Il n'est
+        point dans la province d'Armande et de Belise qui ne veuille
+        savoir l'anglois.' _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. ii. p. 465.
+        Compare _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. xiv. p. 484; and _Nichols's Lit.
+        Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 460, 461.
+
+Such was the eagerness with which the French imbibed the literature of a
+people whom but a few years before they had heartily despised. The truth
+is, that in this new state of things they had no alternative. For where
+but in England was a literature to be found that could satisfy those
+bold and inquisitive thinkers who arose in France after the death of
+Louis XIV.? In their own country there had no doubt been great displays
+of eloquence, of fine dramas, and of poetry, which, though never
+reaching the highest point of excellence, is of finished and admirable
+beauty. But it is an unquestionable fact, and one melancholy to
+contemplate, that during the sixty years which succeeded the death of
+Descartes, France had not possessed a single man who dared to think for
+himself. Metaphysicians, moralists, historians, all had become tainted
+by the servility of that bad age. During two generations, no Frenchman
+had been allowed to discuss with freedom any question, either of
+politics or of religion. The consequence was, that the largest
+intellects, excluded from their legitimate field, lost their energy; the
+national spirit died away; the very materials and nutriment of thought
+seemed to be wanting. No wonder then, if the great Frenchmen of the
+eighteenth century sought that aliment abroad which they were unable to
+find at home. No wonder if they turned from their own land, and gazed
+with admiration at the only people who, pushing their inquiries into the
+highest departments, had shown the same fearlessness in politics as in
+religion; a people who, having punished their kings and controlled their
+clergy, were storing the treasures of their experience in that noble
+literature which never can perish, and of which it may be said in sober
+truth, that it has stimulated the intellect of the most distant races,
+and that, planted in America and in India, it has already fertilized the
+two extremities of the world.
+
+There are, in fact, few things in history so instructive as the extent
+to which France was influenced by this new pursuit. Even those who took
+part in actually consummating the Revolution, were moved by the
+prevailing spirit. The English language was familiar to Carra,[703]
+Dumouriez,[704] Lafayette,[705] and Lanthénas.[706] Camille Desmoulins
+had cultivated his mind from the same source.[707] Marat travelled in
+Scotland as well as in England, and was so profoundly versed in our
+language that he wrote two works in it; one of which, called _The Chains
+of Slavery_, was afterwards translated into French.[708] Mirabeau is
+declared by a high authority to have owed part of his power to a careful
+study of the English constitution;[709] he translated not only Watson's
+_History of Philip II._, but also some parts of Milton;[710] and it is
+said that when he was in the National Assembly, he delivered, as his
+own, passages from the speeches of Burke.[711] Mounier was well
+acquainted with our language, and with our political institutions both
+in theory and in practice;[712] and in a work, which exercised
+considerable influence, he proposed for his own country the
+establishment of two chambers, to form that balance of power of which
+England supplied the example.[713] The same idea, derived from the same
+source, was advocated by Le Brun, who was a friend of Mounier's, and
+who, like him, had paid attention to the literature and government of
+the English people.[714] Brissot knew English; he had studied in London
+the working of the English institutions, and he himself mentions that,
+in his treatise on criminal law, he was mainly guided by the course of
+English legislation.[715] Condorcet also proposed as a model our system
+of criminal jurisprudence,[716] which, bad as it was, certainly
+surpassed that possessed by France. Madame Roland, whose position, as
+well as ability, made her one of the leaders of the democratic party,
+was an ardent student of the language and literature of the English
+people.[717] She too, moved by the universal curiosity, came to our
+country; and, as if to show that persons of every shade and of every
+rank were actuated by the same spirit, the Duke of Orleans likewise
+visited England; nor did his visit fail to produce its natural results.
+'It was,' says a celebrated writer, 'in the society of London that he
+acquired a taste for liberty; and it was on his return from there that
+he brought into France a love of popular agitation, a contempt for his
+own rank, and a familiarity with those beneath him.'[718]
+
+  [703] _Williams's Letters from France_, vol. iii. p. 68, 2nd edit. 1796;
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. vii. p. 192.
+
+  [704] _Adolphus's Biog. Mem._ 1799, vol. i. p. 352.
+
+  [705] _Lady Morgan's France_, vol. ii. p. 304; _Mém. de Lafayette_,
+        vol. i. pp. 41, 49, 70, vol. ii. pp. 26, 74, 83, 89.
+
+  [706] _Quérard_, _France Littéraire_, vol. iv. p. 540.
+
+  [707] The last authors he read, shortly before his execution, were Young
+        and Hervey. _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. viii. p. 45.
+        In 1769 Madame Riccoboni writes from Paris, that Young's _Night
+        Thoughts_ had become very popular there; and she justly adds,
+        'c'est une preuve sans réplique du changement de l'esprit
+        français.' _Garrick Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 566, 4to. 1832.
+
+  [708] _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. iv. p. 119; _Mém. de
+        Brissot_, vol. i. pp. 336, 337, vol. ii. p. 3.
+
+  [709] 'Une des supériorités secondaires, une des supériorités d'étude
+        qui appartenaient à Mirabeau, c'était la profonde connaissance,
+        la vive intelligence de la constitution anglaise, de ses ressorts
+        publics et de ses ressorts cachés.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e
+        Siècle_, vol. iv. p. 153.
+
+  [710] Particularly the democratic passages, 'un corps de doctrine de
+        tous ses écrits républicains.' _Dumont_, _Souvenirs sur
+        Mirabeau_, p. 119. As to his translation of Watson, see _Alison's
+        Europe_, vol. i. p. 452. He also intended to translate Sinclair's
+        History of the Revenue. _Correspond. of Sir J. Sinclair_,
+        vol. ii. p. 119.
+
+  [711] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 546, 3rd edit. 1839.
+
+  [712] 'Il étudiait leur langue, la théorie et plus encore la pratique de
+        leurs institutions.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxx. p. 310.
+
+  [713] _Continuation de Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxx.
+        p. 434. Montlosier (_Monarchie Française_, vol. ii. p. 340) says
+        that this idea was borrowed from England; but he does not mention
+        who suggested it.
+
+  [714] _Du Mesnil_, _Mém. sur Le Brun_, pp. 10, 14, 29, 82, 180, 182.
+
+  [715] _Mém. de Brissot_, vol. i. pp. 63, 64, vol. ii. pp. 25, 40, 188,
+        206, 260, 313.
+
+  [716] Dupont de Nemours (_Mém. sur Turgot_, p. 117) says of criminal
+        jurisprudence, 'M. de Condorcet proposait en modèle celle des
+        Anglais.'
+
+  [717] _Mém. de Roland_, vol. i. pp. 27, 55, 89, 136, vol. ii. pp. 99,
+        135, 253.
+
+  [718] 'Le duc d'Orléans puisa ainsi le goût de la liberté dans la vie de
+        Londres. Il en rapporta en France les habitudes d'insolence
+        contre la cour, l'appétit des agitations populaires, le mépris
+        pour son propre rang, la familiarité avec la foule,' &c.
+        _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. ii. p. 102.
+
+This language, strong as it is, will not appear exaggerated to any one
+who has carefully studied the history of the eighteenth century. It is
+no doubt certain, that the French Revolution was essentially a reaction
+against that protective and interfering spirit which reached its zenith
+under Louis XIV., but which, centuries before his reign, had exercised a
+most injurious influence over the national prosperity. While, however,
+this must be fully conceded, it is equally certain that the impetus to
+which the reaction owed its strength, proceeded from England; and that
+it was English literature which taught the lessons of political liberty,
+first to France, and through France to the rest of Europe.[719] On this
+account, and not at all from mere literary curiosity, I have traced with
+some minuteness that union between the French and English minds, which,
+though often noticed, has never been examined with the care its
+importance deserves. The circumstances which reinforced this vast
+movement will be related towards the end of the volume; at present I
+will confine myself to its first great consequence, namely, the
+establishment of a complete schism between the literary men of France,
+and the classes who exclusively governed the country.
+
+  [719] M. Lerminier (_Philos. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 19) says of England,
+        'cette île célèbre donne à l'Europe l'enseignement de la liberté
+        politique; elle en fut l'école au dix-huitième siècle pour tout
+        ce que l'Europe eut de penseurs.' See also _Soulavie_, _Règne de
+        Louis XVI_, vol. iii. p. 161; _Mém. de Marmontel_, vol. iv. pp.
+        38, 39; _Stäudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_,
+        vol. ii. p. 291.
+
+Those eminent Frenchmen who now turned their attention to England, found
+in its literature, in the structure of its society, and in its
+government, many peculiarities of which their own country furnished no
+example. They heard political and religious questions of the greatest
+moment debated with a boldness unknown in any other part of Europe. They
+heard dissenters and churchmen, whigs and tories, handling the most
+dangerous topics, and treating them with unlimited freedom. They heard
+public disputes respecting matters which no one in France dared to
+discuss; mysteries of state and mysteries of creed unfolded and rudely
+exposed to the popular gaze. And, what to Frenchmen of that age must
+have been equally amazing, they not only found a public press possessing
+some degree of freedom, but they found that within the very walls of
+parliament the administration of the crown was assailed with complete
+impunity, the character of its chosen servants constantly aspersed, and,
+strange to say, even the management of its revenues effectually
+controlled.[720]
+
+  [720] Hume, who was acquainted with several eminent Frenchmen who
+        visited England, says (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 8),
+        'nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner than the extreme
+        liberty which we enjoy in this country, of communicating whatever
+        we please to the public, and of openly censuring every measure
+        entered into by the king or his ministers.'
+
+The successors of the age of Louis XIV., seeing these things, and
+seeing, moreover, that the civilization of the country increased as the
+authority of the upper classes and of the crown diminished, were unable
+to restrain their wonder at so novel and exciting a spectacle. 'The
+English nation,' says Voltaire, 'is the only one on the earth, which, by
+resisting its kings, has succeeded in lessening their power.[721] How I
+love the boldness of the English! how I love men who say what they
+think!'[722] The English, says Le Blanc, are willing to have a king,
+provided they are not obliged to obey him.[723] The immediate object of
+their government, says Montesquieu, is political liberty;[724] they
+possess more freedom than any republic;[725] and their system is in fact
+a republic disguised as a monarchy.[726] Grosley, struck with amazement,
+exclaims, 'Property is in England a thing sacred, which the laws protect
+from all encroachment, not only from engineers, inspectors, and other
+people of that stamp, but even from the king himself.'[727] Mably, in the
+most celebrated of all his works, says, 'The Hanoverians are only able
+to reign in England because the people are free, and believe they have a
+right to dispose of the crown. But if the kings were to claim the same
+powers as the Stuarts, if they were to believe that the crown belonged
+to them by divine right, they would be condemning themselves and
+confessing that they were occupying a place which is not their
+own.'[728] In England, says Helvétius, the people are respected; every
+citizen can take some part in the management of affairs; and authors are
+allowed to enlighten the public respecting its own interests.[729] And
+Brissot, who had made these matters his especial study, cries out,
+'Admirable constitution! which can only be disparaged either by men who
+know it not, or else by those whose tongues are bridled by
+slavery.'[730]
+
+  [721] 'La nation anglaise est la seule de la terre qui soit parvenue à
+        régler le pouvoir des rois en leur résistant.' _Lettre VIII sur
+        les Anglais_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxvi. p. 37.
+
+  [722] 'Que j'aime la hardiesse anglaise! que j'aime les gens qui disent
+        ce qu'ils pensent!' _Letter from Voltaire_, in _Correspond. de
+        Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 263. For other instances of his
+        admiration of England, see _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xl. pp.
+        105-109; vol. li. pp. 137, 390; vol. liv. pp. 298, 392; vol. lvi.
+        pp. 162, 163, 195, 196, 270; vol. lvii. p. 500; vol. lviii. pp.
+        128, 267; vol. lix. pp. 265, 361; vol. lx. p. 501; vol. lxi. pp.
+        43, 73, 129, 140, 474, 475; vol. lxii. pp. 343, 379, 392; vol.
+        lxiii. pp. 128, 146, 190, 196, 226, 237, 415; vol. lxiv. pp. 36,
+        96, 269; vol. lxvi. pp. 93, 159; vol. lxvii. pp. 353, 484.
+
+  [723] 'Ils veulent un roi, aux conditions, pour ainsi dire, de ne lui
+        point obéir.' _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un François_, vol. i.
+        p. 210.
+
+  [724] 'Il y a aussi une nation dans le monde qui a pour objet direct de
+        sa constitution la liberté politique.' _Esprit des Lois_, livre
+        xi. chap. v. in _[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, p. 264. Conversely De
+        Staël (_Consid. sur la Rév._ vol. iii. p. 261), 'la liberté
+        politique est le moyen suprême.'
+
+  [725] 'L'Angleterre est à présent le plus libre pays qui soit au monde,
+        je n'en excepte aucune république.' _Notes sur l'Angleterre_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, p. 632.
+
+  [726] 'Une nation où la république se cache sous la forme de la
+        monarchie.' _Esprit des Lois_, livre v. chap. xix. in _[OE]uvres
+        de Montesquieu_, page 225; also quoted in _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 36.
+
+  [727] _Grosley's Tour to London_, vol. i. pp. 16, 17.
+
+  [728] _Mably_, _Observ. sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. ii. p. 185.
+
+  [729] _Helvétius de l'Esprit._ vol. i. pp. 102, 199: 'un pays où le
+        peuple est respecté comme en Angleterre; ... un pays où chaque
+        citoyen a part au maniement des affaires générales, où tout homme
+        d'esprit peut éclairer le public sur ses véritables intérêts.'
+
+  [730] _Mém. de Brissot_, vol. ii. p. 25.
+
+Such were the opinions of some of the most celebrated Frenchmen of that
+time; and it would be easy to fill a volume with similar extracts. But,
+what I now rather wish to do, is, to point out the first great
+consequence of this new and sudden admiration for a country which, in
+the preceding age, had been held in profound contempt. The events which
+followed are, indeed, of an importance impossible to exaggerate; since
+they brought about that rupture between the intellectual and governing
+classes, of which the revolution itself was but a temporary episode.
+
+The great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century being stimulated by the
+example of England into a love of progress, naturally came into
+collision with the governing classes, among whom the old stationary
+spirit still prevailed. This opposition was a wholesome reaction against
+that disgraceful servility for which, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+literary men had been remarkable; and if the contest which ensued had
+been conducted with anything approaching to moderation, the ultimate
+result would have been highly beneficial; since it would have secured
+that divergence between the speculative and practical classes which, as
+we have already seen, is essential to maintain the balance of
+civilization, and to prevent either side from acquiring a dangerous
+predominance. But, unfortunately, the nobles and clergy had been so long
+accustomed to power, that they could not brook the slightest
+contradiction from those great writers, whom they ignorantly despised as
+their inferiors. Hence it was, that when the most illustrious Frenchmen
+of the eighteenth century attempted to infuse into the literature of
+their country a spirit of inquiry similar to that which existed in
+England, the ruling classes became roused into a hatred and jealousy
+which broke all bounds, and gave rise to that crusade against knowledge
+which forms the second principal precursor of the French Revolution.
+
+The extent of that cruel persecution to which literature was now
+exposed, can only be fully appreciated by those who have minutely
+studied the history of France in the eighteenth century. For it was not
+a stray case of oppression, which occurred here and there; but it was a
+prolonged and systematic attempt to stifle all inquiry, and punish all
+inquirers. If a list were drawn up of all the literary men who wrote
+during the seventy years succeeding the death of Louis XIV., it would be
+found, that at least nine out of every ten had suffered from the
+government some grievous injury; and that a majority of them had been
+actually thrown into prison. Indeed, in saying thus much, I am
+understating the real facts of the case; for I question if one literary
+man out of fifty escaped with entire impunity. Certainly, my own
+knowledge of those times, though carefully collected, is not so complete
+as I could have wished; but, among those authors who were punished, I
+find the name of nearly every Frenchman whose writings have survived the
+age in which they were produced. Among those who suffered either
+confiscation, or imprisonment, or exile, or fines, or the suppression of
+their works, or the ignominy of being forced to recant what they had
+written, I find, besides a host of inferior writers, the names of
+Beaumarchais, Berruyer, Bougeant, Buffon, D'Alembert, Diderot, Duclos,
+Freret, Helvétius, La Harpe, Linguet, Mably, Marmontel, Montesquieu,
+Mercier, Morellet, Raynal, Rousseau, Suard, Thomas, and Voltaire.
+
+The mere recital of this list is pregnant with instruction. To suppose
+that all these eminent men deserved the treatment they received, would,
+even in the absence of direct evidence, be a manifest absurdity; since
+it would involve the supposition, that a schism having taken place
+between two classes, the weaker class was altogether wrong, and the
+stronger altogether right. Fortunately, however, there is no necessity
+for resorting to any merely speculative argument respecting the probable
+merits of the two parties. The accusations brought against these great
+men are before the world; the penalties inflicted are equally well
+known; and, by putting these together, we may form some idea of the
+state of society, in which such things could be openly practised.
+
+Voltaire, almost immediately after the death of Louis XIV., was falsely
+charged with having composed a libel on that prince; and, for this
+imaginary offence, he, without the pretence of a trial, and without even
+the shadow of a proof, was thrown into the Bastille, where he was
+confined more than twelve months.[731] Shortly after he was released,
+there was put upon him a still more grievous insult; the occurrence,
+and, above all, the impunity of which, supply striking evidence as to
+the state of society in which such things were permitted. Voltaire, at
+the table of the Duke de Sully, was deliberately insulted by the
+Chevalier de Rohan Chabot, one of those impudent and dissolute nobles
+who then abounded in Paris. The duke, though the outrage was committed
+in his own house, in his own presence, and upon his own guest, would not
+interfere; but seemed to consider that a poor poet was honoured by being
+in any way noticed by a man of rank. But, as Voltaire, in the heat of
+the moment, let fall one of those stinging retorts which were the terror
+of his enemies, the chevalier determined to visit him with further
+punishment. The course he adopted was characteristic of the man, and of
+the class to which he belonged. He caused Voltaire to be seized in the
+streets of Paris, and in his presence ignominiously beaten, he himself
+regulating the number of blows of which the chastisement was to consist.
+Voltaire, smarting under the insult, demanded that satisfaction which it
+was customary to give. This, however, did not enter into the plan of his
+noble assailer, who not only refused to meet him in the field, but
+actually obtained an order, by which he was confined in the Bastille for
+six months, and at the end of that time was directed to quit the
+country.[732]
+
+  [731] _Condorcet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 118, 119; _Duvernet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, pp. 30, 32; _Longchamp et Wagnière_, _Mém. sur
+        Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 22.
+
+  [732] _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 46-48; _Condorcet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, pp. 125, 126. Compare vol. lvi. p. 162; _Lepan_, _Vie
+        de Voltaire_, 1837, pp. 70, 71; and _Biog. Univ._ vol. xlix. p.
+        468. Duvernet, who, writing from materials supplied by Voltaire,
+        had the best means of information, gives a specimen of the fine
+        feeling of a French duke in the eighteenth century. He says,
+        that, directly after Rohan had inflicted this public
+        chastisement, 'Voltaire rentre dans l'hôtel, demande au duc de
+        Sully de regarder cet outrage fait à l'un de ses convives, comme
+        fait à lui-même: il le sollicite de se joindre à lui pour en
+        poursuivre la vengeance, et de venir chez un commissaire en
+        certifier la déposition. _Le duc de Sully se refuse à tout._'
+
+Thus it was that Voltaire, having first been imprisoned for a libel
+which he never wrote, and having then been publicly beaten because he
+retorted an insult wantonly put upon him, was now sentenced to another
+imprisonment, through the influence of the very man by whom he had been
+attacked. The exile which followed the imprisonment seems to have been
+soon remitted; as, shortly after these events, we find Voltaire again in
+France, preparing for publication his first historical work, a life of
+Charles XII. In this, there are none of those attacks on Christianity
+which gave offence in his subsequent writings; nor does it contain the
+least reflection upon the arbitrary government under which he had
+suffered. The French authorities at first granted that permission,
+without which no book could then be published; but as soon as it was
+actually printed, the license was withdrawn, and the history forbidden
+to be circulated.[733] The next attempt of Voltaire was one of much
+greater value: it was therefore repulsed still more sharply. During his
+residence in England, his inquisitive mind had been deeply interested by
+a state of things so different from any he had hitherto seen; and he now
+published an account of that remarkable people, from whose literature he
+had learned many important truths. His work, which he called
+_Philosophic Letters_, was received with general applause; but,
+unfortunately for himself, he adopted in it the arguments of Locke
+against innate ideas. The rulers of France, though not likely to know
+much about innate ideas, had a suspicion that the doctrine of Locke was
+in some way dangerous; and, as they were told that it was a novelty,
+they felt themselves bound to prevent its promulgation. Their remedy was
+very simple. They ordered that Voltaire should be again arrested and
+that his work should be burned by the common hangman.[734]
+
+  [733] 'L'Histoire de Charles XII, dont on avait arrêté une première
+        édition après l'avoir autorisée.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xlix. p.
+        470. Comp. _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p. 388.
+
+  [734] _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 63-65; _Condorcet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, pp. 138-140; _Lepan_,_ Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 93, 381.
+
+These repeated injuries might well have moved a more patient spirit than
+that of Voltaire.[735] Certainly, those who reproach this illustrious
+man, as if he were the instigator of unprovoked attacks upon the
+existing state of things, must know very little of the age in which it
+was his misfortune to live. Even on what has been always considered the
+neutral ground of physical science, there was displayed the same
+despotic and persecuting spirit. Voltaire, among other schemes for
+benefiting France, wished to make known to his countrymen the wonderful
+discoveries of Newton, of which they were completely ignorant. With this
+view, he drew up an account of the labours of that extraordinary
+thinker; but here again the authorities interposed, and forbade the work
+to be printed.[736] Indeed, the rulers of France, as if sensible that
+their only security was the ignorance of the people, obstinately set
+their face against every description of knowledge. Several eminent
+authors had undertaken to execute, on a magnificent scale, an
+Encyclopædia, which should contain a summary of all the branches of
+science and of art. This, undoubtedly the most splendid enterprise ever
+started by a body of literary men, was at first discouraged by the
+government, and afterwards entirely prohibited.[737] On other occasions,
+the same tendency was shown in matters so trifling that nothing but the
+gravity of their ultimate results prevents them from being ridiculous.
+In 1770, Imbert translated Clarke's _Letters on Spain_: one of the best
+works then existing on that country. This book, however, was suppressed
+as soon as it appeared; and the only reason assigned for such a stretch
+of power is, that it contained some remarks respecting the passion of
+Charles III. for hunting, which were considered disrespectful to the
+French crown, because Louis XV. was himself a great hunter.[738] Several
+years before this, La Bletterie, who was favourably known in France by
+his works, was elected a member of the French Academy. But he, it seems,
+was a Jansenist, and had, moreover, ventured to assert that the Emperor
+Julian, notwithstanding his apostacy, was not entirely devoid of good
+qualities. Such offences could not be overlooked in so pure an age; and
+the king obliged the Academy to exclude La Bletterie from their
+society.[739] That the punishment extended no further, was an instance
+of remarkable leniency; for Fréret, an eminent critic and scholar,[740]
+was confined in the Bastille, because he stated in one of his memoirs,
+that the earliest Frankish chiefs had received their titles from the
+Romans.[741] The same penalty was inflicted four different times upon
+Lenglet du Fresnoy.[742] In the case of this amiable and accomplished
+man, there seems to have been hardly the shadow of a pretext for the
+cruelty with which he was treated; though, on one occasion, the alleged
+offence was, that he had published a supplement to the History of De
+Thou.[743]
+
+  [735] The indignation of Voltaire appears in many of his letters; and he
+        often announced to his friends his intention of quitting for ever
+        a country where he was liable to such treatment. See _[OE]uvres
+        de Voltaire_, vol. liv. pp. 58, 335, 336, vol. lv. p. 229, vol.
+        lvi. pp. 162, 163, 358, 447, 464, 465, vol. lvii. pp. 144, 145,
+        155, 156, vol. lviii. pp. 36, 222, 223, 516, 517, 519, 520, 525,
+        526, 563, vol. lix. pp. 107, 116, 188, 208.
+
+  [736] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. i. pp. 147, 315, vol. lvii. pp. 211,
+        215, 219, 247, 295; _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siècle_,
+        vol. i. p. 14; _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol. i. pp. 53, 60.
+
+  [737] _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. i. pp. 90-95, vol. ii. p. 399; _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. xi. p. 316; _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol. ii.
+        p. 439.
+
+  [738] _Boucher de la Richarderie_, _Bibliothèque des Voyages_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 390-393, Paris, 1808: 'La distribution en France de la
+        traduction de ce voyage fut arrêtée pendant quelque temps par des
+        ordres supérieurs du gouvernement.... Il y a tout lieu de croire
+        que les ministres de France crurent, ou feignirent de croire, que
+        le passage en question pouvoit donner lieu à des applications sur
+        le goût effréné de Louis XV pour la chasse, et inspirèrent
+        aisément cette prévention à un prince très-sensible, comme on
+        sait, aux censures les plus indirectes de sa passion pour ce
+        genre d'amusement.' See also the account of Imbert, the
+        translator, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxi. p. 200.
+
+  [739] _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. vi. pp. 161, 162; the crime being,
+        'qu'un janséniste avait osé imprimer que Julien, apostat
+        exécrable aux yeux d'un bon chrétien, n'était pourtant pas un
+        homme sans quelques bonnes qualités à en juger mondainement.'
+
+  [740] M. Bunsen (_Egypt_, vol. i. p. 14) refers to Fréret's 'acute
+        treatise on the Babylonian year;' and Turgot, in his
+        _Etymologie_, says (_[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii. p. 83),
+        'l'illustre Fréret, un des savans qui ont su le mieux appliquer
+        la philosophie à l'érudition.'
+
+  [741] This was at the very outset of his career: 'En 1715, l'homme qui
+        devait illustrer l'érudition française au xviii^e siècle, Fréret,
+        était mis à la Bastille pour avoir avancé, dans un mémoire sur
+        l'origine des Français, que les Francs ne formaient pas une
+        nation à part, et que leurs premiers chefs avaient reçu de
+        l'empire romain le titre de _patrices_.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au
+        XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 30: see also _Nichols's Lit. Anec._
+        vol. ii. p. 510.
+
+  [742] He was imprisoned in the Bastille, for the first time, in 1725;
+        then in 1743, in 1750, and finally in 1751. _Biographie
+        Universelle_, vol. xxiv. p. 85.
+
+  [743] In 1743, Voltaire writes: 'On vient de mettre à la Bastille l'abbé
+        Lenglet, pour avoir publié des mémoires déjà très-connus, qui
+        servent de supplément à l'histoire de notre célèbre De Thou.
+        L'infatigable et malheureux Lenglet rendait un signalé service
+        aux bons citoyens, et aux amateurs des recherches historiques. Il
+        méritait des récompenses; on l'emprisonne cruellement à l'âge de
+        soixante-huit ans.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. i. pp. 400,
+        401, vol. lviii. pp. 207, 208.
+
+Indeed, we have only to open the biographies and correspondence of that
+time, to find instances crowding upon us from all quarters. Rousseau was
+threatened with imprisonment, was driven from France, and his works were
+publicly burned.[744] The celebrated treatise of Helvétius on the mind
+was suppressed by an order from the royal council: it was burned by the
+common hangman, and the author was compelled to write two letters,
+retracting his opinions.[745] Some of the geological views of Buffon
+having offended the clergy, that illustrious naturalist was obliged to
+publish a formal recantation of doctrines which are now known to be
+perfectly accurate.[746] The learned Observations on the History of
+France, by Mably, were suppressed as soon as they appeared;[747] for
+what reason it would be hard to say, since M. Guizot, certainly no
+friend either to anarchy or to irreligion, has thought it worth while to
+republish them, and thus stamp them with the authority of his own great
+name. The History of the Indies, by Raynal, was condemned to the flames,
+and the author ordered to be arrested.[748] Lanjuinais, in his
+well-known work on Joseph II., advocated not only religious toleration,
+but even the abolition of slavery; his book, therefore, was declared to
+be 'seditious;' it was pronounced 'destructive of all subordination,'
+and was sentenced to be burned.[749] The Analysis of Bayle, by Marsy,
+was suppressed, and the author was imprisoned.[750] The History of the
+Jesuits, by Linguet, was delivered to the flames; eight years later his
+_Journal_ was suppressed; and, three years after that, as he still
+persisted in writing, his Political Annals were suppressed, and he
+himself was thrown into the Bastille.[751] Delisle de Sales was
+sentenced to perpetual exile, and confiscation of all his property, on
+account of his work on the Philosophy of Nature.[752] The treatise by
+Mey, on French Law, was suppressed;[753] that by Boncerf, on Feudal Law,
+was burned.[754] The Memoirs of Beaumarchais were likewise burned;[755]
+the Eloge on Fénelon by La Harpe was merely suppressed.[756] Duvernet
+having written a History of the Sorbonne, which was still unpublished,
+was seized and thrown into the Bastille, while the manuscript was yet in
+his own possession.[757] The celebrated work of De Lolme on the English
+constitution was suppressed by edict directly it appeared.[758] The fate
+of being suppressed, or prohibited, also awaited the Letters of
+Gervaise, in 1724;[759] the Dissertations of Courayer, in 1727;[760] the
+Letters of Montgon, in 1732;[761] the History of Tamerlane, by Margat,
+also in 1732;[762] the Essay on Taste, by Cartaud, in 1736;[763] the
+Life of Domat, by Prévost de la Jannès, in 1742;[764] the History of
+Louis XI., by Duclos, in 1745;[765] the Letters of Bargeton, in
+1750;[766] the Memoirs on Troyes, by Grosley, in the same year;[767] the
+History of Clement XI., by Reboulet, in 1752;[768] the School of Man, by
+Génard, also in 1752;[769] the Therapeutics of Garlon, in 1756;[770] the
+celebrated thesis of Louis, on Generation, in 1754;[771] the Treatise on
+Presidial Jurisdiction, by Jousse, in 1755;[772] the Ericie of
+Fontanelle, in 1768;[773] the Thoughts of Jamin, in 1769;[774] the
+History of Siam, by Turpin, and the Eloge of Marcus Aurelius, by Thomas,
+both in 1770;[775] the works on Finance by Darigrand in 1764; and by Le
+Trosne, in 1779;[776] the Essay on Military Tactics, by Guibert, in
+1772; the Letters of Boucquet, in the same year;[777] and the Memoirs of
+Terrai, by Coquereau, in 1776.[778] Such wanton destruction of property
+was, however, mercy itself, compared to the treatment experienced by
+other literary men in France. Desforges, for example, having written
+against the arrest of the Pretender to the English throne, was, solely
+on that account, buried in a dungeon eight feet square, and confined
+there for three years.[779] This happened in 1749; and in 1770, Audra,
+professor at the college of Toulouse, and a man of some reputation,
+published the first volume of his Abridgment of General History. Beyond
+this, the work never proceeded; it was at once condemned by the
+archbishop of the diocese, and the author was deprived of his office.
+Audra, held up to public opprobrium, the whole of his labours rendered
+useless, and the prospects of his life suddenly blighted, was unable to
+survive the shock. He was struck with apoplexy, and within twenty-four
+hours was lying a corpse in his own house.[780]
+
+  [744] _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. i. pp. 68, 99, 296, 377,
+        vol. ii. pp. 111, 385, 390; _Mercier sur Rousseau_, vol. i. p.
+        14, vol. ii. pp. 179, 314.
+
+  [745] _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. ii. p. 349; _Walpole's Letters_, 1840,
+        vol. iii. p. 418.
+
+  [746] _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, pp. 39, 40; _Mém. of Mallet du
+        Pan_, vol. i. p. 125.
+
+  [747] _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. ii. p. 214; _Williams's
+        Letters from France_, vol. ii. p. 86, 3rd edit. 1796.
+
+  [748] _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. i. p. 253; _Mém. de Lafayette_, vol. ii.
+        p. 34 note; _Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole_, vol. ii. p. 365. On
+        Raynal's flight, compare a letter from Marseilles, written in
+        1786, and printed in _Mem. and Correspond. of Sir J. E. Smith_,
+        vol. i. p. 194.
+
+  [749] See the proceedings of the avocat-général, in _Peignot_, _Livres
+        condamnés_, vol. i. pp. 230, 231; and in _Soulavie_, _Règne de
+        Louis XVI_, vol. iii. pp. 93-97.
+
+  [750] _Quérard_, _France Lit._ vol. v. p. 565.
+
+  [751] _Peignot_, _Livres condamnés_, vol. i. pp. 241, 242.
+
+  [752] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 561; _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lxix. pp. 374, 375; _Lettres inédites de Voltaire_, vol. ii.
+        p. 528; _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 202, 203. According to
+        some of these authorities, parliament afterwards revoked this
+        sentence; but there is no doubt that the sentence was passed, and
+        De Sales imprisoned, if not banished.
+
+  [753] _Peignot_, _Livres condamnés_, vol. i. pp. 314, 316.
+
+  [754] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lxix. p. 204;_ Lettres de Dudeffand
+        à Walpole_, vol. iii. p. 260.
+
+  [755] 'Quatre mémoires ... condamnés à être lacérés et brûlés par la
+        main du bourreau.' _Peignot_, vol. i. p. 24.
+
+  [756] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiii. p. 187.
+
+  [757] _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la Sorbonne_, vol. i. p. vi.
+
+  [758] 'Supprimée par arrêt du conseil' in 1771, which was the year of
+        its publication. Compare _Cassagnac's Révolution_, vol. i. p. 33;
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 634.
+
+  [759] _Quérard_, _France Lit._ vol. iii. p. 337.
+
+  [760] _Biog. Univ._ vol. x. p. 97.
+
+  [761] _Peignot_, vol. i. p. 328.
+
+  [762] _ibid._ vol. i. p. 289.
+
+  [763] _Biog. Univ._ vol. vii. p. 227.
+
+  [764] _Lettres d'Aguesseau_, vol. ii. pp. 320, 321.
+
+  [765] _Cassagnac_, _Causes de la Rév._ vol. i. p. 32.
+
+  [766] _Biog. Univ._ vol. iii. p. 375.
+
+  [767] _Quérard_, vol. iii. p. 489.
+
+  [768] _Ibid._ vol. vii. pp. 483, 484.
+
+  [769] _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 302.
+
+  [770] _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 261.
+
+  [771] On the importance of this remarkable thesis, and on its
+        prohibition, see _Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de l'Organisation_,
+        vol. i. p. 355.
+
+  [772] _Quérard_, vol. iv. p. 255.
+
+  [773] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xv. p. 203.
+
+  [774] _Ibid._ vol. xxi. p. 391.
+
+  [775] _Ibid._ vol. xlv. p. 462, vol. xlvii. p. 98.
+
+  [776] _Peignot_, vol. i. pp. 90, 91, vol. ii. p. 164.
+
+  [777] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 170, vol. ii. p. 57.
+
+  [778] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 214.
+
+  [779] 'Il resta trois ans dans la cage; c'est un caveau creusé dans le
+        roc, de huit pieds en carré, où le prisonnier ne reçoit le jour
+        que par les crevasses des marches de l'église.' _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xi. p. 171.
+
+  [780] _Peignot_, _Livres condamnés_, vol. i. pp. 14, 15.
+
+It will probably be allowed that I have collected sufficient evidence to
+substantiate my assertion respecting the persecutions directed against
+every description of literature; but the carelessness with which the
+antecedents of the French Revolution have been studied, has given rise
+to such erroneous opinions on this subject, that I am anxious to add a
+few more instances, so as to put beyond the possibility of doubt the
+nature of the provocations habitually received by the most eminent
+Frenchmen of the eighteenth century.
+
+Among the many celebrated authors who, though, inferior to Voltaire,
+Montesquieu, Buffon, and Rousseau, were second only to them, three of
+the most remarkable were Diderot, Marmontel, and Morellet. The first two
+are known to every reader; while Morellet, though comparatively
+forgotten, had in his own time considerable influence, and had,
+moreover, the distinguished merit of being the first who popularized in
+France those great truths which had been recently discovered in
+political economy by Adam Smith, and in jurisprudence by Beccaria.
+
+A certain M. Cury wrote a satire upon the Duke d'Aumont, which he showed
+to his friend Marmontel, who, struck by its power, repeated it to a
+small circle of his acquaintance. The duke, hearing of this, was full of
+indignation, and insisted upon the name of the author being given up.
+This, of course, was impossible without a gross breach of confidence;
+but Marmontel, to do everything in his power, wrote to the duke,
+stating, what was really the fact, that the lines in question had not
+been printed, that there was no intention of making them public, and
+that they had only been communicated to a few of his own particular
+friends. It might have been supposed that this would have satisfied even
+a French noble; but Marmontel, still doubting the result, sought an
+audience of the minister, in the hope of procuring the protection of the
+crown. All, however, was in vain. It will hardly be believed, that
+Marmontel, who was then at the height of his reputation, was seized in
+the middle of Paris, and because he refused to betray his friend, was
+thrown into the Bastille. Nay, so implacable were his persecutors, that
+after his liberation from prison they, in the hope of reducing him to
+beggary, deprived him of the right of publishing the _Mercure_, upon
+which nearly the whole of his income depended.[781]
+
+  [781] _Mémoires de Marmontel_, vol. ii. pp. 143-176; and see vol. iii.
+        pp. 30-46, 95, for the treatment he afterwards received from the
+        Sorbonne, because he advocated religious toleration. See also
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. liv. p. 258; and _Letters of
+        Eminent Persons addressed to Hume_, pp. 207, 212, 213.
+
+To the Abbé Morellet a somewhat similar circumstance occurred. A
+miserable scribbler, named Palissot, had written a comedy ridiculing
+some of the ablest Frenchmen then living. To this Morellet replied by a
+pleasant little satire, in which he made a very harmless allusion to the
+Princess de Robeck, one of Palissot's patrons. She, amazed at such
+presumption, complained to the minister, who immediately ordered the
+abbé to be confined in the Bastille, where he remained for some months,
+although he had not only been guilty of no scandal, but had not even
+mentioned the name of the princess.[782]
+
+  [782] _Mém. de Morellet_, vol. i. pp. 86-89; _Mélanges par Morellet_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 3-12; _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. liv. pp. 106,
+        111, 114, 122, 183.
+
+The treatment of Diderot was still more severe. This remarkable man owed
+his influence chiefly to his immense correspondence, and to the
+brilliancy of a conversation for which, even in Paris, he was
+unrivalled, and which he used to display with considerable effect at
+those celebrated dinners where, during a quarter of a century, Holbach
+assembled the most illustrious thinkers in France.[783] Besides this, he
+is the author of several works of interest, most of which are well
+known to the students of French literature.[784] His independent spirit,
+and the reputation he obtained, earned for him a share in the general
+persecution. The first work he wrote was ordered to be publicly burned
+by the common hangman.[785] This, indeed, was the fate of nearly all the
+best literary productions of that time; and Diderot might esteem himself
+fortunate in merely losing his property, provided he saved himself from
+imprisonment. But, a few years later, he wrote another work, in which he
+said that people who are born blind have some ideas different from those
+who are possessed of their eyesight. This assertion is by no means
+improbable,[786] and it contains nothing by which any one need be
+startled. The men, however, who then governed France discovered in it
+some hidden danger. Whether they suspected that the mention of blindness
+was an allusion to themselves, or whether they were merely instigated by
+the perversity of their temper, is uncertain; at all events, the
+unfortunate Diderot, for having hazarded this opinion, was arrested, and
+without even the form of a trial, was confined in the dungeon of
+Vincennes.[787] The natural results followed. The works of Diderot rose
+in popularity;[788] and he, burning with hatred against his persecutors,
+redoubled his efforts to overthrow those institutions, under shelter of
+which such monstrous tyranny could be safely practised.
+
+  [783] Marmontel (_Mém._ vol. ii. p. 313) says, 'qui n'a connu Diderot
+        que dans ses écrits ne l'a point connu:' meaning that his works
+        were inferior to his talk. His conversational powers are noticed
+        by Ségur, who disliked him, and by Georgel, who hated him.
+        _Ségur_, _Souvenirs_, vol. iii. p. 34; _Georgel_, _Mém._ vol. ii.
+        p. 246. Compare _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 69;
+        _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 95, vol. ii. p.
+        227; _Mémoires d'Epinay_, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, 88; _Grimm_,
+        _Corresp._ vol. xv. pp. 79-90; _Morellet_, _Mém._ vol. i. p. 28;
+        _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. i. p. 82.
+
+        As to Holbach's dinners, on which Madame de Genlis wrote a
+        well-known libel, see _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. i.
+        p. 166; _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx. p. 462; _Jesse's Selwyn_, vol. ii.
+        p. 9; _Walpole's Letters to Mann_, vol. iv. p. 283; _Gibbon's
+        Miscellaneous Works_, p. 73.
+
+  [784] It is also stated by the editor of his correspondence, that he
+        wrote a great deal for authors, which they published under their
+        name. _Mém. et Corresp. de Diderot_, vol. iii. p. 102.
+
+  [785] This was the _Pensées Philosophiques_, in 1746, his first original
+        work; the previous ones being translations from English. _Biog.
+        Univ._ xi. p. 314. Duvernet (_Vie de Voltaire_, p. 240) says,
+        that he was imprisoned for writing it, but this I believe is a
+        mistake; at least I do not remember to have met with the
+        statement elsewhere, and Duvernet is frequently careless.
+
+  [786] Dugald Stewart, who has collected some important evidence on this
+        subject, has confirmed several of the views put forward by
+        Diderot. _Philos. of the Mind_, vol. iii. pp. 401 seq.; comp. pp.
+        57, 407, 435. Since then still greater attention has been paid to
+        the education of the blind, and it has been remarked that 'it is
+        an exceedingly difficult task to teach them to think accurately.'
+        _M. Alister's Essay on the Blind_, in _Jour. of Stat. Soc._ vol.
+        i. p. 378: see also Dr. Fowler, in _Report of Brit. Assoc._ for
+        1847; _Transac. of Sec._ pp. 92, 93, and for 1848, p. 88. These
+        passages unconsciously testify to the sagacity of Diderot; and
+        they also testify to the stupid ignorance of a government, which
+        sought to put an end to such inquiries by punishing their author.
+
+  [787] _Mém. et Corresp. de Diderot_, vol. i. pp. 26-29; _Musset Pathay_,
+        _Vie de Rousseu_, vol. i. p. 47, vol. ii. p. 276; _Letter to
+        d'Argental_ in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lviii. p. 454;
+        _Lacretelle_, _Dix-huitième Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 54.
+
+  [788] A happy arrangement, by which curiosity baffles despotism. In
+        1767, an acute observer wrote, 'Il n'y a plus de livres qu'on
+        imprime plusieurs fois, que les livres condamnés. Il faut
+        aujourd'hui qu'un libraire prie les magistrate de brûler son
+        livre pour le faire vendre.' _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. v. p. 498.
+        To the same effect, _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. i. pp. 15, 16; _Mém. de
+        Georgel_, vol. ii. p. 256.
+
+It seems hardly necessary to say more respecting the incredible folly
+with which the rulers of France, by turning every able man into a
+personal enemy,[789] at length arrayed against the government all the
+intellect of the country, and made the Revolution a matter not of choice
+but of necessity. I will, however, as a fitting sequel to the preceding
+facts, give one instance of the way in which, to gratify the caprice of
+the higher classes, even the most private affections of domestic life,
+could be publicly outraged. In the middle of the eighteenth century,
+there was an actress on the French stage of the name of Chantilly. She,
+though beloved by Maurice de Saxe, preferred a more honourable
+attachment, and married Favart, the well-known writer of songs and of
+comic operas. Maurice, amazed at her boldness, applied for aid to the
+French crown. That he should have made such an application is
+sufficiently strange; but the result of it is hardly to be paralleled
+except in some Eastern despotism. The government of France, on hearing
+the circumstance, had the inconceivable baseness to issue an order
+directing Favart to abandon his wife, and intrust her to the charge of
+Maurice, to whose embraces she was compelled to submit.[790]
+
+  [789] 'Quel est aujourd'hui parmi nous l'homme de lettres de quelque
+        mérite qui n'ait éprouvé plus ou moins les fureurs de la calomnie
+        et de la persécution?' etc. _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. v. p. 451.
+        This was written in 1767, and during more than forty years
+        previously we find similar expressions; the earliest I have met
+        with being in a letter to Thiriot, in 1723, in which Voltaire
+        says _([OE]uvres_, vol. lvi. p. 94), 'la sévérité devient plus
+        grande de jour en jour dans l'inquisition de la librairie.' For
+        other instances, see his letter to De Formont, pp. 423-425, also
+        vol. lvii. pp. 144, 351, vol. lviii. p. 222; his _Lettres
+        inédites_, vol. i. p. 547; _Mém. de Diderot_, vol. ii. p. 215;
+        _Letters of Eminent Persons to Hume_, pp. 14, 15.
+
+  [790] Part of this is related, rather inaccurately, in _Schlosser's
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. p. 483. The fullest account is in
+        _Grimm_, _Corresp. Lit._ vol. viii. pp. 231-233: 'Le grand
+        Maurice, irrité d'une résistance qu'il n'avait jamais éprouvée
+        nulle part, eut la faiblesse de demander une lettre de cachet
+        pour enlever à un mari sa femme, et pour la contraindre d'être sa
+        concubine; et, chose remarquable, cette lettre de cachet fut
+        accordée et exécutée. Les deux époux plièrent sous le joug de la
+        nécessité, et la petite Chantilly fut à la fois femme de Favart
+        et maîtresse de Maurice de Saxe.'
+
+These are among the insufferable provocations, by which the blood of men
+is made to boil in their veins. Who can wonder that the greatest and
+noblest minds in France were filled with loathing at the government by
+whom such things were done? If we, notwithstanding the distance of time
+and country, are moved to indignation by the mere mention of them, what
+must have been felt by those before whose eyes they actually occurred?
+And when, to the horror they naturally inspired, there was added that
+apprehension of being the next victim which every one might personally
+feel; when, moreover, we remember that the authors of these persecutions
+had none of the abilities by which even vice itself is sometimes
+ennobled;--when we thus contrast the poverty of their understandings
+with the greatness of their crimes, we, instead of being astonished that
+there was a revolution, by which all the machinery of the state was
+swept away, should rather be amazed at that unexampled patience by which
+alone the revolution was so long deferred.
+
+To me, indeed, it has always appeared, that the delay of the Revolution
+is one of the most striking proofs history affords of the force of
+established habits, and of the tenacity with which the human mind clings
+to old associations. For, if ever there existed a government inherently
+and radically bad, it was the government of France in the eighteenth
+century. If ever there existed a state of society likely, by its crying
+and accumulated evils, to madden men to desperation, France was in that
+state. The people, despised and enslaved, were sunk in abject poverty,
+and were curbed by laws of stringent cruelty, enforced with merciless
+barbarism. A supreme and irresponsible control was exercised over the
+whole country by the clergy, the nobles, and the crown. The intellect of
+France was placed under the ban of a ruthless proscription, its
+literature prohibited and burned, its authors plundered and imprisoned.
+Nor was there the least symptom that these evils were likely to be
+remedied. The upper classes, whose arrogance was increased by the long
+tenure of their power, only thought of present enjoyment: they took no
+heed of the future: they saw not that day of reckoning, the bitterness
+of which they were soon to experience. The people remained in slavery
+until the Revolution actually occurred; while as to the literature,
+nearly every year witnessed some new effort to deprive it of that share
+of liberty which it still retained. Having, in 1764, issued a decree
+forbidding any work to be published in which questions of government
+were discussed;[791] having, in 1767, made it a capital offence to
+write a book likely to excite the public mind;[792] and having,
+moreover, denounced the same penalty of death against any one who
+attacked religion,[793] as also against any one who spoke of matters of
+finance;[794]--having taken these steps, the rulers of France, very
+shortly before their final fall, contemplated another measure still more
+comprehensive. It is, indeed, a singular fact, that only nine years
+before the Revolution, and when no power on earth could have saved the
+institutions of the country, the government was so ignorant of the real
+state of affairs, and so confident that it could quell the spirit which
+its own despotism had raised, that a proposal was made by an officer of
+the crown to do away with all the publishers, and not allow any books to
+be printed except those which were issued from a press paid, appointed,
+and controlled by the executive magistrate.[795] This monstrous
+proposition, if carried into effect, would of course have invested the
+king with all the influence which literature can command; it would have
+been as fatal to the national intellect as the other measures were to
+national liberty; and it would have consummated the ruin of France,
+either by reducing its greatest men to complete silence, or else by
+degrading them into mere advocates of those opinions which the
+government might wish to propagate.
+
+  [791] 'L'Averdy was no sooner named controller of finance than he
+        published a decree, in 1764 (_arrêt du conseil_),--which,
+        according to the state of the then existing constitution, had the
+        force of a law,--by which every man was forbidden to print, or
+        cause to be printed, anything whatever upon administrative
+        affairs, or government regulations in general, under the penalty
+        of a breach of the police laws; by which the man was liable to be
+        punished without defence, and not as was the case before the law
+        courts, where he might defend himself, and could only be judged
+        according to law.' _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p.
+        166: see also _Mém. de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 141, vol. ii. p. 75,
+        'un arrêt du conseil, qui défendait d'imprimer sur les matières
+        d'administration.'
+
+  [792] 'L'ordonnance de 1767, rendue sous le ministère du chancelier
+        Maupeou, portait la peine de mort contre tout auteur d'écrits
+        tendant à émouvoir les esprits.' _Cassagnac_, _Causes de la
+        Révolution_, vol. i. p. 313.
+
+  [793] In April 1757, D'Alembert writes from Paris, 'on vient de publier
+        une déclaration qui inflige la peine de mort à tous ceux qui
+        auront publié des écrits tendants à attaquer la religion.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. liv. p. 34. This, I suppose, is the
+        same edict as that mentioned by M. Amédée Renée, in his
+        continuation of _Sismondi_, _Histoire des Français_, vol. xxx. p.
+        247.
+
+  [794] 'Il avait été défendu, sous peine de mort, aux écrivains de parler
+        de finances.' _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 490.
+
+  [795] This was the suggestion of the avocat-général in 1780. See the
+        proposal, in his own words, in _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xi.
+        pp. 143, 144. On the important functions of the avocats-généraux
+        in the eighteenth century, see a note in _Lettres d'Aguesseau_,
+        vol. i. p. 264.
+
+For these are by no means to be considered as trifling matters, merely
+interesting to men of letters. In France, in the eighteenth century,
+literature was the last resource of liberty. In England, if our great
+authors should prostitute their abilities by inculcating servile
+opinions, the danger would no doubt be considerable, because other parts
+of society might find it difficult to escape the contagion. Still,
+before the corruption had spread, there would be time to stop its
+course, so long as we possessed those free political institutions, by
+the mere mention of which the generous imagination of a bold people is
+easily fired. And although such institutions are the consequence, not
+the cause, of liberty, they do unquestionably react upon it, and from
+the force of habit they could for a while survive that from which they
+originally sprung. So long as a country retains its political freedom,
+there will always remain associations by which, even in the midst of
+mental degradation, and out of the depths of the lowest superstition,
+the minds of men may be recalled to better things. But in France such
+associations had no existence. In France everything was for the
+governors and nothing for the governed. There was neither free press,
+nor free parliament, nor free debates. There were no public meetings;
+there was no popular suffrage; there was no discussion on the hustings;
+there was no habeas-corpus act; there was no trial by jury. The voice of
+liberty, thus silenced in every department of the state, could only be
+heard in the appeals of those great men, who, by their writings,
+inspirited the people to resistance. This is the point of view from
+which we ought to estimate the character of those who are often accused
+of having wantonly disturbed the ancient fabric.[796] They, as well as
+the people at large, were cruelly oppressed by the crown, the nobles,
+and the church; and they used their abilities to retaliate the injury.
+There can be no doubt that this was the best course open to them. There
+can be no doubt that rebellion is the last remedy against tyranny, and
+that a despotic system should be encountered by a revolutionary
+literature. The upper classes were to blame, because they struck the
+first blow; but we must by no means censure those great men, who, having
+defended themselves from aggression, eventually succeeded in smiting the
+government by whom the aggression was originally made.
+
+  [796] And we should also remember what the circumstances were under
+        which the accusation was first heard in France. 'Les reproches
+        d'avoir tout détruit, adressés aux philosophes du dix-huitième
+        siècle, ont commencé le jour où il s'est trouvé en France un
+        gouvernement qui a voulu rétablir les abus dont les écrivains de
+        cette époque avaient accéléré la destruction.' _Comte_, _Traité
+        de Législation_, vol. i. p. 72.
+
+Without, however, stopping to vindicate their conduct, we have now to
+consider what is much more important, namely, the origin of that crusade
+against Christianity, in which, unhappily for France, they were
+compelled to embark, and the occurrence of which forms the third great
+antecedent of the French Revolution. A knowledge of the causes of this
+hostility against Christianity is essential to a right understanding of
+the philosophy of the eighteenth century, and it will throw some light
+on the general theory of ecclesiastical power.
+
+It is a circumstance well worthy of remark, that the revolutionary
+literature which eventually overturned all the institutions of France,
+was at first directed against those which were religious, rather than
+against those which were political. The great writers who rose into
+notice soon after the death of Louis XIV., exerted themselves against
+spiritual despotism; while the overthrow of secular despotism was left
+to their immediate successors.[797] This is not the course which would
+be pursued in a healthy state of society; and there is no doubt, that
+to this peculiarity the crimes and the lawless violence of the French
+Revolution are in no small degree to be ascribed. It is evident, that in
+the legitimate progress of a nation, political innovations should keep
+pace with religious innovations, so that the people may increase their
+liberty while they diminish their superstition. In France, on the
+contrary, during nearly forty years, the church was attacked, and the
+government was spared. The consequence was, that the order and balance
+of the country were destroyed; the minds of men became habituated to the
+most daring speculations, while their acts were controlled by the most
+oppressive despotism; and they felt themselves possessed of capacities
+which their rulers would not allow them to employ. When, therefore, the
+French Revolution broke out, it was not a mere rising of ignorant slaves
+against educated masters, but it was a rising of men in whom the despair
+caused by slavery was quickened by the resources of advancing knowledge;
+men who were in that frightful condition when the progress of intellect
+outstrips the progress of liberty, and when a desire is felt, not only
+to remove a tyranny, but also to avenge an insult.
+
+  [797] The nature of this change, and the circumstances under which it
+        happened, will be examined in the last chapter of the present
+        volume; but that the revolutionary movement, while headed by
+        Voltaire and his coadjutors, was directed against the church, and
+        not against the state, is noticed by many writers; some of whom
+        have also observed, that soon after the middle of the reign of
+        Louis XV. the ground began to be shifted, and a disposition was
+        first shown to attack political abuses. On this remarkable fact,
+        indicated by several authors, but explained by none, compare
+        _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 305; _Barruel_, _Mém.
+        pour l'Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. p. xviii., vol. ii. p. 113;
+        _Tocqueville_, _L'Ancien Régime_, p. 241; _Alison's Europe_, vol.
+        i. p. 165, vol. xiv. p. 286; _Mém. de Rivarol_, p. 35;
+        _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. iv. p. 397; _Lamartine_,
+        _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i. p. 183; _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lx. p. 307, vol. lxvi. p. 34.
+
+There can be no doubt that to this we must ascribe some of the most
+hideous peculiarities of the French Revolution. It, therefore, becomes a
+matter of great interest to inquire how it was, that while in England
+political freedom and religious sceptism have accompanied and aided each
+other, there should, on the other hand, have taken place in France a
+vast movement, in which, during nearly forty years, the ablest men
+neglected the freedom, while they encouraged the scepticism, and
+diminished the power of the church, without increasing the liberties of
+the people.
+
+The first reason of this appears to be, the nature of those ideas out
+of which the French had long constructed the traditions of their glory.
+A train of circumstances which, when treating of the protective spirit,
+I attempted to indicate, had secured to the French kings an authority
+which, by making all classes subordinate to the crown, flattered the
+popular vanity.[798] Hence it was, that in France the feelings of
+loyalty worked into the national mind deeper than in any other country
+of Europe, Spain alone excepted.[799] The difference between this spirit
+and that observable in England has been already noticed, and may be
+still further illustrated by the different ways in which the two nations
+have dealt with the posthumous reputation of their sovereigns. With the
+exception of Alfred, who is sometimes called the Great,[800] we in
+England have not sufficiently loved any of our princes to bestow upon
+them titles expressive of personal admiration. But the French have
+decorated their kings with every variety of panegyric. Thus, to take
+only a single name, one king is Louis the Mild, another is Louis the
+Saint, another is Louis the Just, another is Louis the Great, and the
+most hopelessly vicious of all was called Louis the Beloved.
+
+  [798] See some striking remarks in M. Tocqueville's great work, _De la
+        Démocratie_, vol. i. p. 5; which should be compared with the
+        observation of Horace Walpole, who was well acquainted with
+        French society, and who says, happily enough, that the French
+        'love themselves in their kings.' _Walpole's Mem. of George III_,
+        vol. ii. p. 240.
+
+  [799] Not only the political history of Spain, but also its literature,
+        contains melancholy evidence of the extraordinary loyalty of the
+        Spaniards, and of the injurious results produced by it. See, on
+        this, some useful reflections in _Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish
+        Literature_, vol. i. pp. 95, 96, 133, vol. iii. pp. 191-193.
+
+  [800] Our admiration of Alfred is greatly increased by the fact, that we
+        know very little about him. The principal authority referred to
+        for his reign is Asser, whose work, there is reason to believe,
+        is not genuine. See the arguments in _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._
+        vol. i. pp. 408-412. It moreover appears, that some of the
+        institutions popularly ascribed to him, existed before his time.
+        _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol. i. pp. 247, 248.
+
+These are facts which, insignificant as they seem, form most important
+materials for real history, since they are unequivocal symptoms of the
+state of the country in which they exist.[801] Their relation to the
+subject before us is obvious. For, by them, and by the circumstances
+from which they sprung, an intimate and hereditary association was
+engendered in the minds of Frenchmen, between the glory of their nation
+and the personal reputation of their sovereign. The consequence was,
+that the political conduct of the rulers of France was protected against
+censure by a fence far more impassable than any that could be erected by
+the most stringent laws. It was protected by those prejudices which each
+generation bequeathed to its successor. It was protected by that halo
+which time had thrown round the oldest monarchy in Europe.[802] And
+above all, it was protected by that miserable national vanity, which
+made men submit to taxation and to slavery, in order that foreign
+princes might be dazzled by the splendour of their sovereign, and
+foreign countries intimidated by the greatness of his victories.
+
+  [801] The French writers, under the old régime, constantly boast that
+        loyalty was the characteristic of their nation, and taunt the
+        English with their opposite and insubordinate spirit. 'Il n'est
+        pas ici question des François, qui se sont toujours distingués
+        des autres nations par leur amour pour leurs rois.' _Le Blanc_,
+        _Lettres d'un François_, vol. iii. p. 523. 'The English do not
+        love their sovereigns as much as could be desired.' _Sorbière's
+        Voyage to England_, p. 58. 'Le respect de la majesté royale,
+        caractère distinctif des Français.' _Mém. de Montbarey_, vol. ii.
+        p. 54. 'L'amour et la fidélité que les Français ont naturellement
+        pour leurs princes.' _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 3. 'Les
+        Français, qui aiment leurs princes.' _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+        vol. iii. p. 381; and see vol. xi. p. 729. For further evidence,
+        see _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. iv. p. 346; _Monteil_, _Divers
+        Etats_, vol. vii. p. 105; _Ségur_, _Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 32;
+        _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. iv. p. 58.
+
+        Now, contrast with all this the sentiments contained in one of
+        the most celebrated histories in the English language: 'There is
+        not any one thing more certain and more evident, than that
+        princes are made for the people, and not the people for them; and
+        perhaps there is no nation under heaven that is more entirely
+        possessed with this notion of princes than the English nation is
+        in this age; so that they will soon be uneasy to a prince who
+        does not govern himself by this maxim, and in time grow very
+        unkind to him.' _Burnet's History of his Own Time_, vol. vi. p.
+        223. This manly and wholesome passage was written while the
+        French were licking the dust from the feet of Louis XIV.
+
+  [802] 'La race des rois la plus ancienne.' _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. ix.
+        p. 281. 'Nos rois, issus de la plus grande race du monde, et
+        devant qui les Césars, et la plus grande partie des princes qui
+        jadis ont commandé tant de nations, ne sont que des roturiers.'
+        _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 417. And a Venetian ambassador,
+        in the sixteenth century, says, that France is 'il regno più
+        antico d'ogn' altro che sia in essere al presente.' _Relat. des
+        Ambassad._ vol. i. p. 470. Compare _Boullier_, _Maison Militaire
+        des Rois de France_, p. 360.
+
+The upshot of all this was, that when, early in the eighteenth century,
+the intellect of France began to be roused into action, the idea of
+attacking the abuses of the monarchy never occurred even to the boldest
+thinker. But, under the protection of the crown, there had grown up
+another institution, about which less delicacy was felt. The clergy, who
+for so long a period had been allowed to oppress the consciences of men,
+were not sheltered by those national associations which surrounded the
+person of the sovereign; nor had any of them, with the single exception
+of Bossuet, done much to increase the general reputation of France.
+Indeed, the French church, though during the reign of Louis XIV. it
+possessed immense authority, had always exercised it in subordination to
+the crown, at whose bidding it had not feared to oppose even the pope
+himself.[803] It was, therefore, natural, that in France the
+ecclesiastical power should be attacked before the temporal power;
+because, while it was as despotic, it was less influential, and because
+it was unprotected by those popular traditions which form the principal
+support of every ancient institution.
+
+  [803] _Capefigue's Louis XIV_, vol. i. pp. 204, 301; _Koch_, _Tableau
+        des Révolutions_, vol. ii. p. 16. M. Ranke (_Die Päpste_, vol.
+        ii. p. 257) ascribes this to the circumstances attending the
+        apostasy of Henry IV.; but the cause lies much deeper, being
+        connected with that triumph of the secular interests over the
+        spiritual, of which the policy of Henry IV. was itself a
+        consequence.
+
+These considerations are sufficient to explain why it was that, in this
+respect, the French and English intellects adopted courses so entirely
+different. In England, the minds of men, being less hampered with the
+prejudices of an indiscriminate loyalty, have been able at each
+successive step in the great progress to direct their doubts and
+inquiries on politics as well as on religion; and thus establishing
+their freedom as they diminished their superstition, they have
+maintained the balance of the national intellect, without allowing to
+either of its divisions an excessive preponderance. But in France the
+admiration for royalty had become so great, that this balance was
+disturbed; the inquiries of men not daring to settle on politics, were
+fixed on religion, and gave rise to the singular phenomenon of a rich
+and powerful literature, in which unanimous hostility to the church was
+unaccompanied by a single voice against the enormous abuses of the
+state.
+
+There was likewise another circumstance which increased this peculiar
+tendency. During the reign of Louis XIV. the personal character of the
+hierarchy had done much to secure their dominion. All the leaders of the
+church were men of virtue, and many were men of ability. Their conduct,
+tyrannical as it was, seems to have been conscientious; and the evils
+which it produced are merely to be ascribed to the gross impolicy of
+entrusting ecclesiastics with power. But after the death of Louis XIV. a
+great change took place. The Clergy, from causes which it would be
+tedious to investigate, became extremely dissolute, and often very
+ignorant. This made their tyranny more oppressive, because to submit to
+it was more disgraceful. The great abilities and unblemished morals of
+men like Bossuet, Fénélon, Bourdaloue, Fléchier, and Mascaron,
+diminished in some degree the ignominy which is always connected with
+blind obedience. But when they were succeeded by such bishops and
+cardinals as Dubois, Lafiteau, Tencin, and others who flourished under
+the regency, it became difficult to respect the heads of the church,
+tainted as they were with open and notorious depravity.[804] At the same
+time that there occurred this unfavourable change among the
+ecclesiastical rulers, there also occurred that immense reaction of
+which I have endeavoured to trace the early workings. It was therefore,
+at the very moment when the spirit of inquiry became stronger that the
+character of the Clergy became more contemptible.[805] The great writers
+who were now rising in France, were moved to indignation when they saw
+that those who usurped unlimited power over consciences had themselves
+no consciences at all. It is evident, that every argument which they
+borrowed from England against ecclesiastical power, would gain
+additional force when directed against men whose personal unfitness was
+universally acknowledged.[806]
+
+  [804] _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 408; _Flassan_,
+        _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. v. p. 3; _Tocqueville_, _Règne de
+        Louis XV_, vol. i. pp. 35, 347; _Duclos_, _Mémoires_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 42, 43, 154, 155, 223, 224. What was, if possible, still more
+        scandalous, was, that in 1723 the assembly of the clergy elected
+        as their president, unanimously ('d'une voix unanime'), the
+        infamous Dubois, the most notoriously immoral man of his time.
+        _Duclos_, _Mém._ vol. ii. p. 262.
+
+  [805] On this decline of the French clergy, see _Villemain_, _XVIII^e
+        Siècle_, vol. iii. pp. 178, 179; _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._
+        II^e série, vol. i. p. 301. _Tocqueville_ (_Règne de Louis XV_,
+        vol. i. pp. 35-38, 365) says, 'le clergé prêchait une morale
+        qu'il compromettait par sa conduite;' a noticeable remark, when
+        made by an opponent of the sceptical philosophy, like the elder
+        M. Tocqueville. Among this profligate crew, Massillon stood
+        alone; he being the last French bishop who was remarkable for
+        virtue as well as for ability.
+
+  [806] Voltaire says of the English, 'quand ils apprennent qu'en France
+        de jeunes gens connus par leurs débauches, et élevés à la
+        prélature par des intrigues de femmes, font publiquement l'amour,
+        s'égaient à composer des chansons tendres, donnent tous les jours
+        des soupers délicats et longs, et de là vont implorer les
+        lumières du Saint-Esprit, et se nomment hardiment les
+        successeures des apôtres ils remercient Dieu d'être protestants.'
+        _Lettres sur les Anglais_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxvi. p. 29.
+
+Such was the position of the rival parties, when, almost immediately
+after the death of Louis XIV., there began that great struggle between
+authority and reason, which is still unfinished, although in the present
+state of knowledge its result is no longer doubtful. On the one side
+there was a compact and numerous priesthood, supported by the
+prescription of centuries and by the authority of the crown. On the
+other side there was a small body of men, without rank, without wealth,
+and as yet without reputation, but animated by a love of liberty, and by
+a just confidence in their own abilities. Unfortunately, they at the
+very outset committed a serious error. In attacking the clergy, they
+lost their respect for religion. In their determination to weaken
+ecclesiastical power, they attempted to undermine the foundations of
+Christianity. This is deeply to be regretted for their own sake, as well
+as for its ultimate effects in France; but it must not be imputed to
+them as a crime, since it was forced on them by the exigencies of their
+position. They saw the frightful evils which their country was suffering
+from the institution of priesthood as it then existed; and yet they were
+told that the preservation of that institution in its actual form was
+essential to the very being of Christianity. They had always been taught
+that the interests of the clergy were identical with the interests of
+religion; how then could they avoid including both clergy and religion
+in the same hostility? The alternative was cruel; but it was one from
+which, in common honesty, they had no escape. We, judging these things
+by another standard, possess a measure which they could not possibly
+have. We should not now commit such an error, because we know that there
+is no connexion between any one particular form of priesthood and the
+interests of Christianity. We know that the clergy are made for the
+people, and not the people for the clergy. We know that all questions of
+church government are matters, not of religion, but of policy, and
+should be settled, not according to traditional dogmas, but according to
+large views of general expediency. It is because these propositions are
+now admitted by all enlightened men, that in our country the truths of
+religion are rarely attacked except by superficial thinkers. If, for
+instance, we were to find that the existence of our bishops, with their
+privileges and their wealth, is unfavourable to the progress of society,
+we should not on that account feel enmity against Christianity; because
+we should remember that episcopacy is its accident, and not its
+essential, and that we could do away with the institution and yet retain
+the religion. In the same way, if we should ever find, what was formerly
+found in France, that the clergy were tyrannical, this would excite in
+us an opposition, not to Christianity, but merely to the external form
+which Christianity assumed. So long as our clergy confine themselves to
+the beneficent duties of their calling, to the alleviation of pain and
+distress, either bodily or mental, so long will we respect them as the
+ministers of peace and of charity. But if they should ever again
+entrench on the rights of the laity,--if they should ever again
+interfere with an authoritative voice in the government of the
+state,--it will then be for the people to inquire, whether the time has
+not come to effect a revision of the ecclesiastical constitution of the
+country. This, therefore, is the manner in which we now view these
+things. What we think of the clergy will depend upon themselves; but
+will have no connection with what we think of Christianity. We look on
+the clergy as a body of men who, notwithstanding their disposition to
+intolerance, and notwithstanding a certain narrowness incidental to
+their profession, do undoubtedly form part of a vast and noble
+institution, by which the manners of men have been softened, their
+sufferings assuaged, their distresses relieved. As long as this
+institution performs its functions, we are well content to let it stand.
+If, however, it should be out of repair, or if it should be found
+inadequate to the shifting circumstances of an advancing society, we
+retain both the power and the right of remedying its faults; we may, if
+need be, remove some of its parts; but we would not, we dare not, tamper
+with those great religious truths which are altogether independent of
+it; truths which comfort the mind of man, raise him above the instincts
+of the hour, and infuse into him those lofty aspirations which,
+revealing to him his own immortality, are the measure and the symptom of
+a future life.
+
+Unfortunately, this was not the way in which these matters were
+considered in France. The government of that country, by investing the
+clergy with great immunities, by treating them as if there were
+something sacred about their persons, and by punishing as heresy the
+attacks which were made on them, had established in the national mind an
+indissoluble connexion between their interests and the interests of
+Christianity. The consequence was, that when the struggle began, the
+ministers of religion, and religion itself, were both assailed with
+equal zeal. The ridicule, and even the abuse, heaped on the clergy, will
+surprise no one who is acquainted with the provocation that had been
+received. And although, in the indiscriminate onslaught which soon
+followed, Christianity was, for a time, subjected to a fate which ought
+to have been reserved for those who called themselves her ministers;
+this, while it moves us to regret, ought by no means to excite our
+astonishment. The destruction of Christianity in France was the
+necessary result of those opinions which bound up the destiny of the
+national priesthood with the destiny of the national religion. If both
+were connected by the same origin, both should fall in the same ruin. If
+that which is the tree of life, were, in reality, so corrupt that it
+could only bear poisonous fruits, then it availed little to lop off the
+boughs and cut down the branches; but it were better, by one mighty
+effort, to root it up from the ground, and secure the health of society
+by stopping the very source of the contagion.
+
+These are reflections which must make us pause before we censure the
+deistical writers of the eighteenth century. So perverted, however, are
+the reasonings to which some minds are accustomed, that those who judge
+them most uncharitably are precisely those whose conduct forms their
+best excuse. Such are the men who, by putting forth the most extravagant
+claims in favour of the clergy, are seeking to establish the principle,
+by the operation of which the clergy were destroyed. Their scheme for
+restoring the old system of ecclesiastical authority depends on the
+supposition of its divine origin: a supposition which, if inseparable
+from Christianity, will at once justify the infidelity which they hotly
+attack. The increase of the power of the clergy is incompatible with the
+interests of civilization. If, therefore, any religion adopts as its
+creed the necessity of such an increase, it becomes the bounden duty of
+every friend to humanity to do his utmost, either to destroy the creed,
+or failing in that, to overturn the religion. If pretensions of this
+sort are an essential part of Christianity, it behoves us at once to
+make our choice; since the only option can be, between abjuring our
+faith or sacrificing our liberty. Fortunately, we are not driven to so
+hard a strait; and we know that these claims are as false in theory, as
+they would be pernicious in practice. It is, indeed, certain, that if
+they were put into execution, the clergy, though they might enjoy a
+momentary triumph, would have consummated their own ruin, by preparing
+the way among us for scenes as disastrous as those which occurred in
+France.
+
+The truth is, that what is most blamed in the great French writers, was
+the natural consequence of the development of their age. Never was there
+a more striking illustration of the social law already noticed, that, if
+government will allow religious scepticism to run its course, it will
+issue in great things, and will hasten the march of civilization; but
+that, if an attempt is made to put it down with a strong hand, it may,
+no doubt, be repressed for a time, but eventually will rise with such
+force as to endanger the foundation of society. In England, we adopted
+the first of these courses; in France, they adopted the second. In
+England, men were allowed to exercise their own judgment on the most
+sacred subjects; and, as soon as the diminution of their credulity had
+made them set bounds to the power of the clergy, toleration immediately
+followed, and the national prosperity has never been disturbed. In
+France, the authority of the clergy was increased by a superstitious
+king; faith usurped the place of reason, not a whisper of doubt was
+allowed to be heard, and the spirit of inquiry was stifled, until the
+country fell to the brink of ruin. If Louis XIV. had not interfered with
+the natural progress, France, like England, would have continued to
+advance. After his death, it was, indeed, too late to save the clergy,
+against whom all the intellect of the nation was soon arrayed. But the
+force of the storm might still have been broken, if the government of
+Louis XV. had conciliated what it was impossible to resist; and,
+instead of madly attempting to restrain opinions by laws, had altered
+the laws to suit the opinions. If the rulers of France, instead of
+exerting themselves to silence the national literature, had yielded to
+its suggestions, and had receded before the pressure of advancing
+knowledge, the fatal collision would have been avoided; because the
+passions which caused the collision would have been appeased. In such
+case, the church would have fallen somewhat earlier; but the state
+itself would have been saved. In such case, France would, in all
+probability, have secured her liberties, without increasing her crimes;
+and that great country, which, from her position and resources, ought to
+be the pattern of European civilization, might have escaped the ordeal
+of those terrible atrocities, through which she was compelled to pass,
+and from the effects of which she has not yet recovered.
+
+It must, I think, be admitted that, during, at all events, the first
+half of the reign of Louis XV., it was possible, by timely concessions,
+still to preserve the political institutions of France. Reforms there
+must have been; and reforms too of a large and uncompromising character.
+So far, however, as I am able to understand the real history of that
+period, I make no doubt that, if these had been granted in a frank and
+ungrudging spirit, everything could have been retained necessary for the
+only two objects at which government ought to aim, namely, the
+preservation of order, and the prevention of crime. But, by the middle
+of the reign of Louis XV., or, at all events, immediately afterwards,
+the state of affairs began to alter; and, in the course of a few years,
+the spirit of France became so democratic, that it was impossible even
+to delay a revolution, which, in the preceding generation, might have
+been altogether averted. This remarkable change is connected with that
+other change already noticed, by virtue of which, the French intellect
+began, about the same period, to direct its hostility against the state,
+rather than, as heretofore, against the church. As soon as this, which
+may be called the second epoch of the eighteenth century, had been
+fairly entered, the movement became irresistible. Event after event
+followed each other in rapid succession; each one linked to its
+antecedent, and the whole forming a tendency impossible to withstand. It
+was in vain that the government, yielding some points of real
+importance, adopted measures by which the church was controlled, the
+power of the clergy diminished, and even the order of the jesuits
+suppressed. It was in vain that the crown now called to its councils,
+for the first time, men imbued with the spirit of reform; men, like
+Turgot and Necker, whose wise and liberal proposals would, in calmer
+days, have stilled the agitation of the popular mind. It was in vain
+that promises were made to equalize the taxes, to redress some of the
+most crying grievances, to repeal some of the most obnoxious laws. It
+was even in vain that the states-general were summoned; and that thus,
+after the lapse of a hundred and seventy years, the people were again
+admitted to take part in the management of their own affairs. All these
+things were in vain; because the time for treaty had gone by, and the
+time for battle had come. The most liberal concessions that could
+possibly have been devised would have failed to avert that deadly
+struggle, which the course of preceding events made inevitable. For the
+measure of that age was now full. The upper classes, intoxicated by the
+long possession of power, had provoked the crisis; and it was needful
+that they should abide the issue. There was no time for mercy; there was
+no pause, no compassion, no sympathy. The only question that remained
+was, to see whether they who had raised the storm could ride the
+whirlwind; or, whether it was not rather likely that they should be the
+first victims of that frightful hurricane, in which, for a moment, laws,
+religion, morals, all perished, the lowest vestiges of humanity were
+effaced, and the civilization of France not only submerged, but, as it
+then appeared, irretrievably ruined.
+
+To ascertain the successive changes of this, the second epoch of the
+eighteenth century, is an undertaking full of difficulty; not only on
+account of the rapidity with which the events occurred, but also on
+account of their extreme complication, and of the way in which they
+acted and reacted upon each other. The materials, however, for such an
+inquiry are very numerous; and, as they consist of evidence supplied by
+all classes and all interests, it has appeared to me possible to
+reconstruct the history of that time, according to the only manner in
+which history deserves to be studied; that is to say, according to the
+order of its social and intellectual development. In the seventh chapter
+of the present volume, I shall, therefore, attempt to trace the
+antecedents of the French Revolution during that remarkable period, in
+which the hostility of men, slackening in regard to the abuses of the
+church, was, for the first time, turned against the abuses of the state.
+But, before entering into this, which may be distinguished as the
+political epoch of the eighteenth century, it will be necessary,
+according to the plan which I have sketched, to examine the changes that
+occurred in the method of writing history, and to indicate the way in
+which those changes were affected by the tendencies of the earlier, or,
+as it may be termed, the ecclesiastical epoch. In this manner, we shall
+the more easily understand the activity of that prodigious movement
+which led to the French Revolution; because we shall see that it not
+only affected the opinions of men in regard to what was passing under
+their eyes, but that it also biased their speculative views in regard to
+the events of preceding ages; and thus gave rise to that new school of
+historical literature, the formation of which is by no means the least
+of the many benefits which we owe to the great thinkers of the
+eighteenth century.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI.
+
+  STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH
+                  TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+It may be easily supposed, that those vast movements in the intellect of
+France, which I have just traced, could not fail to produce a great
+change in the method of writing history. That bold spirit with which men
+were beginning to estimate the transactions of their own time, was sure
+to influence their opinions respecting those of a former age. In this,
+as in every branch of knowledge, the first innovation consisted in
+recognizing the necessity of doubting what had hitherto been believed;
+and this feeling, when once established, went on increasing, destroying
+at each step some of those monstrous absurdities by which, as we have
+seen, even the best histories were disfigured. The germs of the reform
+may be discerned in the fourteenth century, though the reform itself did
+not begin until late in the sixteenth century. During the seventeenth
+century, it advanced somewhat slowly; but in the eighteenth century it
+received a sudden accession of strength, and, in France in particular,
+it was hastened by that fearless and inquisitive spirit which
+characterized the age, and which, purging history of innumerable
+follies, raised its standard, and conferred on it a dignity hitherto
+unknown. The rise of historical scepticism, and the extent to which it
+spread, do indeed form such curious features in the annals of the
+European intellect, as to make it surprising that no one should have
+attempted to examine a movement to which a great department of modern
+literature owes its most valuable peculiarities. In the present chapter,
+I hope to supply this deficiency so far as France is concerned; and I
+shall endeavour to mark the different steps by which the progress was
+effected, in order that, by knowing the circumstances most favourable to
+the study of history, we may with the greater ease inquire into the
+probability of its future improvement.
+
+There is, in reference to this subject, a preliminary consideration well
+worthy of notice. This is, that men seem always to have begun to doubt
+in matters of religion, before they ventured to do so in matters of
+history. It might have been expected that the reproaches, and, in a
+superstitious age, the dangers, to which heresy is exposed, would have
+intimidated inquirers, and would have induced them to prefer the safer
+path of directing their scepticism upon questions of literary
+speculation. Such, however, is by no means the course which the human
+mind has adopted. In an early stage of society, when the clergy had
+universal influence, a belief in the unpardonable criminality of
+religious error is so deeply rooted, that it engrosses the attention of
+all; it forces every one who thinks, to concentrate upon theology his
+reflections and his doubts, and it leaves no leisure for topics which
+are conceived to be of inferior importance.[807] Hence, during many
+centuries, the subtlest intellects of Europe exhausted their strength on
+the rights and dogmas of Christianity; and while upon these matters they
+often showed the greatest ability, they, upon other subjects, and
+especially upon history, displayed that infantine credulity, of which I
+have already given several examples.
+
+  [807] See some very just remarks in _Whewell's Philos. of the Induc.
+        Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 143. In _Neander's Hist. of the Church_,
+        vol. iv. pp. 41, 128, there are two curious illustrations of the
+        universal interest which theological discussions once inspired in
+        Europe; and on the former subservience of philosophy to theology,
+        compare _Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy_, p. 197. But no
+        one has treated this subject so ably as M. Auguste Comte, in his
+        great work, _Philosophie Positive_. The service which the
+        metaphysicians rendered to the church by their development of the
+        doctrine of transubstantiation (_Blánco White's Evidence against
+        Catholicism_, pp. 256-258) is a striking instance of this
+        subordination of the intellect to ecclesiastical dogmas.
+
+But when, in the progress of society, its theological element begins to
+decay, the ardour with which religious disputes were once conducted
+becomes sensibly weakened. The most advanced intellects are the first to
+feel the growing indifference, and, therefore, they are also the first
+to scrutinize real events with that inquisitive eye which their
+predecessors had reserved for religious speculations. This is a great
+turning-point in the history of every civilized nation. From this moment
+theological heresies become less frequent,[808] and literary heresies
+become more common. From this moment the spirit of inquiry and of doubt
+fastens itself upon every department of knowledge, and begins that great
+career of conquest, in which by every succeeding discovery the power and
+dignity of man are increased, while at the same time most of his
+opinions are disturbed, and many of them are destroyed: until, in the
+march of this vast but noiseless revolution, the stream of tradition is,
+as it were, interrupted, the influence of ancient authority is
+subverted, and the human mind, waxing in strength, learns to rely upon
+its own resources, and to throw off incumbrances by which the freedom of
+its movements had long been impaired.
+
+  [808] M. Tocqueville says, what I am inclined to think is true, that an
+        increasing spirit of equality lessens the disposition to form new
+        religious creeds. _Démocratie en Amérique_, vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.
+        At all events, it is certain that increasing knowledge has this
+        effect; for those great men whose turn of mind would formerly
+        have made them heretics, are now content to confine their
+        innovations to other fields of thought. If St. Augustin had lived
+        in the seventeenth century, he would have reformed or created the
+        physical sciences. If Sir Isaac Newton had lived in the fourth
+        century, he would have organized a new sect, and have troubled
+        the church with his originality.
+
+The application of these remarks to the history of France, will enable
+us to explain some interesting phenomena in the literature of that
+country. During the whole of the Middle Ages, and I may say till the end
+of the sixteenth century, France, though fertile in annalists and
+chroniclers, had not produced a single historian, because she had not
+produced a single man who presumed to doubt what was generally believed.
+Indeed, until the publication of Du Haillan's history of the kings of
+France, no one had even attempted a critical digest of the materials
+which were known to be extant. This work appeared in 1576;[809] and the
+author, at the conclusion of his labours, could not disguise the pride
+which he felt at having accomplished so great an undertaking. In his
+dedication to the king he says, 'I am, sire, the first of all the French
+who have written the history of France, and, in a polite language, shown
+the grandeur and dignity of our kings; for before there was nothing but
+the old rubbish of chronicles which spoke of them.' He adds in the
+preface: 'Only I will say, without presumption and boasting, that I have
+done a thing which had not been done before, or seen by any of our
+nation, and have given to the history of France a dress it never
+appeared in before.'[810] Nor were these the idle boasts of an obscure
+man. His work went through numerous editions; was translated into Latin,
+and was reprinted in foreign countries. He himself was looked upon as
+one of the glories of the French nation, and was rewarded by the favour
+of the king, who conferred on him the office of secretary of
+finance.[811] From his work, we may, therefore, gain some notion of what
+was then the received standard of historical literature; and with this
+view, it is natural to inquire what the materials were which he chiefly
+employed. About sixty years earlier, an Italian named Paulus Emilius had
+published a gossiping compilation on the 'Actions of the French.'[812]
+This book, which is full of extravagant fables, was taken by Du Haillan
+as the basis of his famous history of the kings of France; and from it
+he unhesitatingly copies those idle stories which Emilius loved to
+relate. This will give us some idea of the credulity of a writer, who
+was reckoned by his contemporaries to be, beyond all comparison, the
+greatest historian France had produced. But this is not all. Du Haillan,
+not content with borrowing from his predecessor everything that was most
+incredible, gratifies his passion for the marvellous by some
+circumstances of his own invention. He begins his history with a long
+account of a council which, he says, was held by the celebrated
+Pharamond, in order to determine whether the French should be governed
+by a monarchy or by an aristocracy. It is, indeed, doubtful if any such
+person as Pharamond ever existed; and it is certain that, if he did
+exist, all the materials had long perished from which an opinion could
+be formed respecting him.[813] But Du Haillan, regardless of these
+little difficulties, gives us the fullest information touching the great
+chieftain; and, as if determined to tax to the utmost the credulity of
+his readers, mentions, as members of the council of Pharamond, two
+persons, Charamond and Quadrek, whose very names are invented by the
+historian.[814]
+
+  [809] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xix. pp. 315, 316; where it is said, 'l'ouvrage
+        de Du Haillan est remarquable en ce que c'est le premier corps
+        d'histoire de France qui ait paru dans notre langue.' See also
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport sur les Progrès de l'Histoire_, p. 170; and
+        _Des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. x. p. 185.
+
+  [810] _Bayle_, article _Haillan_, note L.
+
+  [811] _Mercure François_, in _Bayle_, article _Haillan_, note D.
+
+  [812] _De Rebus gestis Francorum_, which appeared about 1516. _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. xiii. p. 119. Compare, respecting the author,
+        _Mézéray_, _Hist. de France_, vol. ii. p. 363, with _Audigier_,
+        _l'Origine des François_, vol. ii. p. 118, who complains of his
+        opinion about Clovis, 'quoy qu'il fasse profession de relever la
+        gloire des François.' Even the superficial Boulainvilliers
+        (_Hist. de l'Ancien Gouvernement_, vol. ii. p. 166)
+        contemptuously notices 'les rétoriciens postérieurs, tels que
+        Paul Emile.'
+
+  [813] Compare _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. i. pp. 176, 177,
+        with _Montlosier_, _Monarchie Française_, vol. i. pp. 43, 44.
+        Philippe de Comines, though superior to Sismondi and Montlosier
+        in point of ability, lived in the middle ages, and therefore had
+        no idea of doubting, but simply says, 'Pharamond fut esleu roy,
+        l'an 420, et régna dix ans,' _Mém. de Comines_, livre viii. chap.
+        xxvii. vol. iii. p. 232. But De Thou, coming a hundred years
+        after Comines, evidently suspected that it was not all quite
+        right, and therefore puts it on the authority of others.
+        'Pharamond, qui _selon nos historiens_ a porté le premier la
+        couronne des François.' _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. x. p. 530.
+        See a singular passage on Pharamond in _Mém. de Duplessis
+        Mornay_, vol. ii. p. 405.
+
+  [814] Sorel (_La Bibliothèque Françoise_, Paris, 1667, p. 373) says of
+        Du Haillan, 'On lui peut reprocher d'avoir donné un commencement
+        fabuleux à son histoire, qui est entièrement de son invention,
+        ayant fait tenir un conseil entre Pharamond et ses plus fidelles
+        conseillers, pour sçavoir si ayant la puissance en main il deuoit
+        réduire les François au gouvernement aristocratique ou
+        monarchique, et faisant faire une harangue à chacun d'eux pour
+        soustenir son opinion. On y voit les noms de Charamond et de
+        Quadrek, personnages imaginaires.' Sorel, who had a glimmering
+        notion that this was not exactly the way to write history, adds,
+        'C'est une chose fort surprenante. On est fort peu asseuré si
+        Pharamond fut jamais au monde, et quoy qu'on sçache qu'il y ait
+        esté, c'est une terrible hardiesse d'en raconter des choses qui
+        n'ont aucun appuy.'
+
+Such was the state of historical literature in France early in the reign
+of Henry III. A great change was, however, at hand. The remarkable
+intellectual progress made by the French towards the close of the
+sixteenth century was, as I have shown, preceded by that scepticism
+which appears to be its necessary precursor. The spirit of doubt, which
+had begun with religion, was communicated to literature. The impulse was
+immediately felt in every department of knowledge, and now it was that
+history first emerged from a debasement in which it had for centuries
+been sunk. On this subject a mere statement of dates may be of service
+to those persons who, from a dislike to general reasoning, would
+otherwise deny the connexion which I wish to establish. In 1588 was
+published the first sceptical book ever written in the French
+language.[815] In 1598, the French government, for the first time,
+ventured upon a great public act of religious toleration. In 1604, De
+Thou published that celebrated work, which is allowed by all critics to
+be the first great history composed by a Frenchman.[816] And at the very
+moment when these things were passing, another eminent Frenchman, the
+illustrious Sully,[817] was collecting the materials for his historical
+work, which, though hardly equal to that of De Thou, comes immediately
+after it in ability, in importance, and in reputation. Nor can we fail
+to remark, that both these great historians, who left all their
+predecessors immeasurably behind them, were the confidential ministers
+and intimate friends of Henry IV., the first king of France whose memory
+is stained by the imputation of heresy, and the first who dared to
+change his religion, not in consequence of any theological arguments,
+but on the broad and notorious ground of political expediency.[818]
+
+  [815] 'Die erste Regung des skeptischen Geistes finden wir in den
+        Versuchen des Michael von Montaigne.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der
+        Philos._ vol. ix. p. 443.
+
+  [816] The first volume appeared in 1604. See _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque
+        Historique de la France_, vol. ii. p. 375; and preface to _De
+        Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. i. p. iv.
+
+  [817] Sismondi has scarcely done justice to Sully; but the reader will
+        find a fuller account of him in _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la
+        Réforme_, vol. viii. pp. 101-117; and a still better one in
+        _Blanqui_, _Histoire de l'Economie Politique_, vol. i. pp.
+        347-361.
+
+  [818] According to D'Aubigné, the king, on his conversion, said, 'Je
+        ferai voir à tout le monde que je n'ai esté persuadé par autre
+        théologie que la nécessité de l'estat.' _Smedley's Reformed
+        Religion in France_, vol. ii. p. 362. That Henry felt this is
+        certain; and that he expressed it to his friends is probable; but
+        he had a difficult game to play with the Catholic church; and in
+        one of his edicts we find 'une grande joye de son retour à
+        l'église, dont il attribuoit la cause à la grâce du
+        Tout-Puissant, et aux prières de ses fidèles sujets.' _De Thou_,
+        _Hist. Univ._ vol. xii. pp. 105, 106. Compare, at pp. 468, 469,
+        the message he sent to the pope.
+
+But it was not merely over such eminent historians as these that the
+sceptical spirit displayed its influence. The movement was now becoming
+sufficiently active to leave its marks in the writings of far inferior
+men. There were two particulars in which the credulity of the earlier
+historians was very striking. These consisted in the uncritical manner
+in which, by blindly copying their predecessors, they confused the dates
+of different events; and in the readiness with which they believed the
+most improbable statements, upon imperfect evidence, and often upon no
+evidence at all. It is surely a singular proof of that intellectual
+progress which I am endeavouring to trace, that, within a very few
+years, both these sources of error were removed. In 1597, Serres was
+appointed historiographer of France; and, in the same year, he published
+his history of that country.[819] In this work, he insists upon the
+necessity of carefully recording the date of each event; and the
+example, which he first set, has, since his time, been generally
+followed.[820] The importance of this change will be willingly
+acknowledged by those who are aware of the confusion into which history
+has been thrown by the earlier writers having neglected, what now seems,
+so obvious a precaution. Scarcely had this innovation been established,
+when it was followed, in the same country, by another of still greater
+moment. This was the appearance, in 1621, of a history of France, by
+Scipio Dupleix; in which, for the first time, the evidence for
+historical facts was published with the facts themselves.[821] It is
+needless to insist upon the utility of a step which, more than any
+other, has taught historians to be industrious in collecting their
+authorities, and careful in scrutinizing them.[822] To this may be
+added, that Dupleix was also the first Frenchman who ventured to
+publish a system of philosophy in his own language.[823] It is true,
+that the system itself is intrinsically of little value;[824] but, at
+the time it appeared, it was an unprecedented, and, on that account, a
+profane attempt, to unfold the mysteries of philosophy in the vulgar
+speech; and, in this point of view, supplies evidence of the increasing
+diffusion of a spirit bolder and more inquisitive than any formerly
+known. It is not, therefore, surprising, that, almost at the same
+moment, there should be made, in the same country, the first systematic
+attempt at historical scepticism. The system of philosophy by Dupleix
+appeared in 1602; and in 1599, La Popelinière published at Paris what he
+calls the _History of Histories_, in which he criticizes historians
+themselves, and examines their works with that sceptical spirit, to
+which his own age was deeply indebted.[825] This able man was also the
+author of a _Sketch of the New History of the French_; containing a
+formal refutation of that fable, so dear to the early historians,
+according to which the monarchy of France was founded by Francus, who
+arrived in Gaul after the conclusion of the siege of Troy.[826]
+
+  [819] _Marchand_, _Dictionnaire Historique_, vol. ii. pp. 205, 209, La
+        Haye, 1758, folio. This curious and learned work, which is much
+        less read than it deserves, contains the only good account of
+        Serres I have been able to meet with; vol. ii. pp. 197-213.
+
+  [820] 'On ne prenoit presque aucun soin de marquer les dates des
+        événemens dans les ouvrages historiques.... De Serres reconnut ce
+        défaut; et pour y remédier, il rechercha avec beaucoup de soin
+        les dates des événemens qu'il avoit à employer, et les marqua
+        dans son histoire le plus exactement qu'il lui fut possible. Cet
+        exemple a été imité depuis par la plupart de ceux qui l'ont
+        suivi; et c'est à lui qu'on est redevable de l'avantage qu'on
+        tire d'une pratique si nécessaire et si utile.' _Marchand_,
+        _Dict. Historique_, vol. ii. p. 206.
+
+  [821] 'Il est le premier historien qui ait cité en marge ses autorités;
+        précaution absolument nécessaire quand on n'écrit pas l'histoire
+        de son temps, à moins qu'on ne s'en tienne aux faits connus.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 95. And the _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xii. p. 277, says, 'On doit lui faire honneur d'avoir cité
+        en marge les auteurs dont il s'est servi; précaution
+        indispensable, que l'on connaissait peu avant lui, et que les
+        historiens modernes négligent trop aujourd'hui.' Bassompierre,
+        who had a quarrel with Dupleix, has given some curious details
+        respecting him and his History; but they are, of course, not to
+        be relied on. _Mém. de Bassompierre_, vol. iii. pp. 356, 357.
+        Patin speaks favourably of his history of Henry IV. _Lettres de
+        Patin_, vol. i. p. 17: but compare _Sully_, _[OE]conomies
+        Royales_, vol. ix. pp. 121, 249.
+
+  [822] The ancients, as is well known, rarely took this trouble. _Mure's
+        Hist. of Greek Literature_, vol. iv. pp. 197, 306, 307. But what
+        is much more curious is, that, even in scientific works, there
+        was an equal looseness; and Cuvier says, that, in the sixteenth
+        century, 'on se bornait à dire, d'une manière générale, Aristote
+        a dit telle chose, sans indiquer ni le passage ni le livre dans
+        lequel la citation se trouvait.' _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_,
+        part ii. p. 63; and at p. 88, 'suivant l'usage de son temps,
+        Gessner n'indique pas avec précision les endroits d'où il a tiré
+        ses citations:' see also p. 214.
+
+  [823] 'Le premier ouvrage de philosophie publié dans cette langue.'
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. xii. p. 277.
+
+  [824] So it seemed to me, when I turned over its leaves a few years ago.
+        However, Patin says, 'sa philosophie françoise n'est pas
+        mauvaise.' _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 357. On the dialectic
+        powers of Dupleix, see a favourable judgment in _Hamilton's
+        Discuss. on Philos._ p. 119.
+
+  [825] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxv. p. 402. Sorel (_Bibliothèque Françoise_,
+        p. 165), who is evidently displeased at the unprecedented
+        boldness of La Popelinière, says, 'il dit ses sentimens en bref
+        des historiens de toutes les nations, et de plusieurs langues, et
+        particulièrement des historiens françois, dont il parle avec
+        beaucoup d'asseurance.'
+
+  [826] 'Il réfute l'opinion, alors fort accréditée, de l'arrivée dans les
+        Gaules de Francus et des Troyens.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxv. p.
+        402. Compare _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque Historique de la France_,
+        vol. ii. p. 39. Patin says that De Thou was much indebted to him:
+        'M. de Thou a pris hardiment de la Popelinière.' _Lettres de
+        Patin_, vol. i. p. 222. There is a notice of Popelinière, in
+        connexion with Richer, in _Mém. de Richelieu_, vol. v. p. 349.
+
+It would be useless to collect all the instances in which this advancing
+spirit of scepticism now began to purge history of its falsehoods. I
+will only mention two or three more of those which have occurred in my
+reading. In 1614, De Rubis published at Lyons a work on the European
+monarchies; in which he not only attacks the long-established belief
+respecting the descent from Francus, but boldly asserts, that the Franks
+owe their name to their ancient liberties.[827] In 1620, Gomberville, in
+a dissertation on history, refutes many of those idle stories respecting
+the antiquity of the French, which had been universally received until
+his time.[828] And, in 1630, Berthault published at Paris the 'French
+Floras,' in which he completely upsets the old method; since he lays it
+down as a fundamental principle, that the origin of the French must only
+be sought for in those countries where they were found by the
+Romans.[829]
+
+  [827] 'Il réfute les fables qu'on avançoit sur l'origine des François,
+        appuyées sur le témoignage au faux Bérose. Il dit que leur nom
+        vient de leur ancienne franchise.' _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque
+        Historique_, vol. ii. p. 750.
+
+  [828] Compare _Sorel_, _Bibliothèque Françoise_, p. 298, with _Du
+        Fresnoy_, _Méthode pour étudier l'Histoire_, vol. x. p. 4, Parie,
+        1772. There is an account of Gomberville in _Les Historiettes de
+        Tallemant des Réaux_, vol. viii. pp. 15-19; a singularly curious
+        book, which is, for the seventeenth century, what Brantome is for
+        the sixteenth. I ought to have mentioned earlier the inimitable
+        ridicule with which Rabelais treats the habit historians had of
+        tracing the genealogies of their heroes back to Noah. _[OE]uvres
+        de Rabelais_, vol. i. pp. 1-3, and vol. ii. pp. 10-17: see also,
+        at vol. v. pp. 171, 172, his defence of the antiquity of Chinon.
+
+  [829] 'L'auteur croit qu'il ne faut pas la chercher ailleurs que dans le
+        pays où ils out été connus des Romains, c'est-à-dire entre l'Elbe
+        et le Rhin,' _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque Historique_, vol. ii. p.
+        56. This work of Berthault's was, for many years, a text-book in
+        the French colleges. _Biog. Univ._ vol. iv. p. 347.
+
+All these, and similar productions, were, however, entirely eclipsed by
+Mezeray's History of France; the first volume of which was published in
+1643, and the last in 1651.[830] It is, perhaps, hardly fair to his
+predecessors, to call him the first general historian of France;[831]
+but there can be no doubt that his work is greatly superior to any that
+had yet been seen. The style of Mezeray is admirably clear and vigorous,
+rising, at times, to considerable eloquence. Besides this, he has two
+other merits much more important. These are, an indisposition to believe
+strange things, merely because they have hitherto been believed; and an
+inclination to take the side of the people, rather than that of their
+rulers.[832] Of these principles, the first was too common among the
+ablest Frenchmen of that time to excite much attention.[833] But the
+other principle enabled Mezeray to advance an important step before all
+his contemporaries. He was the first Frenchman who, in a great
+historical work, threw off that superstitious reverence for royalty
+which had long troubled the minds of his countrymen, and which, indeed,
+continued to haunt them for another century. As a necessary consequence,
+he was also the first who saw that a history, to be of real value, must
+be a history, not only of kings, but of nations. A steady perception of
+this principle led him to incorporate into his book matters which,
+before his time, no one cared to study. He communicates all the
+information he could collect respecting the taxes which the people had
+paid; the sufferings they had undergone from the gripping hands of their
+governors; their manners, their comforts, even the state of the towns
+which they inhabited; in a word, what affected the interests of the
+French people, as well as what affected the interests of the French
+monarchy.[834] These were the subjects which Mezeray preferred to
+insignificant details respecting the pomp of courts and the lives of
+kings. These were the large and comprehensive matters on which he loved
+to dwell, and on which he expatiated; not, indeed, with so much fulness
+as we could desire, but still with a spirit and an accuracy which
+entitles him to the honour of being the greatest historian France
+produced before the eighteenth century.
+
+  [830] The first volume in 1643; the second in 1646; and the last in
+        1651. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxviii. p. 510.
+
+  [831] 'The French have now their first general historian, Mezeray.'
+        _Hallam's Literature of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 228; and see
+        _Stephen's Lectures on the History of France_, 1851, vol. i. p.
+        10.
+
+  [832] Bayle says, that Mezeray is, 'de tous les historiens celui qui
+        favorise le plus les peuples contre la cour.' _Le Long_,
+        _Bibliothèque Historique_, vol. iii. p. lxxxvi.
+
+  [833] Though it did not prevent him from believing that sudden tempests,
+        and unusual appearances in the heavens, were aberrations, due to
+        supernatural interference, and, as such, were the prognosticators
+        of political change. _Mézéray_, _Hist. de France_, vol. i. pp.
+        202, 228, 238, 241, 317, 792, vol. ii. pp. 485, 573, 1120, vol.
+        iii. pp. 31, 167, 894; instructive passages, as proving that,
+        even in powerful minds, the scientific and secular method was
+        still feeble.
+
+  [834] What he did on these subjects is most remarkable, considering that
+        some of the best materials were unknown, and in manuscript, and
+        that even De Thou gives scarcely any information respecting them;
+        so that Mezeray had no model. See, among other passages which
+        have struck me in the first volume, pp. 145-147, 204, 353, 356,
+        362-365, 530, 531, 581, 812, 946, 1039. Compare his indignant
+        expressions at vol. ii. p. 721.
+
+This was, in many respects, the most important change which had yet been
+effected in the manner of writing history. If the plan begun by Mezeray
+had been completed by his successors, we should possess materials, the
+absence of which no modern researches can possibly compensate. Some
+things, indeed, we should, in that case, have lost. We should know less
+than we now know of courts and of camps. We should have heard less of
+the peerless beauty of French queens, and of the dignified presence of
+French kings. We might even have missed some of the links of that
+evidence by which the genealogies of princes and nobles are ascertained,
+and the study of which delights the curiosity of antiquaries and
+heralds. But, on the other hand, we should have been able to examine the
+state of the French people during the latter half of the seventeenth
+century; while, as things now stand, our knowledge of them, in that most
+important period, is inferior in accuracy and in extent to the knowledge
+we possess of some of the most barbarous tribes of the earth.[835] If
+the example of Mezeray had been followed, with such additional resources
+as the progress of affairs would have supplied, we should not only have
+the means of minutely tracing the growth of a great and civilised
+nation, but we should have materials that would suggest or verify those
+original principles, the discovery of which constitutes the real use of
+history.
+
+  [835] Those who have studied the French memoirs of the seventeenth
+        century, know how little can be found in them respecting the
+        condition of the people; while the fullest private
+        correspondence, such as the letters of Sévigné and De Maintenon,
+        are equally unsatisfactory. The greater part of the evidence now
+        extant has been collected by M. Monteil, in his valuable work,
+        _Histoire des divers Etats_: but whoever will put all this
+        together must admit, that we are better informed as to the
+        condition of many savage tribes than we are concerning the lower
+        classes of France during the reign of Louis XIV.
+
+But this was not to be. Unhappily for the interests of knowledge, the
+march of French civilization was, at this period, suddenly checked. Soon
+after the middle of the seventeenth century, that lamentable change took
+place in France, which gave a new turn to the destinies of the nation.
+The reaction which the spirit of inquiry underwent, and the social and
+intellectual circumstances which, by bringing the Fronde to a premature
+close, prepared the way for Louis XIV., have been described in a former
+part of this volume, where I have attempted to indicate the general
+effects of the disastrous movement. It now remains for me to point out
+how this retrogressive tendency opposed obstacles to the improvement of
+historical literature, and prevented authors, not only from relating
+with honesty what was passing around them, but also from understanding
+events which had occurred before their time.
+
+The most superficial students of French literature must be struck by the
+dearth of historians during that long period in which Louis XIV. held
+the reins of government.[836] To this, the personal peculiarities of the
+king greatly contributed. His education had been shamefully neglected;
+and as he never had the energy to repair its deficiencies, he all his
+life remained ignorant of many things with which even princes are
+usually familiar.[837] Of the course of past events he knew literally
+nothing, and he took no interest in any history except the history of
+his own exploits. Among a free people, this indifference on the part of
+the sovereign could never have produced injurious results; indeed, as we
+have already seen, the absence of royal patronage is, in a highly
+civilized country, the most favourable condition of literature. But at
+the accession of Louis XIV. the liberties of the French were still too
+young, and the habits of independent thought too recent, to enable them
+to bear up against that combination of the crown and the church, which
+was directed against them. The French, becoming every day more servile,
+at length sunk so low, that, by the end of the seventeenth century, they
+seemed to have lost even the wish of resistance. The king, meeting no
+opposition, endeavoured to exercise over the intellect of the country an
+authority equal to that with which he conducted its government.[838] In
+all the great questions of religion and of politics, the spirit of
+inquiry was stifled, and no man was allowed to express an opinion
+unfavourable to the existing state of things. As the king was willing to
+endow literature, he naturally thought that he had a right to its
+services. Authors, who were fed by his hand, were not to raise their
+voices against his policy. They received his wages, and they were bound
+to do the bidding of him who paid them. When Louis assumed the
+government, Mezeray was still living; though I need hardly say that his
+great work was published before this system of protection and patronage
+came into play. The treatment to which he, the great historian of
+France, was now subjected, was a specimen of the new arrangement. He
+received from the crown a pension of four thousand francs; but when he,
+in 1668, published an abridgment of his History,[839] it was intimated
+to him that some remarks upon the tendency of taxation were likely to
+cause offence in high quarters. As, however, it was soon found that
+Mezeray was too honest and too fearless to retract what he had written,
+it was determined to have recourse to intimidation, and half of his
+pension was taken from him.[840] But as this did not produce a proper
+effect, another order was issued, which deprived him of the remaining
+half; and thus early, in this bad reign, there was set an example of
+punishing a man for writing with honesty upon a subject in which, of all
+others, honesty is the first essential.[841]
+
+  [836] This is noticed in _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxvii.
+        pp. 181, 182; also in _Villemain_, _Littérature Française_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 29, 30. Compare _D'Argenson_, _Réflexions sur les
+        Historiens François_, in _Mémoires de l'Académie des
+        Inscriptions_, vol. xxviii. p. 627, with _Boulainvilliers_,
+        _Ancien Gouvernement de la France_, vol. i. p. 174.
+
+  [837] 'Le jeune Louis XIV n'avait reçu aucune éducation intellectuelle.'
+        _Capefigue's Richelieu, Mazarin et la Fronde_, vol. ii. p. 245.
+        On the education of Louis XIV., which was as shamefully neglected
+        as that of our George III., see _Lettres inédites de Maintenon_,
+        vol. ii. p. 369; _Duclos_, _Mém. Secrets_, vol. i. pp. 167, 168;
+        _Mém. de Brienne_, vol. i. pp. 391-393.
+
+  [838] On his political maxims, see _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de
+        Louis XIV_, pp. 325-327, 407, 408. The eloquent remarks made by
+        M. Ranke upon an Italian despotism, are admirably applicable to
+        his whole system: 'Sonderbare Gestalt menschlichen Dinge! Die
+        Kräfte des Landes bringen den Hof hervor, der Mittelpunkt des
+        Hofes ist der Fürst, das letzte Product des gesammten Lebens ist
+        zuletzt das Selbstgefühl des Fürsten.' _Die Päpste_, vol. ii. p.
+        266.
+
+  [839] His _Abrégé Chronologique_ was published in 1668, in three volumes
+        quarto. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxviii. p. 510. Le Long (_Bibliothèque
+        Historique_, vol. iii. p. lxxxv.) says, that it was only allowed
+        to be published in consequence of a 'privilège' which Mezeray had
+        formerly obtained. But there seems to have been some difficulty,
+        of which these writers are not aware: for Patin, in a letter
+        dated Paris, 23 December 1664, speaks of it as being then in the
+        press: 'on imprime ici en _grand-in-quarto_ un Abrégé de
+        l'Histoire de France, par M. Mezeray.' _Lettres de Patin_, vol.
+        iii. p. 503: compare p. 665. It long remained an established
+        school-book: see D'Argenson's Essay, in _Mém. de l'Académie_,
+        vol. xxviii. p. 635; and _Works of Sir William Temple_, vol. iii.
+        p. 70.
+
+  [840] _Barrière_, _Essai sur les M[oe]urs du Dix-septième Siècle_,
+        prefixed to _Mém. de Brienne_, vol. i. pp. 129, 130, where
+        reference is made to his original correspondence with Colbert.
+        This treatment of Mezeray is noticed, but imperfectly, in
+        _Boulainvilliers_, _Hist. de l'Ancien Gouvernement_, vol. i. p.
+        196; in _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de Louis XIV_, p. 331; and in
+        _Palissot_, _Mém. pour l'Hist. de Lit._ vol. ii. p. 161.
+
+  [841] In 1685 was published at Paris what was called an improved edition
+        of Mezeray's History; that is, an edition from which the honest
+        remarks were expunged. See _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque Historique_,
+        vol. ii. p. 53, vol. iv. p. 381; and _Brunet_, _Manuel du
+        Libraire_, vol. iii. p. 383, Paris, 1843. Hampden, who knew
+        Mezeray, has recorded an interesting interview he had with him in
+        Paris, when the great historian lamented the loss of the
+        liberties of France. See _Calamy's Life of Himself_, vol. i. pp.
+        392, 393.
+
+Such conduct as this showed what historians were to expect from the
+government of Louis XIV. Several years later, the king took another
+opportunity of displaying the same spirit. Fénelon had been appointed
+preceptor to the grandson of Louis, whose early vices his firmness and
+judgment did much to repress.[842] But a single circumstance was thought
+sufficient to outweigh the immense service which Fénelon thus rendered
+to the royal family, and, if his pupil had come to the throne, would
+have rendered prospectively to the whole of France. His celebrated
+romance, _Telemachus_, was published in 1699, as it appears, without his
+consent.[843] The king suspected that, under the guise of a fiction,
+Fénelon intended to reflect on the conduct of government. It was in vain
+that the author denied so dangerous an imputation. The indignation of
+the king was not to be appeased. He banished Fénelon from the court; and
+would never again admit to his presence a man whom he suspected of even
+insinuating a criticism upon the measures adopted by the administration
+of the country.[844]
+
+  [842] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. xxvi. pp. 240, 241.
+
+  [843] 'Par l'infidélité d'un domestique chargé de transcrire le
+        manuscrit.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 289; and see _Peignot_,
+        _Dict. des Livres condamnés_, vol. i. pp. 134, 135. It was
+        suppressed in France, and appeared in Holland in the same year,
+        1699. _Lettres de Sévigné_, vol. vi. pp. 434, 435 note.
+
+  [844] 'Louis XIV prit le Télémaque pour une personnalité.... Comme il
+        (Fénelon) avait déplu au roi, il mourut dans l'exil.'
+        _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol. ii. pp. 219, 220; and see
+        _Siècle de Louis XIV_, chap. xxxii., in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. xx. p. 307.
+
+If the king could, on mere suspicion, thus treat a great writer, who had
+the rank of an archbishop and the reputation of a saint, it was not
+likely that he would deal more tenderly with inferior men. In 1681, the
+Abbé Primi, an Italian, then residing at Paris, was induced to write a
+history of Louis XIV. The king, delighted with the idea of perpetuating
+his own fame, conferred several rewards upon the author: and
+arrangements were made that the work should be composed in Italian, and
+immediately translated into French. But when the history appeared, there
+were found in it some circumstances which it was thought ought not to
+have been disclosed. On this account, Louis caused the book to be
+suppressed, the papers of the author to be seized, and the author
+himself to be thrown into the Bastille.[845]
+
+  [845] These circumstances are related in a letter from Lord Preston,
+        dated Paris, 22 July 1682, and printed in _Dalrymple's Memoirs_,
+        pp. 141, 142, appendix to vol. i. The account given by M. Peignot
+        (_Livres condamnés_, vol. ii. pp. 52, 53) is incomplete, he being
+        evidently ignorant of the existence of Lord Preston's letter.
+
+Those, indeed, were dangerous times for independent men; times when no
+writer on politics or religion was safe, unless he followed the fashion
+of the day, and defended the opinions of the court and the church. The
+king, who had an insatiable thirst for what he called glory,[846]
+laboured to degrade contemporary historians into mere chroniclers of his
+own achievements. He ordered Racine and Boileau to write an account of
+his reign; he settled a pension upon them, and he promised to supply
+them with the necessary materials.[847] But even Racine and Boileau,
+poets though they were, knew that they would fail in satisfying his
+morbid vanity; they, therefore, received the pension, but omitted to
+compose the work for which the pension was conferred. So notorious was
+the unwillingness of able men to meddle with history, that it was
+thought advisable to beat up literary recruits from foreign countries.
+The case of the Abbé Primi has just been mentioned; he was an Italian,
+and only one year later a similar offer was made to an Englishman. In
+1683, Burnet visited France, and was given to understand that he might
+receive a pension, and that he might even enjoy the honour of conversing
+with Louis himself, provided he would write a history of the royal
+affairs; such history, it was carefully added, being on the 'side' of
+the French king.[848]
+
+  [846] An able writer has well called him 'glorieux plutôt
+        qu'appréciateur de la vraie gloire.' _Flassan_, _Histoire de la
+        Diplomatie Française_, vol. iv. p. 399.
+
+  [847] In 1677, Madame de Sévigné writes from Paris respecting the king:
+        'Vous savez bien qu'il a donné deux mille écus de pension à
+        Racine et à Despréaux, en leur commandant de travailler à son
+        histoire, dont il aura soin de donner des Mémoires.' _Lettres de
+        Sévigné_, vol. iii. p. 362. Compare _Eloge de Valincourt_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, vol. vi. p. 383; and _Hughes's
+        Letters_, edit. 1773, vol. ii. pp. 74, 75.
+
+  [848] Burnet relates this with delightful simplicity: 'Others more
+        probably thought that the king, hearing I was a writer of
+        history, had a mind to engage me to write on his side. I was told
+        a pension would be offered me. But I made no steps towards it;
+        for though I was offered an audience of the king, I excused it,
+        since I could not have the honour to be presented to that king by
+        the minister of England.' _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. ii. p. 385.
+
+Under such circumstances as these, it is no wonder that history, so far
+as its great essentials are concerned, should have rapidly declined
+during the power of Louis XIV. It became, as some think, more elegant;
+but it certainly became more feeble. The language in which it was
+composed was worked with great care, the periods neatly arranged, the
+epithets soft and harmonious. For that was a polite and obsequious age,
+full of reverence, of duty, and of admiration. In history, as it was
+then written, every king was a hero, and every bishop was a saint. All
+unpleasant truths were suppressed; nothing harsh or unkind was to be
+told. These docile and submissive sentiments being expressed in an easy
+and flowing style, gave to history that air of refinement, that gentle,
+unobtrusive gait, which made it popular with the classes that it
+flattered. But even so, while its form was polished, its life was
+extinct. All its independence was gone, all its honesty, all its
+boldness. The noblest and the most difficult department of knowledge,
+the study of the movements of the human race, was abandoned to every
+timid and creeping intellect that cared to cultivate it. There was
+Boulainvilliers, and Daniel, and Maimburg, and Varillas, and Vertot, and
+numerous others, who in the reign of Louis XIV. were believed to be
+historians; but whose histories have scarcely any merit, except that of
+enabling us to appreciate the period in which such productions were
+admired, and the system of which they were the representatives.
+
+To give a complete view of the decline of historical literature in
+France, from the time of Mezeray until early in the eighteenth century,
+would require a summary of every history which was written; for all of
+them were pervaded by the same spirit. But, as this would occupy much
+too large a space, it will probably be thought sufficient if I confine
+myself to such illustrations as will bring the tendency of the age most
+clearly before the reader; and for this purpose, I will notice the works
+of two historians I have not yet mentioned; one of whom was celebrated
+as an antiquary, the other as a theologian. Both possessed considerable
+learning, and one was a man of undoubted genius; their works are,
+therefore, worth attention, as symptoms of the state of the French
+intellect late in the seventeenth century. The name of the antiquary was
+Audigier; the name of the theologian was Bossuet: and from them we may
+learn something respecting the way in which, during the reign of Louis
+XIV., it was usual to contemplate the transactions of past ages.
+
+The celebrated work of Audigier, on the Origin of the French, was
+published at Paris in 1676.[849] It would be unjust to deny that the
+author was a man of great and careful reading. But his credulity, his
+prejudices, his reverence for antiquity, and his dutiful admiration for
+everything established by the church and the court, warped his judgment
+to an extent which, in our time, seems incredible; and, as there are
+probably few persons in England who have read his once famous book, I
+will give an outline of its leading views.
+
+  [849] During many years it enjoyed great reputation; and there is no
+        history written in that period respecting which Le Long gives so
+        many details. See his _Bibliothèque Historique de la France_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 13, 14. Compare _La Bibliothèque de Leber_, vol. ii.
+        p. 110, Paris, 1839.
+
+In this great history we are told, that 3464 years after the creation of
+the world, and 590 years before the birth of Christ, was the exact
+period at which Sigovese, nephew to the king of the Celts, was first
+sent into Germany.[850] Those who accompanied him were necessarily
+travellers; and as, in the German language, _wandeln_ means _to go_, we
+have here the origin of the Vandals.[851] But the antiquity of the
+Vandals is far surpassed by that of the French. Jupiter, Pluto, and
+Neptune, who are sometimes supposed to be gods, were in reality kings of
+Gaul.[852] And, if we look back a little further, it becomes certain
+that Gallus, the founder of Gaul, was no other than Noah himself; for in
+those days the same man frequently had two names.[853] As to the
+subsequent history of the French, it was fully equal to the dignity of
+their origin. Alexander the Great, even in all the pride of his
+victories, never dared to attack the Scythians, who were a colony sent
+from France.[854] It is from these great occupiers of France that there
+have proceeded all the gods of Europe, all the fine arts, and all the
+sciences.[855] The English themselves are merely a colony of the French,
+as must be evident to whoever considers the similarity of the words
+Angles and Anjou;[856] and to this fortunate descent the natives of the
+British islands are indebted for such bravery and politeness as they
+still possess.[857] Several other points are cleared up by this great
+critic with equal faculty. The Salian Franks were so called from the
+rapidity of their flight;[858] the Bretons were evidently Saxons;[859]
+and even the Scotch, about whose independence so much has been said,
+were vassals to the kings of France.[860] Indeed, it is impossible to
+exaggerate the dignity of the crown of France; it is difficult even to
+conceive its splendour. Some have supposed that the emperors are
+superior to the kings of France, but this is the mistake of ignorant
+men; for an emperor means a mere military ruler, while the title of king
+includes all the functions of supreme power.[861] To put the question,
+therefore, on its real footing, the great king Louis XIV. is an emperor,
+as have been all his predecessors, the illustrious rulers of France, for
+fifteen centuries.[862] And it is an undoubted fact, that Antichrist,
+about whom so much anxiety is felt, will never be allowed to appear in
+the world until the French empire has been destroyed. This, says
+Audigier, it would be idle to deny; for it is asserted by many of the
+saints, and it is distinctly foreshadowed by St. Paul, in his second
+epistle to the Thessalonians.[863]
+
+  [850] _Audigier_, _L'Origine des François_, Paris, 1676, vol. i. p. 5.
+        See also p. 45, where he congratulates himself on being the first
+        to clear up the history of Sigovese.
+
+  [851] _Audigier_, vol. i. p. 7. Other antiquaries have adopted the same
+        preposterous etymology. See a note in _Kemble's Saxons in
+        England_, vol. i. p. 41.
+
+  [852] 'Or le plus ancien Jupiter, le plus ancien Neptune, et le plus
+        ancien Pluton, sont ceux de Gaule; ils la divisèrent les premiers
+        en Celtique, Aquitaine et Belgique, et obtinrent chacun une de
+        ces parties en partage. Jupiter, qu'on fait régner au ciel, eut
+        la Celtique.... Neptune, qu'on fait régner sur les eaux, et sur
+        les mers, eut l'Aquitaine, qui n'est appelée de la sorte qu'à
+        cause de l'abondance de ses eaux, et de la situation sur
+        l'océan.' _Audigier_, _L'Origine des François_, vol. i. pp. 223,
+        224.
+
+  [853] See his argument, vol. i. pp. 216, 217, beginning, 'le nom de Noé,
+        que portèrent les Galates, est Gallus;' and compare vol. ii. p.
+        109, where he expresses surprise that so little should have been
+        done by previous writers towards establishing this obvious origin
+        of the French.
+
+  [854] _Audigier_, vol. i. pp. 196, 197, 255, 256.
+
+  [855] 'Voilà donc les anciennes divinitez d'Europe, originaires de
+        Gaule, aussi bien que les beaux arts et les hautes sciences.'
+        _Audigier_, vol. i. p. 234.
+
+  [856] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. 73, 74. He sums up, 'c'en est assez pour
+        relever l'Anjou, à qui cette gloire appartient légitimement.'
+
+  [857] Vol. i. pp. 265, 266.
+
+  [858] Vol. i. p. 149.
+
+  [859] Vol. ii. pp. 179, 180.
+
+  [860] Vol. ii. p. 269.
+
+  [861] Vol. ii. p. 124.
+
+  [862] Vol. ii. pp. 451-454.
+
+  [863] 'A quoy nous pourrions joindre un autre monument fort authentique,
+        c'est le résultat de certains pères, et de certains docteurs de
+        l'église, qui tiennent que l'Ante-christ ne viendra point au
+        monde qu'après la dissection, c'est-à-dire après la dissipation
+        de nostre empire. Leur fondement est dans la seconde épistre de
+        saint Paul aux Thessaloniciens.' _Audigier_, vol. ii. p. 462.
+
+Strange as all this appears, there was nothing in it to revolt the
+enlightened age of Louis XIV. Indeed, the French, dazzled by the
+brilliancy of their prince, must have felt great interest in learning
+how superior he was to all other potentates, and how he had not only
+been preceded by a long line of emperors, but was in fact an emperor
+himself. They must have been struck with awe at the information
+communicated by Audigier respecting the arrival of Antichrist, and the
+connexion between that important event and the fate of the French
+monarchy. They must have listened with pious wonder to the illustration
+of these matters from the writings of the fathers, and from the epistle
+to the Thessalonians. All this they would easily receive; because to
+worship the king, and venerate the church, were the two cardinal maxims
+of that age. To obey, and to believe, were the fundamental ideas of a
+period, in which the fine arts did for a time flourish,--in which the
+perception of beauty, though too fastidious, was undoubtedly keen,--in
+which taste and the imagination, in its lower departments, were
+zealously cultivated,--but in which, on the other hand, originality and
+independence of thought were extinguished, the greatest and the largest
+topics were forbidden to be discussed, the sciences were almost
+deserted, reforms and innovations were hated, new opinions were
+despised, and their authors punished, until at length, the exuberance of
+genius being tamed into sterility, the national intellect was reduced to
+that dull and monotonous level which characterizes the last twenty years
+of the reign of Louis XIV.
+
+In no instance can we find a better example of this reactionary
+movement, than in the case of Bossuet, bishop of Meaux. The success, and
+indeed the mere existence, of his work on Universal History, becomes,
+from this point of view, highly instructive. Considered by itself, the
+book is a painful exhibition of a great genius cramped by a
+superstitious age. But considered in reference to the time in which it
+appeared, it is invaluable as a symptom of the French intellect; since
+it proves, that towards the end of the seventeenth century, one of the
+most eminent men, in one of the first countries of Europe, could
+willingly submit to a prostration of judgment, and could display a blind
+credulity, of which, in our day, even the feeblest minds would be
+ashamed; and that this, so far from causing scandal, or bringing a
+rebuke on the head of the author, was received with universal and
+unqualified applause. Bossuet was a great orator, a consummate
+dialectician, and an accomplished master of those vague sublimities by
+which most men are easily affected. All these qualities he, a few years
+later, employed in the production of what is probably the most
+formidable work ever directed against Protestantism.[864] But when he,
+leaving these matters, entered the vast field of history, he could
+think of no better way of treating his new subject, than by following
+the arbitrary rules peculiar to his own profession.[865] His work is an
+audacious attempt to degrade history to a mere handmaid of
+theology.[866] As if, on such matters, doubt were synonymous with crime,
+he, without the slightest hesitation, takes everything for granted which
+the church had been accustomed to believe. This enables him to speak
+with perfect confidence respecting events which are lost in the remotest
+antiquity. He knows the exact number of years which have elapsed since
+the moment when Cain murdered his brother; when the deluge overwhelmed
+the world; and when Abraham was summoned to his mission.[867] The dates
+of these, and similar occurrences, he fixes with a precision, which
+might almost make us believe that they had taken place in his own time,
+if not under his own eyes.[868] It is true, that the Hebrew books on
+which he willingly relied, supply no evidence of the slightest value
+concerning the chronology even of their own people; while the
+information they contain respecting other countries is notoriously
+meagre and unsatisfactory.[869] But so narrow were the views of Bossuet
+upon history, that with all this he, in his own opinion, had no concern.
+The text of the Vulgate declared, that these things had happened at a
+particular time; and a number of holy men, calling themselves the
+council of the church, had, in the middle of the sixteenth century,
+pronounced the Vulgate to be authentic, and had taken upon themselves to
+place it above all other versions.[870] This theological opinion was
+accepted by Bossuet as an historical law; and thus the decision of a
+handful of cardinals and bishops, in a superstitious and uncritical age,
+is the sole authority for that early chronology, the precision of which
+is, to an uninformed reader, a matter of great admiration.[871]
+
+  [864] This is the opinion of Mr. Hallam respecting Bossuet's History of
+        the Variations of Protestant Churches. _Const. Hist._ vol. i. p.
+        486: compare _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 86.
+        Attempts have been made by Protestant theologians to retort
+        against the Catholics the arguments of Bossuet, on the ground
+        that religious variations are a necessary consequence of the
+        honest pursuit of religious truth. See _Blanco White's Evidence
+        against Catholicism_, pp. 109-112; and his _Letters from Spain_,
+        _by Doblado_, p. 127. With this I fully agree; but it would be
+        easy to show that the argument is fatal to all ecclesiastical
+        systems with strictly defined creeds, and, therefore, strikes as
+        heavily against the Protestant churches as against the Catholic.
+        Beausobre, in his acute and learned work on Manichæism, seems to
+        have felt this; and he makes the dangerous admission, 'que si
+        l'argument de M. de Meaux vaut quelque chose contre la
+        Réformation, il a la même force contre le Christianisme.' _Hist.
+        de Manichée_, vol. i. p. 526. On Bossuet as a controversialist,
+        see _Stäudlin_, _Geschichte der theologischen Wissenschaften_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 43-45; and for a contemporary opinion of his great
+        work, see a characteristic passage in _Lettres de Sévigné_,
+        vol. v. p. 409.
+
+  [865] His method is fairly stated by _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_,
+        vol. xxv. p. 427.
+
+  [866] See, on this attempt of Bossuet's, some good remarks in
+        _Stäudlin_, _Geschichte der theologischen Wissenschaften_, vol.
+        ii. p. 198: 'Kirche und Christenthum sind für diesen Bischoff der
+        Mittelpunct der ganzen Geschichte. Aus diesem Gesichtspuncte
+        betrachtet er nicht nur die Patriarchen und Propheten, das
+        Judenthum und die alten Weissagungen, sondern auch die Reiche der
+        Welt.'
+
+  [867] _Bossuet_, _Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle_, pp. 10, 11, 16,
+        17; see also, at p. 90, a curious specimen of his chronological
+        calculations.
+
+  [868] He says, that if the ordinarily received dates of the Pentateuch
+        and the Prophets are not true, then the miracles must fall, and
+        the writings themselves are not inspired. _Hist. Univ._ p. 360.
+        It would be hard to find, even in the works of Bossuet a more
+        rash assertion than this.
+
+        [869] Indeed the Jews have no consecutive chronology before
+        Solomon. See _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. pp. viii. xxv. 170, 178,
+        185, vol. ii. p. 399.
+
+  [870] Doing this, as they did everything else, on account, not of
+        reason, but of dogma; for, as a learned writer says, 'l'Église a
+        bien distingué certains livres en apocryphes et en orthodoxes;
+        elle s'est prononcée d'une manière formelle sur le choix des
+        ouvrages canoniques; néanmoins sa critique n'a jamais été fondée
+        sur un examen raisonné, mais seulement sur la question de savoir
+        si tel ou tel écrit était d'accord avec les dogmes qu'elle
+        enseignait.' _Maury_, _Légendes Pieuses_, p. 224.
+
+  [871] Theologians have always been remarkable for the exactness of their
+        knowledge on subjects respecting which nothing is known; but none
+        of them have surpassed the learned Dr. Stukeley. In 1730, this
+        eminent divine writes: 'But according to the calculations I have
+        made of this matter, I find God Almighty ordered Noah to get the
+        creatures into the ark on Sunday the 12th of October, the very
+        day of the autumnal equinox that year; and on this present day,
+        on the Sunday se'nnight following (the 19th of October), that
+        terrible catastrophe began, the moon being past her third
+        quarter.' _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_,
+        vol. ii. p. 792.
+
+In the same way, because Bossuet had been taught that the Jews are the
+chosen people of God, he, under the title of Universal History, almost
+confines his attention to them, and treats this obstinate and ignorant
+race as if they formed the pivot upon which the affairs of the universe
+had been made to turn.[872] His idea of an universal history excludes
+those nations who were the first to reach civilization, and to some of
+whom the Hebrews owed the scanty knowledge which they subsequently
+acquired.[873] He says little of the Persians, and less of the
+Egyptians; nor does he even mention that far greater people between the
+Indus and the Ganges, whose philosophy formed one of the elements of the
+school of Alexandria, whose subtle speculations anticipated all the
+efforts of European metaphysics, and whose sublime inquiries, conducted
+in their own exquisite language, date from a period when the Jews,
+stained with every variety of crime, were a plundering and vagabond
+tribe, wandering on the face of the earth, raising their hand against
+every man and every man raising his hand against them.
+
+  [872] 'Premièrement, ces empires ont pour la plupart une liaison
+        nécessaire avec l'histoire du peuple de Dieu. Dieu s'est servi
+        des Assyriens et des Babyloniens pour châtier ce peuple; des
+        Perses pour le rétablir; d'Alexandre et de ses premiers
+        successeurs pour le protéger; d'Antiochus l'Illustre et de ses
+        successeurs pour l'exercer; des Romains pour soutenir sa liberté
+        contre les rois de Syrie, que ne songeaient qu'à le détruire.'
+        _Bossuet_, _Hist. Univ._ p. 382. Well may M. Lerminier say
+        (_Philos. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 87), that Bossuet 'a sacrifié
+        toutes les nations au peuple juif.'
+
+  [873] On the extraordinary and prolonged ignorance of the Jews, even to
+        the time of the Apostles, see _Mackay's Progress of the
+        Intellect_, vol. i. pp. 13 seq.; a work of profound learning.
+
+When he enters the more modern period, he allows himself to be governed
+by the same theological prejudices. So contracted is his view, that he
+considers the whole history of the church as the history of providential
+interference; and he takes no notice of the manner in which, contrary to
+the original scheme, it has been affected by foreign events.[874] Thus,
+for example, the most important fact relating to the early changes in
+Christianity, is the extent to which its doctrines have been influenced
+by the African form of the Platonic philosophy.[875] But this, Bossuet
+never mentions; nor does he even hint that any such thing had occurred.
+It suited his views to look upon the church as a perpetual miracle, and
+he therefore omits the most important event in its early history.[876]
+To descend a little later: every one acquainted with the progress of
+civilization will allow, that no small share of it is due to those
+gleams of light, which, in the midst of surrounding darkness, shot from
+the great centres of Cordova and Bagdad. These, however, were the work
+of Mohammedanism; and as Bossuet had been taught that Mohammedanism is a
+pestilential heresy, he could not bring himself to believe that
+Christian nations had derived anything from so corrupt a source. The
+consequence is, that he says nothing of that great religion, the noise
+of which has filled the world;[877] and having occasion to mention its
+founder, he treats him with scorn, as an impudent impostor, whose
+pretensions it is hardly fitting to notice.[878] The great apostle, who
+diffused among millions of idolaters the sublime verity of one God, is
+spoken of by Bossuet with supreme contempt; because Bossuet, with the
+true spirit of his profession, could see nothing to admire in those
+whose opinions differed from his own.[879] But when he has occasion to
+mention some obscure member of that class to which he himself belonged,
+then it is that he scatters his praises with boundless profusion. In his
+scheme of universal history, Mohammed is not worthy to play a part. He
+is passed by; but the truly great man, the man to whom the human race is
+really indebted, is--Martin, bishop of Tours. He it is, says Bossuet,
+whose unrivalled actions filled the universe with his fame, both during
+his lifetime and after his death.[880] It is true, that not one educated
+man in fifty has ever heard the name of Martin, bishop of Tours. But
+Martin performed miracles, and the church had made him a saint; his
+claims, therefore, to the attention of historians must be far superior
+to the claims of one who, like Mohammed, was without these advantages.
+Thus it is that, in the opinion of the only eminent writer on history
+during the power of Louis XIV., the greatest man Asia has ever produced,
+and one of the greatest the world has ever seen, is considered in every
+way inferior to a mean and ignorant monk, whose most important
+achievement was the erection of a monastery, and who spent the best part
+of his life in useless solitude, trembling before the superstitious
+fancies of his weak and ignoble nature.[881]
+
+  [874] The original scheme of Christianity, as stated by its Great Author
+        (_Matthew_ x. 6, and xv. 24), was merely to convert the Jews; and
+        if the doctrines of Christ had never extended beyond that
+        ignorant people, they could not have received those modifications
+        which philosophy imposed upon them. The whole of this subject is
+        admirably discussed in _Mackay's Progress of the Intellect in
+        Religious Development_, vol. ii. pp. 382 seq.; and on the
+        'universalism,' first clearly announced 'by the Hellenist
+        Stephen,' see p. 484. Neander makes a noticeable attempt to evade
+        the difficulty caused by the changes in Christianity from
+        'various outward causes:' see his _History of the Church_,
+        vol. iii. p. 125.
+
+  [875] Neander (_Hist. of the Church_, vol. ii. p. 42) even thinks that
+        Cerinthus whose views are remarkable as being the point where
+        Gnosticism and Judaism touch each other, borrowed his system from
+        Alexandria. But this, though not unlikely, seems only to rest on
+        the authority of Theodoret. On the influence of the Platonism of
+        Alexandria in developing the idea of the Logos, see _Neander_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 304, 306-314. Compare _Sharpe's Hist. of Egypt_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 152 seq.
+
+  [876] And having to mention Clemens Alexandrinus, who was more deeply
+        versed in the philosophy of Alexandria than were any of the other
+        fathers, Bossuet merely says, p. 98, 'à peu près dans le même
+        temps, le saint prêtre Clément Alexandrin déterra les antiquités
+        du paganisme pour le confondre.'
+
+  [877] About the time that Bossuet wrote, a very learned writer
+        calculated that the area of the countries which professed
+        Mohammedanism, exceeded, by one fifth, those where Christianity
+        was believed. See _Brerewood's Inquiries touching the Diversity
+        of Languages and Religions_, Lond. 1674, pp. 144, 145. The
+        estimate of Southey (_Vindiciæ Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ_, London, 1826,
+        p. 48), is very vague; but it is much easier to judge of the
+        extent of Mohammedan countries than of the extent of their
+        population. On this latter point we have the most conflicting
+        statements. In the nineteenth century, there are, according to
+        Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 485, edit. 1839),
+        eighty million Mohammedans; according to Dr. Elliotson (_Human
+        Physiology_, p. 1055, edit. 1840), more than a hundred and
+        twenty-two million; while, according to Mr. Wilkin (note in _Sir
+        Thomas Browne's Works_, vol. ii. p. 37, edit. 1835), there are a
+        hundred and eighty-eight million.
+
+  [878] 'Le faux prophète donna ses victoires pour toute marque de sa
+        mission.' _Bossuet_, p. 125.
+
+  [879] The greatest Mohammedan writers have always expressed ideas
+        regarding the Deity more lofty than those possessed by the
+        majority of Christians. The Koran contains noble passages on the
+        oneness of God; and for the views of their ordinary theologians,
+        I may refer to an interesting Mohammedan sermon, in _Transactions
+        of the Bombay Society_, vol. i. pp. 146-158. See also, in vol.
+        iii. pp. 398-448, an Essay by Vans Kennedy; and compare a
+        remarkable passage, considering the quarter from which it comes,
+        in _Autobiography of the Emperor Jehangueir_, p. 44. Those who
+        are so thoughtless as to believe that Mohammed was a hypocrite,
+        had better study the admirable remarks of M. Comte (_Philos.
+        Pos._ vol. v. pp. 76, 77), who truly says, 'qu'un homme vraiment
+        supérieur n'a jamais pu exercer aucune grande action sur ses
+        semblables sans être d'abord lui-même intimement convaincu.'
+
+  [880] 'Saint Martin fut fait évêque de Tours, et remplit tout l'univers
+        du bruit de sa sainteté et de ses miracles, durant sa vie, et
+        après sa mort.' _Bossuet_, _Hist. Univ._ p. 111.
+
+  [881] The Benedictines have written the life of Martin in their _Hist.
+        Lit. de la France_, vol. i. part ii. pp. 413-417, Paris, 1733,
+        4to. They say that he erected the first monastery in Gaul:
+        'Martin, toujours passionné pour la solitude, érigea un monastère
+        qui fut le premier que l'on eût encore vû dans les Gaules,' p.
+        414. At p. 415, they make the unnecessary admission, that the
+        saint 'n'avoit point étudié les sciences profanes.' I may add,
+        that the miracles of Martin are related by Fleury, who evidently
+        believes that they were really performed. _Fleury_, _Hist.
+        Ecclésiastique_, livre xvi. no. 31, vol. iv. pp. 215-217, Paris,
+        1758, 12mo. Neander, having the advantage of living a hundred
+        years later than Fleury, is content to say, 'the veneration of
+        his period denominated him a worker of miracles.' _Hist. of the
+        Church_, vol. iv. p. 494. There is a characteristic anecdote of
+        him, from Sulpitius Severus, in _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. i.
+        p. 123.
+
+Such was the narrow spirit with which the great facts of history were
+contemplated by a writer, who, when he was confined to his own
+department, displayed the most towering genius. This contracted view was
+the inevitable consequence of his attempt to explain the complicated
+movements of the human race by principles which he had generalized from
+his own inferior studies.[882] Nor need any one be offended, that, from
+a scientific point of view, I assign to the pursuits of Bossuet a rank
+lower than that in which they are sometimes placed. It is certain that
+religious dogmas do, in many cases, influence the affairs of men. But it
+is equally certain, that as civilization advances, such influence
+decreases, and that even when the power of those dogmas was at its
+height, there were many other motives by which the actions of mankind
+were also governed. And since the study of history is the study of the
+aggregate of these motives, it is evident that history must be superior
+to theology; just as the whole is superior to a part. A neglect of this
+simple consideration has, with a few eminent exceptions, led all
+ecclesiastical authors into serious errors. It has induced in them a
+disposition to disregard the immense variety of external events, and to
+suppose that the course of affairs is regulated by some principles which
+theology alone can detect. This, indeed, is only the result of a general
+law of the mind, by which those who have any favourite profession, are
+apt to exaggerate its capacity; to explain events by its maxims, and as
+it were, to refract through its medium the occurrences of life.[883]
+Among theologians, however, such prejudices are more dangerous than in
+any other profession, because among them alone are they fortified by
+that bold assumption of supernatural authority on which many of the
+clergy willingly rely.
+
+  [882] At pp. 479, 480, Bossuet gives a sort of summary of his historical
+        principles; and if they are true, history is evidently impossible
+        to be written. On this account, though fully recognizing the
+        genius of Bossuet, I cannot agree with the remarks made upon him
+        by M. Comte, _Philos. Pos._ vol. iv. p. 280, vol. vi. pp. 316,
+        317.
+
+  [883] And then, as M. Charles Comte well says, they call this prejudice
+        their moral sense, or their moral instinct. _Comte_, _Traité de
+        Législation_, vol. i. p. 116.
+
+These professional prejudices, when supported by theological dogmas, in
+a reign like that of Louis XIV.,[884] are sufficient to account for the
+peculiarities which mark the historical work of Bossuet. Besides this,
+in his case, the general tendency was aggravated by personal
+characteristics. His mind was remarkable for a haughtiness, which we
+find constantly breaking out into a general contempt for mankind.[885]
+At the same time his amazing eloquence, and the effects which it never
+failed to produce, seemed to justify the overweening confidence that he
+felt in his own powers. There is, indeed, in some of his greatest
+efforts, so much of the fire and majesty of genius, that we are reminded
+of those lofty and burning words with which the prophets of antiquity
+thrilled their hearers. Bossuet, thus standing, as he supposed, on an
+eminence which raised him above the ordinary weaknesses of men, loved to
+taunt them with their follies, and to deride every aspiration of their
+genius. Every thing like intellectual boldness seemed to gall his own
+superiority.[886] It was this boundless arrogance with which he was
+filled, which gives to his works some of their most marked
+peculiarities. It was this, that made him strain every nerve to abase
+and vilify those prodigious resources of the human understanding, which
+are often despised by men who are ignorant of them; but which in reality
+are so great, that no one has yet arisen able to scan them in the whole
+of their gigantic dimensions. It was this same contempt for the human
+intellect, that made him deny its capacity to work out for itself the
+epochs through which it has passed; and, consequently, made him recur to
+the dogma of supernatural interference. It was this, again, that, in
+those magnificent orations which are among the greatest wonders of
+modern art, caused him to exhaust the language of eulogy, not upon
+intellectual eminence, but upon mere military achievements, upon great
+conquerors, those pests and destroyers of men, who pass their lives in
+discovering new ways of slaying their enemies, and in devising new means
+of aggravating the miseries of the world. And, to descend still lower,
+it was this same contempt for the dearest interests of mankind, which
+made him look with reverence upon a king, who considered all those
+interests as nothing; but who had the merit of enslaving the mind of
+France, and of increasing the power of that body of men, among whom
+Bossuet himself was the most distinguished.
+
+  [884] The connection between the opinions of Bossuet and the despotism
+        of Louis XIV. is touched on by Montlosier, who, however, has
+        probably laid too much stress on the influence which the civil
+        law exercised over both. _Montlosier_, _Monarchie Française_,
+        vol. ii. p. 90.
+
+  [885] He belonged to a class of historians, described by a celebrated
+        writer in a single sentence: 'dans leurs écrits l'auteur paraît
+        souvent grand, mais l'humanité est toujours petite.'
+        _Tocqueville_, _Démocratie_, vol. iv. p. 139.
+
+  [886] Hardly any one acquainted with the writings and the history of
+        Bossuet will require evidence of his singular arrogance. But the
+        reader may consult _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Franç._ vol. xxvi. p.
+        247; and on his treatment of Fénelon, which was the most shameful
+        transaction of his life, compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iv. p.
+        384, with _Capefigue's Louis XIV_, vol. ii. p. 58; where there is
+        printed one of the many epigrams to which the conduct of Bossuet
+        gave rise.
+
+In the absence of sufficient evidence respecting the general state of
+the French at the end of the seventeenth century, it is impossible to
+ascertain to what extent such notions as these had penetrated the
+popular mind. But, looking at the manner in which government had broken
+the spirit of the country, I should be inclined to suppose that the
+opinions of Bossuet were very acceptable to his own generation. This,
+however, is a question rather of curiosity than of importance; for only
+a few years later there appeared the first symptoms of that
+unprecedented movement, which not merely destroyed the political
+institutions of France, but effected a greater and more permanent
+revolution in every department of the national intellect. At the death
+of Louis XIV., in literature, as well as in politics, in religion, and
+in morals, everything was ripe for reaction. The materials still
+existing are so ample, that it would be possible to trace with
+considerable minuteness the steps of this great process; but it will, I
+think, be more agreeable to the general scheme of this Introduction, if
+I pass over some of the intermediate links, and confine myself to those
+salient instances in which the spirit of the age is most strikingly
+portrayed.
+
+There is, indeed, something extraordinary in the change which, in
+France, one generation was able to effect in the method of writing
+history. The best way, perhaps, to form an idea of this, will be to
+compare the works of Voltaire with those of Bossuet; because these
+great authors were probably the most able, and were certainly the most
+influential, Frenchmen during the period they respectively represented.
+The first great improvement which we find in Voltaire, as compared with
+Bossuet, is an increased perception of the dignity of the human
+intellect. In addition to the circumstances already noticed, we must
+remember that the reading of Bossuet lay in a direction which prevented
+him from feeling this. He had not studied those branches of knowledge
+where great things have been achieved; but he was very conversant with
+the writings of the saints and fathers, whose speculations are by no
+means calculated to give us a high opinion of the resources of their own
+understanding. Thus accustomed to contemplate the workings of the mind
+in what is, on the whole, the most puerile literature Europe has ever
+produced, the contempt which Bossuet felt for mankind went on
+increasing; until it reached that inordinate degree which, in his later
+works, is painfully conspicuous. But Voltaire, who paid no attention to
+such things as these, passed his long life in the constant accumulation
+of real and available knowledge. His mind was essentially modern.
+Despising unsupported authority, and heedless of tradition, he devoted
+himself to subjects in which the triumph of the human reason is too
+apparent to be mistaken. The more his knowledge advanced, the more he
+admired those vast powers by which the knowledge had been created. Hence
+his admiration for the intellect of man, so far from diminishing, grew
+with his growth; and, just in the same proportion, there was
+strengthened his love of humanity, and his dislike to the prejudices
+which had long obscured its history. That this, in the march of his
+mind, was the course it actually followed, will be evident to any one
+who considers the different spirit of his works, in reference to the
+different periods of life in which they were produced.
+
+The first historical work of Voltaire was a life of Charles XII., in
+1728.[887] At this time his knowledge was still scanty, and he was
+still influenced by the servile traditions of the preceding generation.
+It is not, therefore, wonderful, that he should express the greatest
+respect for Charles, who, among the admirers of military fame, will
+always preserve a certain reputation; though his only merits are, that
+he ravaged many countries and killed many men. But we find little
+sympathy with his unfortunate subjects, the accumulations of whose
+industry supported the royal armies;[888] nor is there much pity for
+those nations who were oppressed by this great robber in the immense
+line of his conquests from Sweden to Turkey. Indeed, the admiration of
+Voltaire for Charles is unbounded. He calls him the most extraordinary
+man the world had ever seen;[889] he declares him to be a prince full of
+honour;[890] and while he scarcely blames his infamous murder of
+Patkul,[891] he relates with evident emotion how the royal lunatic, at
+the head of forty servants, resisted an entire army.[892] In the same
+way, he says, that after the battle of Narva, all the attempts of
+Charles were unable to prevent medals from being struck at Stockholm in
+celebration of that event;[893] although Voltaire well knew that a man
+of such extravagant vanity must have been pleased by so durable a
+homage, and although it is quite certain that if he had not been
+pleased, the medals would never have been struck: for who would venture,
+without an object, to offend, in his own capital, one of the most
+arbitrary and revengeful of princes?
+
+  [887] He says that he wrote it in 1728. _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. xxii. p. 5, but, according to M. Lepan (_Vie de Voltaire_,
+        p. 382), 'il parut en 1731.' Both statements may be accurate, as
+        Voltaire frequently kept his works for some time in manuscript.
+
+  [888] Sir A. Alison, who certainly cannot be accused of want of respect
+        for military conquerors, says of Sweden, 'the attempt which
+        Charles XII. made to engage her in long and arduous wars, so
+        completely drained the resources of the country, that they did
+        not recover the loss for half a century.' _Hist. of Europe_, vol.
+        x. p. 504. See also, on the effects produced by the conscriptions
+        of Charles XII., _Laing's Sweden_, p. 59; _Koch_, _Tableau des
+        Révolutions_, vol. ii. p. 63; and above all, a curious passage in
+        _Duclos_, _Mém. Secrets_, vol. i. p. 448. Several of the soldiers
+        of Charles XII. who were taken prisoners, were sent into Siberia,
+        where Bell fell in with them early in the eighteenth century.
+        _Bell's Travels in Asia_, edit. Edinb. 1788, vol. i. pp. 223-224.
+
+  [889] 'Charles XII, l'homme le plus extraordinaire peut-être qui ait
+        jamais été sur la terre, qui a réuni en lui toutes les grandes
+        qualités de ses aïeux, et qui n'a eu d'autre défaut ni d'autre
+        malheur que de les avoir toutes outrées.' _Hist. de Charles XII_,
+        livre i., in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxii. p. 30.
+
+  [890] 'Plein d'honneur.' _Ibid._ in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxii. p. 63.
+
+  [891] Which Burke, not without justice, compares to the murder of
+        Monaldeschi by Christina. _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 412. See
+        some remarks on the murder of Patkul, in _Vattel_, _Droit des
+        Gens_, vol. i. p. 230; and an account of it, from Swedish
+        authorities, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. xiii. pp. 879-881. For
+        Voltaire's version see his _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxii. pp. 136, 137;
+        which may be contrasted with _Crichton and Wheaton's History of
+        Scandinavia_, Edinb. 1838, vol. ii. p. 127.
+
+  [892] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxii. pp. 250-260. It may interest
+        some persons to hear, that the litter in which this madman 'was
+        borne from the battle of Pultava' is still preserved at Moscow.
+        _Kohl's Russia_, p. 220. It was also seen by M. Custine.
+        _Custine's Russia_, vol. iii. p. 263.
+
+  [893] 'Sa modestie ne put empêcher qu'on ne frappât à Stockholm
+        plusieurs médailles pour perpétuer la mémoire de ces événements.'
+        _Charles XII_, livre ii., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxii. p. 70.
+
+So far, it might appear that little had been gained in the method of
+writing history.[894] But, even thus early, we find one vast
+improvement. In Voltaire's Life of Charles XII., faulty as it is, there
+are none of those assumptions of supernatural interference in which
+Bossuet delighted, and which were natural to the reign of Louis XIV. The
+absence of this marks the first great stage in the French school of
+history in the eighteenth century; and we find the same peculiarity in
+all the subsequent historians, none of whom recurred to a method, which,
+though suitable for the purposes of theologians, is fatal to all
+independent inquiries, since it not only prescribes the course the
+inquirer is bound to take, but actually sets up a limit beyond which he
+is forbidden to proceed.
+
+  [894] Even some of its geographical details are said to be inaccurate.
+        Compare _Villemain_, _Littérature au XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p.
+        33, with _Kohl's Russia_, p. 505. However, as M. Villemain says,
+        this must always be the case, when writers, who only know a
+        country from maps, attempt to enter into details respecting
+        military geography. In regard to style, it cannot be too highly
+        praised; and a well-known critic, Lacratelle, calls it 'le modèle
+        le plus accompli de narration qui existe dans notre langue.'
+        _Lacretelle_, _Dix-huitième Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 42. In 1843 it
+        was still used as a text book in the French royal colleges. See
+        _Report on Education in France_, in _Journal of Stat. Soc._ vol.
+        vi. p. 308. Further information respecting this work may be found
+        in _Longchamp et Wagnière_, _Mém. sur Voltaire_, vol. ii. p. 494;
+        and in _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. viii. p. 224, vol. x. p. 304.
+
+That Voltaire should have infringed upon this ancient method only
+thirteen years after the death of Louis XIV., and that he should have
+done this in a popular work, abounding with such dangerous adventures as
+are always found to tempt the mind to an opposite course, is a step of
+no common merit, and becomes still more worthy of remark, if taken in
+connexion with another fact of considerable interest. This is, that the
+life of Charles XII. represents the first epoch, not only in the
+eighteenth century, but also in the intellect of Voltaire himself.[895]
+After it was published, this great man turned awhile from history, and
+directed his attention to some of the noblest subjects: to mathematics,
+to physics, to jurisprudence, to the discoveries of Newton, and to the
+speculations of Locke. In these things he perceived those capabilities
+of the human mind, which his own country had formerly witnessed, but of
+which during the authority of Louis XIV. the memory had been almost
+lost. Then it was that, with extended knowledge and sharpened intellect,
+he returned to the great field of history.[896] The manner in which he
+now treated his old subject, showed the change that had come over him.
+In 1752, appeared his celebrated work on Louis XIV.,[897] the very title
+of which is suggestive of the process through which his mind had passed.
+His former history was an account of a king; this is an account of an
+age. To the production of his youth he gave the title of a _History of
+Charles XII._; this he called the _Age of Louis XIV._ Before, he had
+detailed the peculiarities of a prince; now, he considered the movements
+of a people. Indeed, in the introduction to the work, he announces his
+intention to describe, 'not the actions of a single man, but the
+character of men.'[898] Nor, in this point of view, is the execution
+inferior to the design. While he is contented with giving a summary of
+military achievements, on which Bossuet hung with delight, he enters at
+great length into those really important matters which, before his time,
+found no place in the history of France. He has one chapter on commerce
+and internal government;[899] another chapter on finances;[900] another
+on the history of science;[901] and three chapters on the progress of
+the fine arts.[902] And though Voltaire did not attach much value to
+theological disputes, still he knew that they have often played a great
+part in the affairs of men; he therefore gives several distinct
+chapters to a relation of ecclesiastical matters during the reign of
+Louis.[903] It is hardly necessary to observe the immense superiority
+which a scheme like this possessed, not only over the narrow views of
+Bossuet, but even over his own earlier history. Still it cannot be
+denied, that we find in it prejudices from which it was difficult for a
+Frenchman, educated in the reign of Louis XIV., to be entirely free. Not
+only does Voltaire dwell at needless length upon those amusements and
+debaucheries of Louis, with which history can have little concern, but
+he displays an evident disposition to favour the king himself, and to
+protect his name from the infamy with which it ought to be covered.[904]
+
+  [895] It is evident, from Voltaire's correspondence, that he afterwards
+        became somewhat ashamed of the praises he had bestowed on Charles
+        XII. In 1735, he writes to De Formont, 'si Charles XII n'avait
+        pas été excessivement grand, malheureux, et fou, je me serais
+        bien donné de garde de parler de lui.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lvi. p. 462. In 1758, advancing still further, he says of
+        Charles, 'voilà, monsieur, ce que les hommes de tous les temps et
+        de tous les pays appellent un héros; mais c'est le vulgaire de
+        tous les temps et de tous les pays qui donne ce nom à la soif du
+        carnage.' _Ibid._ vol. lx. p. 411. In 1759, he writes, that he
+        was then engaged on the history of Peter the Great: 'mais je
+        doute que cela soit aussi amusant que la vie de Charles XII; car
+        ce Pierre n'était qu'un sage extraordinaire, et Charles un fou
+        extraordinaire, qui se battait, comme Don Quichotte, contre des
+        moulins à vent.' Vol. lxi. p. 23: see also p. 350. These passages
+        prove the constant progress Voltaire was making in his conception
+        of what history ought to be, and what its uses were.
+
+  [896] In 1741, he mentions his increasing love of history. _Corresp._ in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. li. p. 96.
+
+  [897] Lord Brougham, in his life of Voltaire, says that it appeared in
+        1751. _Lives of Men of Letters_, vol. i p. 106. But 1752 is the
+        date given in _Biog. Univ._ xlix. 478; in _Quérard_, _France
+        Lit._ vol. x. p. 355; and in _Lepan_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 382.
+
+  [898] 'On veut essayer de peindre à la postérité, non les actions d'un
+        seul homme, mais l'esprit des hommes dans le siècle le plus
+        éclairé qui fut jamais.' _Siècle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 213. And in his correspondence respecting
+        his work on Louis XIV., he carefully makes the same distinction.
+        See vol. lvi. pp. 453, 488, 489, 500, vol. lvii. pp. 337,
+        342-344, vol. lix. p. 103.
+
+  [899] Chap. xxix., in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xx. pp. 234-267.
+
+  [900] Chap. xxx., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 267-291. This chapter is
+        praised in _Sinclair's History of the Public Revenue_, vol. iii.
+        appendix, p. 77; an indifferent work, but the best we have on the
+        important subject to which it refers.
+
+  [901] Chap. xxxi., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 291-299; necessarily a
+        very short chapter, because of the paucity of materials.
+
+  [902] Chapters xxxii. to xxxiv., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 299-338.
+
+  [903] _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 338-464.
+
+  [904] This disposition to favour Louis XIV. is noticed by Condorcet, who
+        says it was the only early prejudice which Voltaire was unable to
+        shake off: 'c'est le seul préjugé de sa jeunesse qu'il ait
+        conservé.' _Condorcet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 286. See also, on this defect, _Grimm et
+        Diderot_, _Corresp. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 182; _Lemontey_,
+        _Etablissement Monarchique_, pp. 451, 452; _Mém. de Brissot_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 88, 89. It is interesting to observe, that
+        Voltaire's earlier opinions were still more favourable to Louis
+        XIV. than those which he afterwards expressed in his history. See
+        a letter which he wrote in 1740 to Lord Harvey, printed in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lviii. pp. 57-63.
+
+But the next work of Voltaire showed that this was a mere personal
+feeling, and did not affect his general views as to the part which the
+acts of princes ought to occupy in history. Four years after the
+appearance of the _Age of Louis XIV._, he published his important
+treatise on the _Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations_.[905] This
+is not only one of the greatest books which appeared during the
+eighteenth century, but it still remains the best on the subject to
+which it refers. The mere reading it displays is immense;[906] what,
+however, is far more admirable, is the skill with which the author
+connects the various facts, and makes them illustrate each other,
+sometimes by a single remark, sometimes only by the order and position
+in which they are placed. Indeed, considered solely as a work of art, it
+would be difficult to praise it too highly; while, as a symptom of the
+times, it is important to observe, that it contains no traces of that
+adulation of royalty which characterized Voltaire in the period of his
+youth, and which is found in all the best writers during the power of
+Louis XIV. In the whole of this long and important work, the great
+historian takes little notice of the intrigues of courts, or of the
+changes of ministers, or of the fate of kings; but he endeavours to
+discover and develop the different epochs through which Man has
+successively passed. 'I wish,' he says, 'to write a history, not of
+wars, but of society; and to ascertain how men lived in the interior of
+their families, and what were the arts which they commonly
+cultivated.'[907] For, he adds, 'my object is the history of the human
+mind, and not a mere detail of petty facts; nor am I concerned with the
+history of great lords, who made war upon French kings; but I want to
+know what were the steps by which men passed from barbarism to
+civilization.'[908]
+
+  [905] Mr. Burton, in his interesting work, _Life and Correspondence of
+        Hume_, vol. ii. p. 129, says it was 'first published in 1756;'
+        and the same date is given by Quérard (_France Littéraire_, vol.
+        x. p. 359), who is a very accurate bibliographer; so that
+        Condorcet (_Vie de Voltaire_, p. 199) and Lord Brougham (_Men of
+        Letters_, vol. i. p. 98) are probably in error in assigning it to
+        1757. In regard to its title, I translate 'M[oe]urs' as 'morals
+        and manners;' for M. Tocqueville uses 'm[oe]urs' as equivalent to
+        the Latin word 'mores.' _Tocqueville_, _Démocratie en Amérique_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 50, 84.
+
+  [906] Superficial writers are so much in the habit of calling Voltaire
+        superficial, that it may be well to observe, that his accuracy
+        has been praised, not only by his own countrymen, but by several
+        English authors of admitted learning. For three remarkable
+        instances of this, from men whom no one will accuse of leaning
+        towards his other opinions, see _notes to Charles V._, in
+        _Robertson's Works_, pp. 431, 432; _Barrington's Observations on
+        the Statutes_, p. 293; and _Warton's History of English Poetry_,
+        vol. i. p. xvi. Even Sir W. Jones, in his preface to the _Life of
+        Nader Shah_, says, that Voltaire is 'the best historian' the
+        French have produced. _Works of Sir William Jones_, vol. v. p.
+        542; and compare the preface to his _Persian Grammar_, in
+        _Works_, vol. ii. p. 123.
+
+  [907] 'Je voudrais découvrir quelle était alors la société des hommes,
+        comment on vivait dans l'intérieur des familles, quels arts
+        étaient cultivés, plutôt que de répéter tant de malheurs et tant
+        de combats, funestes objets de l'histoire, et lieux communs de la
+        méchanceté humaine.' _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chap. lxxxi., in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. xvi. p. 381.
+
+  [908] 'L'objet était l'histoire de l'esprit humain, et non pas le détail
+        des faits presque toujours défigurés; il ne s'agissait pas de
+        rechercher, par exemple, de quelle famille était le seigneur de
+        Puiset, ou le seigneur de Montlheri, qui firent la guerre à des
+        rois de France; mais de voir par quels degrés on est parvenu de
+        la rusticité barbare de ces temps à la politesse du nôtre.'
+        Supplement to _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol.
+        xviii. p. 435. Compare _Fragments sur l'Histoire_, vol. xxvii. p.
+        214, with two letters in vol. lx. pp. 153, 154, vol. lxv. p. 370.
+
+It was in this way that Voltaire taught historians to concentrate their
+attention on matters of real importance, and to neglect those idle
+details with which history had formerly been filled. But what proves
+this to be a movement arising as much from the spirit of the age as from
+the individual author, is, that we find precisely the same tendency in
+the works of Montesquieu and Turgot, who were certainly the two most
+eminent of the contemporaries of Voltaire; and both of whom followed a
+method similar to his, in so far as, omitting descriptions of kings,
+courts, and battles, they confined themselves to points which illustrate
+the character of mankind, and the general march of civilization. And
+such was the popularity of this change in the old routine, that its
+influence was felt by other historians of inferior, but still of
+considerable, ability. In 1755, Mallet[909] published his interesting,
+and, at the time it was written, most valuable work, on the history of
+Denmark;[910] in which he professes himself a pupil of the new school.
+'For why,' he says, 'should history be only a recital of battles,
+sieges, intrigues, and negotiations? And why should it contain merely a
+heap of petty facts and dates, rather than a great picture of the
+opinions, customs, and even inclinations of a people?'[911] Thus too, in
+1765, Mably published the first part of his celebrated work on the
+history of France;[912] in the preface to which, he complains that
+historians 'have neglected the origin of laws and customs, in favour of
+sieges and battles.'[913] In the same spirit, Velly and Villaret, in
+their voluminous history of France, express regret that historians
+should usually relate what happens to the sovereign, in preference to
+what happens to the people, and should omit the manners and
+characteristics of a nation, in order to study the acts of a single
+man.[914] Duclos, again, announces that his history is not of war, nor
+of politics, but of men and manners:[915] while, strange to say, even
+the courtly Hénault declares that his object was to describe laws and
+manners, which he calls the soul of history, or rather history
+itself.[916]
+
+  [909] Mallet, though born in Geneva, was a Frenchman in the habits of
+        his mind: he wrote in French, and is classed among French
+        historians, in the report presented to Napoleon by the Institut.
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport sur les Progrès de l'Histoire_, p. 173.
+
+  [910] Göthe, in his Autobiography, mentions his obligations to this
+        work, which, I suspect, exercised considerable influence over the
+        early associations of his mind: 'Ich hatte die Fabeln der Edda
+        schon längst aus der Vorrede zu Mallet's Dänischer Geschichte
+        kennen gelernt, und mich derselben sogleich bemächtigt; sie
+        gehörten unter diejenigen Mährchen, die ich, von einer
+        Gesellschaft aufgefordert, am liebsten erzählte.' _Wahrheit u.
+        Dichtung_, in _Goethe's Werke_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 169. Percy,
+        a very fair judge, thought highly of Mallet's history, part of
+        which, indeed, he translated. See a letter from him, in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. vii.
+        p. 719.
+
+  [911] _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, edit. Blackell, 1847, p. 78.
+
+  [912] The first two volumes were published in 1765; the other two in
+        1790. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. pp. 9, 12.
+
+  [913] _Mably_, _Observ. sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. i. p. ii.; and
+        compare vol. iii. p. 289: but this latter passage was written
+        several years later.
+
+  [914] 'Bornés à nous apprendre les victoires ou les défaites du
+        souverain, ils ne nous disent rien ou presque rien des peuples
+        qu'il a rendus heureux ou malheureux. On ne trouve dans leurs
+        écrits que longues descriptions de sièges et de batailles; nulle
+        mention des m[oe]urs et de l'esprit de la nation. Elle y est
+        presque toujours sacrifiée à un seul homme.' _Histoire de France
+        par Velly_, Paris, 1770, 4to, vol. i. p. 6; and see, to the same
+        effect, the _Continuation by Villaret_, vol. v. p. vi.
+
+ [915] 'Si l'histoire que j'écris n'est ni militaire, ni politique, ni
+        économique, du moins dans le sens que je conçois pour ces
+        différentes parties, on me demandera quelle est donc celle que je
+        me propose d'écrire. C'est l'histoire des hommes et des
+        m[oe]urs.' _Duclos_, _Louis XIV et Louis XV_, vol. i. p. xxv.
+
+  [916] 'Je voulois connoître nos loix, nos m[oe]urs, et tout ce qui est
+        l'âme de l'histoire, ou plutôt l'histoire même.' _Hénault_,
+        _Nouvel Abrégé chronologique de l'Histoire de France_, edit.
+        Paris, 1775, vol. i. p. i.
+
+Thus it was, that historians began to shift, as it were, the scene of
+their labours, and to study subjects connected with those popular
+interests, on which the great writers under Louis XIV. disdained to
+waste a thought. I need hardly observe, how agreeable such views were
+to the general spirit of the eighteenth century, and how well they
+harmonized with the temper of men who were striving to lay aside their
+former prejudices, and despise what had once been universally admired.
+All this was but part of that vast movement, which prepared the way for
+the Revolution, by unsettling ancient opinions, by encouraging a certain
+mobility and restlessness of mind, and, above all, by the disrespect it
+showed for those powerful individuals, hitherto regarded as gods rather
+than as men, but who now, for the first time, were neglected by the
+greatest and most popular historians, who passed over even their
+prominent actions, in order to dwell upon the welfare of nations, and
+the interests of the people at large.
+
+To return, however, to what was actually effected by Voltaire, there is
+no doubt that, in his case, this tendency of the time was strengthened
+by a natural comprehensiveness of mind, which predisposed him to large
+views, and made him dissatisfied with that narrow range to which history
+had been hitherto confined.[917] Whatever may be thought of the other
+qualities of Voltaire, it must be allowed that, in his intellect,
+everything was on a great scale.[918] Always prepared for thought, and
+always ready to generalize, he was averse to the study of individual
+actions, unless they could be made available for the establishment of
+some broad and permanent principle. Hence his habit of looking at
+history with a view to the stages through which the country had passed,
+rather than with a view to the character of the men by whom the country
+had been governed. The same tendency appears in his lighter works; and
+it has been well observed,[919] that, even in his dramas, he endeavours
+to portray, not so much the passions of individuals, as the spirit of
+epochs. In _Mahomet_, his subject is a great religion; in _Alzire_, the
+conquest of America; in _Brutus_, the formation of the Roman power; in
+the _Death of Cæsar_, the rise of the empire upon the ruins of that
+power.[920]
+
+  [917] In 1763, he writes to D'Argental: 'il y a environ douze batailles
+        dont je n'ai point parlé, Dieu merci, parceque j'écris l'histoire
+        de l'esprit humain, et non une gazette.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lxiii. p. 51. See also his letter to Tabareau (_Lettres
+        inédites de Voltaire_, vol. ii. p. 585): 'Personne ne lit les
+        détails des combats et des sièges; rien n'est plus ennuyeux que
+        la droite et la gauche, les bastions et la contrescarpe.'
+
+  [918] M. Lamartine characterizes him as 'ce génie non pas le plus haut,
+        mais le plus vaste de la France.' _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i.
+        p. 180.
+
+  [919] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xlix. p. 493. His _Orphelin de la Chine_ is
+        taken from Chinese sources: see _Davis's China_, vol. ii. p. 258.
+
+  [920] The surprising versatility of Voltaire's mind is shown by the
+        fact, unparalleled in literature, that he was equally great as a
+        dramatic writer and as an historian. Mr. Forster, in his
+        admirable _Life of Goldsmith_, 1854, says (vol. i. p. 119),
+        'Gray's high opinion of Voltaire's tragedies is shared by one of
+        our greatest authorities on such a matter now living, Sir Edward
+        Bulwer Lytton, whom I have often heard maintain the marked
+        superiority of Voltaire over all his countrymen in the knowledge
+        of dramatic art, and the power of producing theatrical effects.'
+        Compare _Correspondence of Gray and Mason_, edit. Mitford, 1855,
+        p. 44.
+
+By this determination to look upon the course of events as a great and
+connected whole, Voltaire was led to several results, which have been
+complacently adopted by many authors, who, even while using them, revile
+him from whom they were taken. He was the first historian who, rejecting
+the ordinary method of investigation, endeavoured, by large general
+views, to explain the origin of feudality; and, by indicating some of
+the causes of its decline in the fourteenth century,[921] he laid the
+foundation for a philosophic estimate of that important
+institution.[922] He was the author of a profound remark, afterwards
+adopted by Constant, to the effect, that licentious religious
+ceremonies have no connexion with licentious national morals.[923]
+Another observation of his, which has been only partly used by writers
+on ecclesiastical history, is pregnant with instruction. He says, that
+one of the reasons why the bishops of Rome acquired an authority so
+superior to that of the eastern patriarchs, was the greater subtlety of
+the Greek mind. Nearly all the heresies proceeded from the east; and,
+with the exception of Honorius I., not a single pope adopted a system
+condemned by the church. This gave to the papal power an unity and
+consolidation, which the patriarchal power was unable to reach; and thus
+the Holy See owes part of its authority to the early dulness of the
+European fancy.[924]
+
+  [921] _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chap. lxxxv., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xvi.
+        p. 412, and elsewhere.
+
+  [922] During the eighteenth century, and, I may say, until the
+        publication in 1818 of Hallam's Middle Ages, there was in the
+        English language no comprehensive account of the feudal system;
+        unless, perhaps, we except that given by Robertson, who in this,
+        as in many other matters of history, was a pupil of Voltaire. Not
+        only Dalrymple, and writers of his kind, but even Blackstone,
+        took so narrow a view of this great institution, that they were
+        unable to connect it with the general state of society to which
+        it belonged. Some of our historians gravely traced it back to
+        Moses, in whose laws they found the origin of allodial lands. See
+        a charming passage in _Barry's History of the Orkney Islands_, p.
+        219. On the spirit of feudality, there are some remarks well
+        worth reading in _Comtés Philos. Posit._ vol. v. pp. 393-413.
+
+  [923] Constant, in his work on Roman polytheism, says, 'des rites
+        indécens peuvent être pratiqués par un peuple religieux avec une
+        grande pureté de c[oe]ur. Mais quand l'incrédulité atteint ces
+        peuples, ces rites sont pour lui la cause et le prétexte de la
+        plus révoltante corruption.' This passage is quoted by Mr.
+        Milman, who calls it 'extremely profound and just.' _Milman's
+        History of Christianity_, 1840, vol. i. p. 28. And so it
+        is--extremely profound and just. But it happens that precisely
+        the same remark was made by Voltaire, just about the time that
+        Constant was born. Speaking of the worship of Priapus, he says
+        (_Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chap. cxliii. in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xvii. p. 341), 'nos idées de bienséance nous
+        portent à croire qu'un cérémonie qui nous paraît si infâme n'a
+        été inventée que par la débauche; mais il n'est guère croyable
+        que la dépravation des m[oe]urs ait jamais chez aucun peuple
+        établi des cérémonies religieuses. Il est probable, au contraire,
+        que cette coutume fut d'abord introduite dans les temps de
+        simplicité, et qu'on ne pensa d'abord qu'à honorer la Divinité
+        dans le symbole de la vie qu'elle nous a donnée. Une telle
+        cérémonie a dû inspirer la licence à la jeunesse, et paraître
+        ridicule aux esprits sages, dans les temps plus raffinés, plus
+        corrompus, et plus éclairés.' Compare the remarks on the
+        indecency of the Spartan customs, in _Thirlwall's Hist. of
+        Greece_, vol. i. pp. 326, 327.
+
+ [924] _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chaps. xiv. and xxxi., in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. xv. pp. 391, 514. Neander observes, that in the Greek church
+        there were more heresies than in the Latin church, because the
+        Greeks thought more; but he has failed to perceive how this
+        favoured the authority of the popes. _Neander's History of the
+        Church_, vol. ii. pp. 198, 199, vol. iii. pp. 191, 492, vol. iv.
+        p. 90, vol. vi. p. 293, vol. viii. p. 257.
+
+It would be impossible to relate all the original remarks of Voltaire,
+which, when he made them, were attacked as dangerous paradoxes, and are
+now valued as sober truths. He was the first historian who recommended
+universal freedom of trade; and, although he expresses himself with
+great caution,[925] still the mere announcement of the idea in a popular
+history forms an epoch in the progress of the French mind. He is the
+originator of that important distinction between the increase of
+population and the increase of food, to which political economy has been
+greatly indebted;[926] a principle adopted several years later by
+Townsend, and then used by Malthus as the basis of his celebrated
+work.[927] He has, moreover, the merit of being the first who dispelled
+the childish admiration with which the Middle Ages had been hitherto
+regarded, and which they owed to those dull and learned writers, who, in
+the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were the principal
+investigators of the early history of Europe. These industrious
+compilers had collected extensive materials, which Voltaire turned to
+good account, and by their aid overthrew the conclusions at which the
+authors had themselves arrived. In his works, the Middle Ages are, for
+the first time, represented as what they really were,--a period of
+ignorance, ferocity, and licentiousness; a period when injuries were
+unredressed, crime unpunished, and superstition unrebuked. It may be
+said, with some show of justice, that Voltaire, in the picture he drew,
+fell into the opposite extreme, and did not sufficiently recognize the
+merit of those truly great men, who, at long intervals, stood here and
+there, like solitary beacons, whose light only made the surrounding
+darkness more visible. Still, after every allowance for that
+exaggeration which a reaction of opinions always causes, it is certain
+that his view of the Middle Ages is not only far more accurate than that
+of any preceding writer, but conveys a much juster idea of the time than
+can be found in those subsequent compilations which we owe to the
+industry of modern antiquaries; a simple and plodding race, who admire
+the past because they are ignorant of the present, and who, spending
+their lives amid the dust of forgotten manuscripts, think themselves
+able, with the resources of their little learning, to speculate on the
+affairs of men, to trace the history of different periods, and even to
+assign to each the praise it ought to receive.
+
+  [925] In his account of the trade of Archangel, he says, 'les Anglais
+        obtinrent le privilége d'y commercer sans payer aucun droit; et
+        c'est ainsi que toutes les nations devraient peut-être négocier
+        ensemble.' _Hist. de Russie_, part i. chap. i., in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. xxiii. p. 35. Remarkable words to have been written by a
+        Frenchman, born at the end of the seventeenth century; and yet
+        they have, so far as I am aware, escaped the attention of all the
+        historians of political economy. Indeed, on this, as on most
+        matters, sufficient justice has not been done to Voltaire, whose
+        opinions were more accurate than those of Quesnay and his
+        followers. However, Mr. M'Culloch, in noticing one of the
+        economical errors of Voltaire, honestly admits that his 'opinions
+        on such subjects are, for the most part, very correct.'
+        _M'Culloch's Principles of Political Economy_, p. 530. For proof
+        of his sympathy with Turgot's efforts to establish free trade,
+        compare _Lettres inédites de Voltaire_, vol. ii. pp. 367, 403,
+        423, with _Longchamp_, _Mém. sur Voltaire_, vol. i. pp. 376, 378.
+
+  [926] 'The idea of the different ratios by which population and food
+        increase, was originally thrown out by Voltaire; and was picked
+        up and expanded into many a goodly volume by our English
+        political economists in the present century.' _Laing's Notes_,
+        second series, p. 42.
+
+  [927] It is often said that Malthus was indebted to Townsend's writings
+        for his views on population; but this obligation has been too
+        strongly stated, as, indeed, is always the case when charges of
+        plagiarism are brought against great works. Still, Townsend is to
+        be considered as the precursor of Malthus; and if the reader is
+        interested in tracing the paternity of ideas, he will find some
+        interesting economical remarks in _Townsend's Journey through
+        Spain_, vol. i. pp. 379, 383, vol. ii. pp. 85, 337, 387-393;
+        which must be compared with _M'Culloch's Literature of Political
+        Economy_, pp. 259, 281-3. Voltaire having preceded these authors,
+        has, of course, fallen into errors which they avoided; but
+        nothing can be better than the way in which he opposes the
+        ignorant belief of his own time, that every thing should be done
+        to increase population. 'Le point principal n'est pas d'avoir du
+        superflu en hommes, mais de rendre ce que nous en avons le moins
+        malheureux qu'il est possible,' is the summing-up of his able
+        remarks, in _Dict. Philos._, article _Population_, sect. 2, in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. xli. p. 466. Godwin, in his notice of the
+        history of these opinions, is evidently ignorant of what was done
+        by Voltaire. _Sinclair's Corresp._ vol. i. p. 396.
+
+With such writers as these, Voltaire was always at war; and no one has
+done so much to lessen the influence they once exercised over even the
+highest branches of knowledge. There was also another class of
+dictators, whose authority this great man was equally successful in
+reducing, namely, the old class of classical scholars and commentators,
+who, from the middle of the fourteenth till early in the eighteenth
+century, were the chief dispensers of fame, and were respected as being
+by far the most distinguished men Europe had ever produced. The first
+great assaults made upon them were late in the seventeenth century, when
+two controversies sprung up, of which I shall hereafter give an
+account,--one in France, and one in England,--by both of which their
+power was considerably damaged. But their two most formidable opponents
+were, undoubtedly, Locke and Voltaire. The immense services rendered by
+Locke in lessening the reputation of the old classical school, will be
+examined in another part of this work; at present we are only concerned
+with the steps taken by Voltaire.
+
+The authority wielded by the great classical scholars rested not only on
+their abilities, which are undeniable, but also on the supposed dignity
+of their pursuits. It was generally believed that ancient history
+possessed some inherent superiority over modern history; and this being
+taken for granted, the inference naturally followed, that the
+cultivators of the one were more praiseworthy than the cultivators of
+the other; and that a Frenchman, for instance, who should write the
+history of some Greek republic, displayed a nobler turn of mind than if
+he had written the history of his own country. This singular prejudice
+had for centuries been a traditional notion; which men accepted, because
+they had received it from their fathers, and which it would have been
+almost an impiety to dispute. The result was, that the few really able
+writers on history devoted themselves chiefly to that of the ancients;
+or, if they published an account of modern times, they handled their
+theme, not according to modern ideas, but according to ideas gathered
+from their more favourite pursuit. This confusion of the standard of
+one age with the standard of another, caused a double evil. Historians,
+by adopting this plan, injured the originality of their own minds; and,
+what was far worse, they set a bad example to the literature of their
+country. For every great nation has a mode of expression, and of
+thought, peculiar to itself, and with which its sympathies are
+intimately connected. To introduce any foreign model, however admirable
+it may be, is to violate this connexion, and to impair the value of
+literature by limiting the scope of its action. By such a course, the
+taste may possibly be refined, but the vigour will certainly be
+weakened. Indeed, the refinement of the taste may well be doubted, when
+we see what has taken place in our country, where our great scholars
+have corrupted the English language by a jargon so uncouth, that a plain
+man can hardly discern the real lack of ideas which their barbarous and
+mottled dialect strives to hide.[928] At all events, it is certain, that
+every people worthy of being called a nation, possess in their own
+language ample resources for expressing the highest ideas they are able
+to form; and although, in matters of science, it may be convenient to
+coin such words as are more easily understood in foreign countries, it
+is a grave offence to depart on other subjects from the vernacular
+speech; and it is a still graver one, to introduce notions and
+standards for action, suited perhaps to former times, but which the
+march of society has left far behind, and with which we have no real
+sympathy, though they may excite that sickly and artificial interest
+which the classical prejudices of early education still contrive to
+create.
+
+  [928] With the single exception of Porson, not one of the great English
+        scholars has shown an appreciation of the beauties of his native
+        language; and many of them, such as Parr (in all his works) and
+        Bentley (in his mad edition of Milton), have done every thing in
+        their power to corrupt it. And there can be little doubt, that
+        the principal reason why well-educated women write and converse
+        in a purer style than well-educated men, is because they have not
+        formed their taste according to those ancient classical
+        standards, which, admirable as they are in themselves, should
+        never be introduced into a state of society unfitted for them. To
+        this may be added, that Cobbett, the most racy and idiomatic of
+        all our writers, and Erskine, by far the greatest of our forensic
+        orators, knew little or nothing of any ancient language; and the
+        same observation applies to Shakespeare. On the supposed
+        connexion between the improvement of taste and the study of
+        classical models, there are some remarks worth attending to in
+        _Rey's Théorie et Pratique de la Science Sociale_, vol. i.
+        pp. 98-101.
+
+It was against these evils that Voltaire entered the field. The wit and
+the ridicule with which he attacked the dreaming scholars of his own
+time, can only be appreciated by those who have studied his works. Not,
+as some have supposed, that he used these weapons as a substitute for
+argument, still less that he fell into the error of making ridicule a
+test for truth. No one could reason more closely than Voltaire, when
+reasoning suited his purpose. But he had to deal with men impervious to
+argument; men whose inordinate reverence for antiquity had only left
+them two ideas, namely, that every thing old is right, and that every
+thing new is wrong. To argue against these opinions would be idle
+indeed; the only other resource was, to make them ridiculous, and weaken
+their influence, by holding up their authors to contempt. This was one
+of the tasks Voltaire set himself to perform; and he did it well.[929]
+He, therefore, used ridicule, not as the test of truth, but as the
+scourge of folly. And with such effect was the punishment administered,
+that not only did the pedants and theologians of his own time wince
+under the lash, but even their successors feel their ears tingle when
+they read his biting words; and they revenge themselves by reviling the
+memory of that great writer, whose works are as a thorn in their side,
+and whose very name they hold in undisguised abhorrence.
+
+  [929] 'We can best judge, from the Jesuitical rage with which he was
+        persecuted, how admirably he had delineated the weaknesses and
+        presumption of the interpreters of the ancients, who shone in the
+        schools and academies, and had acquired great reputation by their
+        various and copiously exhibited learning.' _Schlosser's
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. i. p. 120. At p. 270, M. Schlosser
+        says, 'And it was only a man of Voltaire's wit and talents, who
+        could throw the light of an entirely new criticism upon the
+        darkness of those grabbing and collecting pedants.'
+
+These two classes have, indeed, reasons enough for the hatred with
+which they still regard the greatest Frenchman of the eighteenth
+century. For, Voltaire did more than any other man to sap the foundation
+of ecclesiastical power, and to destroy the supremacy of classical
+studies. This is not the place for discussing the theological opinions
+which he attacked; but of the state of classical opinions an idea may be
+formed, by considering some of those circumstances which were recorded
+by the ancients respecting their history, and which, until the
+appearance of Voltaire, were implicitly believed by modern scholars, and
+through them by the people at large.
+
+It was believed that, in ancient times, Mars ravished a virgin, and that
+the offspring of the intrigue were no other than Romulus and Remus, both
+of whom it was intended to put to death; but they were fortunately saved
+by the attentions of a she-wolf and a woodpecker; the wolf giving them
+suck, and the woodpecker protecting them from insects. It was, moreover,
+believed that Romulus and Remus, when grown up to man's estate,
+determined to build a city, and that, being joined by the descendants of
+the Trojan warriors, they succeeded in erecting Rome. It was believed
+that both brothers came to an untimely end; Remus being murdered, and
+Romulus being taken up to heaven by his father, who descended for that
+purpose in the midst of a tempest. The great scholars then proceeded to
+relate the succession of several other kings; the most remarkable of
+whom was Numa, whose only communications with his wife were carried on
+in a sacred grove. Another of the sovereigns of Rome was Tullus
+Hostilius, who, having offended the clergy, perished from the effects of
+their anger; his death being caused by lightning, and preceded by
+pestilence. Then again, there was one Servius Tullius, who was also a
+king, and whose greatness was prognosticated by the appearance of flames
+round his head as he was sleeping in his cradle. After this, it was but
+a slight matter that the ordinary laws of mortality should be suspended;
+we were, therefore, assured that those ignorant barbarians, the early
+Romans, passed two hundred and forty-five years under the government of
+only seven kings, all of whom were elected in the prime of life, one of
+whom was expelled the city, and three of whom were put to death.
+
+These are a few of the idle stories in which the great scholars took
+intense delight, and which, during many centuries, were supposed to form
+a necessary part of the annals of the Latin empire. Indeed, so universal
+was the credulity, that, until they were destroyed by Voltaire, there
+were only four writers who had ventured openly to attack them.
+Cluverius, Perizonius, Pouilly, and Beaufort were the names of these
+bold innovators; but by none of them was any impression made on the
+public mind. The works of Cluverius and Perizonius, being composed in
+Latin, were addressed entirely to a class of readers who, infatuated
+with a love of antiquity, would listen to nothing that diminished the
+reputation of its history. Pouilly and Beaufort wrote in French; both of
+them, and especially Beaufort, were men of considerable ability; but
+their powers were not versatile enough to enable them to extirpate
+prejudices which were so strongly protected, and which had been fostered
+by the education of many successive generations.
+
+The service, therefore, rendered by Voltaire in purging history of these
+foolish conceits, is, not that he was the first by whom they were
+attacked, but that he was the first to attack them with success; and
+this because he was also the first who mingled ridicule with argument,
+thus not only assailing the system, but also weakening the authority of
+those by whom the system was supported. His irony, his wit, his pungent
+and telling sarcasms, produced more effect than the gravest arguments
+could have done; and there can be no doubt that he was fully justified
+in using those great resources with which nature had endowed him, since
+by their aid he advanced the interests of truth, and relieved men from
+some of their most inveterate prejudices.
+
+It is not, however, to be supposed that ridicule was the only means
+employed by Voltaire in effecting this important object. So far from
+that, I can say with confidence, after a careful comparison of both
+writers, that the most decisive arguments advanced by Niebuhr against
+the early history of Rome, had all been anticipated by Voltaire; in
+whose works they may be found, by whoever will take the trouble of
+reading what this great man has written, instead of ignorantly railing
+against him. Without entering into needless detail, it is enough to
+mention that, amidst a great variety of very ingenious and very learned
+discussion, Niebuhr has put forward several views with which later
+critics have been dissatisfied; but that there are three, and only
+three, principles which are fundamental to his history, and which it is
+impossible to refute. These are:--I. That, on account of the inevitable
+intermixture of fable essential to a rude people, no nation can possess
+trustworthy details respecting its own origin. II. That even such early
+documents as the Romans might have possessed, had been destroyed before
+they were incorporated into a regular history. III. That ceremonies
+established in honour of certain events alleged to have taken place in
+former times, were a proof, not that the events had happened, but that
+they were believed to have happened. The whole fabric of the early
+history of Rome at once fell to pieces, as soon as these three
+principles were applied to it. What, however, is most remarkable, is,
+that not only are all three laid down by Voltaire, but their bearing
+upon Roman history is distinctly shown. He says that no nation is
+acquainted with its own origin; so that all primitive history is
+necessarily an invention.[930] He remarks, that since even such
+historical works as the Romans once possessed, were all destroyed when
+their city was burned, no confidence can be placed in the accounts
+which, at a much later period, are given by Livy and other
+compilers.[931] And, as innumerable scholars busied themselves in
+collecting evidence respecting ceremonies instituted in celebration of
+certain events, and then appealed to the evidence in order to prove the
+events, Voltaire makes a reflection which now seems very obvious, but
+which these learned men had entirely overlooked. He notices, that their
+labour is bootless, because the date of the evidence is, with extremely
+few exceptions, much later than the date of the event to which it
+refers. In such cases, the existence of a festival, or of a monument,
+proves, indeed, the belief which men entertain, but by no means proves
+the reality of the occurrence concerning which the belief is held.[932]
+This simple, but important maxim, is, even in our own days, constantly
+lost sight of, while before the eighteenth century it was universally
+neglected. Hence it was that historians were able to accumulate fables
+which were believed without examination;[933] it being altogether
+forgotten, that fables, as Voltaire says, begin to be current in one
+generation, are established in the second, become respectable in the
+third, while in the fourth generation temples are raised in honour of
+them.[934]
+
+  [930] 'C'est l'imagination seule qui a écrit les premières histoires.
+        Non seulement chaque peuple inventa son origine, mais il inventa
+        aussi l'origine du monde entier.' _Dict. Philos._ article
+        _Histoire_, sec. 2, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xl. p. 195. See also his
+        article on Chronology, vol. xxxviii. p. 77, for the application
+        of this to the history of Rome, where he says, 'Tite Live n'a
+        garde de dire en quelle année Romulus commença son prétendu
+        règne.' And at vol. xxxvi. p. 86, 'tous les peuples se sont
+        attribués des origines imaginaires; et aucun n'a touché à la
+        véritable.'
+
+  [931] 'Qu'on fasse attention que la république romaine a été cinq cents
+        ans sans historiens; que Tite Live lui-même déplore la perte des
+        autres monuments qui périrent presque tous dans l'incendie de
+        Rome,' &c. _Dict. Philos._ in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xl. p. 202. At p.
+        188, 'ce peuple, si récent en comparaison des nations asiatiques,
+        a été cinq cents années sans historiens. Ainsi, il n'est pas
+        surprenant que Romulus ait été le fils de Mars, qu'une louve ait
+        été sa nourrice, qu'il ait marché avec mille hommes de son
+        village de Rome contre vingt-cinq mille combattants du village
+        des Sabins.'
+
+  [932] 'Par quel excès de démence, par quel opiniâtreté absurde, tant de
+        compilateurs ont-ils voulu prouver dans tant de volumes énormes,
+        qu'une fête publique établie en mémoire d'un événement était une
+        démonstration de la vérité de cet événement?' _Essai sur les
+        M[oe]urs_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xv. p. 109. See also the same
+        remark applied to monuments, in chap. cxcvii., _[OE]uvres_, vol.
+        xviii. pp. 412-414; and again, in vol. xl. pp. 203, 204.
+
+  [933] 'La plupart des histoires out été crues sans examen, et cette
+        créance est un préjugé. Fabius Pictor raconte que, plusieurs
+        siècles avant lui, une vestale de la ville d'Albe, allant puiser
+        de l'eau dans sa cruche, fut violée, qu'elle accoucha de Romulus
+        et de Rémus, qu'ils furent nourris par une louve, etc. Le peuple
+        romain crut cette fable; il n'examina point si dans ce temps-là
+        il y avait des vestales dans le Latium, s'il était vraisemblable
+        que la fille d'un roi sortît de son couvent avec sa cruche, s'il
+        était probable qu'une louve allaitât deux enfants au lieu de les
+        manger; le préjugé s'établit.' _Dict. Philos._ article
+        _Préjugés_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xli. pp. 488, 489.
+
+  [934] 'Les amateurs du merveilleux disaient: Il faut bien que ces faits
+        soient vrais, puisque tant de monuments en sont la preuve. Et
+        nous disions: Il faut bien qu'ils soient faux, puisque le
+        vulgaire les a crus. Une fable a quelque cours dans une
+        génération; elle s'établit dans la seconde; elle devient
+        respectable dans la troisième; la quatrième lui élève des
+        temples.' _Fragments sur l'Histoire_, article i. in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. xxvii. pp. 158, 159.
+
+I have been the more particular in stating the immense obligations
+history is under to Voltaire, because in England there exists against
+him a prejudice, which nothing but ignorance, or something worse than
+ignorance, can excuse;[935] and because, taking him on the whole, he is
+probably the greatest historian Europe has yet produced. In reference,
+however, to the mental habits of the eighteenth century, it is important
+to show, that in the same period similar comprehensiveness was being
+displayed by other French historians; so that in this case, as in all
+others, we shall find that a large share of what is effected, even by
+the most eminent men, is due to the character of the age in which they
+live.
+
+  [935] In this case, as in many others, ignorance has been fortified by
+        bigotry; for, as Lord Campbell truly says of Voltaire, 'since the
+        French Revolution, an indiscriminate abuse of this author has
+        been in England the test of orthodoxy and loyalty.' _Campbell's
+        Chief Justices_, vol. ii. p. 335. Indeed, so extensively has the
+        public mind been prejudiced against this great man, that, until a
+        very few years ago, when Lord Brougham published a life of him,
+        there was no book in the English language containing even a
+        tolerable account of one of the most influential writers France
+        has produced. This work of Lord Brougham's, though a middling
+        performance, is at least an honest one, and, as it harmonizes
+        with the general spirit of our time, it has probably had
+        considerable weight. In it he says of Voltaire, 'nor can any one
+        since the days of Luther be named, to whom the spirit of free
+        inquiry, nay, the emancipation of the human mind from spiritual
+        tyranny, owes a more lasting debt of gratitude.' _Brougham's Life
+        of Voltaire_, p. 132. It is certain, that the better the history
+        of the eighteenth century is understood, the more the reputation
+        of Voltaire will increase; as was clearly foreseen by a
+        celebrated writer nearly a generation ago. In 1831, Lerminier
+        wrote these remarkable, and, as the result has proved, prophetic
+        words: 'Il est temps de revenir à des sentimens plus respectueux
+        pour la mémoire de Voltaire.... Voltaire a fait pour la France ce
+        que Leibnitz a fait pour l'Allemagne; pendant trois-quarts de
+        siècle il a représenté son pays, puissant à la manière de Luther
+        et de Napoléon; il est destiné à survivre à bien des gloires, et
+        je plains ceux qui se sont oubliés jusqu'à laisser tomber des
+        paroles dédaigneuses sur le génie de cet homme.' _Lerminier_,
+        _Philosophie du Droit_, vol. i. p. 199. Compare the glowing
+        eulogy in _Longchamp et Wagnière_, _Mémoires sur Voltaire_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 388, 389, with the remarks of Saint-Lambert, in _Mém.
+        d'Epinay_, vol. i. p. 263.
+
+The vast labours of Voltaire towards reforming the old method of writing
+history, were greatly aided by those important works which Montesquieu
+put forward during the same period. In 1734,[936] this remarkable man
+published what may be truly called the first book in which there can be
+found any information concerning the real history of Rome; because it is
+also the first in which the affairs of the ancient world are treated in
+a large and comprehensive spirit.[937] Fourteen years later, there
+appeared, by the same author, the _Spirit of Laws_; a more famous
+production, but, as it seems to me, not a greater one. The immense merit
+of the _Spirit of Laws_ is, indeed, incontestable, and cannot be
+affected by the captious attempts made to diminish it by those minute
+critics, who seem to think that when they detect the occasional errors
+of a great man, they in some degree reduce him to their own level. It is
+not such petty cavilling which can destroy an European reputation; and
+the noble work of Montesquieu will long survive all attacks of this
+kind, because its large and suggestive generalizations would retain
+their value even if the particular facts of which the illustrations
+consist were all unfounded.[938] Still, I am inclined to believe, that
+in point of original thought it is barely equal to his earlier work,
+though it is unquestionably the fruit of much greater reading. Without,
+however, instituting a comparison between them, our present object is
+merely to consider the contributions they jointly contain towards a
+right understanding of history, and the way in which those contributions
+are connected with the general spirit of the eighteenth century.
+
+  [936] _Vie de Montesquieu_, p. xiv., prefixed to his works.
+
+  [937] Before Montesquieu, the only two great thinkers who had really
+        studied Roman history were Macchiavelli and Vico: but
+        Macchiavelli did not attempt any thing approaching the
+        generalizations of Montesquieu, and he suffered, moreover, from
+        the serious deficiency of being too much occupied with the
+        practical utility of his subject. Vico, whose genius was perhaps
+        even more vast than that of Montesquieu, can hardly be considered
+        his rival; for, though his _Scienza Nova_ contains the most
+        profound views on ancient history, they are rather glimpses of
+        truth, than a systematic investigation of any one period.
+
+  [938] Which M. Guizot (_Civilisation en France_, vol. iv. p. 36), in
+        his remarks on the _Esprit des Lois_, does not take sufficiently
+        into consideration. A juster appreciation of Montesquieu will be
+        found in _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, part ii. vol. i. p.
+        182; and in _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iv. pp.
+        243-252, 261. Compare _Charles Comte_, _Traité de Législation_,
+        vol. i. p. 125, with _Meyer_, _Esprit des Institutions
+        Judiciaires_, vol. i. p. lxi., respecting the vast innovations he
+        introduced.
+
+In this point of view, there are, in the works of Montesquieu, two
+leading peculiarities. The first is, the complete rejection of those
+personal anecdotes, and those trivial details respecting individuals,
+which belong to biography, but with which, as Montesquieu clearly saw,
+history has no concern. The other peculiarity is, the very remarkable
+attempt which he first made to effect an union between the history of
+man and those sciences which deal with the external world. As these are
+the two great characteristics of the method adopted by Montesquieu, it
+will be necessary to give some account of them, before we can understand
+the place he really occupies, as one of the founders of the philosophy
+of history.
+
+We have already seen that Voltaire had strongly insisted on the
+necessity of reforming history, by paying more attention to the history
+of the people, and less attention to that of their political and
+military rulers. We have also seen, that this great improvement was so
+agreeable to the spirit of the time, that it was generally and quickly
+adopted, and thus became an indication of those democratic tendencies,
+of which it was in reality a result. It is not, therefore, surprising
+that Montesquieu should have taken the same course, even before the
+movement had been clearly declared; since he, like most great thinkers,
+was a representative of the intellectual condition, and a satisfier of
+the intellectual wants, of the age in which he lived.
+
+But, what constitutes the peculiarity of Montesquieu in this matter, is,
+that with him a contempt for those details respecting courts, ministers,
+and princes, in which ordinary compilers take great delight, was
+accompanied by an equal contempt for other details which are really
+interesting, because they concern the mental habits of the few truly
+eminent men who, from time to time, have appeared on the stage of public
+life. This was because Montesquieu perceived that, though these things
+are very interesting, they are also very unimportant. He knew, what no
+historian before him had even suspected, that in the great march of
+human affairs, individual peculiarities count for nothing; and that,
+therefore, the historian has no business with them, but should leave
+them to the biographer, to whose province they properly belong. The
+consequence is, that not only does he treat the most powerful princes
+with such disregard as to relate the reigns of six emperors in two
+lines,[939] but he constantly enforces the necessity, even in the case
+of eminent men, of subordinating their special influence to the more
+general influence of the surrounding society. Thus, many writers had
+ascribed the ruin of the Roman Republic to the ambition of Cæsar and
+Pompey, and particularly to the deep schemes of Cæsar. This, Montesquieu
+totally denies. According to his view of history, no great alteration
+can be effected, except by virtue of a long train of antecedents, where
+alone we are to seek the cause of what to a superficial eye is the work
+of individuals. The republic, therefore, was overthrown, not by Cæsar
+and Pompey, but by that state of things which made the success of Cæsar
+and Pompey possible.[940] It is thus that the events which ordinary
+historians relate are utterly valueless. Such events, instead of being
+causes, are merely the occasions on which the real causes act.[941] They
+may be called the accidents of history; and they must be treated as
+subservient to those vast and comprehensive conditions, by which alone
+the rise and fall of nations are ultimately governed.[942]
+
+  [939] He says of the emperor Maximin, 'il fut tué avec son fils par ses
+        soldats. Les deux premiers Gordiens périrent en Afrique. Maxime,
+        Balbin, et le troisième Gordien furent massacrés.' _Grandeur et
+        Décadence des Romains_, chap. xvi., in _[OE]uvres de
+        Montesquieu_, p. 167.
+
+  [940] _Ibid._ chap. xi., in _[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, pp. 149-153.
+        Compare a similar remark, respecting Charles XII., in _Esprit des
+        Lois_, livre x. chap. xiii. _[OE]uvres_, p. 260.
+
+  [941] On the difference between cause and occasion, see _Grandeur et
+        Décad._ chap. i. p. 126.
+
+  [942] 'Il y a des causes générales, soit morales, soit physiques, qui
+        agissent dans chaque monarchie, l'élèvent, la maintiennent, ou la
+        précipitent; tous les accidents sont soumis à ces causes; et si
+        le hasard d'une bataille, c'est-à-dire une cause particulière, a
+        ruiné un état, il y avoit une cause générale qui faisoit que cet
+        état devoit périr par une seule bataille. En un mot, l'allure
+        principale entraîne avec elle tous les accidente particuliers.'
+        _Grand. et Décad. des Romains_, chap. xviii. p. 172.
+
+This, then, was the first great merit of Montesquieu, that he effected a
+complete separation between biography and history, and taught historians
+to study, not the pecularities of individual character, but the general
+aspect of the society in which the peculiarities appeared. If this
+remarkable man had accomplished nothing further, he would have rendered
+an incalculable service to history, by pointing out how one of its most
+fertile sources of error might be safely removed. And although,
+unhappily, we have not yet reaped the full benefit of his example, this
+is because his successors have really had the capacity of rising to so
+high a generalization: it is, however, certain, that since his time, an
+approximation towards such elevated views may be noticed, even among
+those inferior writers who, for want of sufficient grasp, are unable to
+adopt them to their full extent.
+
+In addition to this, Montesquieu made another great advance in the
+method of treating history. He was the first who, in an inquiry into the
+relations between the social conditions of a country and its
+jurisprudence, called in the aid of physical knowledge, in order to
+ascertain how the character of any given civilization is modified by the
+action of the external world. In his work on the _Spirit of Laws_, he
+studies the way in which both the civil and political legislation of a
+people are naturally connected with their climate, soil, and food.[943]
+It is true, that in this vast enterprise he almost entirely failed; but
+this was because meteorology, chemistry, and physiology, were still too
+backward to admit of such an undertaking. This, however, affects the
+value only of his conclusions, not of his method; and here, as
+elsewhere, we see the great thinker tracing the outline of a plan,
+which, in the then state of knowledge, it was impossible to fill up, and
+the completion of which he was obliged to leave to the riper experience
+and more powerful resources of a later age. Thus to anticipate the march
+of the human intellect, and, as it were, forestal its subsequent
+acquisitions, is the peculiar prerogative of minds of the highest order;
+and it is this which gives to the writings of Montesquieu a certain
+fragmentary and provisional appearance, which was the necessary
+consequence of a profoundly speculative genius dealing with materials
+that were intractable, simply because science had not yet reduced them
+to order by generalizing the laws of their phenomena. Hence it is, that
+many of the inferences drawn by Montesquieu are untenable; such, for
+instance, as those regarding the effect of diet in stimulating
+population by increasing the fecundity of women,[944] and the effect of
+climate in altering the proportion between the births of the sexes.[945]
+In other cases, an increased acquaintance with barbarous nations has
+sufficed to correct his conclusions, particularly those concerning the
+effect which he supposed climate to produce on individual character; for
+we have now the most decisive evidence, that he was wrong in
+asserting[946] that hot climates make people unchaste and cowardly,
+while cold climates make them virtuous and brave.
+
+  [943] _De l'Esprit des Lois_, books xiv. to xviii. inclusive; in
+        _[OE]uvres_, pp. 300-336.
+
+  [944] _Ibid._ livre xxiii. chap. xiii. p. 395. Compare _Burdach_,
+        _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 116.
+
+  [945] _Ibid._ livre xvi. chap. iv., and livre xxiii. chap. xii.
+        pp. 317, 395.
+
+  [946] _Ibid._ livre xiv. chap. ii., livre xvii. chap. ii., and
+        elsewhere.
+
+These, indeed, are comparatively trifling objections, because, in all
+the highest branches of knowledge, the main difficulty is, not to
+discover facts, but to discover the true method according to which the
+laws of the facts may be ascertained.[947] In this, Montesquieu
+performed a double service, since he not only enriched history, but also
+strengthened its foundation. He enriched history by incorporating with
+it physical inquiries; and he strengthened history by separating it from
+biography, and thus freeing it from details which are always
+unimportant, and often unauthentic. And although he committed the error
+of studying the influence of nature over men considered as
+individuals,[948] rather than over men considered as an aggregate
+society, this arose principally from the fact that, in his time, the
+resources necessary for the more complicated study had not yet been
+created. Those resources, as I have shown, are political economy and
+statistics; political economy supplying the means of connecting the laws
+of physical agents with the laws of the inequality of wealth, and,
+therefore, with a great variety of social disturbances; while statistics
+enable us to verify those laws in their widest extent, and to prove how
+completely the volition of individual men is controlled by their
+antecedents, and by the circumstances in which they are placed. It was,
+therefore, not only natural, but inevitable, that Montesquieu should
+fail in his magnificent attempt to unite the laws of the human mind with
+the laws of external nature. He failed, partly because the sciences of
+external nature were too backward, and partly because those other
+branches of knowledge which connect nature with men were still unformed.
+For, as to political economy, it had no existence as a science until the
+publication of the _Wealth of Nations_ in 1776, twenty-one years after
+the death of Montesquieu. As to statistics, their philosophy is a still
+more recent creation, since it is only during the last thirty years
+that they have been systematically applied to social phenomena; the
+earlier statisticians being merely a body of industrious collectors,
+groping in the dark, bringing together facts of every kind without
+selection or method, and whose labours were consequently unavailable for
+those important purposes to which they have been successfully applied
+during the present generation.
+
+  [947] On the supreme importance of method, see my defence of Bichat in
+        the next chapter.
+
+  [948] How completely futile this was, as regards results, is evident
+        from the fact, that a hundred years after he wrote, we, with all
+        our increased knowledge, can affirm nothing positively respecting
+        the direct action of climate, food, and soil, in modifying
+        individual character; though it has, I trust, appeared in the
+        second chapter of this Introduction, that something can be
+        ascertained respecting their indirect action, that is, their
+        action on individual minds through the medium of social and
+        economical organisation.
+
+Only two years after the publication of the _Spirit of Laws_, Turgot
+delivered those celebrated lectures, of which it has been said, that in
+them he created the philosophy of history.[949] This praise is somewhat
+exaggerated; for in the most important matters relating to the
+philosophy of his subject, he takes the same view as Montesquieu; and
+Montesquieu, besides preceding him in point of time, was his superior
+certainly in learning, perhaps in genius. Still, the merit of Turgot is
+immense; and he belongs to that extremely small class of men who have
+looked at history comprehensively, and have recognized the almost
+boundless knowledge needed for its investigation. In this respect, his
+method is identical with that of Montesquieu, since both of these great
+men excluded from their scheme the personal details which ordinary
+historians accumulate, and concentrated their attention upon those large
+general causes, by the operation of which the destinies of nations are
+permanently affected. Turgot clearly perceived, that, notwithstanding
+the variety of events produced by the play of human passions, there is
+amid this apparent confusion a principle of order, and a regularity of
+march, not to be mistaken by those whose grasp is firm enough to seize
+the history of man as a complete and single whole.[950] It is true that
+Turgot, subsequently engaged in political life, never possessed
+sufficient leisure to fill up the splendid outline of what he so
+successfully sketched: but though in the execution of his plan he fell
+short of Montesquieu, still the analogy between the two men is obvious,
+as also is their relation to the age in which they lived. They, as well
+as Voltaire, were the unconscious advocates of the democratic movement,
+inasmuch as they discountenanced the homage which historians had
+formerly paid to individuals, and rescued history from being a mere
+recital of the deeds of political and ecclesiastical rulers. At the same
+time, Turgot, by the captivating prospects which he held out of future
+progress,[951] and by the picture which he drew of the capacity of
+society to improve itself, increased the impatience which his countrymen
+were beginning to feel against that despotic government, in whose
+presence amelioration seemed to be hopeless. These, and similar
+speculations, which now for the first time appeared in French
+literature, stimulated the activity of the intellectual classes, cheered
+them under the persecutions to which they were exposed, and emboldened
+them to the arduous enterprise of leading on the people to attack the
+institutions of their native land. Thus it was, that in France every
+thing tended to the same result. Every thing indicated the approach of
+some sharp and terrible struggle, in which the spirit of the present
+should war with the spirit of the past; and in which it should be
+finally settled, whether the people of France could free themselves from
+the chains in which they had long been held, or whether, missing their
+aim, they were doomed to sink still lower in that ignominious vassalage,
+which makes even the most splendid periods of their political history a
+warning and a lesson to the civilized world.
+
+  [949] 'Il a créé en 1750 la philosophie de l'histoire dans ses deux
+        discours prononcés en Sorbonne.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+        Philosophie_, I. série, vol. i. p. 147. There is a short notice
+        of these striking productions in _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_,
+        pp. 11-16.
+
+  [950] Nothing can be better than his summary of this vast conception:
+        'Tous les ages sont enchaînés par une suite de causes et d'effets
+        qui lient l'état du monde à tous ceux qui l'ont précédé.' _Second
+        Discours en Sorbonne_, in _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 52.
+        Every thing Turgot wrote on history is a development of this
+        pregnant sentence. That he understood the necessity of an
+        historian being acquainted with physical science, and with the
+        laws of the configuration of the earth, climate, soil, and the
+        like, is evident in his fragment, _La Géographie Politique_, in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. ii. pp. 166-208. It is no slight proof of his
+        political sagacity, that in 1750 he distinctly foretold the
+        freedom of the American colonies. Compare _[OE]uvres de Turgot_,
+        vol. ii. p. 66, with _Mém. sur Turgot_, vol. i. p. 139.
+
+  [951] A confidence which is apparent in his economical as well as in his
+        historical works. In 1811, Sir James Mackintosh writes, that
+        Turgot 'had more comprehensive views of the progress of society
+        than any man since Bacon:' _Mem. of Mackintosh_, vol. ii. p. 133;
+        and see a similar remark by Dugald Stewart, in his _Philos. of
+        the Mind_, vol. i. p. 246.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+    PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE MIDDLE OF THE
+                           EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+In the last chapter but one, I have attempted to ascertain what those
+circumstances were which, almost immediately after the death of Louis
+XIV., prepared the way for the French Revolution. The result of the
+inquiry has been, that the French intellect was stimulated into activity
+by the examples and teachings of England; and that this stimulus caused,
+or at all events encouraged, a great breach between the government of
+France and its literature;--a breach the more remarkable, because during
+the reign of Louis XIV. the literature, notwithstanding its temporary
+brilliancy, had been invariably submissive, and had intimately allied
+itself with the government, which was always ready to reward its
+services. We have also seen that, this rupture having arisen between the
+governing classes and the intellectual classes, it followed, that the
+former, true to their ancient instincts, began to chastise that spirit
+of inquiry to which they were unaccustomed: hence those persecutions
+which, with hardly a single exception, were directed against every man
+of letters, and hence too those systematic attempts to reduce literature
+to a subserviency similar to that in which it had been held under Louis
+XIV. It has, moreover, appeared, that the great Frenchmen of the
+eighteenth century, though smarting from the injuries constantly
+inflicted on them by the government and the church, abstained from
+attacking the government, but directed all their hostility against the
+church. This apparent anomaly, of the religious institutions being
+assailed, and the political institutions being spared, has been shown to
+be a perfectly natural circumstance, arising out of the antecedents of
+the French nation; and an attempt has been made to explain what those
+antecedents were, and how they acted. In the present chapter, I purpose
+to complete this inquiry by examining the next great stage in the
+history of the French mind. It was needful that, before both church and
+state could fall, men should change the ground of their hostility, and
+should attack political abuses with the zeal they had hitherto reserved
+for religious ones. The question, therefore, now arises, as to the
+circumstances under which this change took place, and the period when it
+actually occurred.
+
+The circumstances which accompanied this great change are, as we shall
+presently see, very complicated; and, as they have never yet been
+studied in connexion with each other, I shall, in the remaining part of
+this volume, examine them at considerable length. On this point it will,
+I think, be practicable to arrive at some precise and well-defined
+results respecting the history of the French Revolution. But the other
+point, namely, the time at which the change took place, is not only much
+more obscure, but by its nature will never admit of complete precision.
+This, however, is a deficiency it possesses in common with every other
+change in the history of man. The circumstances of each change may
+always be known, provided the evidence is ample and authentic. But no
+amount of evidence can enable us to fix the date of the change itself.
+That to which attention is usually drawn by the compilers of history is,
+not the change, but is merely the external result which follows the
+change. The real history of the human race is the history of tendencies
+which are perceived by the mind, and not of events which are discerned
+by the senses. It is on this account that no historical epoch will ever
+admit of that chronological precision familiar to antiquaries and
+genealogists. The death of a prince, the loss of a battle, and the
+change of a dynasty, are matters which fall entirely within the province
+of the senses; and the moment in which they happen can be recorded by
+the most ordinary observers. But those great intellectual revolutions
+upon which all other revolutions are based, cannot be measured by so
+simple a standard. To trace the movements of the human mind, it is
+necessary to contemplate it under several aspects, and then coördinate
+the results of what we have separately studied. By this means we arrive
+at certain general conclusions, which, like the ordinary estimate of
+averages, increase in value in proportion as we increase the number of
+instances from which they are collected. That this is a safe and
+available method, appears not only from the history of physical
+knowledge,[952] but also from the fact, that it is the basis of the
+empirical maxims by which all men of sound understanding are guided in
+those ordinary transactions of life to which the generalizations of
+science have not yet been applied. Indeed such maxims, which are highly
+valuable, and which in their aggregate form what is called common sense,
+are never collected with any thing like the precautions that the
+philosophic historian ought to feel himself bound to employ.
+
+  [952] For a popular but able view of the value of averages in scientific
+        inquiries, see _Herschel's Disc. on Nat. Philos._ pp. 215-219.
+
+The real objection, therefore, to generalizations respecting the
+development of the intellect of a nation is, not that they want
+certainty, but that they lack precision. This is just the point at which
+the historian diverges from the annalist. That the English intellect,
+for example, is gradually becoming more democratic, or, as it is termed,
+more liberal, is as certain as that the crown of this country is worn by
+Queen Victoria. But though both these statements are equally certain,
+the latter statement is more precise. We can tell the very day on which
+the Queen ascended the throne; the moment of her death will be known
+with equal precision; and there can be no doubt that many other
+particulars respecting her will be minutely and accurately preserved. In
+tracing, however, the growth of English liberalism, all such exactness
+deserts us. We can point out the year in which the Reform Bill was
+passed; but who can point out the year in which the Reform Bill first
+became necessary? In the same way, that the Jews will be admitted into
+parliament, is as certain as that the Catholics have been admitted. Both
+these measures are the inevitable result of that increasing indifference
+to theological disputes, which must now be obvious to every man who does
+not wilfully shut his eyes. But while we know the hour in which the bill
+for Catholic emancipation received the assent of the crown, there is no
+one now living who can tell even the year in which similar justice will
+be granted to the Jews. Both events are equally certain, but both events
+are not equally precise.
+
+This distinction between certainty and precision I have stated at some
+length, because it seems to be little understood,[953] and because it is
+intimately connected with the subject now before us. The fact of the
+French intellect having, during the eighteenth century, passed through
+two totally distinct epochs, can be proved by every description of
+evidence; but it is impossible to ascertain the precise time when one
+epoch succeeded the other. All that we can do is, to compare the
+different indications which the history of that age presents, and arrive
+at an approximation which may guide future inquirers. It would perhaps
+be more prudent to avoid making any particular statement; but as the
+employment of dates seems necessary to bring such matters clearly before
+the mind, I will, by way of provisional hypothesis, fix on the year
+1750, as the period when those agitations of society which caused the
+French Revolution entered into their second and political stage.
+
+  [953] As we see in the pretensions set forth by mathematicians, who
+        often suppose that an amount of certainty can be attained in
+        their own pursuits not to be found in any other. This error has
+        probably arisen, as Locke suggests, from confusing clearness with
+        certainty. _Essay on Human Understanding_, book iv. chap. ii.
+        secs. 9 and 10, in _Works_, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74. See also
+        _Comte_, _Philos. Pos._ vol. i. p. 103, where it is justly
+        observed, that all branches of knowledge capable of being
+        generalized into sciences admit of equal certainty, but not of
+        equal precision: 'si d'après l'explication précédente, les
+        diverses sciences doivent nécessairement présenter une précision
+        très-inégale, il n'en est nullement ainsi de leur certitude.'
+        This is handled unsatisfactorily by Montucla (_Hist. des
+        Mathémat._ vol. i. p. 33), who says, that the principal cause of
+        the peculiar certainty reached by the mathematician is, that
+        'd'une idée claire il ne déduit que des conséquences claires et
+        incontestables.' Similarly, Cudworth (_Intellect. System_, vol.
+        iii. p. 377): 'nay the very essence of truth here is this clear
+        perceptibility, or intelligibility.' On the other hand, Kant, a
+        far deeper thinker, avoided this confusion, by making
+        mathematical clearness the mark of a _kind_ of certainty rather
+        than of a _degree_ of it: 'Die mathematische Gewissheit heisst
+        auch Evidenz, weil ein intuitives Erkenntniss klarer ist, als ein
+        discursives. Obgleich also beides, das mathematische und das
+        philosophische Vernunfterkenntniss an sich gleich gewiss ist, so
+        ist doch die Art der Gewissheit in beiden verschieden.' _Logik_,
+        _Einleitung_, sec. 9, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. i. p. 399. On the
+        opinions of the ancients respecting certainty, compare _Matter_,
+        _Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 195, with _Ritter's
+        Hist. of Ancient Philos._ vol. ii. p. 46, vol. iii. pp. 74, 426,
+        427, 484, 614.
+
+That this was about the period when the great movement, hitherto
+directed against the church, began to be turned against the state, is an
+inference which many circumstances seem to warrant. We know on the best
+authority, that towards the year 1750, the French began their celebrated
+inquiries respecting political economy,[954] and that, in their attempt
+to raise it to a science, they were led to perceive the immense injury
+which the interference of government had produced on the material
+interests of the country.[955] Hence a conviction arose that, even in
+regard to the accumulation of wealth, the authority possessed by the
+rulers of France was mischievous, since it enabled them, under the
+notion of protecting commerce, to trouble the freedom of individual
+action, and to prevent trade from running into those profitable channels
+which traders are best able to select for themselves. Scarcely had a
+knowledge of this important truth been diffused, when its consequences
+were quickly seen in the national literature, and in the habits of
+national thought. The sudden increase in France of works relating to
+finance and to other questions of government, is, indeed, one of the
+most remarkable features of that age. With such rapidity did the
+movement spread, that we are told that, soon after 1755, the economists
+effected a schism between the nation and the government;[956] and
+Voltaire, writing in 1759, complains that the charms of lighter
+literature were entirely neglected amidst the general zeal for these new
+studies.[957] It is not necessary to follow the subsequent history of
+this great change; nor need I trace the influence exercised shortly
+before the Revolution by the later economists, and particularly by
+Turgot, the most eminent of their leaders.[958] It is enough to say,
+that within about twenty years after the movement was first clearly
+seen, the taste for economical and financial inquiries became so common,
+that it penetrated those parts of society where habits of thought are
+not very frequent; since we find that, even in fashionable life, the
+conversation no longer turned upon new poems and new plays, but upon
+political questions, and subjects immediately connected with them.[959]
+Indeed, when Necker, in 1781, published his celebrated Report on the
+Finances of France, the eagerness to obtain it was beyond all bounds;
+six thousand copies were sold the first day; and the demand still
+increasing, two presses were kept constantly at work in order to satisfy
+the universal curiosity.[960] And what makes the democratic tendency of
+all this the more obvious is, that Necker was at that time one of the
+servants of the crown; so that his work, looking at its general spirit,
+has been truly called an appeal to the people against the king by one of
+the ministers of the king himself.[961]
+
+  [954] 'Vers 1750, deux hommes de génie, observateurs judicieux et
+        profonds, conduits par une force d'attention très-soutenue à une
+        logique rigoureuse, animés d'un noble amour pour la patrie et
+        pour l'humanité, M. Quesnay et M. de Gournay, s'occupèrent avec
+        suite de savoir si la nature des choses n'indiquerait pas une
+        science de l'économie politique, et quels seraient les principes
+        de cette science.' _Additions aux [OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii.
+        p. 310. M. Blanqui (_Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii. p.
+        78) also says, 'vers l'année 1750;' and Voltaire (_Dict. Philos._
+        article _Blé_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxxvii. p. 384) says, 'vers
+        l'an 1750, la nation, rassasiée de vers, de tragédies, de
+        comédies, d'opéra, de romans, d'histoires romanesques, de
+        réflexions morales plus romanesques encore, et de disputes
+        théologiques sur la grâce et sur les convulsions, se mit enfin a
+        raisonner sur les blés.'
+
+  [955] The revolutionary tendency of this economical movement is noticed
+        in _Alison's Europe_, vol. i. pp. 184, 185; where, however, its
+        commencement is erroneously assigned to 'about the year 1761.'
+        See also, on the hostility this caused against government, _Mém.
+        de Campan_, vol. i. pp. 7, 8; _Mem. of Mallet du Pan_, vol. i. p.
+        32; and _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. p. 193,
+        vol. ii. p. 152.
+
+  [956] 'D'ailleurs la nation s'étoit accoutumée à se séparer toujours de
+        plus en plus de son gouvernement, en raison même de ce que ses
+        écrivains avoient commencé à aborder les études politiques.
+        C'étoit l'époque où la secte des économistes se donnoit le plus
+        de mouvement, depuis que le marquis de Mirabeau avoit publié, en
+        1755, son _Ami des Hommes_.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Franç._ vol.
+        xxix. p. 269. Compare _Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol.
+        ii. p. 58. In this same year, 1755, Goldsmith was in Paris, and
+        was so struck by the progress of insubordination, that he
+        foretold the freedom of the people; though I need hardly say that
+        he was not a man to understand the movement of the economists.
+        _Prior's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. pp. 198, 199; _Forster's
+        Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 66.
+
+  [957] In February 1759, he writes to Madame du Boccage: 'Il me paraît
+        que les grâces et le bon goût sont bannis de France, et ont cédé
+        la place à la métaphysique embrouillée, à la politique des
+        cerveaux creux, à des discussions énormes sur les finances, sur
+        le commerce, sur la population, qui ne mettront jamais dans
+        l'état ni un écu, ni un homme de plus.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lx. p. 485. In 1763 (vol. lxiii. p. 204): 'Adieu, nos beaux
+        arts, si les choses continuent comme elles sont. La rage des
+        remontrances et des projets sur les finances a saisi la nation.'
+        Many of the ablest men being thus drawn off from mere literary
+        pursuits, there began, about twenty years before the Revolution,
+        a marked deterioration in style, particularly among prose
+        writers. Compare _Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole_, vol. ii. p.
+        358, vol. iii. pp. 163, 299; _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. ii. p. 374,
+        vol. v. p. 123, vol. viii. pp. 180, 275; _Mercier sur Rousseau_,
+        vol. ii. p. 151.
+
+  [958] Georgel, who hated Turgot, says of him: 'son cabinet et ses
+        bureaux se transformèrent en ateliers où les économistes
+        forgeoient leur système et leurs spéculations.' _Mém. de
+        Georgel_, vol. i. p. 406: see also _Blanqui_, _Hist. de l'Écon.
+        Politique_, vol. ii. pp. 96-112; _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_,
+        pp. 32-35; _Twiss_, _Progress of Political Econ._ pp. 142 seq.
+
+  [959] Sismondi, under the year 1774, notices 'les écrits innombrables
+        que chaque jour voyoit éclore sur la politique, et qui avoient
+        désormais remplacé dans l'intérêt des salons ces nouveautés
+        littéraires, ces vers, ces anecdotes galantes, dont peu d'années
+        auparavant le public étoit uniquement occupé.' _Hist. des
+        Français_, vol. xxix. p. 495; and a similar remark in
+        _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p. 126.
+
+  [960] See the account, written in Feb. 1781, in _Grimm_, _Corr. Lit._
+        vol. xi. 260, where it is said of Necker's _Compte Rendu_, 'La
+        sensation qu'a faite cet ouvrage est, je crois, sans exemple; il
+        s'en est débité plus de six mille exemplaires le jour même qu'il
+        a paru, et depuis, le travail continuel de deux imprimeries n'a
+        pu suffire encore aux demandes multipliées de la capitale, des
+        provinces, et des pays étrangers.' Ségur (_Souvenirs_, vol. i. p.
+        138) mentions, that Necker's work was 'dans la poche de tous les
+        abbés, et sur la toilette de toutes les dames.' The daughter of
+        Necker, Madame de Staël, says of her father's work,
+        _Administration des Finances_, 'on en vendit quatre-vingt mille
+        exemplaires.' _De Staël sur la Révolution_, vol. i. p. 111.
+
+  [961] The expression of the Baron de Montyon: see _Adolphus's History of
+        George III._ vol. iv. p. 290; and on the revolutionary tendency
+        of Necker's financial works, _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_,
+        vol. ii. pp. xxxvii. xxxviii., vol. iv. pp. 18, 143. Necker
+        published a justification of his book, 'malgré la défense du
+        roi.' _Du Mesnil_, _Mém. sur Le Brun_, p. 108.
+
+This evidence of the remarkable change which, in or about 1750, the
+French mind underwent, and which formed what I term the second epoch of
+the eighteenth century, might be easily strengthened by a wider survey
+of the literature of that time. Immediately after the middle of the
+century, Rousseau published those eloquent works, which exercised
+immense influence, and in which the rise of the new epoch is very
+observable; for this most powerful writer abstained from those attacks
+on Christianity,[962] which unhappily had been too frequent, and exerted
+himself almost exclusively against the civil and political abuses of the
+existing society.[963] To trace the effects which this wonderful, but in
+some instances misguided, man produced on the mind of his own and of the
+succeeding generation, would occupy too large a share of this
+Introduction; though the inquiry is full of interest, and is one which
+it were to be wished some competent historian would undertake.[964]
+Inasmuch, however, as the philosophy of Rousseau was itself only a
+single phase of a far larger movement, I shall at present pass over the
+individual, in order to consider the general spirit of an age in which
+he played a vast, but still a subsidiary part.
+
+  [962] So far as I remember, there is not a single instance in any of
+        his works; and those who assail him on this ground should adduce
+        the passages on which they rely, instead of bringing vague
+        general charges. Compare _Life of Rousseau_, in _Brougham's Men
+        of Letters_, vol. i. p. 189; _Stäudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog.
+        Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. p. 442; _Mercier sur Rousseau_, 1791,
+        vol. i. pp. 27-32, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280.
+
+  [963] 'Rousseau, qui déjà en 1753 avoit touché aux bases mêmes de la
+        société humaine, dans son _Discours sur l'origine de l'inégalité
+        parmi les hommes_.' _Sismondi_, vol. xxix. p. 270. Schlosser
+        (_Hist. of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. i. p. 138) notices 'the
+        entirely new system of absolute democracy which was brought
+        forward by J. J. Rousseau;' see also p. 289, and _Soulavie_,
+        _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. v. p. 208.
+
+  [964] Napoleon said to Stanislas Girardin respecting Rousseau, 'sans lui
+        la France n'auroit pas eu de révolution.' _Holland's Foreign
+        Reminiscences_, Lond. 1850, p. 261. This is certainly an
+        exaggeration; but the influence of Rousseau was, during the
+        latter half of the eighteenth century, most extraordinary. In
+        1765, Hume writes from Paris: 'It is impossible to express or
+        imagine the enthusiasm of this nation in his favour; ... no
+        person ever so much engaged their attention as Rousseau. Voltaire
+        and every body else are quite eclipsed by him.' _Burton's Life of
+        Hume_, vol. ii. p. 299. A letter written in 1754 (in _Grimm_,
+        _Correspond._ vol. i. p. 122) says that his Dijon Discourse 'fit
+        une espèce de révolution à Paris.' The circulation of his works
+        was unprecedented; and when _La Nouvelle Héloïse_ appeared, 'les
+        libraires ne pouvaient suffire aux demandes de toutes les
+        classes. On louait l'ouvrage à tant par jour, ou par heure. Quand
+        il parut, on exigeait douze sous par volume, en n'accordant que
+        soixante minutes pour le lire.' _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de
+        Rousseau_, vol. ii. p. 361. For further evidence of the effect
+        produced by his works, see _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol.
+        ii. p. 251; _Mém. de Roland_, vol. i. p. 196, vol. ii. pp. 337,
+        359; _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. v. p. 193, vol. vi. p. 14; _Alison's
+        Europe_, vol. i. p. 170, vol. iii. p. 369, vol. iv. p. 376; _Mém.
+        de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 116; _Longchamp_, _Mém. sur Voltaire_,
+        vol. ii. p. 50; _Life of Romilly_, vol. i. p. 267; _Mem. of
+        Mallet du Pan_, vol. i. p. 127; _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 482;
+        _Cassagnac_, _Causes de la Rév._ vol. iii. p. 549; _Lamartine_,
+        _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. ii. p. 38, vol. iv. p. 93, vol. viii.
+        p. 125; _Wahrheit und Dichtung_, in _Göthe's Werke_, Stuttgart,
+        1837, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 83, 104; _Grimm_, _Correspond. Lit._
+        vol. xii. p. 222; _De Staël_, _Consid. sur la Rév._ vol. ii. p.
+        371.
+
+The formation of a new epoch in France, about the year 1750, may be
+further illustrated by three circumstances of considerable interest, all
+pointing in the same direction. The first circumstance is, that not a
+single great French writer attacked the political institutions of the
+country before the middle of the century; while, after that period, the
+attacks of the ablest men were incessant. The second circumstance is,
+that the only eminent Frenchmen who continued to assail the clergy, and
+yet refused to interfere in politics, were those who, like Voltaire,
+had already reached an advanced age, and had, therefore, drawn their
+ideas from the preceding generation, in which the church had been the
+sole object of hostility. The third circumstance, which is even more
+striking than the other two, is, that almost at the same moment there
+was seen a change in the policy of the government; since, singularly
+enough, the ministers of the crown displayed for the first time an open
+enmity against the church, just as the intellect of the country was
+preparing for its decisive onslaught on the government itself. Of these
+three propositions, the first two will probably be admitted by every
+student of French literature: at all events, if they are false, they are
+so exact and peremptory, that it will be easy to refute them by giving
+examples to the contrary. But the third proposition, being more general,
+is less susceptible of a negative, and will therefore require the
+support of that special evidence which I will now adduce.
+
+The great French writers having by the middle of the eighteenth century
+succeeded in sapping the foundations of the church, it was natural that
+the government should step in and plunder an establishment which the
+course of events had weakened. This, which took place in France under
+Louis XV., was similar to what occurred in England under Henry VIII.;
+for in both cases a remarkable intellectual movement, directed against
+the clergy, preceded and facilitated the attacks made on them by the
+crown. It was in 1749 that the French government took the first decisive
+step against the church. And what proves the hitherto backward state of
+the country in such matters is, that this consisted of an edict against
+mortmain, a simple contrivance for weakening the ecclesiastical power,
+which we in England had adopted long before. Machault, who had recently
+been raised to the office of controller-general, has the glory of being
+the originator of this new policy. In August 1749,[965] he issued that
+celebrated edict which forbade the formation of any religious
+establishment without the consent of the crown, duly expressed in
+letters-patent, and registered in parliament; effective precautions,
+which, says the great historian of France, show that Machault
+'considered not only the increase, but even the existence of these
+ecclesiastical properties, as a mischief to the kingdom.'[966]
+
+  [965] Sismondi (xxix. p. 20), Lacretelle (_XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p.
+        110), and Tocqueville (_Règne de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 103),
+        give the date 1749; so that 1747, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi.
+        p. 46, is apparently a misprint.
+
+  [966] 'Laissant voir dans toute cette loi, qui est assez longue, qu'il
+        regardoit non-seulement l'accroissement, mais l'existence de ces
+        propriétés ecclésiastiques, comme un mal pour le royaume.'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Franç._ vol. xxix. p. 21. This, I suppose,
+        is the edict mentioned by Turgot, who wished to push the
+        principle still further. _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii. pp.
+        254, 255; a bold and striking passage.
+
+This was an extraordinary step on the part of the French government; but
+what followed showed that it was only the beginning of a much larger
+design.[967] Machault, so far from being discountenanced, was, the year
+after he had issued this edict, intrusted with the seals in addition to
+the controllership;[968] for, as Lacretelle observes, the court 'thought
+the time had now come to tax the property of the clergy.'[969] During
+the forty years which elapsed between this period and the beginning of
+the Revolution, the same anti-ecclesiastical policy prevailed. Among the
+successors of Machault, the only three of much ability were Choiseul,
+Necker, and Turgot, all of whom were strenuous opponents of that
+spiritual body, which no minister would have assailed in the preceding
+generation. Not only these eminent statesmen, but even such inferior men
+as Calonne, Malesherbes, and Terray, looked on it as a stroke of policy
+to attack privileges which superstition had consecrated, and which the
+clergy had hitherto reserved, partly to extend their own influence, and
+partly to minister to those luxurious and profligate habits, which in
+the eighteenth century were a scandal to the ecclesiastical order.
+
+  [967] Mably mentions the excitement caused by this proceeding of
+        Machault, _Observations sur l'Histoire de France_, vol. ii. p.
+        415: 'On attaqua alors, dans plusieurs écrits, les immunités du
+        clergé.' On the dislike felt by the clergy against the minister,
+        see _Ségur_, _Souvenirs_, vol. i. p. 35; _Soulavie_, _Règne de
+        Louis XVI_, vol. i. pp. 283, 310, vol. ii. p. 146.
+
+  [968] In 1750, 'Machault obtint les sceaux en conservant le
+        contrôle-général.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 46.
+
+  [969] 'Croyait surtout que le temps était venu d'imposer les biens du
+        clergé.' _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 107. Nearly
+        the same words are used in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 46.
+
+While these measures were being adopted against the clergy, another
+important step was taken in precisely the same direction. Now it was
+that the government began to favour that great doctrine of religious
+liberty, the mere defence of which it had hitherto punished as a
+dangerous speculation. The connexion between the attacks on the clergy
+and the subsequent progress of toleration, may be illustrated, not only
+by the rapidity with which one event succeeded the other, but also by
+the fact, that both of them emanated from the same quarter. Machault,
+who was the author of the edict of mortmain, was also the first minister
+who showed a wish to protect the Protestants against the persecutions of
+the Catholic priesthood.[970] In this he only partly succeeded; but the
+impetus thus given soon became irresistible. In 1760, that is only nine
+years later, there was seen a marked change in the administration of the
+laws; and the edicts against heresy, though not yet repealed, were
+enforced with unprecedented mildness.[971] The movement quickly spread
+from the capital to the remoter parts of the kingdom; and we are assured
+that, after the year 1762, the reaction was felt even in those
+provinces, which, from their backward condition, had always been most
+remarkable for religious bigotry.[972] At the same time, as we shall
+presently see, a great schism arose in the church itself, which
+lessened the power of the clergy, by dividing them into two hostile
+parties. Of these factions, one made common cause with the state, still
+further aiding the overthrow of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Indeed,
+the dissensions became so violent, that the last great blow dealt to
+spiritual ascendency by the government of Louis XVI. proceeded not from
+the hands of a layman, but from one of the leaders of the church; a man
+who, from his standing, would, under ordinary circumstances, have
+protected the interests which he now eagerly attacked. In 1787, only two
+years before the Revolution, Brienne, archbishop of Toulouse,[973] who
+was then minister, laid before the parliament of Paris a royal edict, by
+which the discouragement hitherto thrown upon heresy was suddenly
+removed. By this law, the Protestants were invested with all those civil
+rights which the Catholic clergy had long held out as the reward of
+adherence to their own opinions.[974] It was, therefore, natural that
+the more orthodox party should condemn, as an impious innovation,[975] a
+measure which, by placing the two sects, in some degree, on the same
+footing, seemed to sanction the progress of error; and which certainly
+deprived the French church of one of the chief attractions by which men
+had hitherto been induced to join her communion. Now, however, all these
+considerations were set at nought. Such was the prevailing temper, that
+the parliament, though then in a mood very refractory to the royal
+authority, did not hesitate to register the edict of the king; and this
+great measure became law; the dominant party being astonished, we are
+told, how any doubt could be entertained as to the wisdom of the
+principles on which it was based.[976]
+
+  [970] On which account, he still further provoked the indignation of the
+        Catholic clergy. See _Felice_, _Hist. of the Protest. of France_,
+        pp. 401, 402; a letter written in 1751.
+
+  [971] 'The approach of the year 1760 witnessed a sensible relaxation of
+        persecution.... The clergy perceived this with dismay; and, in
+        their general assembly of 1760, they addressed urgent
+        remonstrances to the king against this remission of the laws.'
+        _Felice_, _Protest. of France_, p. 422. Comp. an interesting
+        letter from Nismes in 1776, in _Thicknesse's Journey through
+        France_, London, 1777, vol. i. p. 66.
+
+  [972] Sismondi says of 1762, 'Dès lors, la réaction de l'opinion
+        publique contre l'intolérance pénétra jusque dans les provinces
+        les plus fanatiques.' _Hist. des Franç._ vol. xxix. p. 296. See
+        also a letter to Damilaville, dated 6th of May, 1765, in _Lettres
+        inédites de Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 412; and two other letters in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lxiv. p. 225, vol. lxvi. p. 417.
+
+  [973] Of whom Hume, several years before, had formed a very high
+        opinion. See _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 497; a too
+        favourable judgment, which should be contrasted with the opposite
+        exaggerations, in _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. ix. pp. 360-363, and
+        _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. pp. 87, 199.
+
+  [974] _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Franç._ iii. 516; _Biog. Univ._ xxiv.
+        p. 656.
+
+  [975] _Georgel_, _Mémoires_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 294; a violent outbreak
+        against 'l'irréligieux édit ... qui autorise tous les cultes.'
+
+  [976] 'Le parlement de Paris discutait l'édit sur les protestans. Vingt
+        ans plus tôt, combien une telle résolution n'eût-elle pas agité
+        et divisé les esprits? En 1787, on ne s'étonnait que d'une chose:
+        c'était qu'il pût y avoir une discussion sur des principes
+        évidens.' _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. iii. pp. 342, 343.
+        In 1776, Malesherbes, who was then minister, wished to secure
+        nearly the same privileges for the Protestants, but was prevented
+        from doing so. _Dutens_, _Mémoires_, vol. ii. pp. 56-58. Dutens
+        was himself concerned in the negotiation.
+
+These were omens of the coming storm; signs of the time, which those who
+run may read. Nor are there wanting other marks, by which the true
+complexion of that age may be clearly seen. In addition to what has been
+just related, the government, soon after the middle of the eighteenth
+century, inflicted a direct and fatal injury upon the spiritual
+authority. This consisted in the expulsion of the Jesuits; which is an
+event, important not only for its ultimate effects, but also as an
+evidence of the feelings of men, and of what could be peaceably
+accomplished by the government of him who was called 'the most Christian
+king.'[977]
+
+  [977] Henry II. used to refer to this title, by way of justifying his
+        persecution of the Protestants (_Ranke's Civil Wars in France_,
+        vol. i. p. 241); and great account was made of it by that
+        exemplary prince, Louis XV. _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_,
+        vol. i. p. 155. The French antiquaries trace it back to Pepin,
+        the father of Charlemagne. _Barrington's Observations on the
+        Statutes_, p. 168.
+
+The Jesuits, for at least fifty years after their institution, rendered
+immense services to civilization, partly by tempering with a secular
+element the more superstitious views of their great predecessors, the
+Dominicans and Franciscans, and partly by organizing a system of
+education far superior to any yet seen in Europe. In no university could
+there be found a scheme of instruction so comprehensive as theirs; and
+certainly no where was displayed such skill in the management of youth,
+or such insight into the general operations of the human mind. It must,
+in justice, be added, that this illustrious society, notwithstanding
+its eager, and often unprincipled, ambition, was, during a considerable
+period, the steady friend of science, as well as of literature; and that
+it allowed to its members a freedom and a boldness of speculation which
+had never been permitted by any other monastic order.
+
+As, however, civilization advanced, the Jesuits, like every spiritual
+hierarchy the world has yet seen, began to lose ground; and this not so
+much from their own decay, as from a change in the spirit of those who
+surrounded them. An institution admirably adapted to an early form of
+society, was ill suited to the same society in its maturer state. In the
+sixteenth century, the Jesuits were before their age; in the eighteenth
+century, they were behind it. In the sixteenth century, they were the
+great missionaries of knowledge; because they believed that, by its aid,
+they could subjugate the consciences of men. But, in the eighteenth
+century, their materials were more refractory; they had to deal with a
+perverse and stiff-necked generation; they saw in every country the
+ecclesiastical authority rapidly declining; and they clearly perceived
+that their only chance of retaining their old dominion was, by checking
+that knowledge, the progress of which they had formerly done much to
+accelerate.[978]
+
+  [978] The Prince de Montbarey, who was educated by the Jesuits about
+        1740, says, that, in their schools, the greatest attention was
+        paid to pupils intended for the church; while the abilities of
+        those destined for secular professions were neglected. See this
+        statement, which, coming from such a quarter, is very remarkable,
+        in _Mémoires de Montbarey_, vol. i. pp. 12, 13. Montbarey, so far
+        from being prejudiced against the Jesuits, ascribes the
+        Revolution to their overthrow. _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 94. For other
+        evidence of the exclusive and unsecular character of their
+        education in the eighteenth century, see _Schlosser's Eighteenth
+        Century_, vol. iv. pp. 29, 30, 245.
+
+Under these circumstances, the statesmen of France, almost immediately
+after the middle of the eighteenth century, determined to ruin an order
+which had long ruled the world, and which was still the greatest bulwark
+of the church. In this design they were aided by a curious movement
+which had taken place in the church itself, and which, being connected
+with views of much wider import, deserves the attention even of those
+for whom theological controversies have no interest.
+
+Among the many points on which metaphysicians have wasted their
+strength, that of free-will has provoked the hottest disputes. And what
+has increased the acerbity of their language, is, that this, which is
+eminently a metaphysical question, has been taken up by theologians, who
+have treated it with that warmth for which they are remarkable.[979]
+From the time of Pelagius, if not earlier,[980] Christianity has been
+divided into two great sects, which, though in some respects uniting by
+insensible shades, have always preserved the broad features of their
+original difference. By one sect, the freedom of the will is virtually,
+and often expressly, denied; for it is asserted, not only that we cannot
+of our own will effect anything meritorious, but that whatever good we
+may do will be useless, since the Deity has predestined some men to
+perdition, others to salvation. By the other sect, the freedom of the
+will is as strongly upheld; good works are declared essential to
+salvation; and the opposite party is accused of exaggerating that state
+of grace of which faith is a necessary accompaniment.[981]
+
+  [979] See some singular observations in Parr's first sermon on faith and
+        morals (_Parr's Works_, vol. vi. p. 598), where we are told that,
+        in the management of the feud between Calvinists and Arminians,
+        'the steadiness of defence should be proportionate to the
+        impetuosity of assault;' unnecessary advice, so far as his own
+        profession is concerned. However, the Mohammedan theologians are
+        said to have been even keener than the Christians on the subject.
+        See _Troyer's Discourse on the Dabistan_, vol. i. p. cxxxv.; an
+        important work on the Asiatic religions.
+
+  [980] Neander (_Hist. of the Church_, vol. iv. p. 105) finds the germ of
+        the Pelagian controversy in the dispute between Athanasius and
+        Apollinaris. Compare, respecting its origin, a note in _Milman's
+        Hist. of Christianity_, 1840, vol. iii. pp. 270, 271.
+
+  [981] No writer I have met with, has stated so fairly and clearly the
+        theological boundaries of these doctrines, as Göthe. _Wahrheit
+        und Dichtung_, in _Werke_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 200, Stuttgart,
+        1837.
+
+These opposite principles, when pushed to their logical consequences,
+must lead the first sect into antinomianism,[982] and the second sect
+into the doctrine of supererogatory works.[983] But since on such
+subjects, men feel far more than they reason, it usually happens that
+they prefer following some common and accredited standard, or appealing
+to some ancient name:[984] and they, therefore, generally class
+themselves on the one side under Augustin, Calvin, and Jansenius; on the
+other side under Pelagius, Arminius, and Molina.
+
+  [982] Compare _Butler's Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. iii. p. 224;
+        _Copleston on Necessity and Predestination_, pp. 25, 26;
+        _Mosheim's Eccles. History_, vol. ii. p. 254.
+
+  [983] Hence the theory of indulgences, constructed by the Church of Rome
+        with perfect consistency, and against which most of the
+        Protestant arguments are illogical.
+
+  [984] This seems to be the natural tendency, and has been observed by
+        Neander in his instructive account of the Gnostics, _History of
+        the Church_, vol. ii. p. 121: 'The custom with such sects to
+        attach themselves to some celebrated name or other of antiquity.'
+
+Now, it is an interesting fact, that the doctrines which in England are
+called Calvinistic, have been always connected with a democratic spirit;
+while those of Arminianism have found most favour among the aristocratic
+or protective party. In the republics of Switzerland, of North America,
+and of Holland, Calvinism was always the popular creed.[985] On the
+other hand, in those evil days, immediately after the death of
+Elizabeth, when our liberties were in imminent peril; when the Church of
+England, aided by the crown, attempted to subjugate the consciences of
+men; and when the monstrous claim of the divine right of episcopacy was
+first put forward;[986]--then it was that Arminianism became the
+cherished doctrine of the ablest and most ambitious of the
+ecclesiastical party.[987] And in that sharp retribution which followed,
+the Puritans and Independents, by whom the punishment was inflicted,
+were, with scarcely an exception, Calvinists:[988] nor should we forget,
+that the first open movement against Charles proceeded from Scotland,
+where the principles of Calvin had long been in the ascendant.
+
+  [985] The Dutch church was the first which adopted, as an article of
+        faith, the doctrine of election held at Geneva. _Mosheim's
+        Eccles. History_, vol. ii. p. 112. See also, on this doctrine in
+        the Netherlands, _Sinclair's Corresp._ vol. ii. p. 199;
+        _Coventry's Speech in_ 1672, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. p. 537;
+        and _Stäudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_, vol. i. p.
+        262: 'In den Niederlanden wurde der Calvinische Lehrbegriff
+        zuerst in eine scholastische Form gebracht.'
+
+        As to the Calvinism of North America, compare _Bancroft's
+        American Revolution_, vol. i. pp. 165, 173, 174, vol. ii. pp.
+        329, 363, vol. iii. p. 213; _Lyell's Second Visit to the United
+        States_, 1849, vol. i. p. 51; and _Combe's Notes on the United
+        States_, vol. i. pp. 35, 99, 223, vol. iii. pp. 88, 118, 210,
+        226.
+
+  [986] It is sometimes said that this was advocated by Bancroft as early
+        as 1588; but this assertion appears to be erroneous, and Mr.
+        Hallam can find no instance before the reign of James I. _Const.
+        Hist._ vol. i. p. 390. The dogma, though new in the Church of
+        England, was of great antiquity. See, on its origin among the
+        early Christians, _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 253.
+
+  [987] The spread of Arminianism was frequently noticed in Parliament
+        during the reign of Charles I. _Parl. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 444,
+        452, 455, 470, 484, 487, 491, 660, 947, 1368. On the decline of
+        Calvinism at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge early in
+        the seventeenth century, see a curious letter from Beale, in
+        _Boyle's Works_, vol. v. p. 483; and on this movement in the
+        church after Elizabeth, compare _Yonge's Diary_, p. 93, edit.
+        Camden Soc. 1848; _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 32; _Harris's Lives
+        of the Stuarts_, vol. i. pp. 154-156, vol. ii. pp. 208, 213, 214;
+        _Hutchinson's Mem._ pp. 66, 77; _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i.
+        p. 466; _Des Maizeaux's Life of Chillingworth_, p. 112.
+
+  [988] Respecting the Calvinism of the opponents of the king, see
+        _Clarendon's Rebellion_, pp. 36, 37; _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, pp.
+        8, 9; _Burton's Diary_, vol. iii. p. 206; _Carlyle's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. 68; and on its influence in the House of Commons in
+        1628, _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii.
+        p. 64.
+
+This different tendency of these two creeds is so clearly marked, that
+an inquiry into its causes becomes a necessary part of general history,
+and as we shall presently see, is intimately connected with the history
+of the French Revolution.
+
+The first circumstance by which we must be struck is, that Calvinism is
+a doctrine for the poor, and Arminianism for the rich. A creed which
+insists upon the necessity of faith, must be less costly than one which
+insists upon the necessity of works. In the former case, the sinner
+seeks salvation by the strength of his belief; in the latter case, he
+seeks it by the fullness of his contributions. And as those
+contributions, wherever the clergy have much power, always flow in the
+same direction, we find that in countries which favour the Arminian
+doctrine of works, the priests are better paid, and the churches more
+richly ornamented, than they are where Calvinism has the upper hand.
+Indeed it is evident to the most vulgar calculation, that a religion
+which concentrates our charity upon ourselves, is less expensive than
+one which directs our charity to others.
+
+This is the first great practical divergence of the two creeds: a
+divergence which may be verified by any one who is acquainted with the
+histories of different Christian nations, or who has even travelled in
+countries where the different tenets are professed. It is also
+observable, that the Church of Rome, whose worship is addressed mainly
+to the senses, and who delights in splendid cathedrals and pompous
+ceremonies, has always displayed against the Calvinists an animosity far
+greater than she has done against any other Protestant sect.[989]
+
+  [989] M Heber (_Life of Jeremy Taylor_, p. cxx.) says, that Calvinism is
+        'a system of all others the least attractive to the feelings of a
+        Roman Catholic.' Philip II., the great Catholic champion,
+        especially hated the Calvinists, and in one of his edicts called
+        their sect 'détestable,' _De Thou_, _Hist._ vol. x. p. 705:
+        compare vol. xi. p. 458. To give an earlier instance; when the
+        Roman inquisition was revived in 1542, it was ordered that
+        heretics, and in particular Calvinists, should not be tolerated:
+        'besonders Calvinisten.' _Ranke_, _Die Päpste_, vol. i. p. 211.
+
+Out of these circumstances, inevitably arose the aristocratic tendency
+of Arminianism, and the democratic tendency of Calvinism. The people
+love pomp and pageantry as much as the nobles do, but they do not love
+to pay for them. Their untutored minds are easily captivated by the
+array of a numerous priesthood, and by the gorgeousness of a
+well-appointed temple. Still, they know full well that these things
+absorb a large part of that wealth which would otherwise flow into their
+own cottages. On the other hand, the aristocracy, by their standing,
+their habits, and the traditions of their education, naturally contract
+a taste for expense, which makes them unite splendour with religion, and
+connect pomp with piety. Besides this, they have an intuitive and
+well-founded belief that their own interests are associated with the
+interests of the priesthood, and that whatever weakens the one will
+hasten the downfall of the other. Hence it is, that every Christian
+democracy has simplified its external worship; every Christian
+aristocracy has embellished it. By a parity of reasoning, the more any
+society tends to equality, the more likely it is that its theological
+opinions will be Calvinistic; while the more a society tends towards
+inequality, the greater the probability of those opinions being
+Arminian.
+
+It would be easy to push this contrast still further, and to show that
+Calvinism is more favourable to the sciences, Arminianism to the
+arts;[990] and that, on the same principle, the first is better suited
+to thinkers, the other to scholars.[991] But without pretending to trace
+the whole of this divergence, it is very important to observe, that the
+professors of the former religion are more likely to acquire habits of
+independent thinking than those of the latter. And this on two distinct
+grounds. In the first place, even the most ordinary of the Calvinistic
+party are, by the very terms of their creed, led, in religious matters,
+to fix their attention on their own minds rather than on the minds of
+others. They, therefore, as a body, are intellectually more narrow than
+their opponents, but less servile; their views, though generalized from
+a smaller field, are more independent; they are less attached to
+antiquity, and more heedless of those traditions to which the Arminian
+scholars attach great importance. In the second place, those who
+associate metaphysics with their religion are led by Calvinism into the
+doctrine of necessity;[992] a theory which, though often misunderstood,
+is pregnant with great truths, and is better calculated than any other
+system to develop the intellect, because it involves that clear
+conception of law, the attainment of which is the highest point the
+human understanding can reach.
+
+  [990] By way of illustrating this, I may mention, that an intelligent
+        observer, who travelled all through Germany, remarked, in 1780,
+        that the Calvinists, though richer than their opponents, had less
+        taste for the arts. _Riesbeck's Travels through Germany_, London,
+        1787, vol. ii. p. 240. An interesting passage; in which, however,
+        the author has shown himself unable to generalize the facts which
+        he indicates.
+
+  [991] The Arminians have had among them many men of great learning,
+        particularly of patristic learning; but the most profound
+        thinkers have been on the other side, as in the instances of
+        Augustin, Pascal, and Jonathan Edwards. To these Calvinistic
+        metaphysicians the Arminian party can oppose no one of equal
+        ability; and it is remarkable, that the Jesuits, by far the most
+        zealous Arminians in the Romish Church, have always been
+        celebrated for their erudition, but have paid so little attention
+        to the study of the mind, that, as Sir James Mackintosh says
+        (_Dissert. on Ethical Philos._ p. 185), Buffier is 'the only
+        Jesuit whose name has a place in the history of abstract
+        philosophy.' And it is interesting to observe, that this
+        superiority of thought on the part of the Calvinists, accompanied
+        by an inferiority of learning, existed from the beginning; for
+        Neander (_History of the Church_, vol. iv. p. 299) remarks, that
+        Pelagius 'was not possessed of the profound speculative spirit
+        which we find in Augustin,' but that 'in learning he was
+        Augustin's superior.'
+
+  [992] 'A philosophical necessity, grounded on the idea of God's
+        foreknowledge, has been supported by theologians of the
+        Calvinistic school, more or less rigidly, throughout the whole of
+        the present century.' _Morell's Speculative Philosophy of
+        Europe_, 1846, vol. i. p. 366. Indeed, this tendency is so
+        natural, that we find the doctrine of necessity, or something
+        extremely like it, laid down by Augustin. See the interesting
+        extracts in _Neander's History of the Church_, vol. vi. pp. 424,
+        425; where, however, a loophole is left to let in the idea of
+        interference, or at all events of superintendence.
+
+These considerations will enable the reader to see the immense
+importance of that revival of Jansenism, which took place in the French
+church during the eighteenth century. For, Jansenism being essentially
+Calvinistic,[993] those tendencies appeared in France by which Calvinism
+is marked. There appeared the inquisitive, democratic, and insubordinate
+spirit, which has always accompanied that creed. A further confirmation
+of the truth of the principles just laid down is, that Jansenism
+originated with a native of the Dutch Republic;[994] that it was
+introduced into France during the glimpse of freedom which preceded the
+power of Louis XIV.;[995] that it was forcibly repressed in his
+arbitrary reign;[996] and that before the middle of the eighteenth
+century, it again arose, as the natural product of a state of society by
+which the French Revolution was brought about.
+
+  [993] 'The five principal tenets of Jansenism, which amount in fact to
+        the doctrine of Calvin.' _Palmer on the Church_, vol. i. p. 320;
+        and see the remarks of Mackintosh in his _Memoirs_, vol. i. p.
+        411. According to the Jesuits, 'Paulus genuit Augustinum,
+        Augustinus Calvinum, Calvinus Jansenium, Jansenius Sancryanum,
+        Sancryanus Arnaldum et fratres ejus.' _Des Réaux_,
+        _Historiettes_, vol. iv. pp. 71, 72. Compare _Huetius de Rebus ad
+        eum pertinentibus_, p. 64: 'Jansenium dogmata sua ex Calvinianis
+        fontibus derivasse.'
+
+  [994] Jansenius was born in a village near Leerdam, and was educated, if
+        I mistake not, in Utrecht.
+
+  [995] The introduction of Jansenism into France is superficially related
+        by Duvernet (_Hist. de la Sorbonne_, vol. ii. pp. 170-175); but
+        the reader will find a contemporary and highly characteristic
+        account in _Mém. de Motteville_, vol. ii. pp. 224-227. The
+        connexion between it and the spirit of insubordination was
+        remarked at the time; and Des Réaux, who wrote in the middle of
+        the seventeenth century, mentions an opinion that the Fronde
+        'étoit venue du Jansénisme.' _Historiettes_, vol. iv. p. 72. Omer
+        Talon too says that, in 1648, 'il se trouvoit que tous ceux qui
+        étoient de cette opinion n'aimoient pas le gouvernement présent
+        de l'état,' _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 280, 281.
+
+  [996] Brienne, who knew Louis XIV. personally, says, 'Jansénisme,
+        l'horreur du roi.' _Mém. de Brienne_, vol. ii. p. 240. Compare
+        _Duclos_, _Mém. Secrets_, vol. i. p. 112. At the end of his reign
+        he promoted a bishop on the avowed ground of his opposition to
+        the Jansenists; this was in 1713. _Lettres inédites de
+        Maintenon_, vol. ii. pp. 396, 406; and see further vol. i. pp.
+        220, 222.
+
+The connexion between the revival of Jansenism and the destruction of
+the Jesuits, is obvious. After the death of Louis XIV., the Jansenists
+rapidly gained ground, even in the Sorbonne;[997] and by the middle of
+the eighteenth century, they had organized a powerful party in the
+French parliament.[998] About the same period, their influence began to
+show itself in the executive government, and among the officers of the
+crown. Machault, who held the important post of controller-general, was
+known to favour their opinions;[999] and a few years after his
+retirement, Choiseul was called to the head of affairs; a man of
+considerable ability, by whom they were openly protected.[1000] Their
+views were likewise supported by Laverdy, controller-general in 1764,
+and by Terray, controller of finances in 1769.[1001] The
+procureur-general, Gilbert des Voisins, was a Jansenist;[1002] so also
+was one of his successors, Chauvelin;[1003] and so was the
+advocate-general Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau;[1004] and so too was Camus,
+the well-known advocate of the clergy.[1005] Turgot, the greatest
+statesman of the age, is said to have embraced the same opinions;[1006]
+while Necker, who on two different occasions possessed almost supreme
+power, was notoriously a rigid Calvinist. To this may be added, that not
+only Necker, but also Rousseau, to whom a large share in causing the
+Revolution is justly ascribed, were born in Geneva, and drew their
+earliest ideas from that great nursery of the Calvinistic theology.
+
+  [997] 'La Sorbonne, moliniste sous Louis XIV, fut janséniste sous le
+        régent, et toujours divisée.' _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
+        vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [998] On the strength of the Jansenists in the parliament of Paris, see
+        _Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol. i. p. 352, vol. ii. p.
+        176; _Flassan_, _Diplomatie_, vol. vi. p. 486; _Mém. de Georgel_,
+        vol. ii. p. 262; _Mém. de Bouillé_, vol. i. p. 67; _Palmer's
+        Treatise on the Church_, vol. i. pp. 327, 328.
+
+  [999] _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 439.
+
+  [1000] _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. i. pp. 31, 145.
+
+  [1001] _Tocqueville_, _Règne de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 385; _[OE]uvres
+         de Voltaire_, vol. liv. p. 275; _Mém. de Georgel_, vol. i.
+         pp. 49-51.
+
+  [1002] _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 90.
+
+  [1003] _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 119; _Lavallée_,
+         vol. iii. p. 477.
+
+  [1004] _Mém. de Georgel_, vol. i. p. 57.
+
+  [1005] _La Fayette_, _Mém._ vol. ii. p. 53; _Dumont_, _Souvenirs_,
+         p. 154; _Georgel_, vol. ii. p. 353, vol. iii. p. 10.
+
+  [1006] _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. iii. p. 137.
+
+In such a state of things as this, it was impossible that a body like
+the Jesuits should hold their ground. They were the last defenders of
+authority and tradition, and it was natural that they should fall in an
+age when statesmen were sceptics, and theologians were Calvinists. Even
+the people had already marked them for destruction; and when Damiens, in
+1757, attempted to assassinate the king, it was generally believed that
+they were the instigators of the act.[1007] This we now know to be
+false; but the existence of such a rumour is evidence of the state of
+the popular mind. At all events, the doom of the Jesuits was fixed. In
+April 1761, parliament ordered their constitutions to be laid before
+them.[1008] In August, they were forbidden to receive novices, their
+colleges were closed, and a number of their most celebrated works were
+publicly burned by the common hangman.[1009] Finally, in 1762, another
+edict appeared, by which the Jesuits were condemned without even being
+heard in their own defence;[1010] their property was directed to be
+sold, and their order secularized; they were declared 'unfit to be
+admitted into a well-governed country,' and their institute and society
+were formally abolished.[1011]
+
+  [1007] 'The Jesuits are charged by the vulgar as promoters of that
+         attempt.' Letter from Stanley, written in 1761, in _Chatham
+         Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 127. Compare _Campan_, _Mém. de Marie
+         Antoinette_, vol. iii. pp. 19, 21; _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+         Franç._ vol. xxix. pp. 111, 227.
+
+  [1008] _Lavallée_, _Hist. des Français_, vol. iii. p. 476.
+
+  [1009] _Flassan_, _Diplomatie Franç._ vol. vi. p. 491.
+
+  [1010] 'Sans que les accusés eussent été entendus.' _Lavallée_, vol.
+         iii. p. 477. 'Pas un seul n'a été entendu dans leur cause.'
+         _Barruel sur l'Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. ii. p. 264.
+
+  [1011] _Lavallée_, iii. p. 477; _Flassan_, vi. pp. 504, 505; _Sismondi_,
+         xxix. p. 234; and the letters written by Diderot, who, though he
+         was in Paris at the time, gives rather an incomplete account,
+         _Mém. de Diderot_, vol. ii. pp. 127, 130-132.
+
+Such was the way in which this great society, long the terror of the
+world, fell before the pressure of public opinion. What makes its fall
+the more remarkable, is, that the pretext which was alleged to justify
+the examination of its constitutions, was one so slight, that no former
+government would have listened to it for a single moment. This immense
+spiritual corporation was actually tried by a temporal court for ill
+faith in a mercantile transaction, and for refusing to pay a sum of
+money said to be due![1012] The most important body in the Catholic
+church, the spiritual leaders of France, the educators of her youth, and
+the confessors of her kings, were brought to the bar, and sued in their
+collective capacity, for the fraudulent repudiation of a common
+debt![1013] So marked was the predisposition of affairs, that it was
+not found necessary to employ for the destruction of the Jesuits any of
+those arts by which the popular mind is commonly inflamed. The charge
+upon which they were sentenced, was not that they had plotted against
+the state; nor that they had corrupted the public morals; nor that they
+wished to subvert religion. These were the accusations which were
+brought in the seventeenth century, and which suited the genius of that
+age. But in the eighteenth century, all that was required was some
+trifling accident, that might serve as a pretence to justify what the
+nation had already determined. To ascribe, therefore, this great event
+to the bankruptcy of a trader, or the intrigues of a mistress,[1014] is
+to confuse the cause of an act with the pretext under which the act is
+committed. In the eyes of the men of the eighteenth century, the real
+crime of the Jesuits was, that they belonged to the past rather than to
+the present, and that by defending the abuses of ancient establishments,
+they obstructed the progress of mankind. They stood in the way of the
+age, and the age swept them from its path. This was the real cause of
+their abolition: a cause not likely to be perceived by those writers,
+who, under the guise of historians, are only collectors of the prattle
+and gossip of courts; and who believe that the destinies of great
+nations can be settled in the ante-chambers of ministers, and in the
+councils of kings.
+
+  [1012] _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. vi. pp. 486-488.
+
+  [1013] 'Enfin ils furent mis en cause, et le parlement de Paris eut
+         l'étonnement et la joie de voir les jésuites amenés devant lui
+         comme de vils banqueroutiers.' _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_,
+         vol. ii. p. 252. 'Condemned in France as fraudulent traders.'
+         _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv. p. 451.
+
+  [1014] Several writers attribute the destruction of the Jesuits to the
+         exertions of Madame de Pompadour!
+
+After the fall of the Jesuits, there seemed to be nothing remaining
+which could save the French church from immediate destruction.[1015] The
+old theological spirit had been for some time declining, and the clergy
+were suffering from their own decay even more than from the attacks made
+upon them. The advance of knowledge was producing in France the same
+results as those which I have pointed out in England; and the
+increasing attractions of science drew off many illustrious men, who in
+a preceding age would have been active members of the spiritual
+profession. That splendid eloquence, for which the French clergy had
+been remarkable, was now dying away, and there were no longer heard the
+voices of those great orators, at whose bidding the temples had formerly
+been filled.[1016] Massillon was the last of that celebrated race who
+had so enthralled the mind, and the magic of whose fascination it is
+even now hard to withstand. He died in 1742; and after him the French
+clergy possessed no eminent men of any kind, neither thinkers, nor
+orators, nor writers.[1017] Nor did there seem the least possibility of
+their recovering their lost position. While society was advancing they
+were receding. All the sources of their power were dried up. They had no
+active leaders; they had lost the confidence of government; they had
+forfeited the respect of the people; they had become a mark for the
+gibes of the age.[1018]
+
+  [1015] Choiseul is reported to have said of the Jesuits: 'leur éducation
+         détruite, tous les autres corps religieux tomberont
+         d'eux-mêmes.' _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. p. 63.
+
+  [1016] In 1771, Horace Walpole writes from Paris that the churches and
+         convents were become so empty, as to 'appear like abandoned
+         theatres destined to destruction;' and this he contrasts with
+         his former experience of a different state of things. _Walpole's
+         Letters_, vol. v. p. 310, edit. 1840.
+
+  [1017] 'So low had the talents of the once illustrious church of France
+         fallen, that in the latter part of the eighteenth century, when
+         Christianity itself was assailed, not one champion of note
+         appeared in its ranks; and when the convocation of the clergy,
+         in 1770, published their famous anathema against the dangers of
+         unbelief, and offered rewards for the best essays in defence of
+         the Christian faith, the productions called forth were so
+         despicable that they sensibly injured the cause of religion.'
+         _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. i. pp. 180, 181.
+
+  [1018] In 1766, the Rev. William Cole writes to Alban Butler: 'I
+         travelled to Paris through Lille and Cambray in their public
+         voitures, and was greatly scandalized and amazed at the open and
+         unreserved disrespect, both of the trading and military people,
+         for their clergy and religious establishment. When I got to
+         Paris, it was much worse.' _Ellis's Original Letters_, second
+         series, vol. iv. p. 485. See also _Walpole's Letters to Lady
+         Ossory_, vol. ii. p. 513, edit. 1848; and the complaint made at
+         Besançon in 1761, in _Lepan_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 113.
+
+It does, at first sight, seem strange that, under these circumstances,
+the French clergy should have been able, for nearly thirty years after
+the abolition of the Jesuits, to maintain their standing, so as to
+interfere with impunity in public affairs.[1019] The truth, however, is,
+that this temporary reprieve of the ecclesiastical order was owing to
+that movement which I have already noticed, and by virtue of which the
+French intellect, during the latter half of the eighteenth century,
+changed the ground of its attack, and, directing its energies against
+political abuses, neglected in some degree those spiritual abuses to
+which its attention had been hitherto confined. The result was, that in
+France the government enforced a policy which the great thinkers had
+indeed originated, but respecting which they were becoming less eager.
+The most eminent Frenchmen were beginning their attacks upon the state,
+and in the heat of their new warfare they slackened their opposition to
+the church. But in the mean time, the seeds they had sown germinated in
+the state itself. So rapid was the march of affairs, that those
+anti-ecclesiastical opinions which, a few years earlier, were punished
+as the paradoxes of designing men, were now taken up and put into
+execution by senators and ministers. The rulers of France carried into
+effect principles which had hitherto been simply a matter of theory; and
+thus it happened, as is always the case, that practical statesmen only
+apply and work out ideas which have long before been suggested by more
+advanced thinkers.
+
+  [1019] And also to retain their immense property, which, when the
+         Revolution occurred, was estimated at 80,000,000_l._ English
+         money, bringing in a yearly revenue of 'somewhat under
+         75,000,000 francs.' _Alison's Europe_, vol. i. p. 183, vol. ii.
+         p. 20, vol. xiv. pp. 122, 123.
+
+Hence it followed, that at no period during the eighteenth century did
+the speculative classes and practical classes thoroughly combine against
+the church: since, in the first half of the century, the clergy were
+principally assailed by the literature, and not by the government; in
+the latter half of the century, by the government, and not by the
+literature. Some of the circumstances of this singular transition have
+been already stated, and I hope clearly brought before the mind of the
+reader. I now purpose to complete the generalization, by proving that a
+corresponding change was taking place in all other branches of inquiry;
+and that, while in the first period attention was chiefly directed
+towards mental phenomena, it was in the second period more directed
+towards physical phenomena. From this, the political movement received a
+vast accession of strength. For the French intellect, shifting the scene
+of its labours, diverted the thoughts of men from the internal to the
+external, and concentrating attention upon their material rather than
+upon their spiritual wants, turned against the encroachments of the
+state an hostility formerly reserved for the encroachments of the
+church. Whenever a tendency arises to prefer what comes from without to
+what comes from within, and thus to aggrandize matter at the expense of
+mind, there will also be a tendency to believe that an institution which
+hampers our opinions is less hurtful than one which controls our acts.
+Precisely in the same way, men who reject the fundamental truths of
+religion, will care little for the extent to which those truths are
+perverted. Men who deny the existence of the Deity and the immortality
+of the soul, will take no heed of the way in which a gross and formal
+worship obscures those sublime doctrines. All the idolatry, all the
+ceremonials, all the pomp, all the dogmas, and all the traditions by
+which religion is retarded, will give them no disquietude, because they
+consider the opinions that are checked to be equally false with those
+that are favoured. Why should they, to whom transcendental truths are
+unknown, labour to remove the superstitions which darken the truths?
+Such a generation, so far from attacking ecclesiastical usurpations,
+would rather look on the clergy as convenient tools to ensnare the
+ignorant and control the vulgar. Therefore it is that we rarely hear of
+a sincere atheist being a zealous polemic. But if that should occur,
+which a century ago occurred in France; if it should happen that men of
+great energy, and actuated by the feelings I have described, were to
+find themselves in the presence of a political despotism,--they would
+direct against it the whole of their powers; and they would act with the
+more determined vigour, because, believing that their all was at stake,
+temporal happiness would be to them not only the first, but also the
+sole consideration.
+
+It is from this point of view that the progress of those atheistical
+opinions, which now rose in France, becomes a matter of great though
+painful interest. And the date at which they appeared, fully
+corroborates what I have just said respecting the change that took place
+in the middle of the eighteenth century. The first great work in which
+they were openly promulgated, was the celebrated Encyclopædia, published
+in 1751.[1020] Before that time such degrading opinions, though
+occasionally broached, were not held by any men of ability; nor could
+they in the preceding state of society have made much impression upon
+the age. But during the latter half of the eighteenth century, they
+affected every department of French literature. Between 1758 and 1770,
+atheistical tenets rapidly gained ground;[1021] and in 1770 was
+published the famous work, called the _System of Nature_; the success,
+and, unhappily, the ability of which, makes its appearance an important
+epoch in the history of France. Its popularity was immense;[1022] and
+the views it contains are so clearly and methodically arranged, as to
+have earned for it the name of the code of atheism.[1023] Five years
+later, the Archbishop of Toulouse, in a formal address to the king on
+behalf of the clergy, declared that atheism had now become the
+prevailing opinion.[1024] This, like all similar assertions, must have
+been an exaggeration; but that there was a large amount of truth in it,
+is known to whoever has studied the mental habits of the generation
+immediately preceding the Revolution. Among the inferior class of
+writers, Damilaville, Deleyre, Maréchal, Naigeon, Toussaint, were active
+supporters of that cold and gloomy dogma, which, in order to extinguish
+the hope of a future life, blots out from the mind of man the glorious
+instincts of his own immortality.[1025] And, strange to say, several
+even of the higher intellects were unable to escape the contagion.
+Atheism was openly advocated by Condorcet, by D'Alembert, by Diderot, by
+Helvétius, by Lalande, by Laplace, by Mirabeau, and by Saint
+Lambert.[1026] Indeed, so thoroughly did all this harmonize with the
+general temper, that in society men boasted of what, in other countries,
+and in other days, has been a rare and singular error, an eccentric
+taint, which those affected by it were willing to conceal. In 1764 Hume
+met, at the house of Baron d'Holbach, a party of the most celebrated
+Frenchmen then residing in Paris. The great Scotchman, who was no doubt
+aware of the prevailing opinion, took occasion to raise an argument as
+to the existence of an atheist, properly so called; for his own part, he
+said, he had never chanced to meet with one. 'You have been somewhat
+unfortunate,' replied Holbach; 'but at the present moment you are
+sitting at table with seventeen of them.'[1027]
+
+  [1020] M. Barante (_Littérature Française au XVIII^e Siècle_, p. 94)
+         says, 'On arriva bientôt à tout nier; déjà l'incrédulité avait
+         rejeté les preuves divines de la révélation, et avait abjuré les
+         devoirs et les souvenirs chrétiens; on vit alors l'athéisme
+         lever un front plus hardi, et proclamer que tout sentiment
+         religieux était une rêverie et un désordre de l'esprit humain.
+         C'est de l'époque de l'Encyclopédie que datent les écrits où
+         cette opinion est le plus expressément professée. Ils furent peu
+         imités.' This last sentence is erroneous, I am sorry to say.
+
+  [1021] 'Dans un intervalle de douze années, de 1758 à 1770, la
+         littérature française fut souillée par un grand nombre
+         d'ouvrages où l'athéisme étoit ouvertement professé.'
+         _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siècle_, vol. ii. p. 310.
+
+  [1022] Voltaire, who wrote against it, mentions its diffusion among all
+         classes, and says it was read by 'des savants, des ignorants,
+         des femmes.' _Dict. Philos._ article _Dieu_, section iv., in
+         _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxxviii. p. 366: see also vol.
+         lxvii. p. 260; _Longchamp et Wagnière_, _Mém. sur Voltaire_,
+         vol. i. pp. 13, 334; _Lettres inédites de Voltaire_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 210, 216; and a letter from him in _Correspond. de
+         Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 329. Compare _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der
+         Philos._ vol. xi. p. 320: 'mit ungetheiltem Beifalle aufgenommen
+         worden und grossen Einfluss gehabt hat.'
+
+  [1023] 'Le code monstrueux d'athéisme.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxix. p. 88.
+         Morellet, who in such matters was by no means a harsh judge,
+         says, '_Le Système de la Nature_, surtout, est un catéchisme
+         d'athéisme complet.' _Mém. de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 133.
+         Stäudlin (_Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. p. 440)
+         calls it 'ein System des entschiedenen Atheismus:' while
+         Tennemann, who has given by far the best account of it I have
+         met with, says, 'Es machte bei seinem Erscheinen gewaltiges
+         Aufsehen, und ist fast immer als das Handbuch des Atheismus
+         betrachtet worden.' _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. xi. p. 349.
+
+  [1024] 'Le monstrueux athéisme est devenu l'opinion dominante.'
+         _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. iii. p. 16: the address
+         of the archbishop with a deputation, 'muni des pouvoirs de
+         l'assemblée générale du clergé,' in September 1775.
+
+  [1025] _Biog. Univ._ vol. x. pp. 471, 669, vol. xxvii. p. 8, vol. xxx.
+         p. 542; _Mém. de Brissot_, vol. i. p. 305; _Tocqueville_, _Règne
+         de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 77.
+
+  [1026] _Mem. of Mallet du Pan_, vol. i. p. 50; _Soulavie_, _Règne de
+         Louis XVI_, vol. v. p. 127; _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobin._, vol.
+         i. pp. 104, 135, 225, vol. ii. p. 23, vol. iii. p. 200; _Life of
+         Romilly_, vol. i. pp. 46, 145; _Stäudlin_, _Theolog.
+         Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. p. 440; _Georgel_, _Mém._ vol. ii. pp.
+         250, 350; _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xv. p. 87; _Mém. de
+         Morellet_, vol. i. p. 130; _Lepan_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 369;
+         _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. xi. p. 350; _Musset
+         Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. ii. pp. 177, 297; _Mém. de
+         Genlis_, vol. v. p. 180; _Hitchcock's Geol._ p. 263; _Mém.
+         d'Epinay_, vol. ii. pp. 63, 66, 76.
+
+  [1027] This was related to Romilly by Diderot. _Life of Romilly_,
+         vol. i. pp. 131, 132: see also _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 220. Priestley, who visited France in 1774, says, that 'all
+         the philosophical persons to whom I was introduced at Paris
+         (were) unbelievers in Christianity, and even professed
+         atheists.' _Priestley's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 74. See also a
+         letter by Horace Walpole, written from Paris in 1765 (_Walpole's
+         Letters_, edit. 1840, vol. v. p. 96): 'their avowed doctrine is
+         atheism.'
+
+This, sad as it is, only forms a single aspect of that immense movement,
+by which, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, the French
+intellect was withdrawn from the study of the internal, and concentrated
+upon that of the external world. Of this tendency, we find an
+interesting instance in the celebrated work of Helvétius, unquestionably
+the ablest and most influential treatise on morals which France produced
+at this period. It was published in 1758;[1028] and, although it bears
+the title of an essay on 'the Mind,' it does not contain a single
+passage from which we could infer that the mind, in the sense in which
+the word is commonly used, has any existence. In this work, which,
+during fifty years, was the code of French morals, principles are laid
+down which bear exactly the same relation to ethics that atheism bears
+to theology. Helvétius, at the beginning of his inquiry, assumes, as an
+incontestable fact, that the difference between man and other animals is
+the result of a difference in their external form; and that if, for
+example, our wrists, instead of ending with hands and flexible fingers,
+had merely ended like a horse's foot, we should have always remained
+wanderers on the face of the earth, ignorant of every art, entirely
+defenceless, and having no other concern but to avoid the attacks of
+wild beasts, and find the needful supply of our daily food.[1029] That
+the structure of our bodies is the sole cause of our boasted
+superiority, becomes evident, when we consider that our thoughts are
+simply the product of two faculties, which we have in common with all
+other animals; namely, the faculty of receiving impressions from
+external objects, and the faculty of remembering those impressions after
+they are received.[1030] From this, says Helvétius, it follows, that the
+internal powers of man being the same as those of all other animals, our
+sensibility and our memory would be useless, if it were not for those
+external peculiarities by which we are eminently distinguished, and to
+which we owe every thing that is most valuable.[1031] These positions
+being laid down, it is easy to deduce all the essential principles of
+moral actions. For, memory being merely one of the organs of physical
+sensibility,[1032] and judgment being only a sensation,[1033] all
+notions of duty and of virtue must be tested by their relation to the
+senses; in other words, by the gross amount of physical enjoyment to
+which they give rise. This is the true basis of moral philosophy. To
+take any other view, is to allow ourselves to be deceived by
+conventional expressions, which have no foundation except in the
+prejudices of ignorant men. Our vices and our virtues are solely the
+result of our passions; and our passions are caused by our physical
+sensibility to pain and to pleasure.[1034] It was in this way that the
+sense of justice first arose. To physical sensibility men owe pleasure
+and pain; hence the feeling of their own interests, and hence the desire
+of living together in societies. Being assembled in society, there grew
+up the notion of a general interest, since, without it, society could
+not hold together; and, as actions are only just or unjust in proportion
+as they minister to this general interest, a measure was established, by
+which justice is discriminated from injustice.[1035] With the same
+inflexible spirit, and with great fullness of illustration, Helvétius
+examines the origin of those other feelings which regulate human
+actions. Thus, he says that both ambition and friendship are entirely
+the work of physical sensibility. Men yearn after fame, on account
+either of the pleasure which they expect the mere possession of it will
+give, or else as the means of subsequently procuring other
+pleasures.[1036] As to friendship, the only use of it is to increase our
+pleasures or mitigate our pains; and it is with this object that a man
+longs to hold communion with his friend.[1037] Beyond this, life has
+nothing to offer. To love what is good for the sake of the goodness, is
+as impossible as to love what is bad for the sake of the evil.[1038] The
+mother who weeps for the loss of her child, is solely actuated by
+selfishness; she mourns because a pleasure is taken from her, and
+because she sees a void difficult to fill up.[1039] So it is, that the
+loftiest virtues, as well as the meanest vices, are equally caused by
+the pleasure we find in the exercise of them.[1040] This is the great
+mover and originator of all. Every thing that we have, and every thing
+that we are, we owe to the external world; nor is Man himself aught else
+except what he is made by the objects which surround him.[1041]
+
+  [1028] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx. p. 29.
+
+  [1029] 'Si la nature, au lieu de mains et de doigts flexibles, eût
+         terminé nos poignets par un pied de cheval; qui doute que les
+         hommes, sans art, sans habitations, sans défense contre les
+         animaux, tout occupés du soin de pourvoir à leur nourriture et
+         d'éviter les bêtes féroces, ne fussent encore errants dans les
+         forêts comme des troupeaux fugitifs?' _Helvétius_, _De
+         l'Esprit_, vol. i. p. 2. Had Helvétius ever read the attack of
+         Aristotle against Anaxagoras for asserting that [Greek: dia to
+         cheiroas echein, phronimôtaton einai tôn zôôn ton anthrôpon]?
+         _Cudworth_, _Intellect. Syst._ vol. iii. p. 311.
+
+  [1030] _De l'Esprit_, vol. i. p. 2.
+
+  [1031] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 4.
+
+  [1032] 'En effet la mémoire ne peut être qu'un des organes de la
+         sensibilité physique.' vol. i. p. 6. Compare what M. Lepelletier
+         says on this, in his _Physiologie Médicale_, vol. iii. p. 272.
+
+  [1033] 'D'où je conclus que tout jugement n'est qu'une sensation.' _De
+         l'Esprit_, vol. i. p. 10; '_juger_, comme je l'ai déjà prouvé,
+         n'est proprement que _sentir_.' p. 41.
+
+  [1034] 'Né sensible à la douleur et au plaisir, c'est à la sensibilité
+         physique que l'homme doit ses passions; et à ses passions, qu'il
+         doit tous ses vices et toutes ses vertus.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p.
+         53; and see vol. i. p. 239.
+
+  [1035] 'Une fois parvenu à cette vérité, je découvre facilement la
+         source des vertus humaines; je voie que sans la sensibilité à la
+         douleur et au plaisir physique, les hommes, sans désirs, sans
+         passions, également indifférents à tout, n'eussent point connu
+         d'intérêt personnel; que sans intérêt personnel ils ne se
+         fussent point rassemblés en société, n'eussent point fait
+         entr'eux de conventions, qu'il n'y eût point eu d'intérêt
+         général, par conséquent point d'actions justes ou injustes; et
+         qu'ainsi la sensibilité physique et l'intérêt personnel ont été
+         les auteurs de toute justice.' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 278.
+
+  [1036] _De l'Esprit_, vol. ii. pp. 19, 20, 30, 34, 293, 294, 318.
+         Compare Epicurus, in _Diog. Laert. de Vit. Philos._ lib. x. seg.
+         120, vol. i. p. 654.
+
+  [1037] _De l'Esprit_, vol. ii. p. 45. He sums up: 'il s'ensuit que
+         l'amitié, ainsi que l'avarice, l'orgueil, l'ambition et les
+         autres passions, est l'effet immédiat de la sensibilité
+         physique.'
+
+  [1038] 'Il lui est aussi impossible d'aimer le bien pour le bien, que
+         d'aimer le mal pour le mal.' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 73.
+
+  [1039] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 249.
+
+  [1040] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 58.
+
+  [1041] 'Nous sommes uniquement ce que nous font les objets qui nous
+         environnent.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 306.
+
+The views put forward in this celebrated work I have stated at some
+length; not so much on account of the ability with which they are
+advocated, as on account of the clue they furnish to the movements of a
+most remarkable age. Indeed, so completely did they harmonize with the
+prevailing tendencies, that they not only quickly obtained for their
+author a vast European reputation,[1042] but, during many years, they
+continued to increase in influence, and, in France in particular, they
+exercised great sway.[1043] As that was the country in which they
+arose, so also was it the country to which they were best adapted.
+Madame Dudeffand, who passed her long life in the midst of French
+society, and was one of the keenest observers of her time, has expressed
+this with great happiness. The work of Helvétius, she says, is popular,
+since he is the man who has told to all their own secret.[1044]
+
+  [1042] Saint Surin, a zealous opponent of Helvétius, admits that 'les
+         étrangers les plus éminents par leurs dignités ou par leurs
+         lumières, désiraient d'être introduits chez un philosophe dont
+         le nom retentissait dans toute l'Europe.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx.
+         p. 33.
+
+  [1043] Brissot (_Mémoires_, vol. i. p. 339) says, that in 1775, 'le
+         système d'Helvétius avait alors la plus grande vogue.' Turgot,
+         who wrote against it, complains that it was praised 'avec une
+         sorte de fureur' (_[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ix. p. 297); and
+         Georgel (_Mémoires_, vol. ii. p. 256) says, 'ce livre, écrit
+         avec un style plein de chaleur et d'images, se trouvoit sur
+         toutes les toilettes.'
+
+  [1044] 'D'ailleurs le siècle de Louis XV se reconnut dans l'ouvrage
+         d'Helvétius, et on prête à Mme. Dudeffand ce mot fin et profond:
+         "C'est un homme qui a dit le secret de tout le monde."'
+         _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._ I. série, vol. iii. p. 201.
+         Compare _Corresp. de Dudeffand_, vol. i. p. xxii.; and a similar
+         sentiment in _Mém. de Roland_, vol. i. p. 104. The relation of
+         Helvétius's work to the prevailing philosophy is noticed in
+         _Comte's Philos. Pos._ vol. iii. pp. 791, 792. vol. v.
+         pp. 744, 745.
+
+True it was, that, to the contemporaries of Helvétius, his views,
+notwithstanding their immense popularity, bore the appearance of a
+secret; because the connexion between them and the general march of
+events was, as yet, but dimly perceived. To us, however, who, after this
+interval of time, can examine the question with the resources of a
+larger experience, it is obvious how such a system met the wants of an
+age of which it was the exponent and the mouthpiece. That Helvétius must
+have carried with him the sympathies of his countrymen, is clear, not
+only from the evidence we have of his success, but also from a more
+comprehensive view of the general complexion of those times. Even while
+he was still pursuing his labours, and only four years before he
+published them, a work appeared in France, which, though displaying
+greater ability, and possessing a higher influence than that of
+Helvétius, did, nevertheless, point in exactly the same direction. I
+allude to the great metaphysical treatise by Condillac, in many respects
+one of the most remarkable productions of the eighteenth century; and
+the authority of which, during two generations, was so irresistible,
+that, without some acquaintance with it, we cannot possibly understand
+the nature of those complicated movements by which the French Revolution
+was brought about.
+
+In 1754,[1045] Condillac put forth his celebrated work on the mind; the
+very title of which was a proof of the bias with which it was written.
+Although this profound thinker aimed at nothing less than an exhaustive
+analysis of the human faculties, and although he is pronounced by a very
+able, but hostile critic, to be the only metaphysician France produced
+during the eighteenth century,[1046] still he found it utterly
+impossible to escape from those tendencies towards the external which
+governed his own age. The consequence was, that he called his work a
+'Treatise on Sensations;'[1047] and in it he peremptorily asserts, that
+every thing we know is the result of sensation; by which he means the
+effect produced on us by the action of the external world. Whatever may
+be thought of the accuracy of this opinion, there can be no doubt that
+it is enforced with a closeness and severity of reasoning which deserves
+the highest praise. To examine, however, the arguments by which his view
+is supported, would lead to a discussion foreign to my present object,
+which is, merely to point out the relation between his philosophy and
+the general temper of his contemporaries. Without, therefore, pretending
+to anything like a critical examination of this celebrated book, I will
+simply bring together the essential positions on which it is based, in
+order to illustrate the harmony between it and the intellectual habits
+of the age in which it appeared.[1048]
+
+  [1045] _Biog. Univ._ vol. ix. p. 399.
+
+  [1046] 'Condillac est le métaphysicien français du XVIII^e siècle.'
+         _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._ I. série, vol. iii. p. 83.
+
+  [1047] 'Traité des Sensations,' which, as M. Cousin says, is, 'sans
+         comparaison, le chef-d'[oe]uvre de Condillac.' _Hist. de la
+         Philos._ II. série, vol. ii. p. 77.
+
+  [1048] On the immense influence of Condillac, compare _Renouard_, _Hist.
+         de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 355; _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, vol. iii.
+         p. 387; _Broussais_, _Cours de Phrénologie_, pp. 45, 68-71, 829;
+         _Pinel_, _Alién. Mentale_, p. 94; _Brown's Philos. of the Mind_,
+         p. 212.
+
+The materials from which the philosophy of Condillac was originally
+drawn, were contained in the great work published by Locke about sixty
+years before this time. But though much of what was most essential was
+borrowed from the English philosopher, there was one very important
+point in which the disciple differed from his master. And this
+difference is strikingly characteristic of the direction which the
+French intellect was now taking. Locke, with some looseness of
+expression, and possibly with some looseness of thought, had asserted
+the separate existence of a power of reflection, and had maintained that
+by means of that power the products of sensation became available.[1049]
+Condillac, moved by the prevailing temper of his own time, would not
+hear of such a distinction. He, like most of his contemporaries, was
+jealous of any claim which increased the authority of the internal, and
+weakened that of the external. He, therefore, altogether rejects the
+faculty of reflection as a source of our ideas; and this partly because
+it is but the channel through which ideas run from the senses, and
+partly because in its origin it is itself a sensation.[1050] Therefore,
+according to him, the only question is as to the way in which our
+contact with nature supplies us with ideas. For in this scheme, the
+faculties of man are solely caused by the operation of his senses. The
+judgments which we form are, says Condillac, often ascribed to the hand
+of the Deity; a convenient mode of reasoning, which has only arisen from
+the difficulty of analyzing them.[1051] By considering how our judgments
+actually arise, we can alone remove these obscurities. The fact is, that
+the attention we give to an object is nothing but the sensation which
+that object excites;[1052] and what we call abstract ideas are merely
+different ways of being attentive.[1053] Ideas being thus generated, the
+subsequent process is very simple. To attend to two ideas at the same
+time, is to compare them; so that comparison is not a result of
+attention, but is rather the attention itself.[1054] This at once gives
+us the faculty of judging, because directly we institute a comparison,
+we do of necessity form a judgment.[1055] Thus, too, memory is a
+transformed sensation;[1056] while the imagination is nothing but
+memory, which, being carried to its highest possible vivacity, makes
+what is absent appear to be present.[1057] The impressions we receive
+from the external world being, therefore, not the cause of our
+faculties, but being the faculties themselves, the conclusion to which
+we are driven is inevitable. It follows, says Condillac, that in man
+nature is the beginning of all; that to nature we owe the whole of our
+knowledge; that we only instruct ourselves according to her lessons; and
+that the entire art of reasoning consists in continuing the work which
+she has appointed us to perform.[1058]
+
+  [1049] Whether or not Locke held that reflection is an independent as
+         well as a separate faculty, is uncertain; because passages could
+         be quoted from his writings to prove either the affirmative or
+         the negative. Dr. Whewell justly remarks, that Locke uses the
+         word so vaguely as to 'allow his disciples to make of his
+         doctrines what they please.' _History of Moral Philosophy_,
+         1852, p. 71.
+
+  [1050] 'Locke distingue deux sources de nos idées, les sens et la
+         réflexion. Il seroit plus exact de n'en reconnoître qu'une, soit
+         parceque la réflexion n'est dans son principe que la sensation
+         même, soit parce qu'elle est moins la source des idées que le
+         canal par lequel elles découlent des sens.' _Condillac_, _Traité
+         des Sensations_, p. 13: see also, at pp. 19, 216, the way in
+         which sensation becomes reflection; and the summing up, at p.
+         416, 'que toutes nos connoissances viennent des sens, et
+         particulièrement du toucher.'
+
+  [1051] He says of Mallebranche (_Traité des Sensations_, p. 312), 'ne
+         pouvant comprendre comment nous formerions nous-mêmes ces
+         jugemens, il les attribue à Dieu; manière de raisonner fort
+         commode, et presque toujours la ressource des philosophes.'
+
+  [1052] 'Mais à peine j'arrête la vue sur un objet, que les sensations
+         particulières que j'en reçois sont l'attention même que je lui
+         donne.' _Traité des Sensations_, p. 16.
+
+  [1053] 'Ne sont que différentes manières d'être attentif.' p. 122.
+
+  [1054] 'Dès qu'il y a double attention, il y a comparaison; car être
+         attentif à deux idées ou les comparer, c'est la même chose.'
+         p. 17.
+
+  [1055] 'Dès qu'il y a comparaison, il y a jugement.' p. 65.
+
+  [1056] 'La mémoire n'est donc que la sensation transformée.' p. 17.
+         Compare p. 61.
+
+  [1057] 'L'imagination est la mémoire même, parvenue à toute la vivacité
+         dont elle est susceptible.' p. 78. 'Or j'ai appelé imagination
+         cette mémoire vive qui fait paroître présent ce qui est absent.'
+         p. 245.
+
+  [1058] 'Il résulte de cette vérité, que la nature commence tout en nous:
+         aussi ai-je démontré que, dans le principe ou dans le
+         commencement, nos connoissances sont uniquement son ouvrage, que
+         nous ne nous instruisons que d'après ses leçons, et que tout
+         l'art de raisonner consisté à continuer comme elle nous a fait
+         commencer.' p. 178.
+
+It is so impossible to mistake the tendency of these views, that I need
+not attempt to estimate their result otherwise than by measuring the
+extent to which they were adopted. Indeed, the zeal with which they were
+now carried into every department of knowledge, can only surprise those
+who, being led by their habits of mind to study history in its separate
+fragments, have not accustomed themselves to consider it as an united
+whole, and who, therefore, do not perceive that in every great epoch
+there is some one idea at work, which is more powerful than any other,
+and which shapes the events of the time and determines their ultimate
+issue. In France, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, this
+idea was, the inferiority of the internal to the external. It was this
+dangerous but plausible principle which drew the attention of men from
+the church to the state; which was seen in Helvétius the most celebrated
+of the French moralists, and in Condillac the most celebrated of the
+French metaphysicians. It was this same principle which, by increasing,
+if I may so say, the reputation of Nature, induced the ablest thinkers
+to devote themselves to a study of her laws, and to abandon those other
+pursuits which had been popular in the preceding age. In consequence of
+this movement, such wonderful additions were made to every branch of
+physical science, that more new truths concerning the external world
+were discovered in France during the latter half of the eighteenth
+century than during all the previous periods put together. The details
+of these discoveries, so far as they have been subservient to the
+general purposes of civilization, will be related in another place; at
+present I will indicate only the most prominent, in order that the
+reader may understand the course of the subsequent argument, and may see
+the connexion between them and the French Revolution.
+
+Taking a general view of the external world, we may say, that the three
+most important forces by which the operations of nature are effected,
+are heat, light, and electricity; including under this last magnetic and
+galvanic phenomena. On all these subjects, the French, for the first
+time, now exerted themselves with signal success. In regard to heat, not
+only were the materials for subsequent induction collected with
+indefatigable industry, but before that generation passed away, the
+induction was actually made; for while the laws of its radiation were
+worked out by Prevost,[1059] those of its conduction were established by
+Fourier, who, just before the Revolution, employed himself in raising
+thermotics to a science by the deductive application of that celebrated
+mathematical theory which he contrived, and which still bears his
+name.[1060] In regard to electricity, it is enough to notice, during the
+same period, the important experiments of D'Alibard, followed by those
+vast labours of Coulomb, which brought electrical phenomena under the
+jurisdiction of the mathematics, and thus completed what [OE]pinus had
+already prepared.[1061] As to the laws of light, those ideas were now
+accumulating which rendered possible the great steps that, at the close
+of the century, were taken by Malus, and still later by Fresnel.[1062]
+Both of these eminent Frenchmen not only made important additions to
+our knowledge of double refraction, but Malus discovered the
+polarization of light, undoubtedly the most splendid contribution
+received by optical science since the analysis of the solar rays.[1063]
+It was also in consequence of this, that Fresnel began those profound
+researches which placed on a solid basis that great undulatory theory of
+which Hooke, Huygens, and above all Young, are to be deemed the
+founders, and by which the corpuscular theory of Newton was finally
+overthrown.[1064]
+
+  [1059] Compare _Powell on Radiant Heat_, p. 261, in _Second Rep. of
+         Brit. Assoc._; _Whewell's History of Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 526;
+         and his _Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 339, 340. Prevost was
+         professor at Geneva; but his great views were followed up in
+         France by Dulong and Petit; and the celebrated theory of dew by
+         Dr. Wells is merely an application of them. _Herschel's Nat.
+         Philosophy_, pp. 163, 315, 316. Respecting the further
+         prosecution of these inquiries, and our present knowledge of
+         radiant heat, see _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. i. p. 79,
+         vol. iii. p. 30, vol. iv. p. 45.
+
+  [1060] On Fourier's mathematical theory of conduction, see _Comte_,
+         _Philos. Positive_, vol. i. pp. 142, 175, 345, 346, 351, vol.
+         ii. pp. 453, 551; _Prout's Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 203, 204;
+         _Kelland on Heat_, p. 6, in _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1841; _Erman's
+         Siberia_, vol. i. p. 243; _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. i. p. 169;
+         _Hitchcock's Geology_, p. 198; _Pouillet_, _Elémens de
+         Physique_, ii. 696, 697.
+
+  [1061] Coulomb's memoirs on electricity and magnetism were published
+         from 1782 to 1789. _Fifth Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 4. Compare
+         _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. iii. p. 128; and on his
+         relation to [OE]pinus, who wrote in 1759, see _Whewell's Induc.
+         Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 24-26, 35, 36, and _Haüy_, _Traité de
+         Minéralogie_, vol. iii. p. 44, vol. iv. p. 14. There is a still
+         fuller account of what was effected by Coulomb in M. Pouillet's
+         able work, _Elémens de Physique_, vol. i. part ii. pp. 63-79,
+         130-135.
+
+  [1062] Fresnel belongs to the present century; but M. Biot says that the
+         researches of Malus began before the passage of the Rhine in
+         1797. _Biot's Life of Malus_, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p.
+         412.
+
+  [1063] _Pouillet_, _Elémens de Physique_, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 484,
+         514; _Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1832_, p. 314; _Leslie's Nat.
+         Philos._ p. 83; _Whewell's Hist. of Sciences_, vol. ii. pp.
+         408-410; _Philos. of Sciences_, vol. i. p. 350, vol. ii. p. 25;
+         _Herschel's Nat. Philos._ p. 258.
+
+  [1064] The struggle between these rival theories, and the ease with
+         which a man of such immense powers as Young was put down, and,
+         as it were, suppressed, by those ignorant pretenders who
+         presumed to criticize him, will be related in another part of
+         this work, as a valuable illustration of the history and habits
+         of the English mind. At present the controversy is finished, so
+         far as the advocates of emission are concerned; but there are
+         still difficulties on the other side, which should have
+         prevented Dr. Whewell from expressing himself with such extreme
+         positiveness on an unexhausted subject. This able writer says:
+         'The undulatory theory of light; the only discovery which can
+         stand by the side of the theory of universal gravitation, as a
+         doctrine belonging to the same order, for its generality, its
+         fertility, and its certainty.' _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc.
+         Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 425; see also p. 508.
+
+Thus much as to the progress of French knowledge respecting those parts
+of nature which are in themselves invisible, and of which we cannot tell
+whether they have a material existence, or whether they are mere
+conditions and properties of other bodies.[1065] The immense value of
+these discoveries, as increasing the number of known truths, is
+incontestable: but, at the same time, another class of discoveries was
+made, which, dealing more palpably with the visible world, and being
+also more easily understood, produced more immediate results, and, as I
+shall presently show, exercised a remarkable influence in strengthening
+that democratic tendency which accompanied the French Revolution. It is
+impossible, within the limits I have assigned to myself, to give
+anything like an adequate notion of the marvellous activity with which
+the French now pushed their researches into every department of the
+organic and inorganic world; still it is, I think, practicable to
+compress into a few pages such a summary of the more salient points as
+will afford the reader some idea of what was done by that generation of
+great thinkers which flourished in France during the latter half of the
+eighteenth century.
+
+  [1065] As to the supposed impossibility of conceiving the existence of
+         matter without properties which give rise to forces (note in
+         _Paget's Lectures on Pathology_, 1853, vol. i. p. 61), there are
+         two reasons which prevent me from attaching much weight to it.
+         First, a conception which, in one stage of knowledge, is called
+         impossible, becomes, in a later stage, perfectly easy, and so
+         natural as to be often termed necessary. Secondly, however
+         indissoluble the connexion may appear between force and matter,
+         it was not found fatal to the dynamical theory of Leibnitz; it
+         has not prevented other eminent thinkers from holding similar
+         views; and the arguments of Berkeley, though constantly
+         attacked, have never been refuted.
+
+If we confine our view to the globe we inhabit, it must be allowed that
+chemistry and geology are the two sciences which not only offer the
+fairest promise, but already contain the largest generalizations. The
+reason of this will become clear, if we attend to the ideas on which
+these two great subjects are based. The idea of chemistry, is the study
+of composition;[1066] the idea of geology, is the study of position. The
+object of the first is, to learn the laws which govern the properties of
+matter; the object of the second is, to learn the laws which govern its
+locality. In chemistry, we experiment; in geology, we observe. In
+chemistry, we deal with the molecular arrangement of the smallest
+atoms;[1067] in geology, with the cosmological arrangement of the
+largest masses. Hence it is that the chemist by his minuteness, and the
+geologist by his grandeur, touch the two extremes of the material
+universe; and, starting from these opposite points, have, as I could
+easily prove, a constantly increasing tendency to bring under their own
+authority sciences which have at present an independent existence, and
+which, for the sake of a division of labour, it is still convenient to
+study separately; though it must be the business of philosophy, properly
+so called, to integrate them into a complete and effective whole. Indeed
+it is obvious, that if we knew all the laws of the composition of
+matter, and likewise all the laws of its position, we should likewise
+know all the changes of which matter is capable spontaneously, that is,
+when uninterrupted by the mind of man. Every phenomenon which any given
+substance presents must be caused either by something taking place in
+the substance, or else by something taking place out of it, but acting
+upon it; while what occurs within must be explicable by its own
+composition, and what occurs without must be due to its position in
+relation to the objects by which it is affected. This is an exhaustive
+statement of every possible contingency, and to one of these two classes
+of laws every thing must be referrible; even those mysterious forces
+which, whether they be emanations from matter, or whether they be merely
+properties of matter, must in an ultimate analysis depend either on the
+internal arrangement, or else on the external locality of their physical
+antecedents. However convenient, therefore, it may be, in the present
+state of our knowledge, to speak of vital principles, imponderable
+fluids, and elastic æthers, such terms can only be provisional, and are
+to be considered as mere names for that residue of unexplained facts,
+which it will be the business of future ages to bring under
+generalizations wide enough to cover and include the whole.
+
+  [1066] Every chemical decomposition being only a new form of
+         composition. _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i.
+         pp. 455, 456, 498: 'de tout cela il résulte, que la dissolution
+         est un cas particulier des combinaisons.'
+
+  [1067] What is erroneously called the atomic theory, is, properly
+         speaking, an hypothesis, and not a theory: but hypothesis though
+         it be, it is by its aid that we wield the doctrine of definite
+         proportions, the corner stone of chemistry.
+
+These ideas of composition and of position being thus the basis of all
+natural science, it is not surprising that chemistry and geology, which
+are their best, but still their insufficient representatives, should in
+modern times have made more progress than any other of the great
+branches of human knowledge. Although the chemists and geologists have
+not yet risen to the full height of their respective subjects,[1068]
+there are few things more curious than to note the way in which, during
+the last two generations, they have been rapidly expanding their
+views--encroaching on topics with which, at first sight, they appeared
+to have no concern--making other branches of inquiry tributary to their
+own--and collecting from every quarter that intellectual wealth which,
+long hidden in obscure corners, had been wasted in the cultivation of
+special and inferior pursuits. This, as being one of the great
+intellectual characteristics of the present age, I shall hereafter
+examine at considerable length; but what I have now to show is, that in
+these two vast sciences, which, though still very imperfect, must
+eventually be superior to all others, the first important steps were
+made by Frenchmen during the latter half of the eighteenth century.
+
+  [1068] Many of them being still fettered, in geology, by the hypothesis
+         of catastrophes; in chemistry, by the hypothesis of vital
+         forces.
+
+That we owe to France the existence of chemistry as a science, will be
+admitted by everyone who uses the word science in the sense in which
+alone it ought to be understood, namely, as a body of generalizations so
+irrefragably true, that, though they may be subsequently covered by
+higher generalizations, they cannot be overthrown by them; in other
+words, generalizations which may be absorbed, but not refuted. In this
+point of view, there are in the history of chemistry only three great
+stages. The first stage was the destruction of the phlogistic theory,
+and the establishment, upon its ruins, of the doctrines of oxidation,
+combustion, and respiration. The second stage was the establishment of
+the principle of definite proportions, and the application to it of the
+atomic hypothesis. The third stage, above which we have not yet risen,
+consists in the union of chemical and electrical laws, and in the
+progress we are making towards fusing into one generalization their
+separate phenomena. Which of these three stages was in its own age the
+most valuable, is not now the question; but it is certain that the first
+of them was the work of Lavoisier, by far the greatest of the French
+chemists. Before him several important points had been cleared up by the
+English chemists, whose experiments ascertained the existence of bodies
+formerly unknown. The links, however, to connect the facts, were still
+wanting; and until Lavoisier entered the field, there were no
+generalizations wide enough to entitle chemistry to be called a science;
+or, to speak more properly, the only large generalization commonly
+received was that by Stahl, which the great Frenchman proved to be not
+only imperfect, but altogether inaccurate. A notice of the vast
+discoveries of Lavoisier will be found in many well-known books:[1069]
+it is enough to say, that he not only worked out the laws of the
+oxidation of bodies and of their combustion, but that he is the author
+of the true theory of respiration, the purely chemical character of
+which he first demonstrated; thus laying the foundation of those views
+respecting the functions of food, which the German chemists subsequently
+developed, and which, as I have proved in the second chapter of this
+Introduction, may be applied to solve some great problems in the history
+of Man. The merit of this was so obviously due to France, that though
+the system now established was quickly adopted in other countries,[1070]
+it received the name of the French chemistry.[1071] At the same time,
+the old nomenclature being full of old errors, a new one was required,
+and here again France took the initiative; since this great reformation
+was begun by four of her most eminent chemists, who flourished only a
+few years before the Revolution.[1072]
+
+  [1069] See, for instance, _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences_, vol. i.
+         pp. 32-34, 40; _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, p. 282;
+         _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 184, 185; _Brande's
+         Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. lxxxv.-lxxxix. 302; _Thomson's Animal
+         Chemistry_, pp. 520, 634, and a great part of the second volume
+         of his _History of Chemistry_; also _Müller's Physiol._ vol. i.
+         pp. 90, 323.
+
+  [1070] According to Mr. Harcourt (_Brit. Assoc. Report for 1839_,
+         p. 10), Cavendish has this merit, so far as England is
+         concerned: 'He, first of all his contemporaries, did justice to
+         the rival theory recently proposed by Lavoisier.'
+
+  [1071] La chimie française. _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 101, 130. On the excitement caused by Lavoisier's views, see
+         a letter which Jefferson wrote in Paris, in 1789, printed partly
+         in _Tucker's Life of Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 314, 315; and at
+         length in _Jefferson's Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 453-455.
+
+  [1072] 'The first attempt to form a systematic chemical nomenclature was
+         made by Lavoisier, Berthollet, G. de Morveau, and Fourcroy, soon
+         after the discovery of oxygen gas.' _Turner's Chemistry_, vol.
+         i. p. 127. Cuvier (_Progrès des Sciences_, vol. i. p. 39) and
+         Robin et Verdeil (_Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. pp. 602, 603)
+         ascribe the chief merit to De Morveau. Thomson says (_Hist. of
+         Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 133): 'This new nomenclature very soon
+         made its way into every part of Europe, and became the common
+         language of chemists, in spite of the prejudices entertained
+         against it, and the opposition which it every where met with.'
+
+While one division of the French thinkers was reducing to order the
+apparent irregularities of chemical phenomena, another division of them
+was performing precisely the same service for geology. The first step
+towards popularizing this noble study was taken by Buffon, who, in the
+middle of the eighteenth century, broached a geological theory, which,
+though not quite original, excited attention by its eloquence, and by
+the lofty speculations with which he connected it.[1073] This was
+followed by the more special but still important labours of Rouelle,
+Desmarest, Dolomieu, and Montlosier, who, in less than forty years,
+effected a complete revolution in the ideas of Frenchmen, by
+familiarizing them with the strange conception, that the surface of our
+planet, even where it appears perfectly stable, is constantly undergoing
+most extensive changes. It began to be understood, that this perpetual
+flux takes place not only in those parts of nature which are obviously
+feeble and evanescent, but also in those which seem to possess every
+element of strength and permanence, such as the mountains of granite
+which wall the globe, and are the shell and encasement in which it is
+held. As soon as the mind became habituated to this notion of universal
+change, the time was ripe for the appearance of some great thinker, who
+should generalize the scattered observations, and form them into a
+science, by connecting them with some other department of knowledge, of
+which the laws, or, at all events, the empirical uniformities, had been
+already ascertained.
+
+  [1073] The famous central heat of Buffon is often supposed to have been
+         taken from Leibnitz; but, though vaguely taught by the ancients,
+         the real founder of the doctrine appears to have been Descartes.
+         See _Bordas Demoulin_, _Cartésianisme_, Paris, 1843, vol. i. p.
+         312. There is an unsatisfactory note on this in _Prichard's
+         Physical Hist._ vol. i. p. 100. Compare _Experimental Hist. of
+         Cold_, tit. 17, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. ii. p. 308; _Brewster's
+         Life of Newton_, vol. ii. p. 100. On the central heat of the
+         Pythagoreans, see _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. i. p.
+         149; and as to the central fire mentioned in the so-called
+         Oracles of Zoroaster, see _Beausobre_, _Hist. de Manichée_, vol.
+         ii. p. 152. But the complete ignorance of the ancients
+         respecting geology made these views nothing but guesses. Compare
+         some sensible remarks in _Matter's Hist. de l'Ecole
+         d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 282.
+
+It was at this point, and while the inquiries of geologists,
+notwithstanding their value, were still crude and unsettled, that the
+subject was taken up by Cuvier, one of the greatest naturalists Europe
+has ever produced. A few others there are who have surpassed him in
+depth; but in comprehensiveness it would be hard to find his superior;
+and the immense range of his studies gave him a peculiar advantage in
+surveying the operations and dependencies of the external world.[1074]
+This remarkable man is unquestionably the founder of geology as a
+science, since he is not only the first who saw the necessity of
+bringing to bear upon it the generalizations of comparative anatomy, but
+he is also the first who actually, executing this great idea, succeeded
+in coördinating the study of the strata of the earth with the study of
+the fossil animals found in them.[1075] Shortly before his researches
+were published, many valuable facts had indeed been collected respecting
+the separate strata; the primary formations being investigated by the
+Germans, the secondary ones by the English.[1076] But these
+observations, notwithstanding their merit, were isolated; and they
+lacked that vast conception which gave unity and grandeur to the whole,
+by connecting inquiries concerning the inorganic changes of the surface
+of the globe with other inquiries concerning the organic changes of the
+animals the surface contained.
+
+  [1074] This comprehensiveness of Cuvier is justly remarked by M.
+         Flourens as the leading characteristic of his mind. _Flourens_,
+         _Hist. des Travaux de Cuvier_, pp. 76, 142, 306: 'ce qui
+         caractérise partout M. Cuvier, c'est l'esprit vaste.'
+
+  [1075] Hence he is called by Mr. Owen, 'the founder of palæontological
+         science.' _Owen on Fossil Mammalia_, in _Report of Brit. Assoc.
+         for 1843_, p. 208. It was in 1796 that there were thus 'opened
+         to him entirely new views of the theory of the earth.' p. 209.
+         See also _Bakewell's Geology_, p. 368; and _Milne Edwards_,
+         _Zoologie_, part ii. p. 279. The importance of this step is
+         becoming more evident every year; and it has been justly
+         remarked, that without palæontology there would be, properly
+         speaking, no geology. _Balfour's Botany_, 1849, p. 591. Sir R.
+         Murchison (_Siluria_, 1854, p. 366) says, 'it is essentially the
+         study of organic remains which has led to the clear subdivision
+         of the vast mass of older rocks, which were there formerly
+         merged under the unmeaning term "Grauwacke."' In the same able
+         work, p. 465, we are told that, 'in surveying the whole series
+         of formations, the practical geologist is fully impressed with
+         the conviction that there has, at all periods, subsisted a very
+         intimate connexion between the existence, or, at all events, the
+         preservation of animals, and the media in which they have been
+         fossilized.' For an instance of this in the old red sandstone,
+         see p. 329.
+
+  [1076] _Whewell's Hist. of Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 679; _Lyell's Geol._
+         p. 59. Indeed gneiss received its name from the Germans.
+         _Bakewell's Geol._ p. 108.
+
+How completely this immense step is due to France, is evident not only
+from the part played by Cuvier, but also from the admitted fact, that to
+the French we owe our knowledge respecting tertiary strata,[1077] in
+which the organic remains are most numerous, and the general analogy to
+our present state is most intimate.[1078] Another circumstance may
+likewise be added, as pointing to the same conclusion. This is, that
+the first application of the principles of comparative anatomy to the
+study of fossil bones was also the work of a Frenchman, the celebrated
+Daubenton. Hitherto these bones had been the object of stupid wonder;
+some saying that they were rained from heaven, others saying that they
+were the gigantic limbs of the ancient patriarchs, men who were believed
+to be tall because they were known to be old.[1079] Such idle conceits
+were for ever destroyed by Daubenton, in a Memoir he published in
+1762;[1080] with which, however, we are not now concerned, except that
+it is evidence of the state of the French mind, and is worth noting as a
+precursor of the discoveries of Cuvier.
+
+  [1077] Compare _Conybeare's Report on Geology_, p. 371 (_Brit. Assoc.
+         for_ 1832), with _Bakewell's Geol._ pp. 367, 368, 419, and
+         _Lyell's Geol._ p. 59.
+
+  [1078] In the older half of the secondary rocks, mammals are hardly to
+         be found, and they do not become common until the tertiary.
+         _Murchison's Siluria_, pp. 466, 467; and _Strickland on
+         Ornithology_, p. 210 (_Brit. Assoc. for_ 1844). So, too, in the
+         vegetable kingdom, many of the plants in the tertiary strata
+         belong to genera still existing; but this is rarely the case
+         with the secondary strata; while in the primary strata, even the
+         families are different to those now found on the earth.
+         _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 592, 593. Compare Wilson's additions to
+         _Jussieu's Botany_, 1849, p. 746; and for further illustration
+         of this remarkable law of the relation between advancing time
+         and diminished similarity, a law suggesting the most curious
+         speculations, see _Hitchcock's Geology_, p. 21; _Lyell's
+         Geology_, p. 183; and _Owen's Lectures on the Invertebrata_,
+         1855, pp. 38, 576.
+
+  [1079] Mr. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire (_Anomalies de l'Organisation_,
+         vol. i. pp. 121-127) has collected some evidence respecting the
+         opinions formerly held on these subjects. Among other instances,
+         he mentions a learned man named Henrion, an academician, and, I
+         suppose, a theologian, who in 1718 published a work, in which
+         'il assignait à Adam cent vingt-trois pieds neuf pouces;' Noah
+         being twenty feet shorter, and so on. The bones of elephants
+         were sometimes taken for giants: see a pleasant circumstance in
+         _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 43.
+
+  [1080] 'Daubenton a le premier détruit toutes ces idées; il a le premier
+         appliqué l'anatomie comparée à la détermination de ces os.... Le
+         mémoire où Daubenton a tenté, pour la première fois, la solution
+         de ce problème important est de 1762.' _Flourens_, _Travaux de
+         Cuvier_, pp. 36, 37. Agassiz (_Report on Fossil Fishes_, p. 82,
+         _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1842) claims this merit too exclusively for
+         Cuvier, overlooking the earlier researches of Daubenton; and the
+         same mistake is made in _Hitchcock's Geol._ p. 249, and in
+         _Bakewell's Geol._ p. 384.
+
+By this union of geology and anatomy, there was first introduced into
+the study of nature a clear conception of the magnificent doctrine of
+universal change; while at the same time there grew up by its side a
+conception equally steady of the regularity with which the changes are
+accomplished, and of the undeviating laws by which they are governed.
+Similar ideas had no doubt been occasionally held in preceding ages; but
+the great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century were the first who applied
+them to the entire structure of the globe, and who thus prepared the way
+for that still higher view for which their minds were not yet
+ripe,[1081] but to which in our own time the most advanced thinkers are
+rapidly rising. For it is now beginning to be understood, that since
+every addition to knowledge affords fresh proof of the regularity with
+which all the changes of nature are conducted, we are bound to believe
+that the same regularity existed long before our little planet assumed
+its present form, and long before man trod the surface of the earth. We
+have the most abundant evidence that the movements incessantly occurring
+in the material world have a character of uniformity; and this
+uniformity is so clearly marked, that in astronomy, the most perfect of
+all the sciences, we are able to predict events many years before they
+actually happen; nor can any one doubt, that if on other subjects our
+science were equally advanced, our predictions would be equally
+accurate. It is, therefore, clear, that the burden of proof lies not on
+those who assert the eternal regularity of nature, but rather on those
+who deny it; and who set up an imaginary period, to which they assign an
+imaginary catastrophe, during which they say new laws were introduced
+and a new order established. Such gratuitous assumptions, even if they
+eventually turn out to be true, are in the present state of knowledge
+unwarrantable, and ought to be rejected, as the last remains of those
+theological prejudices by which the march of every science has in its
+turn been hindered. These and all analagous notions work a double
+mischief. They are mischievous, because they cripple the human mind by
+imposing limits to its inquiries; and above all they are mischievous,
+because they weaken that vast conception of continuous and uninterrupted
+law, which few indeed are able firmly to seize, but on which the highest
+generalizations of future science must ultimately depend.
+
+  [1081] Even Cuvier held the doctrine of catastrophes; but, as Sir
+         Charles Lyell says (_Principles of Geology_, p. 60), his own
+         discoveries supplied the means of overthrowing it, and of
+         familiarizing us with the idea of continuity. Indeed it was one
+         of the fossil observations of Cuvier which first supplied the
+         link between reptiles, fishes, and cetaceous mammals. See _Owen
+         on Fossil Reptiles_, pp. 60, 198, _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1841; and
+         compare _Carus's Comparative Anatomy_, vol. i. p. 155. To this I
+         may add, that Cuvier unconsciously prepared the way for
+         disturbing the old dogma of fixity of species, though he himself
+         clung to it to the last. See some observations, which are very
+         remarkable, considering the period when they were written, in
+         _Cabanis_, _Rapports du Physique et du Moral_, pp. 427, 428:
+         conclusions drawn from Cuvier, which Cuvier would have himself
+         rejected.
+
+It is this deep conviction, that changing phenomena have unchanging
+laws, and that there are principles of order to which all apparent
+disorder may be referred,--it is this, which, in the seventeenth
+century, guided in a limited field Bacon, Descartes, and Newton; which
+in the eighteenth century was applied to every part of the material
+universe; and which it is the business of the nineteenth century to
+extend to the history of the human intellect. This last department of
+inquiry we owe chiefly to Germany; for, with the single exception of
+Vico, no one even suspected the possibility of arriving at complete
+generalizations respecting the progress of man, until shortly before the
+French Revolution, when the great German thinkers began to cultivate
+this, the highest and most difficult of all studies. But the French
+themselves were too much occupied with physical science to pay attention
+to such matters;[1082] and speaking generally, we may say that, in the
+eighteenth century, each of the three leading nations of Europe had a
+separate part to play. England diffused a love of freedom; France, a
+knowledge of physical science; while Germany, aided in some degree by
+Scotland, revived the study of metaphysics, and created the study of
+philosophic history. To this classification some exceptions may of
+course be made; but that these were the marked characteristics of the
+three countries, is certain. After the death of Locke in 1704, and that
+of Newton in 1727, there was in England a singular dearth of great
+speculative thinkers; and this not because the ability was wanting, but
+because it was turned partly into practical pursuits, partly into
+political contests. I shall hereafter examine the causes of this
+peculiarity, and endeavour to ascertain the extent to which it has
+influenced the fortunes of the country. That the results were, on the
+whole, beneficial, I entertain no doubt; but they were unquestionably
+injurious to the progress of science, because they tended to divert it
+from all new truths, except those likely to produce obvious and
+practical benefit. The consequence was, that though the English made
+several great discoveries, they did not possess, during seventy years, a
+single man who took a really comprehensive view of the phenomena of
+nature; not one who could be compared with those illustrious thinkers
+who in France reformed every branch of physical knowledge. Nor was it
+until more than two generations after the death of Newton, that the
+first symptoms appeared of a remarkable reaction, which quickly
+displayed itself in nearly every department of the national intellect.
+In physics, it is enough to mention Dalton, Davy, and Young, each of
+whom was in his own field the founder of a new epoch; while on other
+subjects I can only just refer, first, to the influence of the Scotch
+school; and, secondly, to that sudden and well-deserved admiration for
+the German literature of which Coleridge was the principal exponent, and
+which infused into the English mind a taste for generalizations higher
+and more fearless than any hitherto known. The history of this vast
+movement, which began early in the nineteenth century, will be traced
+in the future volumes of this work: at present I merely notice it, as
+illustrating the fact, that until the movement began, the English,
+though superior to the French in several matters of extreme importance,
+were for many years inferior to them in those large and philosophic
+views, without which not only is the most patient industry of no avail,
+but even real discoveries lose their proper value, for want of such
+habits of generalization as would trace their connexion with each other,
+and consolidate their severed fragments into one vast system of complete
+and harmonious truth.
+
+  [1082] Neither Montesquieu nor Turgot appear to have believed in the
+         possibility of generalizing the past, so as to predict the
+         future; while as to Voltaire, the weakest point in his otherwise
+         profound view of history was his love of the old saying, that
+         great events spring from little causes; a singular error for so
+         comprehensive a mind, because it depended on confusing causes
+         with conditions. That a man like Voltaire should have committed
+         what now seems so gross a blunder, is a mortifying reflection
+         for those who are able to appreciate his vast and penetrating
+         genius, and it may teach the best of us a wholesome lesson. This
+         fallacy was avoided by Montesquieu and Turgot; and the former
+         writer, in particular, displayed such extraordinary ability,
+         that there can be little doubt, that had he lived at a later
+         period, and thus had the means of employing in their full extent
+         the resources of political economy and physical science, he
+         would have had the honour not only of laying the basis, but also
+         of rearing the structure of the philosophy of the history of
+         Man. As it was, he failed in conceiving what is the final object
+         of every scientific inquiry, namely, the power of foretelling
+         the future: and after his death, in 1755, all the finest
+         intellects in France, Voltaire alone excepted, concentrated
+         their attention upon the study of natural phenomena.
+
+The interest attached to these inquiries has induced me to treat them at
+greater length than I had intended; perhaps at greater length than is
+suitable to the suggestive and preparatory character of this
+Introduction. But the extraordinary success with which the French now
+cultivated physical knowledge is so curious, on account of its connexion
+with the Revolution, that I must mention a few more of its most
+prominent instances: though, for the sake of brevity, I will confine
+myself to those three great divisions which, when put together, form
+what is called Natural History, and in all of which we shall see that
+the most important steps were taken in France during the latter half of
+the eighteenth century.
+
+In the first of these divisions, namely, the department of zoology, we
+owe to the Frenchmen of the eighteenth century those generalizations
+which are still the highest this branch of knowledge has reached. Taking
+zoology in the proper sense of the term, it consists only of two parts,
+the anatomical part, which is its statics, and the physiological part,
+which is its dynamics: the first referring to the structure of animals;
+the other, to their functions.[1083] Both of these were worked out,
+nearly at the same time, by Cuvier and Bichat; and the leading
+conclusions at which they arrived, remain, after the lapse of sixty
+years, undisturbed in their essential points. In 1795, Cuvier laid down
+the great principle, that the study and classification of animals was to
+be, not as heretofore, with a view to external peculiarities, but with a
+view to internal organization; and that, therefore, no real advance
+could be made in our knowledge except by extending the boundaries of
+comparative anatomy.[1084] This step, simple as it now appears, was of
+immense importance, since by it zoology was at once rescued from the
+hands of the observer, and thrown into those of the experimenter: the
+consequence of which has been the attainment of that precision and
+accuracy of detail, which experiment alone can give, and which is every
+way superior to such popular facts as observation supplies. By thus
+indicating to naturalists the true path of inquiry, by accustoming them
+to a close and severe method, and by teaching them to despise those
+vague descriptions in which they had formerly delighted, Cuvier laid the
+foundation of a progress which, during the last sixty years, has
+surpassed the most sanguine expectations. This, then, is the real
+service rendered by Cuvier, that he overthrew the artificial system
+which the genius of Linnæus had raised up,[1085] and substituted in its
+place that far superior scheme which gave the freest scope to future
+inquiry; since, according to it, all systems are to be deemed imperfect
+and provisional so long as any thing remains to be learned respecting
+the comparative anatomy of the animal kingdom. The influence exercised
+by this great view was increased by the extraordinary skill and industry
+with which its proposer followed it out, and proved the practicability
+of his own precepts. His additions to our knowledge of comparative
+anatomy are probably more numerous than those made by any other man; but
+what has gained him most celebrity is, the comprehensive spirit with
+which he used what he acquired. Independently of other generalizations,
+he is the author of that vast classification of the whole animal kingdom
+into vertebrata, mollusca, articulata, and radiata;[1086] a
+classification which keeps its ground, and is one of the most remarkable
+instances of that large and philosophic spirit which France brought to
+bear upon the phenomena of the material world.[1087]
+
+  [1083] The line of demarcation between anatomy as statical, and
+         physiology as dynamical, is clearly drawn by M. Comte (_Philos.
+         Positive_, vol. iii. p. 303) and by MM. Robin et Verdeil
+         (_Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. pp. 11, 12, 40, 102, 188, 434).
+         What is said by Carus (_Comparative Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 356)
+         and by Sir Benjamin Brodie (_Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_,
+         p. 6) comes nearly to the same thing, though expressed with less
+         precision. On the other hand, M. Milne Edwards (_Zoologie_, part
+         i. p. 9) calls physiology 'la science de la vie;' which, if
+         true, would simply prove that there is no physiology at all, for
+         there certainly is at present no science of life.
+
+  [1084] In his _Règne Animal_, vol. i. pp. vi. vii., he says that
+         preceding naturalists 'n'avaient guère considéré que les
+         rapports extérieurs de ces espèces, et personne ne s'était
+         occupé de coördonner les classes et les ordres d'après
+         l'ensemble de la structure.... Je dus donc, et cette obligation
+         me prit un temps considérable, je dus faire marcher de front
+         l'anatomie et la zoologie, les dissections et le classement....
+         Les premiers résultats de ce double travail parurent en 1795,
+         dans un mémoire spécial sur une nouvelle division des animaux à
+         sang blanc.'
+
+  [1085] On the opposition between the methods of Linnæus and of Cuvier,
+         see _Jenyns' Report on Zoology_, pp. 144, 145, in _Brit. Assoc.
+         for_ 1834.
+
+  [1086] The foundations of this celebrated arrangement was laid by
+         Cuvier, in a paper read in 1795. _Whewell's History of the
+         Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 494. It appears, however
+         (_Flourens_, _Travaux de Cuvier_, pp. 69, 70), that it was in,
+         or just after, 1791, that the dissection of some mollusca
+         suggested to him the idea of reforming the classification of the
+         whole animal kingdom. Compare _Cuvier_, _Règne Animal_, vol. i.
+         pp. 51, 52 note.
+
+  [1087] The only formidable opposition made to Cuvier's arrangement has
+         proceeded from the advocates of the doctrine of circular
+         progression: a remarkable theory, of which Lamarck and Macleay
+         are the real originators, and which is certainly supported by a
+         considerable amount of evidence. Still, among the great majority
+         of competent zoologists, the fourfold division holds its ground,
+         although the constantly-increasing accuracy of microscopical
+         observations has detected a nervous system much lower in the
+         scale than was formerly suspected, and has thereby induced some
+         anatomists to divide the radiata into acrita and nematoneura.
+         _Owen's Invertebrata_, 1855, pp. 14, 15; and _Rymer Jones's
+         Animal Kingdom_, 1855, p. 4. As, however, it seems probable that
+         all animals have a distinct nervous system, this subdivision is
+         only provisional; and it is very likely that when our
+         microscopes are more improved, we shall have to return to
+         Cuvier's arrangement. Some of Cuvier's successors have removed
+         the apodous echinoderms from the radiata; but in this Mr. Rymer
+         Jones (_Animal Kingdom_, p. 211) vindicates the Cuverian
+         classification.
+
+Great, however, as is the name of Cuvier, a greater still remains
+behind. I allude, of course, to Bichat, whose reputation is steadily
+increasing as our knowledge advances, and who, if we compare the
+shortness of his life with the reach and depth of his views, must be
+pronounced the most profound thinker and the most consummate observer by
+whom the organization of the animal frame has yet been studied.[1088] He
+wanted, indeed, that comprehensive knowledge for which Cuvier was
+remarkable; but though, on this account, his generalizations were drawn
+from a smaller surface, they were, on the other hand, less provisional:
+they were, I think, more complete, and certainly they dealt with more
+momentous topics. For the attention of Bichat was preëminently directed
+to the human frame[1089] in the largest sense of the word; his object
+being so to investigate the organization of man, as to rise, if
+possible, to some knowledge concerning the causes and nature of life. In
+this magnificent enterprise, considered as a whole, he failed; but what
+he effected in certain parts of it is so extraordinary, and has given
+such an impetus to some of the highest branches of inquiry, that I will
+briefly indicate his method, in order to compare it with that other
+method which, at the same moment, Cuvier adopted with immense success.
+
+  [1088] We may except Aristotle; but between Aristotle and Bichat I can
+         find no middle man.
+
+  [1089] But not exclusively. Mr. Blainville (_Physiol. comparée_, vol.
+         ii. p. 304) says, 'celui qui, comme Bichat, bornait ses études à
+         l'anatomie humaine;' and at p. 350, 'quand on ne considère que
+         ce qui se passe chez l'homme, ainsi que l'a fait Bichat.' This,
+         however, is much too positively stated. Bichat mentions 'les
+         expériences nombreuses que j'ai faites sur les animaux vivans.'
+         _Bichat_, _Anatomie Générale_, vol. i. p. 332; and for other
+         instances of his experiments on animals below man, see the same
+         work, vol. i. pp. 164, 284, 311, 312, 326, vol. ii. pp. 13, 25,
+         69, 73, 107, 133, 135, 225, 264, 423, vol. iii. pp. 151, 218,
+         242, 262, 363, 364, 400, 478, 501, vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 34, 46,
+         229, 247, 471: see also _Bichat_, _Recherches sur la Vie_, pp.
+         262, 265, 277, 312, 336, 356, 358, 360, 368, 384, 400, 411, 439,
+         455, 476, 482, 494, 512: and his _Traité des Membranes_, pp. 48,
+         64, 67, 130, 158, 196, 201, 224. These are all experiments on
+         inferior animals, which aided this great physiologist in
+         establishing those vast generalizations, which, though applied
+         to man, were by no means collected merely from human anatomy.
+         The impossibility of understanding physiology without studying
+         comparative anatomy, is well pointed out in Mr. Rymer Jones's
+         work, _Organization of the Animal Kingdom_, 1855, pp. 601, 791.
+
+The important step taken by Cuvier was, that he insisted on the
+necessity of a comprehensive study of the organs of animals, instead of
+following the old plan of merely describing their habits and external
+peculiarities. This was a vast improvement, since, in the place of loose
+and popular observations, he substituted direct experiment, and hence
+introduced into zoology a precision formerly unknown.[1090] But Bichat,
+with a still keener insight, saw that even this was not enough. He saw
+that, each organ being composed of different tissues, it was requisite
+to study the tissues themselves, before we could learn the way in which,
+by their combinations, the organs are produced. This, like all really
+great ideas, was not entirely struck out by a single man; for the
+physiological value of the tissues had been recognized by three or four
+of the immediate predecessors of Bichat, such as Carmichael, Smyth,
+Bonn, Bordeu, and Fallopius. These inquirers, however, notwithstanding
+their industry, had effected nothing of much moment, since, though they
+collected several special facts, there was in their observations that
+want of harmony and that general incompleteness always characteristic of
+the labours of men who do not rise to a commanding view of the subject
+with which they deal.[1091]
+
+  [1090] Mr. Swainson (_Geography and Classification of Animals_, p. 170)
+         complains, strangely enough, that Cuvier 'rejects the more plain
+         and obvious characters which every one can see, and which had
+         been so happily employed by Linnæus, and makes the differences
+         between these groups to depend upon circumstances which no one
+         but an anatomist can understand.' See also p. 173: 'characters
+         which, however good, are not always comprehensible, except to
+         the anatomist.' (Compare _Hodgson on the Ornithology of Nepal_,
+         in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xix. p. 179, Calcutta, 1836.) In
+         other words, this is a complaint that Cuvier attempted to raise
+         zoology to a science, and, therefore, of course, deprived it of
+         some of its popular attractions, in order to invest it with
+         other attractions of a far higher character. The errors
+         introduced into the natural sciences by relying upon observation
+         instead of experiment, have been noticed by many writers; and by
+         none more judiciously than M. Saint Hilaire in his _Anomalies de
+         l'Organisation_, vol. i. p. 98.
+
+  [1091] It is very doubtful if Bichat was acquainted with the works of
+         Smyth, Bonn, or Fallopius, and I do not remember that he any
+         where even mentions their names. He had, however, certainly
+         studied Bordeu; but I suspect that the author by whom he was
+         most influenced was Pinel, whose pathological generalizations
+         were put forward just about the time when Bichat began to write.
+         Compare _Bichat_, _Traité des Membranes_, pp. 3, 4, 107, 191;
+         _Béclard_, _Anat. Gén._ pp. 65, 66; _Bouillaud_, _Philos.
+         Médicale_, p. 26; _Blainville_, _Physiol. comparée_, vol. i. p.
+         284, vol. ii. pp. 19, 252; _Henle_, _Anat. Gén._ vol. i.
+         pp. 119, 120.
+
+It was under these circumstances that Bichat began those researches,
+which, looking at their actual and still more at their prospective
+results, are probably the most valuable contribution ever made to
+physiology by a single mind. In 1801, only a year before his
+death,[1092] he published his great work on anatomy, in which the study
+of the organs is made altogether subservient to the study of the tissues
+composing them. He lays it down, that the body of man consists of
+twenty-one distinct tissues, all of which, though essentially different,
+have in common the two great properties of extensibility and
+contractility.[1093] These tissues he, with indefatigable
+industry,[1094] subjected to every sort of examination; he examined
+them in different ages and diseases, with a view to ascertain the laws
+of their normal and pathological development.[1095] He studied the way
+each tissue is affected by moisture, air, and temperature; also the way
+in which their properties are altered by various chemical
+substances,[1096] and even their effect on the taste.[1097] By these
+means, and by many other experiments tending in the same direction, he
+took so great and sudden a step, that he is to be regarded not merely as
+an innovator on an old science, but rather as the creator of a new
+one.[1098] And although subsequent observers have corrected some of his
+conclusions, this has only been done by following his method; the value
+of which is now so generally recognized, that it is adopted by nearly
+all the best anatomists, who, differing in other points, are agreed as
+to the necessity of basing the future progress of anatomy on a knowledge
+of the tissues, the supreme importance of which Bichat was the first to
+perceive.[1099]
+
+  [1092] _Biog. Univ._ vol. iv. pp. 468, 469.
+
+  [1093] For a list of the tissues, see _Bichat_, _Anat. Gén._ vol. i.
+         p. 49. At p. 50 he says, 'en effet, quel que soit le point de
+         vue sous lequel on considère ces tissus, ils ne se ressemblent
+         nullement: c'est la nature, et non la science, qui a tiré une
+         ligne de démarcation entre eux.' There is, however, now reason
+         to think, that both animal and vegetable tissues are, in all
+         their varieties, referrible to a cellular origin. This great
+         view, which M. Schwann principally worked out, will, if fully
+         established, be the largest generalization we possess respecting
+         the organic world, and it would be difficult to overrate its
+         value. Still there is danger lest, in prematurely reaching at so
+         vast a law, we should neglect the subordinate, but
+         strongly-marked differences between the tissues as they actually
+         exist. Burdach (_Traité de Physiologie_, vol. vi. pp. 195, 196)
+         has made some good remarks on the confusion introduced into the
+         study of tissues, by neglecting those salient characteristics
+         which were indicated by Bichat.
+
+  [1094] Pinel says, 'dans on seul hiver il ouvrit plus de six cents
+         cadavres.' _Notice sur Bichat_, p. xiii., in vol. i of _Anat.
+         Gén._ By such enormous labour, and by working day and night in a
+         necessarily polluted atmosphere, he laid the foundation for that
+         diseased habit which caused a slight accident to prove fatal,
+         and carried him off at the age of thirty-one. 'L'esprit a peine
+         à concevoir que la vie d'un seul homme puisse suffire à tant de
+         travaux, à tant de découvertes, faites ou indiquées: Bichat est
+         mort avant d'avoir accompli sa trente-deuxième année!' _Pinel_,
+         p. xvi.
+
+  [1095] To this sort of comparative anatomy (if it may be so called),
+         which before his time scarcely existed, Bichat attached great
+         importance, and clearly saw that it would eventually become of
+         the utmost value for pathology. _Anat. Gén._ vol. i. pp. 331,
+         332, vol. ii. pp. 234-241, vol. iv. p. 417, &c. Unfortunately
+         these investigations were not properly followed up by his
+         immediate successors; and Müller, writing long after his death,
+         was obliged to refer chiefly to Bichat for 'the true principles
+         of general pathology.' _Müller's Physiology_, 1840, vol. i. p.
+         808. M. Vogel too, in his _Pathological Anatomy_, 1847, pp. 398,
+         413, notices the error committed by the earlier pathologists, in
+         looking at changes in the organs, and neglecting those in the
+         tissues; and the same remark is made in _Robin et Verdeil_,
+         _Chimie Anatomique_, 1853, vol. i. p. 45; and in _Henle_,
+         _Traité d'Anatomie_, vol. i. p. vii., Paris, 1843. That
+         'structural anatomy,' and 'structural development,' are to be
+         made the foundations of pathology, is, moreover, observed in
+         _Simon's Pathology_, 1850, p. 115 (compare _Williams's
+         Principles of Medicine_, 1848, p. 67), who ascribes the chief
+         merit of this 'rational pathology' to Henle and Schwann:
+         omitting to mention that they only executed Bichat's scheme and
+         (be it said with every respect for these eminent men) executed
+         it with a comprehensiveness much inferior to that displayed by
+         their great predecessor. In _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines
+         Médicales_, vol. iv. pp. 106, 107, there are some just and
+         liberal observations on the immense service which Bichat
+         rendered to pathology. See also _Béclard_, _Anatomie_, Paris,
+         1852, p. 184.
+
+  [1096] _Bichat_, _Anat. Gén._ vol. i. pp. 51, 160, 161, 259, 372, vol.
+         ii. pp. 47, 448, 449, vol. iii. pp. 33, 168, 208, 309, 406, 435,
+         vol. iv. pp. 21, 52, 455-461, 517.
+
+  [1097] According to M. Comte (_Philos. Pos._ vol. iii. p. 319), no one
+         had thought of this before Bichat. MM. Robin et Verdeil, in
+         their recent great work, fully admit the necessity of employing
+         this singular resource. _Chimie Anatomique_, 1853, vol. i.
+         pp. 18, 125, 182, 357, 531.
+
+  [1098] 'Dès-lors il créa une science nouvelle, l'anatomie générale.'
+         _Pinel sur Bichat_, p. xii. 'A Bichat appartient véritablement
+         la gloire d'avoir conçu et surtout exécuté, le premier, le plan
+         d'une anatomie nouvelle.' _Bouillaud_, _Philos. Médicale_, p.
+         27. 'Bichat fut le créateur de l'histologie en assignant des
+         caractères précis à chaque classe de tissus.' _Burdach_,
+         _Physiologie_, vol. vii. p. 111. 'Le créateur de l'anatomie
+         générale fut Bichat.' _Henle_, _Anatomie_, vol. i. p. 120.
+         Similar remarks will be found in _Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de
+         l'Organisation_, vol. i. p. 10; and in _Robin et Verdeil_,
+         _Chimie Anat._ vol. i. p. xviii., vol. iii. p. 405.
+
+  [1099] In _Béclard_, _Anat. Gén. 1852_, p. 61, it is said that 'la
+         recherche de ces tissus élémentaires, ou éléments organiques,
+         est devenue la préoccupation presque exclusive des anatomistes
+         de nos jours.' Compare _Blainville_, _Physiol. Gén. et Comp._
+         vol. i. p. 93: 'Aujourd'hui nous allons plus avant, nous
+         pénétrons dans la structure intime, non seulement de ces
+         organes, mais encore des tissus qui concourent à leur
+         composition; nous faisons en un mot de la véritable anatomie, de
+         l'anatomie proprement dite.' And at p. 105: 'c'est un genre de
+         recherches qui a été cultivé avec beaucoup d'activité, et qui a
+         reçu une grande extension depuis la publication du bel ouvrage
+         de Bichat.' See also vol. ii. p. 303.
+
+         In consequence of this movement, there has sprung up, under the
+         name of _Degenerations of Tissues_, an entirely new branch of
+         morbid anatomy, of which, I believe, no instance will be found
+         before the time of Bichat, but the value of which is now
+         recognized by most pathologists. Compare _Paget's Surgical
+         Pathology_, vol. i. pp. 98-112; _Williams's Principles of
+         Medicine_, pp. 369-376; _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. viii. p.
+         367; _Reports of Brit. Assoc._ vol. vi. p. 147; _Jones's and
+         Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy_, 1854, pp. 154-156, 302-304,
+         555-558. 'They are,' say these last writers, 'of extremely
+         frequent occurrence; but their nature has scarcely been
+         recognized until of late.'
+
+The methods of Bichat and of Cuvier, when put together, exhaust the
+actual resources of zoological science; so that all subsequent
+naturalists have been compelled to follow one of these two schemes; that
+is, either to follow Cuvier in comparing the organs of animals, or else
+to follow Bichat in comparing the tissues which compose the
+organs.[1100] And inasmuch as one comparison is chiefly suggestive of
+function, and the other comparison of structure, it is evident, that to
+raise the study of the animal world to the highest point of which it is
+capable, both these great plans are necessary; but if we ask which of
+the two plans, unaided by the other, is more likely to produce important
+results, the palm must, I think, be yielded to that proposed by Bichat.
+Certainly, if we look at the question as one to be decided by authority,
+a majority of the most eminent anatomists and physiologists now incline
+to the side of Bichat, rather than to that of Cuvier; while, as a matter
+of history, it may be proved that the reputation of Bichat has, with the
+advance of knowledge, increased more rapidly than that of his great
+rival. What, however, appears to me still more decisive, is, that the
+two most important discoveries made in our time respecting the
+classification of animals, are entirely the result of the method which
+Bichat suggested. The first discovery is that made by Agassiz, who, in
+the course of his ichthyological researches, was led to perceive that
+the arrangement by Cuvier according to organs, did not fulfil its
+purpose in regard to fossil fishes, because in the lapse of ages the
+characteristics of their structure were destroyed.[1101] He, therefore,
+adopted the only other remaining plan, and studied the tissues, which,
+being less complex than the organs, are oftener found intact. The result
+was the very remarkable discovery, that the tegumentary membrane of
+fishes is so intimately connected with their organization, that if the
+whole of a fish has perished except this membrane, it is practicable, by
+noting its characteristics, to reconstruct the animal in its most
+essential parts. Of the value of this principle of harmony, some idea
+may be formed from the circumstance, that on it Agassiz has based the
+whole of that celebrated classification, of which he is the sole author,
+and by which fossil ichthyology has for the first time assumed a precise
+and definite shape.[1102]
+
+  [1100] Cuvier completely neglected the study of tissues; and in the very
+         few instances in which he mentions them, his language is
+         extremely vague. Thus, in his _Règne Animal_, vol. i. p. 12, he
+         says of living bodies, 'leur tissu est donc composé de réseaux
+         et de mailles, ou de fibres et de lames solides, qui renferment
+         des liquides dans leurs intervalles.'
+
+  [1101] A well-known ornithologist makes the same complaint respecting
+         the classification of birds. _Strickland on Ornithology_, _Brit.
+         Assoc. for_ 1844, pp. 209, 210. Even in regard to living
+         species, Cuvier (_Règne Animal_, vol. ii. p. 126) says: 'La
+         classe des poissons est de toutes celle qui offre le plus de
+         difficultés quand on veut la subdiviser en ordres d'après des
+         caractères fixes et sensibles.'
+
+  [1102] The discoveries of M. Agassiz are embodied in his great work,
+         _Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles_: but the reader who may
+         not have an opportunity of consulting that costly publication,
+         will find two essays by this eminent naturalist, which will give
+         an idea of his treatment of the subject, in _Reports of Brit.
+         Assoc. for 1842_, pp. 80-88, and for 1844, pp. 279-310. How
+         essential this study is to the geologist, appears from the
+         remark of Sir R. Murchison (_Siluria_, 1854, p. 417), that
+         'fossil fishes have everywhere proved the most exact
+         chronometers of the age of rocks.'
+
+The other discovery, of which the application is much more extensive,
+was made in exactly the same way. It consists of the striking fact, that
+the teeth of each animal have a necessary connexion with the entire
+organization of its frame; so that, within certain limits, we can
+predict the organization by examining the tooth. This beautiful instance
+of the regularity of the operations of nature was not known until more
+than thirty years after the death of Bichat, and it is evidently due to
+the prosecution of that method which he sedulously inculcated. For the
+teeth never having been properly examined in regard to their separate
+tissues, it was believed that they were essentially devoid of structure,
+or, as some thought, were simply a fibrous texture.[1103] But by minute
+microscopic investigations, it has been recently ascertained that the
+tissues of the teeth are strictly analogous to those of other parts of
+the body;[1104] and that the ivory, or dentine, as it is now
+called,[1105] is highly organized; that it, as well as the enamel, is
+cellular, and is, in fact, a development of the living pulp. This
+discovery, which, to the philosophic anatomist, is pregnant with
+meaning, was made about 1838; and though the preliminary steps were
+taken by Purkinjé, Retzius, and Schwann, the principal merit is due to
+Nasmyth and Owen,[1106] between whom it is disputed, but whose rival
+claims we are not here called upon to adjust.[1107] What I wish to
+observe is, that the discovery is similar to that which we owe to
+Agassiz; similar in the method by which it was worked out, and also in
+the results which have followed from it. Both are due to a recognition
+of the fundamental maxim of Bichat, that the study of organs must be
+subordinate to the study of tissues, and both have supplied the most
+valuable aid to zoological classification. On this point, the service
+rendered by Owen is incontestable, whatever may be thought of his
+original claims. This eminent naturalist has, with immense industry,
+applied the discovery to all vertebrate animals; and in an elaborate
+work, specially devoted to the subject, he has placed beyond dispute the
+astonishing fact, that the structure of a single tooth is a criterion of
+the nature and organization of the species to which it belongs.[1108]
+
+  [1103] That they were composed of fibres, was the prevailing doctrine,
+         until the discovery of their tubes, in 1835, by Purkinjé. Before
+         Purkinjé, only one observer, Leeuwenh[oe]k, had announced their
+         tubular structure; but no one believed what he said, and
+         Purkinjé was unacquainted with his researches. Compare
+         _Nasmyth's Researches on the Teeth_, 1839, p. 159; _Owen's
+         Odontography_, 1840-1845, vol. i. pp. ix. x.; _Henle_, _Anat.
+         Gén._ vol. ii. p. 457; _Reports of Brit. Assoc._ vol. vii. pp.
+         135, 136 (_Transac. of Sections_).
+
+  [1104] Mr. Nasmyth, in his valuable, but, I regret to add, posthumous
+         work, notices, as the result of these discoveries, 'the close
+         affinity subsisting between the dental and other organized
+         tissues of the animal frame.' _Researches on the Development,
+         &c. of the Teeth_, 1849, p. 198. This is, properly speaking, a
+         continuation of Mr. Nasmyth's former book, which bore the same
+         title, and was published in 1839.
+
+  [1105] This name, which Mr. Owen appears to have first suggested, has
+         been objected to, though, as it seems to me, on insufficient
+         grounds. Compare _Owen's Odontography_, vol. i. p. iii., with
+         _Nasmyth's Researches_, 1849, pp. 3, 4. It is adopted in
+         _Carpenter's Human Physiol._ 1846, p. 154; and in _Jones and
+         Sieveking's Patholog. Anat._ 1854, pp. 483, 486.
+
+  [1106] See the correspondence in _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1841, Sec.,
+         pp. 2-23.
+
+  [1107] In the notice of it in _Whewell's Hist. of Sciences_, vol. iii.
+         p. 678, nothing is said about Mr. Nasmyth; while in that in
+         _Wilson's Human Anatomy_, p. 65, edit. 1851, nothing is said
+         about Mr. Owen. A specimen of the justice with which men treat
+         their contemporaries. Dr. Grant (_Supplement to Hooper's Medical
+         Dict._ 1848, p. 1390) says, 'the researches of Mr. Owen tend to
+         confirm those of Mr. Nasmyth.' Nasmyth, in his last work
+         (_Researches on the Teeth_, 1849, p. 81), only refers to Owen to
+         point out an error; while Owen (_Odontography_, vol. i.
+         pp. xlvi.-lvi.) treats Nasmyth as an impudent plagiarist.
+
+  [1108] Dr. Whewell (_Hist. of Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 678) says,
+         that 'he has carried into every part of the animal kingdom an
+         examination, founded upon this discovery, and has published the
+         results of this in his _Odontography_.' If this able, but rather
+         hasty writer, had read the _Odontography_, he would have found
+         that Mr. Owen, so far from carrying the examination 'into every
+         part of the animal kingdom,' distinctly confines himself to 'one
+         of the primary divisions of the animal kingdom' (I quote his own
+         words from _Odontography_, vol. i. p. lxvii.), and appears to
+         think, that below the vertebrata, the inquiry would furnish
+         little or no aid for the purposes of classification.
+
+Whoever has reflected much on the different stages through which our
+knowledge has successively passed, must, I think, be led to the
+conclusion, that while fully recognizing the great merit of these
+investigators of the animal frame, our highest admiration ought to be
+reserved not for those who make the discoveries, but rather for those
+who point out how the discoveries are to be made.[1109] When the true
+path of inquiry has once been indicated, the rest is comparatively easy.
+The beaten highway is always open; and the difficulty is, not to find
+those who will travel the old road, but those who will make a fresh one.
+Every age produces in abundance men of sagacity and of considerable
+industry, who, while perfectly competent to increase the details of a
+science, are unable to extend its distant boundaries. This is because
+such extension must be accompanied by a new method,[1110] which, to be
+valuable as well as new, supposes on the part of its suggester, not only
+a complete mastery over the resources of his subject, but also the
+possession of originality and comprehensiveness,--the two rarest forms
+of human genius. In this consists the real difficulty of every great
+pursuit. As soon as any department of knowledge has been generalized
+into laws, it contains, either in itself or in its applications, three
+distinct branches; namely, inventions, discoveries, and method. Of
+these, the first corresponds to art; the second to science; and the
+third to philosophy. In this scale, inventions have by far the lowest
+place, and minds of the highest order are rarely occupied by them. Next
+in the series come discoveries; and here the province of intellect
+really begins, since here the first attempt is made to search after
+truth on its own account, and to discard those practical considerations
+to which inventions are of necessity referred. This is science properly
+so called; and how difficult it is to reach this stage, is evident from
+the fact, that all half-civilized nations have made many great
+inventions, but no great discoveries. The highest, however, of all the
+three stages, is the philosophy of method, which bears the same relation
+to science that science bears to art. Of its immense, and indeed supreme
+importance, the annals of knowledge supply abundant evidence; and for
+want of it, some very great men have effected absolutely nothing,
+consuming their lives in fruitless industry, not because their labour
+was slack, but because their method was sterile. The progress of every
+science is affected more by the scheme according to which it is
+cultivated, than by the actual ability of the cultivators themselves. If
+they who travel in an unknown country, spend their force in running on
+the wrong road, they will miss the point at which they aim, and
+perchance may faint and fall by the way. In that long and difficult
+journey after truth, which the human mind has yet to perform, and of
+which we in our generation can only see the distant prospect, it is
+certain that success will depend not on the speed with which men hasten
+in the path of inquiry, but rather on the skill with which that path is
+selected for them by those great and comprehensive thinkers, who are as
+the lawgivers and founders of knowledge; because they supply its
+deficiencies, not by investigating particular difficulties, but by
+establishing some large and sweeping innovation, which opens up a new
+vein of thought, and creates fresh resources, which it is left for their
+posterity to work out and apply.
+
+  [1109] But in comparing the merits of discoverers themselves, we must
+         praise him who proves rather than him who suggests. See some
+         sensible remarks in _Owen's Odontography_, vol. i. p. xlix.;
+         which, however, do not affect my observations on the superiority
+         of method.
+
+  [1110] By a new method of inquiring into a subject, I mean an
+         application to it of generalizations from some other subject, so
+         as to widen the field of thought. To call this a new method, is
+         rather vague; but there is no other word to express the process.
+         Properly speaking, there are only two methods, the inductive and
+         the deductive; which, though essentially different, are so mixed
+         together, as to make it impossible wholly to separate them. The
+         discussion of the real nature of this difference I reserve for
+         my comparison, in the next volume, of the German and American
+         civilizations.
+
+It is from this point of view that we are to rate the value of Bichat,
+whose works, like those of all men of the highest eminence,--like those
+of Aristotle, Bacon, and Descartes,--mark an epoch in the history of the
+human mind; and as such, can only be fairly estimated by connecting them
+with the social and intellectual condition of the age in which they
+appeared. This gives an importance and a meaning to the writings of
+Bichat, of which few indeed are fully aware. The two greatest recent
+discoveries respecting the classification of animals are, as we have
+just seen, the result of his teaching; but his influence has produced
+other effects still more momentous. He, aided by Cabanis, rendered to
+physiology the incalculable service, of preventing it from participating
+in that melancholy reaction to which France was exposed early in the
+nineteenth century. This is too large a subject to discuss at present;
+but I may mention, that when Napoleon, not from feelings of conviction,
+but for selfish purposes of his own, attempted to restore the power of
+ecclesiastical principles, the men of letters, with disgraceful
+subserviency, fell into his view; and there began a marked decline in
+that independent and innovating spirit, with which during fifty years
+the French had cultivated the highest departments of knowledge. Hence
+that metaphysical school arose, which, though professing to hold aloof
+from theology, was intimately allied with it; and whose showy conceits
+form, in their ephemeral splendour, a striking contrast to the severer
+methods followed in the preceding generation.[1111] Against this
+movement, the French physiologists have, as a body, always protested;
+and it may be clearly proved that their opposition, which even the great
+abilities of Cuvier were unable to win over, is partly due to the
+impetus given by Bichat, in enforcing in his own pursuit the necessity
+of rejecting those assumptions by which metaphysicians and theologians
+seek to control every science. As an illustration of this I may mention
+two facts worthy of note. The first is, that in England, where during a
+considerable period the influence of Bichat was scarcely felt, many,
+even of our eminent physiologists, have shown a marked disposition to
+ally themselves with the reactionary party; and have not only opposed
+such novelties as they could not immediately explain, but have degraded
+their own noble science by making it a handmaid to serve the purposes of
+natural theology. The other fact is, that in France the disciples of
+Bichat have, with scarcely an exception, rejected the study of final
+causes, to which the school of Cuvier still adheres: while as a natural
+consequence, the followers of Bichat are associated in geology with the
+doctrine of uniformity; in zoology, with that of the transmutation of
+species; and in astronomy, with the nebular hypothesis: vast and
+magnificent schemes, under whose shelter the human mind seeks an escape
+from that dogma of interference, which the march of knowledge every
+where reduces, and the existence of which is incompatible with those
+conceptions of eternal order, towards which, during the last two
+centuries, we have been constantly tending.
+
+  [1111] In literature and in theology, Chateaubriand and De Maistre were
+         certainly the most eloquent, and were probably the most
+         influential leaders of this reaction. Neither of them liked
+         induction, but preferred reasoning deductively from premises
+         which they assumed, and which they called first principles. De
+         Maistre, however, was a powerful dialectician, and on that
+         account his works are read by many who care nothing for the
+         gorgeous declamation of Chateaubriand. In metaphysics, a
+         precisely similar movement occurred; and Laromiguière, Royer
+         Collard, and Maine de Biran, founded that celebrated school
+         which culminated in M. Cousin, and which is equally
+         characterized by an ignorance of the philosophy of induction,
+         and by a want of sympathy with physical science.
+
+These great phenomena, which the French intellect presents, and of which
+I have only sketched a rapid outline, will be related with suitable
+detail in the latter part of this work, when I shall examine the present
+condition of the European mind, and endeavour to estimate its future
+prospects. To complete, however, our appreciation of Bichat, it will be
+necessary to take notice of what some consider the most valuable of all
+his productions, in which he aimed at nothing less than an exhaustive
+generalization of the functions of life. It appears, indeed, to me, that
+in many important points Bichat here fell short; but the work itself
+still stands alone, and is so striking an instance of the genius of the
+author, that I will give a short account of its fundamental views.
+
+Life considered as a whole has two distinct branches;[1112] one branch
+being characteristic of animals, the other of vegetables. That which is
+confined to animals is called animal life; that which is common both to
+animals and vegetables is called organic life. While, therefore, plants
+have only one life, man has two distinct lives, which are governed by
+entirely different laws, and which, though intimately connected,
+constantly oppose each other. In the organic life, man exists solely for
+himself; in the animal life he comes in contact with others. The
+functions of the first are purely internal, those of the second are
+external. His organic life is limited to the double process of creation
+and destruction: the creative process being that of assimilation, as
+digestion, circulation, and nutrition; the destructive process being
+that of excretion, such as exhalation and the like. This is what man has
+in common with plants; and of this life he, when in a natural state, is
+unconscious. But the characteristic of his animal life is consciousness,
+since by it he is made capable of moving, of feeling, of judging. By
+virtue of the first life he is merely a vegetable; by the addition of
+the second he becomes an animal.
+
+  [1112] _Bichat_, _Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort_, pp. 5-9, 226; and
+         his _Anat. Gén._ vol. i. p. 72.
+
+If now we look at the organs by which in man the functions of these two
+lives are carried on, we shall be struck by the remarkable fact, that
+the organs of his vegetable life are very irregular, those of his animal
+life very symmetrical. His vegetative, or organic, life is conducted by
+the stomach, the intestines, and the glandular system in general, such
+as the liver and the pancreas; all of which are irregular, and admit of
+the greatest variety of form and development, without their functions
+being seriously disturbed. But in his animal life the organs are so
+essentially symmetrical, that a very slight departure from the ordinary
+type impairs their action.[1113] Not only the brain, but also the
+organs of sense, as the eyes, the nose, the ears, are perfectly
+symmetrical; and they as well as the other organs of animal life, as the
+feet and hands, are double, presenting on each side of the body two
+separate parts which correspond with each other, and produce a symmetry
+unknown to our vegetative life, the organs of which are, for the most
+part, merely single, as in the stomach, liver, pancreas, and
+spleen.[1114]
+
+  [1113] 'C'est de là, sans doute, que naît cette autre différence entre
+         les organes des deux vies, savoir, que la nature se livre bien
+         plus rarement à des écarts de conformation dans la vie animale
+         que dans la vie organique.... C'est une remarque qui n'a pu
+         échapper à celui dont les dissections ont été un peu
+         multipliées, que les fréquentes variations de formes, de
+         grandeur, de position, de direction des organes internes, comme
+         la rate, le foie, l'estomac, les reins, les organes salivaires,
+         etc.... Jetons maintenant les yeux sur les organes de la vie
+         animale, sur les sens, les nerfs, le cerveau, les muscles
+         volontaires, le larynx; tout y est exact, précis, rigoureusement
+         déterminé dans la forme, la grandeur et la position. On n'y voit
+         presque jamais de variétés, de conformation; s'il en existe, les
+         fonctions sont troublées, anéanties; tandis qu'elles restent les
+         mêmes dans la vie organique, au milieu des altérations diverses
+         des parties.' _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 23-25. Part of this view
+         is corroborated by the evidence collected by Saint Hilaire
+         (_Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol. i. pp. 248 seq.) of the
+         extraordinary aberrations to which the vegetative organs are
+         liable; and he mentions (vol. ii. p. 8) the case of a man, in
+         whose body, on dissection, 'on reconnut que tous les viscères
+         étaient transposés.' Comparative anatomy supplies another
+         illustration. The bodies of mollusca are less symmetrical than
+         those of articulata; and in the former, the 'vegetal series of
+         organs,' says Mr. Owen, are more developed than the animal
+         series; while in the articulata, 'the advance is most
+         conspicuous in the organs peculiar to animal life.' _Owen's
+         Invertebrata_, p. 470. Compare _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. i.
+         pp. 153, 189; and a confirmation of the 'unsymmetrical' organs
+         of the gasterpoda, in _Grant's Comparative Anatomy_, p. 461.
+         This curious antagonism is still further seen in the
+         circumstance, that idiots, whose functions of nutrition and of
+         excretion are often very active, are at the same time remarkable
+         for a want of symmetry in the organs of sensation. _Esquirol_,
+         _Maladies Mentales_, vol. ii. pp. 331, 332.
+
+         A result, though perhaps an unconscious one, of the application
+         and extension of these ideas, is, that within the last few years
+         there has arisen a pathological theory of what are called
+         'symmetrical diseases,' the leading facts of which have been
+         long known, but are now only beginning to be generalized. See
+         _Paget's Pathology_, vol. i. pp. 18-22, vol. ii. pp. 244, 245;
+         _Simon's Pathology_, pp. 210, 211; _Carpenter's Human Physiol._
+         pp. 607, 608.
+
+  [1114] _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 15-21.
+
+From this fundamental difference between the organs of the two lives,
+there have arisen several other differences of great interest. Our
+animal life being double, while our organic life is single, it becomes
+possible for the former life to take rest, that is, stop part of its
+functions for a time, and afterwards renew them. But in organic life, to
+stop is to die. The life, which we have in common with vegetables, never
+sleeps; and if its movements entirely cease only for a single instant,
+they cease for ever. That process by which our bodies receive some
+substances and give out others, admits of no interruption; it is, by its
+nature, incessant, because, being single, it can never receive
+supplementary aid. The other life we may refresh, not only in sleep, but
+even when we are awake. Thus we can exercise the organs of movement
+while we rest the organs of thought; and it is even possible to relieve
+a function while we continue to employ it, because, our animal life
+being double, we are able for a short time, in case of one of its parts
+being fatigued, to avail ourselves of the corresponding part; using, for
+instance, a single eye or a single arm, in order to rest the one which
+circumstances may have exhausted; an expedient which the single nature
+of organic life entirely prevents.[1115]
+
+  [1115] _Ibid._ pp. 21-50.
+
+Our animal life being thus essentially intermittent, and our organic
+life being essentially continuous,[1116] it has necessarily followed
+that the first is capable of an improvement of which the second is
+incapable. There can be no improvement without comparison, since it is
+only by comparing one state with another that we can rectify previous
+errors, and avoid future ones. Now, our organic life does not admit of
+such comparison, because, being uninterrupted, it is not broken into
+stages, but when unchequered by disease, runs on in dull monotony. On
+the other hand, the functions of our animal life, such as thought,
+speech, sight, and motion, cannot be long exercised without rest; and as
+they are constantly suspended, it becomes practicable to compare them,
+and, therefore, to improve them. It is by possessing this resource that
+the first cry of the infant gradually rises into the perfect speech of
+the man, and the unformed habits of early thought are ripened into that
+maturity which nothing can give but a long series of successive
+efforts.[1117] But our organic life, which we have in common with
+vegetables, admits of no interruption, and consequently of no
+improvement. It obeys its own laws; but it derives no benefit from that
+repetition to which animal life is exclusively indebted. Its functions,
+such as nutrition and the like, exist in man several months before he is
+born, and while, his animal life not having yet begun, the faculty of
+comparison, which is the basis of improvement, is impossible.[1118] And
+although, as the human frame increases in size, its vegetative organs
+become larger, it cannot be supposed that their functions really
+improve, since, in ordinary cases, their duties are performed as
+regularly and as completely in childhood as in middle age.[1119]
+
+  [1116] On intermittence as a quality of animal life, see _Holland's
+         Medical Notes_, pp. 313, 314, where Bichat is mentioned as its
+         great expounder. As to the essential continuity of organic life,
+         see _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. vii. p. 420. M. Comte has made
+         some interesting remarks on Bichat's law of intermittence.
+         _Philos. Positive_, vol. iii. pp. 300, 395, 744, 745, 750, 751.
+
+  [1117] On the development arising from practice, see _Bichat sur la
+         Vie_, pp. 207-225.
+
+  [1118] _Ibid._ pp. 189-203, 225-230. M. Broussais also (in his able
+         work, _Cours de Phrénologie_, p. 487) says, that comparison only
+         begins after birth; but surely this must be very doubtful. Few
+         physiologists will deny that embryological phenomena, though
+         neglected by metaphysicians, play a great part in shaping the
+         future character; and I do not see how any system of psychology
+         can be complete which ignores considerations, probable in
+         themselves, and not refuted by special evidence. So carelessly,
+         however, has this subject been investigated, that we have the
+         most conflicting statements respecting even the _vagitus
+         uterinus_, which, if it exists to the extent alleged by some
+         physiologists, would be a decisive proof that animal life (in
+         the sense of Bichat) does begin during the f[oe]tal period.
+         Compare _Burdach_, _Physiol._ vol. iv. pp. 113, 114, with
+         _Wagner's Physiol._ p. 182.
+
+  [1119] 'Les organes internes qui entrent alors en exercice, ou qui
+         accroissent beaucoup leur action, n'ont besoin d'aucune
+         éducation; ils atteignent tout à coup une perfection à laquelle
+         ceux de la vie animale ne parviennent que par habitude d'agir
+         souvent.' _Bichat sur la Vie_, p. 231.
+
+Thus it is, that although other causes conspire, it may be said that the
+progressiveness of animal life is due to its intermittence; the
+unprogressiveness of organic life to its continuity. It may, moreover,
+be said, that the intermittence of the first life results from the
+symmetry of its organs, while the continuity of the second life results
+from their irregularity. To this wide and striking generalization, many
+objections may be made, some of them apparently insuperable; but that it
+contains the germs of great truths I entertain little doubt, and, at all
+events, it is certain that the method cannot be too highly praised, for
+it unites the study of function and structure with that of embryology,
+of vegetable physiology, of the theory of comparison, and of the
+influence of habit; a vast and magnificent field, which the genius of
+Bichat was able to cover, but of which, since him, neither physiologists
+nor metaphysicians have even attempted a general survey.
+
+This stationary condition, during the present century, of a subject of
+such intense interest, is a decisive proof of the extraordinary genius
+of Bichat; since, notwithstanding the additions made to physiology, and
+to every branch of physics connected with it, nothing has been done at
+all comparable to that theory of life which he, with far inferior
+resources, was able to construct. This stupendous work he left, indeed,
+very imperfect; but even in its deficiencies we see the hand of the
+great master, whom, on his own subject, no one has yet approached. His
+essay on life may well be likened to those broken fragments of ancient
+art, which, imperfect as they are, still bear the impress of the
+inspiration which gave them birth, and present in each separate part
+that unity of conception which to us makes them a complete and living
+whole.
+
+From the preceding summary of the progress of physical knowledge, the
+reader may form some idea of the ability of those eminent men who arose
+in France during the latter half of the eighteenth century. To complete
+the picture, it is only necessary to examine what was done in the two
+remaining branches of natural history, namely, botany and mineralogy, in
+both of which the first great steps towards raising each study to a
+science were taken by Frenchmen a few years before the Revolution.
+
+In botany, although our knowledge of particular facts has, during the
+last hundred years, rapidly increased,[1120] we are only possessed of
+two generalizations wide enough to be called laws of nature. The first
+generalization concerns the structure of plants; the other concerns
+their physiology. That concerning their physiology is the beautiful
+morphological law, according to which the different appearance of the
+various organs arises from arrested development: the stamens, pistils,
+corolla, calyx, and bracts being simple modifications or successive
+stages of the leaf. This is one of many valuable discoveries we owe to
+Germany; it being made by Göthe late in the eighteenth century.[1121]
+With its importance every botanist is familiar; while to the historian
+of the human mind it is peculiarly interesting, as strengthening that
+great doctrine of development, towards which the highest branches of
+knowledge are now hastening, and which, in the present century, has been
+also carried into one of the most difficult departments of animal
+physiology.[1122]
+
+  [1120] Dioscorides and Galen knew from 450 to 600 plants (_Winckler_,
+         _Geschichte der Botanik_, 1854, pp. 34, 40); but, according to
+         Cuvier (_Eloges_, vol. iii. p. 468), Linnæus, in 1778, 'en
+         indiquait environ huit mille espèces;' and Meyen (_Geog. of
+         Plants_, p. 4) says, at the time of Linnæus's death, 'about
+         8,000 species were known.' (Dr. Whewell, in his _Bridgewater
+         Treatise_, p. 247, says, 'about 10,000.') Since then the
+         progress has been uninterrupted; and in _Henslow's Botany_,
+         1837, p. 136, we are told that 'the number of species already
+         known and classified in works of botany amounts to about
+         60,000.' Ten years later, Dr. Lindley (_Vegetable Kingdom_,
+         1847, p. 800) states them at 92,930; and two years afterwards,
+         Mr. Balfour says 'about 100,000.' _Balfour's Botany_, 1849, p.
+         560. Such is the rate at which our knowledge of nature is
+         advancing. To complete this historical note, I ought to have
+         mentioned, that in 1812, Dr. Thomson says 'nearly 30,000 species
+         of plants have been examined and described.' _Thomson's Hist. of
+         the Royal Society_, p. 21.
+
+  [1121] It was published in 1790. _Winckler_, _Gesch. der Botanik_, p.
+         389. But the historians of botany have overlooked a short
+         passage in Göthe's works, which proves that he had glimpses of
+         the discovery in or before 1786. See _Italiänische Reise_, in
+         _Göthe's Werke_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 286, Stuttgart, 1837,
+         where he writes from Padua, in September 1786, 'Hier in dieser
+         neu mir entgegen tretenden Mannigfaltigkeit wird jener Gedanke
+         immer lebendiger: dass man sich alle Pflanzengestalten
+         vielleicht aus Einer entwickeln könne.' There are some
+         interesting remarks on this brilliant generalization in _Owen's
+         Parthenogenesis_, 1849, pp. 53 seq.
+
+  [1122] That is, into the study of animal monstrosities, which, however
+         capricious they may appear, are now understood to be the
+         necessary result of preceding events. Within the last thirty
+         years several of the laws of these unnatural births, as they
+         used to be called, have been discovered; and it has been proved
+         that, so far from being unnatural, they are strictly natural. A
+         fresh science has thus been created, under the name of
+         Teratology, which is destroying the old _lusus naturæ_ in one of
+         its last and favourite strongholds.
+
+But the most comprehensive truth with which we are acquainted respecting
+plants, is that which includes the whole of their general structure; and
+this we learnt from those great Frenchmen who, in the latter half of the
+eighteenth century, began to study the external world. The first steps
+were taken directly after the middle of the century, by Adanson, Duhamel
+de Monceau, and, above all, Desfontaines; three eminent thinkers, who
+proved the practicability of a natural method hitherto unknown, and of
+which even Ray himself had only a faint perception.[1123] This, by
+weakening the influence of the artificial system of Linnæus,[1124]
+prepared the way for an innovation more complete than has been effected
+in any other branch of knowledge. In the very year in which the
+Revolution occurred, Jussieu put forward a series of botanical
+generalizations, of which the most important are all intimately
+connected, and still remain the highest this department of inquiry has
+reached.[1125] Among these, I need only mention the three vast
+propositions which are now admitted to form the basis of vegetable
+anatomy. The first is, that the vegetable kingdom, in its whole extent,
+is composed of plants either with one cotyledon, or with two cotyledons,
+or else with no cotyledon at all. The second proposition is, that this
+classification, so far from being artificial, is strictly natural; since
+it is a law of nature, that plants having one cotyledon are endogenous,
+and grow by additions made to the centre of their stems, while, on the
+other hand, plants having two cotyledons are exogenous, and are
+compelled to grow by additions made, not to the centre of their stems,
+but to the circumference.[1126] The third proposition is, that when
+plants grow at their centre, the arrangement of the fruit and leaves is
+threefold; when, however, they grow at the circumference, it is nearly
+always fivefold.[1127]
+
+  [1123] Dr. Lindley (_Third Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 33) says, that
+         Desfontaines was the first who demonstrated the opposite modes
+         of increase in dicotyledonous and monocotyledonous stems. See
+         also _Richard_, _Eléments de Botanique_, p. 131; and _Cuvier_,
+         _Eloges_, vol. i. p. 64. In regard to the steps taken by Adanson
+         and De Monceau, see _Winckler_, _Gesch. der Botanik_, pp. 204,
+         205; _Thomson's Chemistry of Vegetables_, p. 951; _Lindley's
+         Introduc. to Botany_, vol. ii. p. 132.
+
+  [1124] It is curious to observe how even good botanists clung to the
+         Linnæan system long after the superiority of a natural system
+         was proved. This is the more noticeable, because Linnæus, who
+         was a man of undoubted genius, and who possessed extraordinary
+         powers of combination, always allowed that his own system was
+         merely provisional, and that the great object to be attained was
+         a classification according to natural families. See _Winckler_,
+         _Geschichte der Botanik_, p. 202; and _Richard_, _Eléments de
+         Botanique_, p. 570. Indeed, what could be thought of the
+         permanent value of a scheme which put together the reed and the
+         barberry, because they were both hexandria; and forced sorrel to
+         associate with saffron, because both were trigynia? _Jussieu's
+         Botany_, 1849, p. 524.
+
+  [1125] _The Genera Plantarum_ of Antoine Jussieu was printed at Paris in
+         1789; and, though it is known to have been the result of many
+         years of continued labour, some writers have asserted that the
+         ideas in it were borrowed from his uncle, Bernard Jussieu. But
+         assertions of this kind rarely deserve attention; and as Bernard
+         did not choose to publish anything of his own, his reputation
+         ought to suffer for his uncommunicativeness. Compare _Winckler_,
+         _Gesch. der Botanik_, pp. 261-272, with _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxii.
+         pp. 162-166. I will only add the following remarks from a work
+         of authority, _Richard_, _Eléments de Botanique_, Paris, 1846,
+         p. 572: 'Mais ce ne fut qu'en 1789 que l'on eut véritablement un
+         ouvrage complet sur la méthode des familles naturelles. Le
+         _Genera Plantarum_ d'A. L. de Jussieu présenta la science des
+         végétaux sous un point de vue si nouveau, par la précision et
+         l'élégance qui y règnent, par la profondeur et la justesse des
+         principes généraux qui y sont exposés pour la première fois, que
+         c'est depuis cette époque seulement que la méthode des familles
+         naturelles a été véritablement créée, et que date la nouvelle
+         ère de la science des végétaux.... L'auteur du _Genera
+         Plantarum_ posa le premier les bases de la science, en faisant
+         voir quelle était l'importance relative des différents organes
+         entre eux, et par conséquent leur valeur dans la
+         classification.... Il a fait, selon la remarque de Cuvier, la
+         même révolution dans les sciences d'observation que la chimie de
+         Lavoisier dans les sciences d'expérience. En effet, il a non
+         seulement changé la face de la botanique; mais son influence
+         s'est également exercée sur les autres branches de l'histoire
+         naturelle, et y a introduit cet esprit de recherches, de
+         comparaison, et cette méthode philosophique et naturelle, vers
+         le perfectionnement de laquelle tendent désormais les efforts de
+         tous les naturalistes.'
+
+  [1126] Hence the removal of a great source of error; since it is now
+         understood that in dicotyledons alone can age be known with
+         certainty. _Henslow's Botany_, p. 243: compare _Richard_,
+         _Eléments de Botanique_, p. 159, aphorisme xxiv. On the stems of
+         endogenous plants, which, being mostly tropical, have been less
+         studied than the exogenous, see _Lindley's Botany_, vol. i. pp.
+         221-236; where there is also an account, pp. 229 seq., of the
+         views which Schleiden advanced on this subject in 1839.
+
+  [1127] On the arrangement of the leaves, now called phyllotaxis, see
+         _Balfour's Botany_, p. 92; _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. v.
+         p. 518.
+
+This is what was effected by the Frenchmen of the eighteenth century for
+the vegetable kingdom:[1128] and if we now turn to the mineral kingdom,
+we shall find that our obligations to them are equally great. The study
+of minerals is the most imperfect of the three branches of natural
+history, because, notwithstanding its apparent simplicity, and the
+immense number of experiments which have been made, the true method of
+investigation has not yet been ascertained; it being doubtful whether
+mineralogy ought to be subordinated to the laws of chemistry, or to
+those of crystallography, or whether both sets of laws will have to be
+considered.[1129] At all events it is certain that, down to the present
+time, chemistry has shown itself unable to reduce mineralogical
+phenomena; nor has any chemist, possessing sufficient powers of
+generalization, attempted the task except Berzelius; and most of his
+conclusions were overthrown by the splendid discovery of isomorphism,
+for which, as is well known, we are indebted to Mitscherlich, one of the
+many great thinkers Germany has produced.[1130]
+
+  [1128] The classification by cotyledons has been so successful, that,
+         'with very few exceptions, however, nearly all plants may be
+         referred by any botanist, at a single glance, and with unerring
+         certainty, to their proper class; and a mere fragment even of
+         the stem, leaf, or some other part, is often quite sufficient to
+         enable him to decide this question.' _Henslow's Botany_, p. 30.
+         In regard to some difficulties still remaining in the way of the
+         threefold cotyledonous division of the whole vegetable world,
+         see _Lindley's Botany_, vol. ii. pp. 61 seq.
+
+  [1129] Mr. Swainson (_Study of Natural History_, p. 356) says
+         'mineralogy, indeed, which forms but a part of chemistry.' This
+         is deciding the question very rapidly; but in the meantime, what
+         becomes of the geometrical laws of minerals? and what are we to
+         do with that relation between their structure and optical
+         phenomena, which Sir David Brewster has worked out with signal
+         ability?
+
+  [1130] The difficulties introduced into the study of minerals by the
+         discovery of isomorphism and polymorphism, are no doubt
+         considerable; but M. Beudant (_Minéralogie_, Paris, 1841, p. 37)
+         seems to me to exaggerate their effect upon 'l'importance des
+         formes crystallines.' They are much more damaging to the purely
+         chemical arrangement, because our implements for measuring the
+         minute angles of crystals are still very imperfect, and the
+         goniometer may fail in detecting differences which really exist;
+         and, therefore, many alleged cases of isomorphism are probably
+         not so in reality. Wollaston's reflecting goniometer has been
+         long considered the best instrument possessed by
+         crystallographers; but I learn from _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_,
+         vol. i. pp. 19, 20, that Frankenheim has recently invented one
+         for measuring the angles of 'microscopic crystals.' On the
+         amount of error in the measurement of angles, see _Phillips's
+         Mineralogy_, 1837, p. viii.
+
+Although the chemical department of mineralogy is in an unformed and
+indeed anarchical condition, its other department, namely,
+crystallography, has made great progress; and here again the earliest
+steps were taken by two Frenchmen, who lived in the latter half of the
+eighteenth century. About 1760, Romé De Lisle[1131] set the first
+example of studying crystals, according to a scheme so large as to
+include all the varieties of their primary forms, and to account for
+their irregularities, and the apparent caprice with which they were
+arranged. In this investigation he was guided by the fundamental
+assumption, that what is called an irregularity, is in truth perfectly
+regular, and that the operations of nature are invariable.[1132]
+Scarcely had this great idea been applied to the almost innumerable
+forms into which minerals crystallize, when it was followed up with
+still larger resources by Haüy, another eminent Frenchman.[1133] This
+remarkable man achieved a complete union between mineralogy and
+geometry; and, bringing the laws of space to bear on the molecular
+arrangements of matter, he was able to penetrate into the intimate
+structure of crystals.[1134] By this means, he succeeded in proving that
+the secondary forms of all crystals are derived from their primary forms
+by a regular process of decrement;[1135] and that, when a substance is
+passing from a liquid to a solid state, its particles are compelled to
+cohere, according to a scheme which provides for every possible change,
+since it includes even those subsequent layers which alter the ordinary
+type of the crystal, by disturbing its natural symmetry.[1136] To
+ascertain that such violations of symmetry are susceptible of
+mathematical calculation, was to make a vast addition to our knowledge;
+but what seems to me still more important is, that it indicates an
+approach to the magnificent idea, that every thing which occurs is
+regulated by law, and that confusion and disorder are impossible.[1137]
+For, by proving that even the most uncouth and singular forms of
+minerals are the natural results of their antecedents, Haüy laid the
+foundation of what may be called the pathology of the inorganic world.
+However paradoxical such a notion may seem, it is certain that symmetry
+is to crystals what health is to animals; so that an irregularity of
+shape in the first, corresponds with an appearance of disease in the
+second.[1138] When, therefore, the minds of men became familiarized with
+the great truth, that in the mineral kingdom there is, properly
+speaking, no irregularity, it became more easy for them to grasp the
+still higher truth, that the same principle holds good of the animal
+kingdom, although, from the superior complexity of the phenomena, it
+will be long before we can arrive at an equal demonstration. But, that
+such a demonstration is possible, is the principle upon which the future
+progress of all organic, and indeed of all mental science, depends. And
+it is very observable, that the same generation which established the
+fact, that the apparent aberrations presented by minerals are strictly
+regular, also took the first steps towards establishing the far higher
+fact, that the aberrations of the human mind are governed by laws as
+unfailing as those which determine the condition of inert matter. The
+examination of this would lead to a digression foreign to my present
+design; but I may mention that, at the end of the century, there was
+written in France the celebrated treatise on insanity, by Pinel; a work
+remarkable in many respects, but chiefly in this, that in it the old
+notions respecting the mysterious and inscrutable character of mental
+disease are altogether discarded:[1139] the disease itself is considered
+as a phenomenon inevitably occurring under certain given conditions, and
+the foundation laid for supplying another link in that vast chain of
+evidence which connects the material with the immaterial, and thus
+uniting mind and matter into a single study, is now preparing the way
+for some generalization, which, being common to both, shall serve as a
+centre round which the disjointed fragments of our knowledge may safely
+rally.
+
+  [1131] He says, 'depuis plus de vingt ans que je m'occupe de cet objet.'
+         _Romé de Lisle_, _Cristallographie, ou Description des Formes
+         propres à tous les Corps du Règne Minéral_, Paris, 1783, vol. i.
+         p. 91.
+
+  [1132] See his _Essai de Cristallographie_, Paris, 1772, p. x.: 'un de
+         ceux qui m'a le plus frappé ce sont les formes régulières et
+         constantes que prennent naturellement certains corps que nous
+         désignons par le nom de cristaux.' In the same work, p. 13: 'il
+         faut nécessairement supposer que les molécules intégrantes des
+         corps ont chacune, suivant qui lui est propre, une figure
+         constante et déterminée.' In his later treatise
+         (_Cristallographie_, 1783, vol. i. p. 70), after giving some
+         instances of the extraordinary complications presented by
+         minerals, he adds: 'Il n'est donc pas étonnant que d'habiles
+         chimistes n'aient rien vu de constant ni de déterminé dans les
+         formes cristallines, tandis qu'il n'en est aucune qu'on ne
+         puisse, avec un peu d'attention rapporter à la figure
+         élémentaire et primordiale dont elle dérive.' Even Buffon,
+         notwithstanding his fine perception of law, had just declared,
+         'qu'en général la forme de cristallisation n'est pas un
+         caractère constant, mais plus équivoque et plus variable
+         qu'aucun autre des caractères par lesquels on doit distinguer
+         les minéraux.' _De Lisle_, vol. i. p. xviii. Compare, on this
+         great achievement of De Lisle's, _Herschel's Nat. Philos._ p.
+         239: 'he first ascertained the important fact of the constancy
+         of the angles at which their faces meet.'
+
+  [1133] The first work of Haüy appeared in 1784 (_Quérard_, _France
+         Littéraire_, vol. iv. p. 41); but he had read two special
+         memoirs in 1781. _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, vol. iii. p. 138. The
+         intellectual relation between his views and those of his
+         predecessor must be obvious to every mineralogist; but Dr.
+         Whewell, who has noticed this judiciously enough, adds (_Hist.
+         of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 229, 230): 'Unfortunately
+         Romé de Lisle and Haüy were not only rivals, but in some measure
+         enemies.... Haüy revenged himself by rarely mentioning Romé in
+         his works, though it was manifest that his obligations to him
+         were immense; and by recording his errors while he corrected
+         them.' The truth, however, is, that so far from rarely
+         mentioning De Lisle, he mentions him incessantly; and I have
+         counted upwards of three hundred instances in Haüy's great work,
+         in which he is named, and his writings are referred to. On one
+         occasion he says of De Lisle, 'En un mot, sa cristallographie
+         est le fruit d'un travail immense par son étendue, presque
+         entièrement neuf par son objet, et très-précieux par son
+         utilité.' _Haüy_, _Traité de Minéralogie_, Paris, 1801, vol. i.
+         p. 17. Elsewhere he calls him, 'cet habile naturaliste; ce
+         savant célèbre,' vol. ii. p. 323; 'ce célèbre naturaliste,' vol.
+         iii. p. 442; see also vol. iv. pp. 51, &c. In a work of so much
+         merit as Dr. Whewell's, it is important that these errors should
+         be indicated, because we have no other book of value on the
+         general history of the sciences; and many authors have deceived
+         themselves and their readers, by implicitly adopting the
+         statements of this able and industrious writer. I would
+         particularly caution the student in regard to the physiological
+         part of Dr. Whewell's History, where, for instance, the
+         antagonism between the methods of Cuvier and Bichat is entirely
+         lost sight of, and while whole pages are devoted to Cuvier,
+         Bichat is disposed of in four lines.
+
+  [1134] 'Haüy est donc le seul véritable auteur de la science
+         mathématique des cristaux.' _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences_,
+         vol. i. p. 8; see also p. 317. Dr. Clarke, whose celebrated
+         lectures on mineralogy excited much attention among his hearers,
+         was indebted for some of his principal views to his
+         conversations with Haüy: see _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. ii.
+         p. 192.
+
+  [1135] See an admirable statement of the three forms of decrement, in
+         _Haüy_, _Traité de Minéralogie_, vol. i. pp. 285, 286. Compare
+         _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 224,
+         225; who, however, does not mention Haüy's classification of
+         'décroissemens sur les bords,' 'décroissemens sur les angles,'
+         and 'décroissemens intermédiaires.'
+
+  [1136] And, as he clearly saw, the proper method was to study the laws
+         of symmetry, and then apply them deductively to minerals,
+         instead of rising inductively from the aberrations actually
+         presented by minerals. This is interesting to observe, because
+         it is analogous to the method of the best pathologists, who seek
+         the philosophy of their subject in physiological phenomena,
+         rather than in pathological ones; striking downwards from the
+         normal to the abnormal. '_La symétrie des formes_ sous
+         lesquelles se présentent les solides que nous avons considérés
+         jusqu'ici, _nous a fourni des données_ pour exprimer les lois de
+         décroissemens dont ces solides sont susceptibles.' _Haüy_,
+         _Traité de Minéralogie_, vol. i. p. 442; compare vol. ii.
+         p. 192.
+
+  [1137] 'Un coup d'[oe]il peu attentif, jeté sur les cristaux, les fit
+         appeler d'abord de _purs jeux de la nature_, ce qui n'étoit
+         qu'une manière plus élégante de faire l'aveu de son ignorance.
+         Un examen réfléchi nous y découvre des lois d'arrangement, à
+         l'aide desquelles le calcul représente et enchaîne l'un à
+         l'autre les résultats observés; lois si variables et en même
+         temps si précises et si régulières; ordinairement très-simples,
+         sans rien perdre de leur fécondité.' _Haüy_, _Minéralogie_, vol.
+         i. pp. xiii. xiv. Again, vol. ii. p. 57, 'notre but, qui est de
+         prouver que les lois d'où dépend la structure du cristal sont
+         les plus simples possibles dans leur ensemble.'
+
+  [1138] On the remarkable power possessed by crystals, in common with
+         animals, of repairing their own injuries, see _Paget's
+         Pathology_, 1853, vol. i. pp. 152, 153, confirming the
+         experiments of Jordan on this curious subject: 'The ability to
+         repair the damages sustained by injury ... is not an exclusive
+         property of living beings; for even crystals will repair
+         themselves when, after pieces have been broken from them, they
+         are placed in the same conditions in which they were first
+         formed.'
+
+  [1139] 'M. Pinel a imprimé une marche nouvelle à l'étude de la folie....
+         En la rangeant simplement, et sans différences aucunes, au
+         nombre des autres dérangemens de nos organes, en lui assignant
+         une place dans le cadre nosographique, il fit faire un pas
+         immense à son histoire.' _Georget_, _de la Folie_, Paris, 1820,
+         p. 69. In the same work, p. 295, 'M. Pinel, le premier en
+         France, on pourrait dire en Europe, jeta les fondemens d'un
+         traitement vraiment rationnel en rangeant la folie au nombre des
+         autres affections organiques.' M. Esquirol, who expresses the
+         modern and purely scientific view, says in his great work (_Des
+         Maladies Mentaes_, Paris, 1838, vol. i. p. 336), 'L'aliénation
+         mentale, que les anciens peuples regardaient comme une
+         inspiration ou une punition des dieux, qui dans la suite fut
+         prise pour la possession des démons, qui dans d'autres temps
+         passa pour une [oe]uvre de la magie; l'aliénation mentale,
+         dis-je, avec toutes ses espèces et ses variétés innombrables, ne
+         diffère en rien des autres maladies.' The recognition of this he
+         expressly ascribes to his predecessor: 'grâce aux principes
+         exposés par Pinel.' p. 340. Pinel himself clearly saw the
+         connexion between his own opinions and the spirit of the age:
+         see _Pinel_, _Traité Médico-Philosophique sur l'Aliénation
+         Mentale_, p. xxxii.: 'Un ouvrage de médecine, publié en France à
+         la fin du dix-huitième siècle, doit avoir un autre caractère que
+         s'il avoit été écrit à une époque antérieure.'
+
+These were the views which, during the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, began to dawn upon French thinkers. The extraordinary ability
+and success with which these eminent men cultivated their respective
+sciences, I have traced at a length greater that I had intended, but
+still very inadequate to the importance of the subject. Enough, however,
+has been brought forward, to convince the reader of the truth of the
+proposition I wished to prove; namely, that the intellect of France was,
+during the latter half of the eighteenth century, concentrated upon the
+external world with unprecedented zeal, and thus aided that vast
+movement, of which the Revolution itself was merely a single
+consequence. The intimate connexion between scientific progress and
+social rebellion, is evident from the fact, that both are suggested by
+the same yearning after improvement, the same dissatisfaction with what
+has been previously done, the same restless, prying, insubordinate, and
+audacious spirit. But in France this general analogy was strengthened by
+the curious circumstances I have already noticed, by virtue of which,
+the activity of the country was, during the first half of the century,
+directed against the church rather than against the state; so that in
+order to complete the antecedents of the Revolution, it was necessary
+that, in the latter half of the century, the ground of attack should be
+shifted. This is precisely what was done by the wonderful impetus given
+to every branch of natural science. For, the attention of men being thus
+steadily fixed upon the external world, the internal fell into neglect;
+while, as the external corresponds to the state, and the internal to the
+church, it was part of the same intellectual development, that the
+assailers of the existing fabric should turn against political abuses
+the energy which the preceding generation had reserved for religious
+ones.
+
+Thus it was that the French Revolution, like every great revolution the
+world has yet seen, was preceded by a complete change in the habits and
+associations of the national intellect. But besides this, there was also
+taking place, precisely at the same time, a vast social movement, which
+was intimately connected with the intellectual movement, and indeed
+formed part of it, in so far as it was followed by similar results and
+produced by similar causes. The nature of this social revolution I
+shall examine only very briefly, because in a future volume it will be
+necessary to trace its history minutely, in order to illustrate the
+slighter but still remarkable changes which in the same period were
+going on in English society.
+
+In France, before the Revolution, the people, though always very social,
+were also very exclusive. The upper classes, protected by an imaginary
+superiority, looked with scorn upon those whose birth or titles were
+unequal to their own. The class immediately below them copied and
+communicated their example, and every order in society endeavoured to
+find some fanciful distinction which should guard them from the
+contamination of their inferiors. The only three real sources of
+superiority,--the superiority of morals, of intellect, and of
+knowledge,--were entirely overlooked in this absurd scheme; and men
+became accustomed to pride themselves not on any essential difference,
+but on those inferior matters, which, with extremely few exceptions, are
+the result of accident, and therefore no test of merit.[1140]
+
+  [1140] Comp. _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. i. p. 23, with the Introduction to
+         _Des Réaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. i. p. 34. A good illustration
+         of this is, that the Prince de Montbarey, in his Memoirs, gently
+         censures Louis XV., not for his scandalous profligacy, but
+         because he selected for his mistresses some women who were not
+         of high birth. _Mém. de Montbarey_, vol. i. p. 341, and see
+         vol. iii. p. 117.
+
+The first great blow to this state of things, was the unprecedented
+impulse given to the cultivation of physical science. Those vast
+discoveries which were being made, not only stimulated the intellect of
+thinking men, but even roused the curiosity of the more thoughtless
+parts of society. The lectures of chemists, of geologists, of
+mineralogists, and of physiologists, were attended by those who came to
+wonder, as well as by those who came to learn. In Paris, the scientific
+assemblages were crowded to overflowing.[1141] The halls and
+amphitheatres in which the great truths of nature were expounded, were
+no longer able to hold their audience, and in several instances it was
+found necessary to enlarge them.[1142] The sittings of the Academy,
+instead of being confined to a few solitary scholars, were frequented by
+every one whose rank or influence enabled them to secure a place.[1143]
+Even women of fashion, forgetting their usual frivolity, hastened to
+hear discussions on the composition of a mineral, on the discovery of a
+new salt, on the structure of plants, on the organization of animals, on
+the properties of the electric fluid.[1144] A sudden craving after
+knowledge seemed to have smitten every rank. The largest and the most
+difficult inquiries found favour in the eyes of those whose fathers had
+hardly heard the names of the sciences to which they belonged. The
+brilliant imagination of Buffon made geology suddenly popular; the same
+thing was effected for chemistry by the eloquence of Fourcroy, and for
+electricity by Nollet; while the admirable expositions of Lalande caused
+astronomy itself to be generally cultivated. In a word, it is enough to
+say, that during the thirty years preceding the Revolution, the spread
+of physical science was so rapid, that in its favour the old classical
+studies were despised;[1145] it was considered the essential basis of a
+good education, and some slight acquaintance with it was deemed
+necessary for every class, except those who were obliged to support
+themselves by their daily labour.[1146]
+
+  [1141] And that too even on such a subject as anatomy. In 1768, Antoine
+         Petit began his anatomical lectures in the great amphitheatre of
+         the Jardin du Roi; and the press to hear him was so great, that
+         not only all the seats were occupied, but the very window-ledges
+         were crowded. See the animated description in _Biog. Univ._
+         vol. xxxiii. p. 494.
+
+  [1142] Dr. Thomson (_History of Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 169) says of
+         Fourcroy's lectures on chemistry, which began in 1784: 'Such
+         were the crowds, both of men and women, who flocked to hear him,
+         that it was twice necessary to enlarge the size of the
+         lecture-room.' This circumstance is also mentioned in _Cuvier_,
+         _Eloges_, vol. ii. p. 19.
+
+  [1143] In 1779, it was remarked that 'les séances publiques de
+         l'Académie Française sont devenues une espèce de spectacle fort
+         à la mode:' and as this continued to increase, the throng became
+         at length so great, that in 1785 it was found necessary to
+         diminish the number of tickets of admission, and it was even
+         proposed that ladies should be excluded, in consequence of some
+         uproarious scenes which had happened. _Grimm et Diderot_,
+         _Correspond. Lit._ vol. x. p. 341, vol. xiv. pp. 148, 149, 185,
+         251.
+
+  [1144] Goldsmith, who was in Paris in 1755, says with surprise, 'I have
+         seen as bright a circle of beauty at the chemical lectures of
+         Rouelle, as gracing the court of Versailles.' _Prior's Life of
+         Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 180; _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol.
+         i. p. 65. In the middle of the century, electricity was very
+         popular among the Parisian ladies; and the interest felt in it
+         was revived several years later by Franklin. Compare _Grimm_,
+         _Correspondance_, vol. vii. p. 122, with _Tucker's Life of
+         Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 190, 191. Cuvier (_Eloges_, vol. i. p.
+         56) tells us that even the anatomical descriptions which
+         Daubenton wrote for Buffon were to be found 'sur la toilette des
+         femmes.' This change of taste is also noticed, though in a
+         jeering spirit, in _Mém. de Genlis_, vol. vi. p. 32. Compare the
+         account given by Townsend, who visited France in 1786, on his
+         way to Spain: 'A numerous society of gentlemen and ladies of the
+         first fashion meet to hear lectures on the sciences, delivered
+         by men of the highest rank in their profession.... I was much
+         struck with the fluency and elegance of language with which the
+         anatomical professor spoke, and not a little so with the deep
+         attention of his auditors.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_,
+         vol. i. p. 41: see also _Smith's Tour on the Continent in 1786_,
+         vol. i. p. 117.
+
+  [1145] In a letter written in 1756, it is said, 'Mais c'est peine perdue
+         aujourd'hui que de plaisanter les érudits; il n'y en a plus en
+         France.' _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 15. In 1764, 'Il est
+         honteux et incroyable à quel point l'étude des anciens est
+         négligée.' vol. iv. p. 97. In 1768, 'Une autre raison qui rendra
+         les traductions des auteurs anciens de plus en plus rares en
+         France, c'est que depuis long temps on n'y sait plus le Grec, et
+         qu'on néglige l'étude du Latin tous les jours davantage.' vol.
+         vi. p. 140. Sherlock (_New Letters from an English Traveller_,
+         London, 1781, p. 86) says, 'It is very rare to meet a man in
+         France that understands Greek.' In 1785, Jefferson writes from
+         Paris to Madison, 'Greek and Roman authors are dearer here than,
+         I believe, any where in the world; nobody here reads them,
+         wherefore they are not reprinted.' _Jefferson's Correspond._
+         vol. i. p. 301. See further, on this neglect of the ancients, a
+         significant precursor of the Revolution, _Mém. de Montbarey_,
+         vol. iii. p. 181; _Villemain_, _Littérature au XVIII^e Siècle_,
+         vol. iii. pp. 243-248; _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. i.
+         p. 344.
+
+  [1146] For further evidence of the popularity of physical knowledge, and
+         of its study, even by those who might have been expected to
+         neglect it, see _Mém. de Roland_, vol. i. pp. 115, 268, 324,
+         343; _Mém. de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 16; _Dupont de Nemours_,
+         _Mém. sur Turgot_, pp. 45, 52, 53, 411; _Mém. de Brissot_, vol.
+         i. pp. 62, 151, 319, 336, 338, 357; _Cuvier_, _Progrès des
+         Sciences_, vol. i. p. 89.
+
+The results produced by this remarkable change are very curious, and
+from their energy and rapidity were very decisive. As long as the
+different classes confined themselves to pursuits peculiar to their own
+sphere, they were encouraged to preserve their separate habits; and the
+subordination, or, as it were, the hierarchy, of society was easily
+maintained. But when the members of the various orders met in the same
+place with the same object, they became knit together by a new sympathy.
+The highest and most durable of all pleasures, the pleasure caused by
+the perception of fresh truths, was now a great link, which banded
+together those social elements that were formerly wrapped up in the
+pride of their own isolation. Besides this, there was also given to them
+not only a new pursuit, but also a new standard of merit. In the
+amphitheatre and the lecture-room, the first object of attention is the
+professor and the lecturer. The division is between those who teach and
+those who learn. The subordination of ranks makes way for the
+subordination of knowledge.[1147] The petty and conventional
+distinctions of fashionable life are succeeded by those large and
+genuine distinctions, by which alone man is really separated from man.
+The progress of the intellect supplies a new object of veneration; the
+old worship of rank is rudely disturbed, and its superstitious devotees
+are taught to bow the knee before what to them is the shrine of a
+strange god. The hall of science is the temple of democracy. Those who
+come to learn, confess their own ignorance, abrogate in some degree
+their own superiority, and begin to perceive that the greatness of men
+has no connexion with the splendour of their titles, or the dignity of
+their birth; that it is not concerned with their quarterings, their
+escutcheons, their descents, their dexter-chiefs, their sinister-chiefs,
+their chevrons, their bends, their azures, their gules, and the other
+trumperies of their heraldry; but that it depends upon the largeness of
+their minds, the powers of their intellect, and the fullness of their
+knowledge.
+
+  [1147] A celebrated writer has well said, though in a somewhat different
+         point of view, 'Il ne peut y avoir dans les sciences morales,
+         pas plus que dans les sciences physiques, ni maîtres, ni
+         esclaves, ni rois, ni sujets, ni citoyens, ni étrangers.'
+         _Comte_, _Traité de Législation_, vol. i. p. 43.
+
+These were the views which, in the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, began to influence those classes which had long been the
+undisputed masters of society.[1148] And what shows the strength of this
+great movement is, that it was accompanied by other social changes,
+which, though in themselves apparently trifling, become full of meaning
+when taken in connexion with the general history of the time.
+
+  [1148] The remarks which Thomas made upon Descartes in 1765, in an
+         _éloge_ crowned by the Academy, illustrate the opinions which,
+         in the latter half of the eighteenth century, were becoming
+         rapidly diffused in France. See the passage beginning 'O
+         préjugés! ô ridicule fierté des places et du rang!' &c.
+         _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 74. Certainly no one would
+         have used such language, on such an occasion, thirty years
+         earlier. So, too, the Count de Ségur says of the younger nobles
+         before the Revolution, 'nous préférions un mot d'éloges de
+         D'Alembert, de Diderot, à la faveur la plus signalée d'un
+         prince.' _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. i. p. 142: see also vol. ii. p.
+         46.
+
+While the immense progress of physical knowledge was revolutionizing
+society, by inspiring the different classes with an object common to
+all, and thus raising a new standard of merit, a more trivial, but
+equally democratic tendency was observable even in the conventional
+forms of social life. To describe the whole of these changes would
+occupy a space disproportioned to the other parts of this Introduction;
+but it is certain that, until the changes have been carefully examined,
+it will be impossible for any one to write a history of the French
+Revolution. As a specimen of what I mean, I will notice two of these
+innovations which are very conspicuous, and are also interesting on
+account of their analogy with what has happened in English society.
+
+The first of these changes was an alteration in dress, and a marked
+contempt for those external appearances hitherto valued as one of the
+most important of all matters. During the reign of Louis XIV., and
+indeed during the first half of the reign of Louis XV., not only men of
+frivolous tastes, but even those distinguished for their knowledge,
+displayed in their attire a dainty precision, a nice and studied
+adjustment, a pomp of gold, of silver, and of ruffles, such as in our
+days can nowhere be seen, except in the courts of European princes,
+where a certain barbarian splendour is still retained. So far was this
+carried, that in the seventeenth century the rank of a person might be
+immediately known by his appearance; no one presuming to usurp a garb
+worn by the class immediately above his own.[1149] But in that
+democratic movement which preceded the French Revolution, the minds of
+men became too earnest, too intent upon higher matters, to busy
+themselves with those idle devices which engrossed the attention of
+their fathers. A contemptuous disregard of such distinctions became
+general. In Paris the innovation was seen even in those gay assemblies,
+where a certain amount of personal decoration is still considered
+natural. At dinners, suppers, and balls, it is noticed by contemporary
+observers, that the dress usually worn was becoming so simple as to
+cause a confusion of ranks, until at length every distinction was
+abandoned by both sexes; the men, on such occasions, coming in a common
+frock-coat, the women in their ordinary morning gowns.[1150] Nay, to
+such a pitch was this carried, that we are assured by the Prince de
+Montbarey, who was in Paris at the time, that shortly before the
+Revolution, even those who had stars and orders were careful to hide
+them by buttoning their coats, so that these marks of superiority might
+no longer be seen.[1151]
+
+  [1149] Among many other illustrations which might be given of this
+         distinction of classes by dress, see _Monteil_, _Hist. des
+         divers Etats_, vol. vii. pp. 7-10; and _Tallemant des Réaux_,
+         _Historiettes_, vol. i. p. 36 note.
+
+  [1150] In August 1787, Jefferson writes from Paris (_Correspondence_,
+         vol. ii. p. 224): 'In society, the _habit habillé_ is almost
+         banished, and they begin to go even to great suppers in frock:
+         the court and diplomatic corps, however, must always be
+         excepted. They are too high to be reached by any improvement.
+         They are the last refuge from which etiquette, formality, and
+         folly will be driven. Take away these, and they would be on a
+         level with other people.' Jefferson was a statesman and a
+         diplomatist, and was well acquainted with his profession. The
+         change, however, which he noticed, had been coming on some years
+         earlier. In a letter written in May 1786, it is said: 'Il est
+         rare aujourd'hui de rencontrer dans le monde des personnes qui
+         soient ce qu'on appelle habillées. Lee femmes sont en chemise et
+         en chapeau, les hommes en froc et en gilet.' _Grimm_,
+         _Correspond._ vol. xiv. p. 485; and on the increased simplicity
+         of attire in 1780, see vol. xi. pp. 141, 142. Ségur, who
+         witnessed these changes, and was much displeased by them, says
+         of their advocates, 'ils ne voyaient pas que les frocs,
+         remplaçant les amples et imposans vêtemens de l'ancienne cour,
+         présagaient un penchant général pour l'égalité.' _Mém. de
+         Ségur_, vol. i. p. 131. Soulavie (_Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. vi.
+         p. 38) observes, that 'les grands, vers les approches de la
+         révolution, n'avoient plus que des habits simples et peu
+         coûteux;' and that 'on ne distingua plus une duchesse d'une
+         actrice,' p. 43: see also an extract from Montjoye, in _Alison's
+         History_, vol. i. pp. 352, 353. Compare _Mém. sur
+         Marie-Antoinette_, vol. i. pp. 226, 372, vol. ii. p. 174, and
+         _Mém. de Madame au Hausset_, introduc. p. 17.
+
+  [1151] 'Les personnes du premier rang et même d'un âge mûr, qui avaient
+         travaillé toute leur vie pour obtenir les ordres du roi, preuve
+         de la plus haute faveur, s'habituèrent à en cacher les marques
+         distinctives sous le froc le plus simple, qui leur permettait de
+         courir à pied dans les rues et de se confondre dans la foule.'
+         _Mém. de Montbarey_, vol. iii. pp. 161, 162. Another alteration
+         of the same tendency is worth recording. The Baroness
+         d'Oberkirch, who revisited Paris in 1784, remarked, on her
+         arrival, that 'gentlemen began about this time to go about
+         unarmed, and wore swords only in full dress.... And thus the
+         French nobility laid aside a usage which the example of their
+         fathers had consecrated through centuries.' _D'Oberkirch's
+         Memoirs_, Lond. 1852, vol. ii. p. 211.
+
+The other innovation to which I have referred is equally interesting as
+characteristic of the spirit of the time. This is, that the tendency to
+amalgamate the different orders of society[1152] was shown in the
+institution of clubs; a remarkable contrivance, which to us seems
+perfectly natural because we are accustomed to it, but of which it may
+be truly said, that until the eighteenth century its existence was
+impossible. Before the eighteenth century, each class was so jealous of
+its superiority over the one below it, that to meet together on equal
+terms was impracticable; and although a certain patronizing familiarity
+towards one's inferiors might be safely indulged in, this only marked
+the immense interval of separation, since the great man had no fear of
+his condescension being abused. In those good old times a proper respect
+was paid to rank and birth; and he who could count his twenty ancestors
+was venerated to an extent of which we, in these degenerate days, can
+hardly form an idea. As to any thing like social equality, that was a
+notion too preposterous to be conceived; nor was it possible that any
+institution should exist which placed mere ordinary men on a level with
+those illustrious characters, whose veins were filled with the purest
+blood, and the quarterings of whose arms none could hope to rival.
+
+  [1152] A striking instance of which was, moreover, seen in the number of
+         _mésalliances_, which first became frequent about the middle of
+         the reign of Louis XV. Compare _Mém. de Montbarey_, vol. iii.
+         pp. 116, 156, 157; _Lacretelle_, _Dix-huitième Siècle_,
+         vol. iii. p. 220.
+
+But in the eighteenth century the progress of knowledge became so
+remarkable, that the new principle of intellectual superiority made
+rapid encroachments on the old principle of aristocratic superiority. As
+soon as these encroachments had reached a certain point, they gave rise
+to an institution suited to them; and thus it was that there were first
+established clubs, in which all the educated classes could assemble,
+without regard to those other differences which, in the preceding
+period, kept them separate. The peculiarity of this was, that, for mere
+purposes of social enjoyment, men were brought into contact, who,
+according to the aristocratic scheme, had nothing in common, but who
+were now placed on the same footing in so far as they belonged to the
+same establishment, conformed to the same rules, and reaped the same
+advantages. It was, however, expected that the members, though varying
+in many other respects, were to be all, in some degree, educated; and in
+this way society first distinctly recognized a classification previously
+unknown; the division between noble and ignoble being succeeded by
+another division between educated and uneducated.
+
+The rise and growth of clubs is, therefore, to the philosophic observer,
+a question of immense importance; and it is one which, as I shall
+hereafter prove, played a great part in the history of England during
+the latter half of the eighteenth century. In reference to our present
+subject, it is interesting to observe, that the first clubs, in the
+modern sense of the word, which ever existed in Paris, were formed about
+1782, only seven years before the French Revolution. At the beginning
+they were merely intended to be social assemblages; but they quickly
+assumed a democratic character, conformable to the spirit of the age.
+Their first result, as was noticed by a keen observer of what was then
+passing, was to make the manners of the upper classes more simple than
+they had hitherto been, and to weaken that love of form and ceremony
+suitable to their earlier habits. These clubs likewise effected a
+remarkable separation between the sexes; and it is recorded, that after
+their establishment, women associated more with each other, and were
+oftener seen in public unaccompanied by men.[1153] This had the effect
+of encouraging among men a republican roughness, which the influence of
+the other sex would have tended to keep down. All these things effaced
+the old lines of demarcation between the different ranks, and by
+merging the various classes into one, made the force of their united
+opposition irresistible, and speedily overthrew both the church and the
+state. The exact period at which the clubs became political cannot, of
+course, be ascertained, but the change seems to have taken place about
+1784.[1154] From this moment all was over; and although the government,
+in 1787, issued orders to close the leading club, in which all classes
+discussed political questions, it was found impossible to stem the
+current. The order, therefore, was rescinded; the club re-assembled, and
+no further attempt was made to interrupt that course of affairs which a
+long train of preceding events had rendered inevitable.[1155]
+
+  [1153] 'Nous commençâmes aussi à avoir des clubs: les hommes s'y
+         réunissaient, non encore pour discuter, mais pour dîner, jouer
+         au wisk, et lire tous les ouvrages nouveaux. Ce premier pas,
+         alors presque inaperçu, eut dans la suite de grandes, et
+         momentanément de funestes conséquences. Dans le commencement,
+         son premier résultat fut de séparer les hommes des femmes, et
+         d'apporter ainsi un notable changement dans nos m[oe]urs: elles
+         devinrent moins frivoles, mais moins polies; plus fortes, mais
+         moins aimables: la politique y gagna, la société y perdit.'
+         _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. ii. p. 28. By the spring of 1786, this
+         separation of the sexes had become still more marked; and it was
+         a common complaint, that ladies were obliged to go to the
+         theatre alone, men being at their clubs. See the very curious
+         observations in _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xiv. pp. 486-489,
+         where there is also a notice of 'le prodigieux succès qu'a eu
+         l'établissement des clubs à l'anglaise.' See also, on the
+         diminished attention paid to women, _Williams's Letters from
+         France_, vol. ii. p. 80; 3rd edit. 1796.
+
+  [1154] The remarks of Georgel appear to apply to the political clubs
+         only: 'A Paris les assemblées de nouvellistes, les clubs qui
+         s'étoient formés à l'instar de ceux des Anglais, s'expliquaient
+         hautement et sans retenue sur les droits de l'homme, sur les
+         avantages de la liberté, sur les grands abus de l'inégalité des
+         conditions. Ces clubs, trop accrédités, avoient commencé à se
+         former en 1784.' _Mém. de Georgel_, vol. ii. p. 310.
+
+  [1155] 'Le lieutenant de police fit fermer le club nommé _Club du
+         Salon_; ordre arbitraire et inutile: ce club alors était composé
+         de personnes distinguées de la noblesse ou de la haute
+         bourgeoisie, ainsi que des artistes et des hommes de lettres les
+         plus considérés. Cette réunion offrait, pour la première fois,
+         l'image d'une égalité qui devient bientôt, plus que la liberté
+         même, le v[oe]u le plus ardent de la plus grande partie de la
+         nation. Aussi le mécontentement produit par la clôture de ce
+         club fut si vif, que l'autorité se crut obligée de la rouvrir.'
+         _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. iii. pp. 258, 259. On the increase of
+         these clubs from 1787 to 1789, compare _Du Mesnil_, _Mém. sur Le
+         Brun_, p. 148; _Mém. de Lafayette_, vol. i. pp. 312, 322, 391,
+         434, vol. ii. p. 9; _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacob._ vol. i. p. 40,
+         vol. ii. p. 310, vol. v. pp. 101, 168; _Thiers_, _Hist. de la
+         Révolution_, vol. i. p. 36, Paris, 1834.
+
+While all these things were conspiring to overthrow the old
+institutions, an event suddenly occurred which produced the most
+remarkable effects in France, and is itself strikingly characteristic of
+the spirit of the eighteenth century. On the other side of the Atlantic,
+a great people, provoked by the intolerable injustice of the English
+government, rose in arms, turned on their oppressors, and, after a
+desperate struggle, gloriously obtained their independence. In 1776,
+the Americans laid before Europe that noble Declaration, which ought to
+be hung up in the nursery of every king, and blazoned on the porch of
+every royal palace. In words, the memory of which can never die, they
+declared, that the object of the institution of government is to secure
+the rights of the people; that from the people alone it derives its
+powers; and 'that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of
+these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to
+institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles,
+and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most
+likely to effect their safety and happiness.'[1156]
+
+  [1156] _Mem. of Franklin_, vol. ii. pp. 14 seq.; and _Mem. of
+         Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 17-22, where the passages are given
+         which Congress altered.
+
+If this declaration had been made only one generation earlier, the whole
+of France, with the exception of a few advanced thinkers, would have
+rejected it with horror and with scorn. Such, however, was now the
+temper of the public mind, that the doctrines it contained were not
+merely welcomed by a majority of the French nation, but even the
+government itself was unable to withstand the general feeling.[1157] In
+1776, Franklin arrived in France, as envoy from the American people. He
+met with the warmest reception from all classes,[1158] and succeeded in
+inducing the government to sign a treaty, engaging to defend the young
+republic in the rights it had gloriously won.[1159] In Paris, the
+enthusiasm was irresistible.[1160] From every quarter large bodies of
+men came forward, volunteering to cross the Atlantic and to fight for
+the liberties of America. The heroism with which these auxiliaries aided
+the noble struggle, forms a cheering passage in the history of that
+time; but is foreign to my present purpose, which is merely to notice
+its effect in hastening the approach of the French Revolution. And this
+effect was indeed most remarkable. Besides the indirect result produced
+by the example of a successful rebellion, the French were still further
+stimulated by actual contact with their new allies. The French officers
+and soldiers who served in America, introduced into their own country,
+on their return, those democratic opinions which they had imbibed in the
+infant republic.[1161] By this means, fresh strength was given to the
+revolutionary tendencies already prevalent; and it is worthy of remark,
+that Lafayette borrowed from the same source one of his most celebrated
+acts. He drew his sword on behalf of the Americans; and they, in their
+turn, communicated to him that famous doctrine respecting the rights of
+man, which, at his instigation, was formally adopted by the National
+Assembly.[1162] Indeed, there is reason to believe, that the final blow
+the French government received was actually dealt by the hand of an
+American; for it is said that it was in consequence of the advice of
+Jefferson, that the popular part of the legislative body proclaimed
+itself the National Assembly, and thus set the crown at open
+defiance.[1163]
+
+  [1157] Ségur (_Mém._ vol. i. p. 111) says that his father had been
+         frequently told by Maurepas that public opinion forced the
+         government, against its own wishes, to side with America.
+         Compare _Mém. de Georgel_, vol. iv. p. 370; and _Flassan_,
+         _Diplomatie Française_, vol. vii. p. 166.
+
+  [1158] The news of which soon reached England. In January 1777, Burke
+         writes (_Works_, vol. ii. p. 394), 'I hear that Dr. Franklin has
+         had a most extraordinary reception at Paris from all ranks of
+         people.' Soulavie (_Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. ii. p. 50) says,
+         'J'ai vu Francklin devenir un objet de culte.' See also, on his
+         popularity, _Mém. d'Epinay_, vol. iii. p. 419.
+
+  [1159] _Flassan_, _Diplomatie Française_, vol. vii. p. 159; _Life of
+         Franklin_, _by Himself_, vol. ii. pp. 60, 61; _Mahon's Hist. of
+         England_, vol. vii. pp. 197, 198.
+
+  [1160] The sneering letter written from Paris by Lord Stormont, as early
+         as December 1774 (_Adolphus's George III._ vol. ii. p. 316),
+         should be compared with _Lafayette_, _Mémoires_, vol. i. pp. 24,
+         169, 229; _Dutens_, _Mém. d'un Voyageur_, vol. ii. p. 317; _Mém.
+         de Ségur_, vol. i. p. 149; and _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_,
+         vol. v. p. 175.
+
+  [1161] _De Staël sur la Révolution_, vol. i. p. 88; _Mém. de Montbarey_,
+         vol. iii. pp. 134, 186; _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. i. p. 277;
+         _Campan_, _Mém. de Marie Antoinette_, vol. i. p. 233, vol. iii.
+         pp. 96, 116; _Soulavie_, _Règne de Louis XVI_, vol. ii. pp.
+         xxiv. li. iii.; _Dumont_, _Souvenirs sur Mirabeau_, p. 176;
+         _Mém. de Du Hausset_, introduc. p. 40; _Mém. de Genlis_, vol.
+         vi. p. 57; _Jefferson's Mem. and Correspond._ vol. i. p. 59; and
+         Maitland's speech, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. pp. 198, 199; also
+         the remarks of the Duke of Bedford, vol. xxxi. p. 663.
+
+  [1162] _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i. p. 46. Dumont
+         (_Souvenirs_, p. 97) calls this 'une idée américaine;' and see
+         to the same effect, _Mém. de Lafayette_, vol. i. pp. 193, 268,
+         269, 416, vol. ii. pp. 139, 140; _Jefferson's Correspond._ vol.
+         i. p. 90; _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. v. p. 311. The
+         influence which the American Revolution exercised over the mind
+         of Lafayette is noticed by Bouillé, his cousin and his enemy.
+         _Mém. de Bouillé_, vol. i. p. 102, vol. ii. pp. 131, 183.
+
+  [1163] 'The Duke of Dorset, the English ambassador, writing to Mr. Pitt
+         from Paris, July 9th, 1789, said, "Mr. Jefferson, the American
+         minister at this court, has been a great deal consulted by the
+         principal leaders of the _tiers état_; and I have great reason
+         to think that it was owing to his advice that order called
+         itself _L'Assemblée Nationale_."' _Tomline's Life of Pitt_,
+         vol. ii. p. 266.
+
+I have now brought to a close my examination of the causes of the French
+Revolution; but before concluding the present chapter, it appears to me
+that the variety of topics which have been discussed, makes it advisable
+that I should sum up their leading points; and should state, as briefly
+as possible, the steps of that long and complicated argument, by which I
+have attempted to prove, that the Revolution was an event inevitably
+arising out of preceding circumstances. Such a summary, by recalling the
+entire subject before the reader, will remedy any confusion which the
+fullness of detail may have produced, and will simplify an investigation
+which many will consider to have been needlessly protracted; but which
+could not have been abridged without weakening, in some essential part,
+the support of those general principles that I seek to establish.
+
+Looking at the state of France immediately after the death of Louis
+XIV., we have seen that, his policy having reduced the country to the
+brink of ruin, and having destroyed every vestige of free inquiry, a
+reaction became necessary; but that the materials for the reaction could
+not be found among a nation, which for fifty years had been exposed to
+so debilitating a system. This deficiency at home, caused the most
+eminent Frenchmen to turn their attention abroad, and gave rise to a
+sudden admiration for the English literature, and for those habits of
+thought which were then peculiar to the English people. New life being
+thus breathed into the wasted frame of French society, an eager and
+inquisitive spirit was generated, such as had not been seen since the
+time of Descartes. The upper classes, taking offence at this unexpected
+movement, attempted to stifle it, and made strenuous efforts to destroy
+that love of inquiry which was daily gaining ground. To effect their
+object, they persecuted literary men with such bitterness, as to make it
+evident that the intellect of France must either relapse into its former
+servility, or else boldly assume the offensive. Happily for the
+interests of civilization, the latter alternative was adopted; and, in
+or about 1750, a deadly struggle began, in which those principles of
+liberty which France borrowed from England, and which had hitherto been
+supposed only applicable to the church, were for the first time applied
+to the state. Coinciding with this movement, and indeed forming part of
+it, other circumstances occurred of the same character. Now it was that
+the political economists succeeded in proving that the interference of
+the governing classes had inflicted great mischief even upon the
+material interests of the country; and had, by their protective
+measures, injured what they were believed to have benefited. This
+remarkable discovery in favour of general freedom, put a fresh weapon
+into the hands of the democratic party; whose strength was still further
+increased by the unrivalled eloquence with which Rousseau assailed the
+existing fabric. Precisely the same tendency was exhibited in the
+extraordinary impulse given to every branch of physical science, which
+familiarized men with ideas of progress, and brought them into collision
+with the stationary and conservative ideas natural to government. The
+discoveries made respecting the external world, encouraged a
+restlessness and excitement of mind hostile to the spirit of routine,
+and therefore full of danger for institutions only recommended by their
+antiquity. This eagerness for physical knowledge also effected a change
+in education; and the ancient languages being neglected, another link
+was severed which connected the present with the past. The church, the
+legitimate protector of old opinions, was unable to resist the passion
+for novelty, because she was weakened by treason in her own camp. For by
+this time, Calvinism had spread so much among the French clergy, as to
+break them into two hostile parties, and render it impossible to rally
+them against their common foe. The growth of this heresy was also
+important, because Calvinism being essentially democratic, a
+revolutionary spirit appeared even in the ecclesiastical profession, so
+that the feud in the church was accompanied by another feud between the
+government and the church. These were the leading symptoms of that vast
+movement which culminated in the French Revolution; and all of them
+indicated a state of society so anarchical and so thoroughly
+disorganized, as to make it certain that some great catastrophe was
+impending. At length, and when everything was ready for explosion, the
+news of the American Rebellion fell like a spark on the inflammatory
+mass, and ignited a flame which never ceased its ravages until it had
+destroyed all that Frenchmen once held dear, and had left for the
+instruction of mankind an awful lesson of the crimes into which
+continued oppression may hurry a generous and long-suffering people.
+
+Such is a rapid outline of the view which my studies have led me to take
+of the causes of the French Revolution. That I have ascertained all the
+causes, I do not for a moment suppose; but it will, I believe, be found
+that none of importance have been omitted. It is, indeed, true, that
+among the materials of which the evidence consists, many deficiencies
+will be seen; and a more protracted labour would have been rewarded by a
+greater success. Of these shortcomings I am deeply sensible; and I can
+only regret that the necessity of passing on to a still larger field has
+compelled me to leave so much for future inquirers to gather in. At the
+same time, it ought to be remembered, that this is the first attempt
+which has ever been made to study the antecedents of the French
+Revolution according to a scheme wide enough to include the whole of
+their intellectual bearings. In defiance of sound philosophy, and, I
+may say, in defiance of common understanding, historians obstinately
+persist in neglecting those great branches of physical knowledge, in
+which in every civilized country the operations of the human mind may be
+most clearly seen, and therefore the mental habits most easily
+ascertained. The result is, that the French Revolution, unquestionably
+the most important, the most complicated, and the most glorious event in
+history, has been given over to authors, many of whom have displayed
+considerable ability, but all of whom have shown themselves destitute of
+that preliminary scientific education, in the absence of which it is
+impossible to seize the spirit of any period, or to take a comprehensive
+survey of its various parts. Thus, to mention only a single instance: we
+have seen that the extraordinary impulse given to the study of the
+external world was intimately connected with that democratic movement
+which overthrew the institutions of France. But this connexion
+historians have been unable to trace; because they were unacquainted
+with the progress of the various branches of natural philosophy and of
+natural history. Hence it is that they have exhibited their great
+subject maimed and mutilated, shorn of those fair proportions which it
+ought to possess. According to this scheme, the historian sinks into the
+annalist; so that, instead of solving a problem, he merely paints a
+picture. Without, therefore, disparaging the labours of those
+industrious men who have collected materials for a history of the French
+Revolution, we may assuredly say, that the history itself has never been
+written; since they who have attempted the task have not possessed such
+resources as would enable them to consider it as merely a single part of
+that far larger movement which was seen in every department of science,
+of philosophy, of religion, and of politics.
+
+Whether or not I have effected anything of real value towards remedying
+this deficiency, is a question for competent judges to decide. Of this,
+at least, I feel certain, that whatever imperfections may be observed,
+the fault consists, not in the method proposed, but in the extreme
+difficulty of any single man putting into full operation all the parts
+of so vast a scheme. It is on this point, and on this alone, that I feel
+the need of great indulgence. But, as to the plan itself, I have no
+misgivings; because I am deeply convinced that the time is fast
+approaching when the history of Man will be placed on its proper
+footing; when its study will be recognized as the noblest and most
+arduous of all pursuits; and when it will be clearly seen, that, to
+cultivate it with success, there is wanted a wide and comprehensive
+mind, richly furnished with the highest branches of human knowledge.
+When this is fully admitted, history will be written only by those whose
+habits fit them for the task; and it will be rescued from the hands of
+biographers, genealogists, collectors of anecdotes, chroniclers of
+courts, of princes, and of nobles,--those babblers of vain things, who
+lie in wait at every corner, and infest this the public highway of our
+national literature. That such compilers should trespass on a province
+so far above their own, and should think that by these means they can
+throw light on the affairs of men, is one of many proofs of the still
+backward condition of our knowledge, and of the indistinctness with
+which its boundaries have been mapped out. If I have done anything
+towards bringing these intrusions into discredit, and inspiring
+historians themselves with a sense of the dignity of their own calling,
+I shall have rendered in my time some little service, and I shall be
+well content to have it said, that in many cases I have failed in
+executing what I originally proposed. Indeed, that there are in this
+volume several instances of such failure, I willingly allow; and I can
+only plead the immensity of the subject, the shortness of a single life,
+and the imperfection of every single enterprise. I, therefore, wish this
+work to be estimated, not according to the finish of its separate parts,
+but according to the way in which those parts have been fused into a
+complete and symmetrical whole. This, in an undertaking of such novelty
+and magnitude, I have a right to expect. And I would, moreover, add,
+that if the reader has met with opinions adverse to his own, he should
+remember that his views are, perchance, the same as those which I too
+once held, and which I have abandoned, because, after a wider range of
+study, I found them unsupported by solid proof, subversive of the
+interests of Man, and fatal to the progress of his knowledge. To examine
+the notions in which we have been educated, and to turn aside from those
+which will not bear the test, is a task so painful, that they who shrink
+from the suffering should pause before they reproach those by whom the
+suffering is undergone. What I have put forward may, no doubt, be
+erroneous; but it is, at all events, the result of an honest searching
+after truth, of unsparing labour, of patient and anxious reflection.
+Conclusions arrived at in this way, are not to be overturned by stating
+that they endanger some other conclusions; nor can they be even affected
+by allegations against their supposed tendency. The principles which I
+advocate, are based upon distinct arguments, supported by
+well-ascertained facts. The only points, therefore, to be ascertained,
+are, whether the arguments are fair, and whether the facts are certain.
+If these two conditions have been obeyed, the principles follow by an
+inevitable inference. Their demonstration is, in the present volume,
+necessarily incomplete; and the reader must suspend his final judgment
+until the close of this Introduction, when the subject in all its
+bearings will be laid before him. The remaining part of the Introduction
+will be occupied, as I have already intimated, with an investigation of
+the civilizations of Germany, America, Scotland, and Spain; each of
+which presents a different type of intellectual development, and has,
+therefore, followed a different direction in its religious, scientific,
+social, and political history. The causes of these differences I shall
+attempt to ascertain. The next step will be to generalize the causes
+themselves; and having thus referred them to certain principles common
+to all, we shall be possessed of what may be called the fundamental laws
+of European thought; the divergence of the different countries being
+regulated either by the direction those laws take, or else by their
+comparative energy. To discover these fundamental laws will be the
+business of the Introduction; while, in the body of the work, I shall
+apply them to the history of England, and endeavour by their aid to work
+out the epochs through which we have successively passed, fix the basis
+of our present civilization, and indicate the path of our future
+progress.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VIII.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE FIFTH TO THE
+                    MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+In the preceding chapters, I have endeavoured to establish four leading
+propositions, which, according to my view, are to be deemed the basis of
+the history of civilization. They are: 1st, That the progress of mankind
+depends on the success with which the laws of phenomena are
+investigated, and on the extent to which a knowledge of those laws is
+diffused. 2nd, That before such investigation can begin, a spirit of
+scepticism must arise, which, at first aiding the investigation, is
+afterwards aided by it. 3rd, That the discoveries thus made, increase
+the influence of intellectual truths, and diminish, relatively not
+absolutely, the influence of moral truths; moral truths being more
+stationary than intellectual truths, and receiving fewer additions. 4th,
+That the great enemy of this movement, and therefore the great enemy of
+civilization, is the protective spirit; by which I mean the notion that
+society cannot prosper, unless the affairs of life are watched over and
+protected at nearly every turn by the state and the church; the state
+teaching men what they are to do, and the church teaching them what they
+are to believe. Such are the propositions which I hold to be the most
+essential for a right understanding of history, and which I have
+defended in the only two ways any proposition can be defended; namely,
+inductively and deductively. The inductive defence comprises a
+collection of historical and scientific facts, which suggest and
+authorize the conclusions drawn from them; while the deductive defence
+consists of a verification of those conclusions, by showing how they
+explain the history of different countries and their various fortunes.
+To the former, or inductive method of defence, I am at present unable to
+add anything new; but the deductive defence I hope to strengthen
+considerably, and by the aid of the following chapters, confirm not only
+the four cardinal propositions just stated, but also several minor
+propositions, which, though strictly speaking flowing from them, will
+require separate verification. According to the plan already sketched,
+the remaining part of the introduction will contain an examination of
+the history of Spain, of Scotland, of Germany, and of the United States
+of America, with the object of elucidating principles on which the
+history of England supplies inadequate information. And as Spain is the
+country where what I conceive to be the fundamental conditions of
+national improvement have been most flagrantly violated, so also shall
+we find that it is the country where the penalty paid for the violation
+has been most heavy, and where, therefore, it is most instructive to
+ascertain how the prevalence of certain opinions causes the decay of the
+people among whom they predominate.
+
+We have seen that the old tropical civilizations were accompanied by
+remarkable features which I have termed Aspects of Nature, and which, by
+inflaming the imagination, encouraged superstition, and prevented men
+from daring to analyze such threatening physical phenomena; in other
+words, prevented the creation of the physical sciences. Now, it is an
+interesting fact that, in these respects, no European country is so
+analogous to the tropics as Spain. No other part of Europe is so clearly
+designated by nature as the seat and refuge of superstition. Recurring
+to what has been already proved,[1164] it will be remembered that among
+the most important physical causes of superstition are famines,
+epidemics, earthquakes, and that general unhealthiness of climate,
+which, by shortening the average duration of life, increases the
+frequency and earnestness with which supernatural aid is invoked. These
+peculiarities, taken together, are more prominent in Spain than
+anywhere else in Europe; it will therefore be useful to give such a
+summary of them as will exhibit the mischievous effects they have
+produced in shaping the national character.
+
+  [1164] In the second chapter of the first volume of _Buckle's History
+         of Civilization_.
+
+If we except the northern extremity of Spain, we may say that the two
+principal characteristics of the climate are heat and dryness, both of
+which are favoured by the extreme difficulty which nature has interposed
+in regard to irrigation. For, the rivers which intersect the land, run
+mostly in beds too deep to be made available for watering the soil,
+which consequently is, and always has been, remarkably arid.[1165] Owing
+to this, and to the infrequency of rain, there is no European country as
+richly endowed in other respects, where droughts and therefore famines
+have been so frequent and serious.[1166] At the same time the
+vicissitudes of climate, particularly in the central parts, make Spain
+habitually unhealthy; and this general tendency being strengthened in
+the middle ages by the constant occurrence of famine, caused the ravages
+of pestilence to be unusually fatal.[1167] When we moreover add that in
+the Peninsula, including Portugal, earthquakes have been extremely
+disastrous,[1168] and have excited all those superstitious feelings
+which they naturally provoke, we may form some idea of the insecurity of
+life, and of the ease with which an artful and ambitious priesthood
+could turn such insecurity into an engine for the advancement of their
+own power.[1169]
+
+  [1165] 'The low state of agriculture in Spain may be ascribed partly to
+         physical and partly to moral causes. At the head of the former
+         must be placed the heat of the climate and the aridity of the
+         soil. Most part of the rivers with which the country is
+         intersected run in deep beds, and are but little available
+         except in a few favoured localities, for purposes of
+         irrigation.' _M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+         Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 708. See also _Laborde's
+         Spain_, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v. p. 261. The
+         relative aridity of the different parts is stated in _Cook's
+         Spain_, London, 1834, vol. ii. pp. 216-219.
+
+  [1166] On these droughts and famines, see _Mariana_, _Historia de
+         España_, Madrid, 1794, vol. ii. p. 270, vol. iii. p. 225, vol.
+         iv. p. 32. _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en
+         España_, Paris, 1840, pp. 142, 149, 154, 170. _Davila_,
+         _Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero_, Madrid, 1771, folio,
+         lib. ii. p. 114. _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish
+         Nation_, London, 1763, 4to. p. 282. _Udal ap Rhys' Tour through
+         Spain_, London, 1760, pp. 292, 293. _Spain by an American_,
+         London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 282. _Hoskins' Spain_, London, 1851,
+         vol. i. pp. 127, 132, 152. 'España es castigada frecuentemente
+         con las sequedades y faltas de lluvias.' _Muriel_, _Gobierno de
+         Carlos III._, Madrid, 1839, p. 193.
+
+  [1167] 'Añádase á todo esto las repetidas pestes, y mortales epidemias
+         que han afligido á las provincias de España, mayormente á las
+         meridionales que han sido las mas sujetas á estas plagas. De
+         estas se hace mencion en los anales é historias muy
+         freqüentemente; y en su confirmacion se puede leer el tratado
+         histórico, ó _epidemiológia_ que sobre ellas ha publicado Don
+         Joachîn de Villalba, donde se verá con dolor y espanto con
+         quanta freqüencia se repetian estos azotes desde mediados del
+         siglo décimoquarto.' ... 'Dos exemplos bien recientes y
+         dolorosos hemos visto, y conservaremos en la memoria, en los
+         formidables estragos que acaban de padecer gran parte del reyno
+         de Sevilla, Cádiz, y sus contornos, Málaga, Cartagena, y
+         Alicante; sin contar la mortandad con que han afligido á la
+         mayor parte de los pueblos de ámbas Castillas las epidemias de
+         calenturas pútridas en el año pasado de 1805.' ... 'Por otra
+         parte la fundacion de tantas capillas y procesiones á San Roque,
+         y á San Sebastian, como abogados contre la peste, que todavía se
+         conservan en la mayor parte de nuestras ciudades de España, son
+         otro testimonio de los grandes y repetidos estragos que habian
+         padecido sus pueblos de este azote. Y el gran número de médicos
+         españoles que publicáron tratados preservativos y curativos de
+         la peste en los reynados de Cárlos V., Felipe II., Felipe III.,
+         y Felipe IV., confirman mas la verdad de los hechos.' _Capmany_,
+         _Qüestiones Criticas_, Madrid, 1807, pp. 51, 52; see also pp.
+         66, 67; and _Janer_, _Condicion Social de los Moriscos de
+         España_, Madrid, 1857, pp. 106, 107; and the notice of Malaga in
+         _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_, Paris, 1808, vol. iii.
+         p. 242.
+
+  [1168] 'Earthquakes are still often felt at Granada and along the coast
+         of the province of Alicante, where their effects have been very
+         disastrous. Much further in the interior, in the small Sierra
+         del Tremédal, or district of Albarracia, in the province of
+         Terruel, eruptions and shocks have been very frequent since the
+         most remote periods; the black porphyry is there seen traversing
+         the altered strata of the oolitic formation. The old inhabitants
+         of the country speak of sinking of the ground and of the escape
+         of sulphureous gases when they were young; these same phenomena
+         have occurred during four consecutive months of the preceding
+         winter, accompanied by earthquakes, which have caused
+         considerable mischief to the buildings of seven villages
+         situated within a radius of two leagues. They have not, however,
+         been attended with any loss of life, on account of the
+         inhabitants hastening to abandon their dwellings at the first
+         indications of danger.' _Ezquerra on the Geology of Spain_, in
+         the _Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London_,
+         vol. vi. pp. 412, 413, London, 1850. 'The provinces of Malaga,
+         Murcia, and Granada, and, in Portugal, the country round Lisbon,
+         are recorded at several periods to have been devastated, by
+         great earthquakes.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, London,
+         1853, p. 358. 'Los terremotos son tan sensibles y freqüentes en
+         lo alto de las montañas, como en lo llano, pues Sevilla está
+         sujeta á ellos hallándose situada sobre una llanura tan igual y
+         baxa como Holanda.' _Bowles_, _Introduccion à la Historia
+         Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789, 4to, pp. 90, 91. 'The littoral
+         plains, especially about Cartagena and Alicante, are much
+         subject to earthquakes.' _Ford's Spain_, 1847, p. 168. 'This
+         corner of Spain is the chief volcanic district of the Peninsula,
+         which stretches from Cabo de Gata to near Cartagena; the
+         earthquakes are very frequent.' _Ford_, p. 174. 'Spain,
+         including Portugal, in its external configuration, with its vast
+         tableland of the two Castiles, rising nearly 2,000 feet above
+         the sea, is perhaps the most interesting portion of Europe, not
+         only in this respect, but as a region of earthquake disturbance,
+         where the energy and destroying power of this agency have been
+         more than once displayed upon the most tremendous scale.'
+         _Mallet's Earthquake Catalogue of the British Association_,
+         Report for 1858, p. 9, London, 1858.
+
+         I quote these passages at length, partly on account of their
+         interest as physical truths, and partly because the facts stated
+         in them are essential for a right understanding of the history
+         of Spain. Their influence on the Spanish character was pointed
+         out, for I believe the first time, in my _History of
+         Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 123, 124. On that occasion, I adduced
+         no evidence to prove the frequency of earthquakes in the
+         Peninsula, because I supposed that all persons moderately
+         acquainted with the physical history of the earth were aware of
+         the circumstance. But, in April 1858, a criticism of my book
+         appeared in the _Edinburgh Review_, in which the serious
+         blunders which I am said to have committed are unsparingly
+         exposed. In p. 468 of that Review, the critic, after warning his
+         readers against my 'inaccuracies,' observes, 'But Mr. Buckle
+         goes on to state that "earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are
+         more frequent and more destructive in Italy, and in the Spanish
+         and Portuguese peninsula, than in any other of the great
+         countries." Whence he infers, by a singular process of
+         reasoning, that superstition is more rife, and the clergy more
+         powerful; but that the fine arts flourish, poetry is cultivated,
+         and the sciences neglected. Every link in this chain is more or
+         less faulty. There is no volcano in the Spanish peninsula, and
+         the only earthquake known to have occurred there was that of
+         Lisbon.' Now, I have certainly no right to expect that a
+         reviewer, composing a popular article for an immediate purpose,
+         and knowing that when his article is read, it will be thrown
+         aside and forgotten, should, under such unfavourable
+         circumstances, be at the pains of mastering all the details of
+         his subject. To look for this would be the height of injustice.
+         He has no interest in being accurate; his name being concealed,
+         his reputation, if he have any, is not at stake; and the errors
+         into which he falls ought to be regarded with leniency, inasmuch
+         as their vehicle being an ephemeral publication, they are not
+         likely to be remembered, and they are therefore not likely to
+         work much mischief.
+
+         These considerations have always prevented me from offering any
+         reply to anonymous criticisms. But the passage in the _Edinburgh
+         Review_, to which I have called attention, displays such
+         marvellous ignorance, that I wish to rescue it from oblivion,
+         and to put it on record as a literary curiosity. The other
+         charges brought against me could, I need hardly say, be refuted
+         with equal ease. Indeed, no reasonable person can possibly
+         suppose that, after years of arduous and uninterrupted study, I
+         should have committed those childish blunders with which my
+         opponents unscrupulously taunt me. Once for all, I may say that
+         I have made no assertion for the truth of which I do not possess
+         ample and irrefragable evidence. But it is impossible for me to
+         arrange and adduce all the proofs at the same time; and, in so
+         vast an enterprise, I must in some degree rely, not on the
+         generosity of the reader, but on his candour. I do not think
+         that I am asking too much in requesting him, if on any future
+         occasion his judgment should be in suspense between me and my
+         critics, to give me the benefit of the doubt, and to bear in
+         mind that statements embodied in a deliberate and
+         slowly-concocted work, authenticated by the author's name, are,
+         as a mere matter of antecedent probability, more likely to be
+         accurate than statements made in reviews and newspapers, which,
+         besides being written hastily, and often at very short notice,
+         are unsigned, and by which, consequently, their promulgators
+         evade all responsibility, avoid all risk, and can, in their own
+         persons, neither gain fame nor incur obloquy.
+
+         The simple fact is, that in Spain there have been more
+         earthquakes than in all other parts of Europe put together,
+         Italy excepted. If the destruction of property and of life
+         produced by this one cause were summed up, the results would be
+         appalling. When we moreover add those alarming shocks, which,
+         though less destructive, are far more frequent, and of which not
+         scores, nor hundreds, but thousands have occurred, and which by
+         increasing the total amount of fear, have to an incalculable
+         extent promoted the growth of superstition, it is evident that
+         such phenomena must have played an important part in forming the
+         national character of the Spaniards. Whoever will take the
+         trouble of consulting the following passages will find decisive
+         proofs of the frightful ravages committed by earthquakes in
+         Spain alone; Portugal being excluded. They all refer to a period
+         of less than two hundred years; the first being in 1639, and the
+         last in 1829. _Lettres de Madame de Villars, Ambassadrice en
+         Espagne_, Amsterdam, 1759, p. 205. _Laborde's Spain_, London,
+         1809, vol. i. p. 169. _Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain_, Edinburgh,
+         1834, vol. ii. pp. 226, 227. _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1669, 4to, p. 243. _Mallet's Earthquake
+         Catalogue of the British Association_, London, 1858; Report for
+         1853, p. 146; for 1854, pp. 26, 27, 54, 55, 57, 58, 65, 110,
+         140, 173, 196, 202. _Swinburne's Travels through Spain_, London,
+         1787, vol. i. p. 166. _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 178.
+         _Bacon's Six Years in Biscay_, London, 1838, p. 32, compared
+         with _Inglis' Spain_, London, 1831, vol. i. p. 393, vol. ii. p.
+         289-291.
+
+         These authorities narrate the ravages committed during a hundred
+         and ninety years. From their account it is manifest, that in
+         Spain hardly a generation passed by without castles, villages,
+         and towns being destroyed, and men, women, or children killed by
+         earthquakes. But according to our anonymous instructor, it is
+         doubtful if there ever was an earthquake in Spain; for he says
+         of the whole Peninsula, including Portugal, 'the only earthquake
+         known to have occurred there was that of Lisbon.'
+
+  [1169] On the superstitious fears caused by earthquakes in Spain, see a
+         good passage in _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion de los
+         Arabes_, p. 155. 'En el año 267, dia jeuves, 22 de la luna de
+         Xawâl, tembló la tierra con tan espantoso ruido y
+         estremecimiento, que cayeron muchos alcazares y magnificos
+         edificios, y otros quedaron muy quebrantados, se hundieron
+         montes, se abrieron peñascos, y la tierra se hundió y tragó
+         pueblos y alturas, el mar se retrajo y apartó de las costas, y
+         desaparecieron islas y escollos en el mar. Las gentes
+         abandonaban los pueblos y huian á los campos, las aves salian de
+         sus nidos, y las fieras espantadas dejaban sus grutas y
+         madrigueras con general turbacion y trastorno; nunca los hombres
+         vieron ni oyeron cosa semejante; se arruinaron muchos pueblos de
+         la costa meridional y occidental de España. Todas estas cosas
+         influyeron tanto en los animos de los hombres, y en especial en
+         la ignorante multitud, que no pudo Almondhir persuadirles que
+         eran cosas naturales, aunque poco frecüentes, que no tenían
+         influjo ni relacion con las obras de los hombres, ni con sus
+         empresas, sino por su ignorancia y vanos temores, que lo mismo
+         temblaba la tierra para los muslimes que para los cristianos,
+         para las fieras que para las inocentes criaturas.' Compare
+         _Geddes' Tracts concerning Spain_, London, 1730, vol. i. p. 89;
+         and Mariana, who, under the year 1395, says (_Historia de
+         España_, vol. v. p. 27): 'Tembló la tierra en Valencia mediado
+         el mes de Diciembre, con que muchos edificios cayéron por
+         tierra, otros quedaron desplomados; que era maravilla y lástima.
+         El pueblo, _como agorero que es, pensaba eran señales del cielo_
+         y pronosticos de los daños que temian .' The history of Spain
+         abounds with similar instances far too numerous to quote or even
+         to refer to. But the subject is so important and has been so
+         misrepresented, that, even at the risk of wearying the reader, I
+         will give one more illustration of the use of earthquakes in
+         fostering Spanish superstition. In 1504 'an earthquake,
+         accompanied by a tremendous hurricane, such as the oldest men
+         did not remember, had visited Andalusia, and especially Carmona,
+         a place belonging to the Queen, and occasioned frightful
+         desolation there.' The superstitious Spaniards now read in these
+         portents _the prophetic signs by which Heaven announces some
+         great calamity. Prayers were put up in every temple,_ &c. &c.
+         _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, Paris, 1842,
+         vol. iii. p. 174.
+
+Another feature of this singular country is the prevalence of a pastoral
+life, mainly caused by the difficulty of establishing regular habits of
+agricultural industry. In most parts of Spain, the climate renders it
+impossible for the labourer to work the whole of the day;[1170] and this
+forced interruption encourages among the people an irregularity and
+instability of purpose, which makes them choose the wandering
+avocations of a shepherd, rather than the more fixed pursuits of
+agriculture.[1171] And during the long and arduous war which they waged
+against their Mohammedan invaders, they were subject to such incessant
+surprises and forays on the part of the enemy, as to make it advisable
+that their means of subsistence should be easily removed; hence they
+preferred the produce of their flocks to that of their lands, and were
+shepherds instead of agriculturists, simply because by that means they
+would suffer less in case of an unfavourable issue. Even after the
+capture of Toledo, late in the eleventh century, the inhabitants of the
+frontier in Estramadura, La Mancha, and New Castile, were almost
+entirely herdsmen, and their cattle were pastured not in private meadows
+but in the open fields.[1172] All this increased the uncertainty of
+life, and strengthened that love of adventure, and that spirit of
+romance, which, at a later period, gave a tone to the popular
+literature. Under such circumstances, everything grew precarious,
+restless, and unsettled; thought and inquiry were impossible; doubt was
+unknown; and the way was prepared for those superstitious habits, and
+for that deep-rooted and tenacious belief, which have always formed a
+principal feature in the history of the Spanish nation.
+
+  [1170] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. i. p. 43. See also
+         _Laborde's Spain_, vol. iv. p. 42.
+
+  [1171] A writer early in the eighteenth century notices 'el gran numero
+         de pastores que hay.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de
+         Comercio_, 3rd ed. Madrid, 1757, folio p. 20. As to the Arabic
+         period, see _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion_, p. 244:
+         'Muchos pueblos, siguiendo su natural inclinacion, se entregaron
+         á la ganaderia .' Hence 'the wandering life so congenial to the
+         habits of the Spanish peasantry,' noticed in _Cook's Spain_,
+         vol. i. p. 85, where, however, the connexion between this and
+         the physical constitution of the country is not indicated. The
+         solution is given by Mr. Ticknor with his usual accuracy and
+         penetration: 'The climate and condition of the Peninsula, which
+         from a very remote period had favoured the shepherd's life and
+         his pursuits, facilitated, no doubt, if they did not occasion,
+         the first introduction into Spanish poetry of a pastoral tone,
+         whose echoes are heard far back among the old ballads.' ...
+         'From the Middle Ages the occupations of a shepherd's life had
+         prevailed in Spain and Portugal to a greater extent than
+         elsewhere in Europe; and, probably, in consequence of this
+         circumstance, eclogues and bucolics were early known in the
+         poetry of both countries, and became connected in both with the
+         origin of the popular drama.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, London, 1849, vol. iii. pp. 9, 36. On the pastoral
+         literature of Spain, see _Bouterwek's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, London, 1823, vol. i. pp. 123-129; and on the great
+         number of pastoral romances, _Southey's Letters from Spain_,
+         Bristol, 1799, p. 336. But these writers, not seizing the whole
+         question, have failed to observe the relation between the
+         literary, physical, and social phenomena.
+
+  [1172] See the memoir by Jovellanos, in _Laborde's Spain_, vol. iv.
+         p. 127. This was the necessary consequence of those vindictive
+         attacks by which, for several centuries, both Mohammedans and
+         Christians seemed resolved to turn Spain into a desert; ravaging
+         each other's fields, and destroying every crop they could meet
+         with. _Conde_, _Dominacion de los Arabes_, pp. 75, 188, 278,
+         346, 396, 417, 418, 471, 499, 500, 505, 523, 539, 544, 551, 578,
+         645, 651, 658. To quote one of these instances, late in the
+         eleventh century: 'La constancia de Alfonso ben Ferdeland en
+         hacer entradas y talas en tierra de Toledo dos veces cada año,
+         fué tanta que empobreció y apuró los pueblos;' ... 'el tirano
+         Alfonso taló y quemó los campos y los pueblos.' _Conde_, p. 346.
+         As such havoc, which was continued with few interruptions for
+         about seven hundred years, has done much towards forming the
+         national character of the Spaniards, it may be worth while to
+         refer to _Mariana_, _Historia de España_, vol. iii. p. 438, vol.
+         iv. pp. 193, 314, vol. v. pp. 92, 317, 337; and to _Circourt_,
+         _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, Paris, 1846, vol. i. p. 99.
+
+To what extent these circumstances would, if they stood by themselves,
+have affected the ultimate destiny of Spain, is a question hardly
+possible to answer; but there can be no doubt that their effects must
+always have been important, though, from the paucity of evidence, we are
+unable to measure them with precision. In regard, however, to the actual
+result, this point is of little moment, because a long chain of other
+and still more influential events became interwoven with those just
+mentioned, and, tending in precisely the same direction, produced a
+combination which nothing could resist, and from which we may trace with
+unerring certainty the steps by which the nation subsequently declined.
+The history of the causes of the degradation of Spain will indeed become
+too clear to be mistaken, if studied in reference to those general
+principles which I have enunciated, and which will themselves be
+confirmed by the light they throw on this instructive though melancholy
+subject.
+
+After the subversion of the Roman Empire, the first leading fact in the
+history of Spain is the settlement of the Visigoths, and the
+establishment of their opinions in the Peninsula. They, as well as the
+Suevi, who immediately preceded them, were Arians, and Spain during a
+hundred and fifty years became the rallying point of that famous
+heresy,[1173] to which indeed most of the Gothic tribes then adhered.
+But, at the end of the fifth century, the Franks, on their conversion
+from Paganism, adopted the opposite and orthodox creed, and were
+encouraged by their clergy to make war upon their heretical neighbours.
+Clovis, who was then king of the Franks, was regarded by the church as
+the champion of the faith, in whose behalf he attacked the unbelieving
+Visigoths.[1174] His successors, moved by the same motives, pursued the
+same policy;[1175] and, during nearly a century, there was a war of
+opinions between France and Spain, by which the Visigothic Empire was
+seriously endangered, and was more than once on the verge of
+dissolution. Hence, in Spain, a war for national independence became
+also a war for national religion,[1176] and an intimate alliance was
+formed between the Arian kings and the Arian clergy. The latter class
+were, in those ages of ignorance, sure to gain by such a compact,[1177]
+and they received considerable temporal advantages in return for the
+prayers which they offered up against the enemy, as also for the
+miracles which they occasionally performed. Thus early a foundation was
+laid for the immense influence which the Spanish priesthood have
+possessed ever since, and which was strengthened by subsequent events.
+For, late in the sixth century, the Latin clergy converted their
+Visigothic masters, and the Spanish government, becoming orthodox,
+naturally conferred upon its teachers an authority equal to that wielded
+by the Arian hierarchy.[1178] Indeed, the rulers of Spain, grateful to
+those who had shown them the error of their ways, were willing rather to
+increase the power of the church than to diminish it. The clergy took
+advantage of this disposition; and the result was, that before the
+middle of the seventh century the spiritual classes possessed more
+influence in Spain than in any other part of Europe.[1179] The
+ecclesiastical synods became not only councils of the church, but also
+parliaments of the realm.[1180] At Toledo, which was then the capital of
+Spain, the power of the clergy was immense, and was so ostentatiously
+displayed, that in a council they held there in the year 633, we find
+the king literally prostrating himself on the ground before the
+bishops;[1181] and half a century later, the ecclesiastical historian
+mentions that this humiliating practice was repeated by another king,
+having become, he says, an established custom.[1182] That this was not a
+mere meaningless ceremony, is moreover evident from other and analogous
+facts. Exactly the same tendency is seen in their jurisprudence; since,
+by the Visigothic code, any layman, whether plaintiff or defendant,
+might insist on his cause being tried not by the temporal magistrate,
+but by the bishop of the diocese. Nay, even if both parties to the suit
+were agreed in preferring the civil tribunal, the bishop still retained
+the power of revoking the decision, if in his opinion it was incorrect;
+and it was his especial business to watch over the administration of
+justice, and to instruct the magistrates how to perform their
+duty.[1183] Another, and more painful proof of the ascendency of the
+clergy, is that the laws against heretics were harsher in Spain than in
+any other country; the Jews in particular being persecuted with
+unrelenting rigour.[1184] Indeed, the desire of upholding the faith was
+strong enough to produce a formal declaration that no sovereign should
+be acknowledged, unless he promised to preserve its purity; the judges
+of the purity being of course the bishops themselves, to whose suffrage
+the king owed his throne.[1185]
+
+  [1173] The unsettled chronology of the early history of Spain appears
+         from the different statements of various writers respecting the
+         duration of Arianism, a point of much more importance than the
+         death and accession of kings. Antequera (_Historia de la
+         Legislacion Española_, Madrid, 1849, p. 37) says, 'La secta
+         Arriana, pues, segun las epocas fijadas, permaneció en España
+         125 años;' Fleury (_Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. vii. p. 586,
+         Paris, 1758) says 'environ 180 ans;' and M'Crie, generally well
+         informed, says in his _History of the Reformation in Spain_,
+         Edinburgh, 1829, p. 7, 'Arianism was the prevailing and
+         established creed of the country for nearly two centuries:' for
+         this, he refers to Gregory of Tours. With good reason,
+         therefore, does M. Fauriel term it 'une question qui souffre des
+         difficultés.' See his able work, _Histoire de la Gaule
+         Méridionale_, Paris, 1836, vol. i. p. 10.
+
+  [1174] In 496, the orthodox clergy looked on Clovis as 'un champion
+         qu'il peut opposer aux hérétiques visigoths et burgondes.'
+         _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale_, vol. ii. p. 41.
+         They also likened him to Gideon, p. 66. Compare _Fleury_,
+         _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. vii. pp. 89, 90. Ortiz is so
+         enthusiastic that he forgets his patriotism, and warmly praises
+         the ferocious barbarian who made war, indeed, on his country,
+         but still whose speculative opinions were supposed to be sound.
+         'Mientras Alarico desfogaba su encono contra los Católicos, tuvo
+         la Iglesia Galicana el consuelo de ver Católico á su gran Rey
+         Clodoveo. Era el único Monarca del mundo que á la sazón
+         profesaba la Religion verdadera.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la
+         Historia de España_, vol. ii. p. 96, Madrid, 1796.
+
+  [1175] Thus, in 531, Childebert marched against the Visigoths, because
+         they were Arians. _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale_,
+         vol. ii. p. 131; and in 542, Childebert and Clotaire made
+         another attack, and laid siege to Saragossa, p. 142. 'No
+         advertian los Godos lo que su falsa creencia les perjudicaba, y
+         si lo advertian, su obcecacion les hacia no poner remedio. Los
+         reyes francos, que eran católicos, les movian guerras en las
+         Galias por arrianos, y los obispos católicos de la misma Galia
+         gótica deseaban la dominacion de los francos.' _Lafuente_,
+         _Historia de España_, vol. ii. p. 380, Madrid, 1850.
+
+  [1176] 'Los Francos por el amor que tenian á la Religion Cathólica, que
+         poco antes abrazaran, aborrecian á los Visigodos como gente
+         inficionada de la secta Arriana.' _Mariana_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. ii. p. 43. And of one of their great battles he
+         says, p. 46, 'vulgarmente se llamó el campo Arriano por causa de
+         la religion que los Godos seguian.'
+
+  [1177] 'En religion et en croyance, comme en toute chose, les Visigoths
+         se montrèrent plus sérieux, plus profonds, plus tenaces que les
+         Burgondes. J'ai dit ailleurs comment ils étaient devenus presque
+         en même temps chrétiens et ariens. Transplantés en Gaule et en
+         Espagne, non-seulement ils avaient persévéré dans leur hérésie;
+         ils s'y étaient affermis, affectionnés, et dans le peu que
+         l'histoire laisse apercevoir de leur clergé, on s'assure qu'il
+         était austère, zélé, et qu'il exerçait un grand empire sur les
+         chefs comme sur la masse de la nation visigothe.' ... 'Les rois
+         visigoths se croyaient obligés à de grandes démonstrations de
+         respect pour leur clergé arien.' _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la
+         Gaule Méridionale_, vol. i. pp. 577, 578.
+
+  [1178] The abjuration of Recared took place between the years 586 and
+         589. _Dunham's History of Spain and Portugal_, London, 1832,
+         vol. i. pp. 126-128. _Mariana_, _Historia de España_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 99-101. _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de España_, vol.
+         ii. p. 120. _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. ii. pp.
+         360-363; and says Lafuente, p. 384, 'Recaredo fué el primero que
+         con todo el ardor de un neófito, comenzó en el tercer concilio
+         toledano à dar a estas asambleas conocimiento y decision en
+         negocios pertenecientes al gobierno temporal de los pueblos.'
+         Similarly, Antequera (_Historia de la Legislación_, p. 31) is
+         happy to observe that 'Recaredo abjuró la heregia arriana,
+         abrazó decididamente la religion de Jesu-Cristo, _y concedió à
+         los ministros de la Iglesia una influencia en el gobierno del
+         Estado, que vino à ser en adelante, ilimitada y absoluta_.'
+
+  [1179] 'As for the councils held under the Visigoth kings of Spain
+         during the seventh century, it is not easy to determine whether
+         they are to be considered as ecclesiastical or temporal
+         assemblies. No kingdom was so thoroughly under the bondage of
+         the hierarchy as Spain.' _Hallam's Middle Ages_, edit. 1846,
+         vol. i. p. 511. 'Les prêtres étaient les seuls qui avaient
+         conservé et même augmenté leur influence dans la monarchie
+         goth-espagnole.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_,
+         Bordeaux, 1815, p. 19. Compare _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_,
+         vol. ii. p. 368, on 'la influencia y preponderancia del clero,
+         no ya solo en los negocios eclesiásticos, sino tambien en los
+         políticos y de estado.'
+
+  [1180] 'But it is in Spain, after the Visigoths had cast off their
+         Arianism, that the bishops more manifestly influence the whole
+         character of the legislation. The synods of Toledo were not
+         merely national councils, but parliaments of the realm.'
+         _Milman's History of Latin Christianity_, London, 1854, vol. i.
+         p. 380. See also _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislación
+         Española_, pp. 41, 42.
+
+  [1181] In 633, at a council of Toledo, the king 's'étant prosterné á
+         terre devant les évêques.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_,
+         vol. viii. p. 308, Paris, 1758.
+
+  [1182] In 688, at a council of Toledo, 'le roi Egica y étoit en
+         personne; et après s'être prosterné devant les évêques, _suivant
+         la coutume_, il fit lire un mémoire où il leur demandoit
+         conseil,' &c. _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. ix.
+         p. 89, Paris, 1758.
+
+  [1183] See a short but admirable summary of this part of the Visigothic
+         code in _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 77, 78;
+         perhaps the best history in the English language of a foreign
+         modern country. 'In Spain, the bishops had a special charge to
+         keep continual watch over the administration of justice, and
+         were summoned on all great occasions to instruct the judges to
+         act with piety and justice.' _Milman's History of Latin
+         Christianity_, 1854, vol. i. p. 386. The council of Toledo, in
+         633, directs bishops to admonish judges. _Fleury_, _Histoire
+         Ecclésiastique_, vol. viii. p. 313; and a learned Spanish
+         lawyer, Sempere, says of the bishops, 'Le code du _Fuero Juzgo_
+         fut leur ouvrage; les juges étaient sujets à leur juridiction;
+         les plaideurs, grevés par la sentence des juges, pouvaient se
+         plaindre aux évêques, et ceux-ci évoquer ainsi leurs arrêts, les
+         réformer, et châtier les magistrats. Les procureurs du roi,
+         comme les juges, étaient obligés de se présenter aux synodes
+         diocésains annuels, pour apprendre des ecclésiastiques
+         l'administration de la justice; enfin le gouvernement des Goths
+         n'était qu'une monarchie théocratique.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, Paris, 1826, vol. i. p. 6, vol. ii. pp. 212-214.
+
+  [1184] 'The terrible laws against heresy, and the atrocious juridical
+         persecutions of the Jews, already designate Spain as the throne
+         and centre of merciless bigotry.' _Milman's History of Latin
+         Christianity_, vol. i. p. 381. 'Tan luego como la religion
+         católica se halló dominando en el trono y en el pueblo,
+         comenzaron los concilianos toledanos á dictar disposiciones
+         canónicas y á prescribir castigos contra los idolatras, contra
+         los judios, y contra los hereges.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. ix. pp. 199-200. See also p. 214, and vol. ii. pp.
+         406, 407, 451. _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. pp. 235, 236. _Johnston's Institutes of the Civil Law of
+         Spain_, p. 262. _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
+         vol. i. pp. 260, 261; and _Southey's Chronicle of the Cid_, p.
+         18. I particularly indicate these passages, on account of the
+         extraordinary assertion of Dr. M'Crie, that 'on a review of
+         criminal proceedings in Spain anterior to the establishment of
+         the court of Inquisition, it appears in general that heretics
+         were more mildly treated there than in other countries.'
+         _M'Crie's_ _History of the Reformation in Spain_, p. 83, the
+         best book on the Spanish Protestants.
+
+  [1185] A council of Toledo in 638 orders, 'qu'à l'avenir aucun roi ne
+         montera sur le trône qu'il ne promette de conserver la foi
+         catholique;' and at another council in 681, 'le roi y présenta
+         un écrit par lequel il prioit les évêques de lui assurer le
+         royaume, qu'il tenoit de leurs suffrages.' _Fleury_, _Histoire
+         Ecclésiastique_, vol. viii. p. 339, vol. ix. p. 70.
+
+Such were the circumstances which, in and before the seventh century,
+secured to the Spanish Church an influence unequalled in any other part
+of Europe.[1186] Early in the eighth century, an event occurred which
+apparently broke up and dispersed the hierarchy, but which in reality
+was extremely favourable to them. In 711 the Mohammedans sailed from
+Africa, landed in the south of Spain, and in the space of three years
+conquered the whole country, except the almost inaccessible regions of
+the north-west. The Spaniards, secure in their native mountains,[1187]
+soon recovered heart, rallied their forces, and began in their turn to
+assail the invaders. A desperate struggle ensued, which lasted nearly
+eight centuries, and in which, a second time in the history of Spain, a
+war for independence was also a war for religion; the contest between
+Arabian Infidels and Spanish Christians, succeeding that formerly
+carried on between the Trinitarians of France and the Arians of Spain.
+Slowly, and with infinite difficulty, the Christians fought their way.
+By the middle of the ninth century, they reached the line of the
+Douro.[1188] Before the close of the eleventh century, they conquered as
+far as the Tagus, and Toledo, their ancient capital, fell into their
+hands in 1085.[1189] Even then much remained to be done. In the south,
+the struggle assumed its deadliest form, and there it was prolonged with
+such obstinacy, that it was not until the capture of Malaga in 1487, and
+of Granada in 1492, that the Christian empire was re-established, and
+the old Spanish monarchy finally restored.[1190]
+
+  [1186] Those happy times have received the warm applause of a modern
+         theologian, because in them the church, 'ha opuesto un muro de
+         bronce al error;' and because there existed 'la mas estrecha
+         concordia entre el imperio y el sacerdocio, por cuyo inestimable
+         beneficio debemos hacer incesantes votos.' _Observaciones sobre
+         El Presente y El Porvenir de la Iglesia en España_, _por Domingo
+         Costa y Borras_, _Obispo de Barcelona_, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 73,
+         75.
+
+  [1187] To which they fled with a speed which caused their great enemy,
+         Muza, to pass upon them a somewhat ambiguous eulogy. 'Dijo, son
+         leones en sus castillos, aguilas en sus caballos, y mugeres en
+         sus escuadrones de á pié; pero si ven la ocasion la saben
+         aprovechar, y cuando quedan vencidos son cabras en escapar á los
+         montes, que no ven la tierra que pisan.' _Conde_, _Historia de
+         la Dominacion de los Arabes_, p. 30.
+
+  [1188] _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i.
+         pp. xxxviii. 287. Lafuente (_Historia de España_, vol. iii.
+         p. 363) marks the epoch rather indistinctly, 'basta ya el
+         Duero.' Compare _Florez_, _Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas_,
+         Madrid, 4to, 1761, vol. i. p. 68.
+
+  [1189] There is a spirited account of its capture in _Mariana's Historia
+         de España_, vol. ii. pp. 506-513; after which Ortiz (_Compendio
+         de la Historia_, vol. iii. p. 156) and Lafuente (_Historia
+         General_, vol. iv. pp. 236-242) are rather tame. The Mohammedan
+         view of this, the first decisive blow to their cause, will be
+         found in _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes_, p.
+         347. 'Asi se perdió aquella ínclita ciudad, y acabó el reino de
+         Toledo con grave pérdida del Islam.' The Christian view is that
+         'concedió Dios al Rey la conquista de aquella capital.'
+         _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 165.
+
+  [1190] _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes_, vol. i. pp. 313, 349. _Conde_,
+         _Dominacion de los Arabes_, pp. 656, 664. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. v. pp. 509, 561. _Lafuente_, _Historia_, vol. ix. pp. 341,
+         399.
+
+The effect of all this on the Spanish character was most remarkable.
+During eight successive centuries, the whole country was engaged in a
+religious crusade; and those holy wars which other nations occasionally
+waged, were, in Spain, prolonged and continued for more than twenty
+generations.[1191] The object being not only to regain a territory, but
+also to re-establish a creed, it naturally happened that the expounders
+of that creed assumed a prominent and important position. In the camp,
+and in the council-chamber, the voice of ecclesiastics was heard and
+obeyed; for as the war aimed at the propagation of Christianity, it
+seemed right that her ministers should play a conspicuous part in a
+matter which particularly concerned them.[1192] The danger to which the
+country was exposed being moreover very imminent, those superstitious
+feelings were excited which danger is apt to provoke, and to which, as I
+have elsewhere shown,[1193] the tropical civilizations owed some of
+their leading peculiarities. Scarcely were the Spanish Christians driven
+from their homes and forced to take refuge in the north, when this great
+principle began to operate. In their mountainous retreat, they preserved
+a chest filled with relics of the saints, the possession of which they
+valued as their greatest security.[1194] This was to them a national
+standard, round which they rallied, and by the aid of which they gained
+miraculous victories over their infidel opponents. Looking upon
+themselves as soldiers of the cross, their minds became habituated to
+supernatural considerations to an extent which we can now hardly
+believe, and which distinguished them in this respect from every other
+European nation.[1195] Their young men saw visions, and their old men
+dreamed dreams.[1196] Strange sights were vouchsafed to them from
+heaven; on the eve of a battle mysterious portents appeared; and it was
+observed that whenever the Mohammedans violated the tomb of a Christian
+saint, thunder and lightning were sent to rebuke the misbelievers, and,
+if need be, to punish their audacious invasion.[1197]
+
+  [1191] 'According to the magnificent style of the Spanish historians,
+         eight centuries of almost uninterrupted warfare elapsed, and
+         three thousand seven hundred battles were fought, before the
+         last of the Moorish kingdoms in Spain submitted to the Christian
+         arms.' _Robertson's Charles V._ by Prescott, London, 1857, p.
+         65. 'En nuestra misma España, en Leon y Castilla, en esta nueva
+         Tierra Santa, donde se sostenia una cruzada perpétua y constante
+         contra los infieles, donde se mantenía en todo su fervor el
+         espiritu á la vez religioso y guerrero.' _Lafuente_, _Historia
+         de España_, vol. v. p. 293. 'Era España theatro de una continua
+         guerra contra los enemigos de la Fe.' _Florez_, _Reynas
+         Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 226. 'El glorioso empeño de exterminar á
+         los enemigos de la Fe.' p. 453. 'Esta guerra sagrada.' Vol. ii.
+         p. 800. 'Se armaron nuestros Reyes Cathólicos, con zelo y animo
+         alentado del cielo; y como la causa era de Religion para
+         ensanchar los Dominios de la Fe, sacrificaron todas las fuerzas
+         del Reyno, y sus mismas personas.' p. 801. What was called the
+         Indulgence of the Crusade was granted by the Popes 'aux
+         Espagnols qui combattoient contre les Mores.' _Fleury_,
+         _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. xviii. p. xxi., vol. xix. pp.
+         158, 458, vol. xxi. p. 171.
+
+  [1192] 'En aquellos tiempos [y duró hasta todo el siglo xv. y toma de
+         Granada] eran los obispos los primeros capitanes de los
+         exércitos.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. iii. p. 189. 'Los
+         prelados habían sido siempre los primeros no solo en promover la
+         guerra contra Moros, sino á presentarse en campaña con todo su
+         poder y esfuerzo, animando á los demas con las palabras y el
+         exemplo.' Vol. v. pp. 507, 508.
+
+  [1193] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 121-130.
+
+  [1194] 'Les chrétiens avoient apporté dans les Asturies une arche ou
+         coffre plein de reliques, qu'ils regardèrent depuis comme la
+         sauve-garde de leur état.' ... 'Elle fut emportée et mise enfin
+         à Oviedo, comme le lieu le plus sûr entre ces montagnes, Père
+         773, l'an 775.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. ix. p.
+         190. This 'arca llena de reliquias' was taken to the Asturias in
+         714. _Mariana_, _Historia de España_, vol. ii. p. 227; and,
+         according to Ortiz (_Compendio_, vol. ii. p. 182), it was 'un
+         tesoro inestimable de sagradas reliquias.' See also _Geddes'
+         Tracts concerning Spain_, vol. ii. p. 237, London, 1730; and
+         _Ford's Spain_, 1847, p. 388.
+
+  [1195] 'But no people ever felt themselves to be so absolutely soldiers
+         of the cross as the Spaniards did, from the time of their
+         Moorish wars; no people ever trusted so constantly to the
+         recurrence of miracles in the affairs of their daily life; and
+         therefore no people ever talked of Divine things as of matters
+         in their nature so familiar and common-place. Traces of this
+         state of feeling and character are to be found in Spanish
+         literature on all sides.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, vol. ii. p. 333. Compare _Bouterwek's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp. 105, 106; and the account of
+         the battle of las Navas in _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes
+         d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 153: 'On voulait trouver partout des
+         miracles.' Some of the most startling of these miracles may be
+         found in _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. v. p. 227; in
+         _Mariana_, _Historia de España_, vol. ii. pp. 378, 395, vol.
+         iii. p. 338; and in _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. iii. p. 248,
+         vol. iv. p. 22.
+
+  [1196] One of the most curious of these prophetic dreams is preserved in
+         _Conde_, _Dominación de los Arabes_, pp. 378, 379, with its
+         interpretation by the theologians. They were for the most part
+         fulfilled. In 844 'El Apóstol Santiago, según que lo prometiera
+         al Rey, fué visto en un caballo blanco, y con una bandera blanca
+         y en medio della una cruz roxa, que capitaneaba nuestra gente.'
+         _Mariana_, _Historia de España_, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311. In 957
+         'El Apóstol Santiago fué visto entre las hacas dar la victoria à
+         los fieles,' p. 382. In 1236 'Publicóse por cierto que San Jorge
+         ayudó á los Christianos, y que se halló en la pelea.' Vol. iii.
+         p. 323. On the dreams which foreshadowed these appearances, see
+         _Mariana_, vol. ii. pp. 309, 446, vol. iii. pp. 15, 108.
+
+  [1197] 'Priests mingle in the council and the camp, and, arrayed in
+         their sacerdotal robes, not unfrequently led the armies to
+         battle. They interpreted the will of Heaven as mysteriously
+         revealed in dreams and visions. Miracles were a familiar
+         occurrence. The violated tombs of the saints sent forth thunders
+         and lightnings to consume the invaders.' _Prescott's History of
+         Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 39. In the middle of the
+         ninth century, there happened the following event: 'En lo mas
+         cruel de los tormentos' [to which the Christians were exposed]
+         'subió Abderramen un dia á las azuteas ó galerias de su Palacio.
+         Descubrió desde alli los cuerpos de los Santos martirizados en
+         los patíbulos y atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen
+         todos para que no quedase reliquia. Cumplióse luego la órden:
+         pero aquel impio probó bien presto los rigores de la venganza
+         divina que volvía por la sangre derramada de sus Santos.
+         Improvisamente se le pegó la lengua al paladar y fauces;
+         cerrósele la boca, y no pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un
+         gemido. Conduxeronle, sus criados á la cama, murió aquella misma
+         noche, y antes de apagarse las hoguerasen que ardian los santos
+         cuerpos, entró la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los eternos
+         fuegos del infierno.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. iii. p. 52.
+
+Under circumstances like these, the clergy could not fail to extend
+their influence; or, we may rather say, the course of events extended it
+for them. The Spanish Christians, pent up for a considerable time in the
+mountains of Asturias, and deprived of their former resources, quickly
+degenerated, and soon lost the scanty civilization to which they had
+attained. Stripped of all their wealth, and confined to what was
+comparatively a barren region, they relapsed into barbarism, and
+remained, for at least a century, without arts, or commerce, or
+literature.[1198] As their ignorance increased, so also did their
+superstition; while this last, in its turn, strengthened the authority
+of their priests. The order of affairs, therefore, was very natural. The
+Mohammedan invasion made the Christians poor; poverty caused ignorance;
+ignorance caused credulity; and credulity, depriving men both of the
+power and of the desire to investigate for themselves, encouraged a
+reverential spirit, and confirmed those submissive habits, and that
+blind obedience to the Church, which form the leading and most
+unfortunate peculiarity of Spanish history.
+
+  [1198] Circourt (_Histoire des Arabes_, vol. i. p. 5) says, 'Les
+         chrétiens qui ne voulurent pas se soumettre furent rejetés dans
+         les incultes ravins des Pyrénées, où ils purent se maintenir
+         comme les bêtes fauves se maintiennent dans les forêts.' But the
+         most curious account of the state of the Spanish Christians in
+         the last half of the eighth century, and in the first half of
+         the ninth, will be found in _Conde_, _Historia de la
+         Dominacion_, pp. 95, 125. 'Referian de estos pueblos de Galicia
+         que son cristianos, y de los mas bravos de Afranc; pero que
+         viven como fieras, que nunca lavan sus cuerpos ni vestidos, que
+         no se los mudan, y los llevan puestos hasta que se los caen
+         despedazados en andrajos, que entran unos en las casas de otros
+         sin pedir licencia.' ... In A.D. 815, 'no habia guerra sino
+         contra cristianos por mantener frontera, y no con deseo de
+         ampliar y extender los limites del reino, ni por esperanza de
+         sacar grandes riquezas, por ser los cristianos gente pobre de
+         montaña, sin saber nada de comercio ni de buenas artes.'
+
+From this it appears, that there were three ways in which the Mohammedan
+invasion strengthened the devotional feelings of the Spanish people. The
+first way was by promoting a long and obstinate religious war; the
+second was by the presence of constant and imminent dangers; and the
+third way was by the poverty, and therefore the ignorance, which it
+produced among the Christians.
+
+These events being preceded by the great Arian war, and being
+accompanied and perpetually reinforced by those physical phenomena which
+I have indicated as tending in the same direction, worked with such
+combined and accumulative energy, that in Spain the theological element
+became not so much a component of the national character, but rather the
+character itself. The ablest and most ambitious of the Spanish kings
+were compelled to follow in the general wake; and, despots though they
+were, they succumbed to that pressure of opinions which they believed
+they were controlling. The war with Granada, late in the fifteenth
+century, was theological far more than temporal; and Isabella, who made
+the greatest sacrifices in order to conduct it, and who in capacity as
+well as in honesty was superior to Ferdinand, had for her object not so
+much the acquisition of territory as the propagation of the Christian
+faith.[1199] Indeed, any doubts which could be entertained respecting
+the purpose of the contest must have been dissipated by subsequent
+events. For, scarcely was the war brought to a close, when Ferdinand and
+Isabella issued a decree expelling from the country every Jew who
+refused to deny his faith; so that the soil of Spain might be no longer
+polluted by the presence of unbelievers.[1200] To make them Christians,
+or, failing in that, to exterminate them, was the business of the
+Inquisition, which was established in the same reign, and which before
+the end of the fifteenth century was in full operation.[1201] During the
+sixteenth century, the throne was occupied by two princes of eminent
+ability, who pursued a similar course. Charles V., who succeeded
+Ferdinand in 1516, governed Spain for forty years, and the general
+character of his administration was the same as that of his
+predecessors. In regard to his foreign policy, his three principal wars
+were against France, against the German princes, and against Turkey. Of
+these, the first was secular; but the two last were essentially
+religious. In the German war, he defended the church against innovation;
+and at the battle of Muhlberg, he so completely humbled the Protestant
+princes, as to retard for some time the progress of the
+Reformation.[1202] In his other great war, he, as the champion of
+Christianity against Mohammedanism, consummated what his grandfather
+Ferdinand had begun. Charles defeated and dislodged the Mohammedans in
+the east, just as Ferdinand had done in the west; the repulse of the
+Turks before Vienna being to the sixteenth century what the conquest of
+the Arabs of Granada was to the fifteenth.[1203] It was, therefore, with
+reason that Charles, at the close of his career, could boast that he had
+always preferred his creed to his country, and that the first object of
+his ambition had been to maintain the interests of Christianity.[1204]
+The zeal with which he struggled for the faith, also appears in his
+exertions against heresy in the Low Countries. According to contemporary
+and competent authorities, from fifty thousand to a hundred thousand
+persons were put to death in the Netherlands during his reign on account
+of their religious opinions.[1205] Later inquirers have doubted the
+accuracy of this statement,[1206] which is probably exaggerated; but we
+know that, between 1520 and 1550, he published a series of laws, to the
+effect that those who were convicted of heresy should be beheaded, or
+burned alive, or buried alive. The penalties were thus various, to meet
+the circumstances of each case. Capital punishment, however, was always
+to be inflicted on whoever bought an heretical book, or sold it, or even
+copied it for his own use.[1207] His last advice to his son, well
+accorded with these measures. Only a few days before his death, he
+signed a codicil to his will, recommending that no favour should ever be
+shown to heretics; that they should all be put to death; and that care
+should be taken to uphold the Inquisition, as the best means of
+accomplishing so desirable an end.[1208]
+
+  [1199] 'Isabella may be regarded as the soul of this war. She engaged in
+         it with the most exalted views, less to acquire territory than
+         to reëstablish the empire of the Cross over the ancient domain
+         of Christendom.' _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. p. 392. Compare _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_,
+         vol. xxiii. p. 583, 'bannir de toute l'Espagne la secte de
+         Mahomet;' and _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 99, 109, 'pour elle une seule chose avait de
+         l'importance; extirper de ses royaumes le nom et la secte de
+         Mahomet.' ... 'Sa vie fut presque exclusivement consacrée à
+         faire triompher la croix sur le croissant.' Mariana (_Historia
+         de España_, vol. v. p. 344, and vol. vii. pp. 51, 52) has warmly
+         eulogized her character, which indeed, from the Spanish point of
+         view, was perfect. See also _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 774, 788, 829.
+
+  [1200] 'En España los Reyes Don Fernando y Doña Isabel luego que se
+         viéron desembarazados de la guerra de los Moros, acordáron de
+         echar de todo su reyno á los Judíos.' _Mariana_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. vi. p. 303. A Spanish historian, writing less than
+         seventy years ago, expresses his approbation in the following
+         terms: 'Arrancado de nuestra peninsula el imperio Mahometano,
+         quedaba todavía la secta Judayca, peste acaso mas perniciosa, y
+         sin duda mas peligrosa y extendida, por estar los Judíos
+         establecidos en todos los pueblos de ella. Pero los Catolicos
+         Monarcas, cuyo mayor afan era desarraigar de sus reynos toda
+         planta y raiz infecta y contraria á la fé de Jesu-Cristo, dieron
+         decreto en Granada dia 30 de Marzo del año mismo de 1492,
+         mandando saliesen de sus dominios los Judíos que no se
+         bautizasen dentro de 4 meses.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, Madrid,
+         1798, vol. v. p. 564. The importance of knowing how these and
+         similar events are judged by Spaniards, induces me to give their
+         own words at a length which otherwise would be needlessly
+         prolix. Historians, generally, are too apt to pay more attention
+         to public transactions than to the opinions which those
+         transactions evoke; though, in point of fact, the opinions form
+         the most valuable part of history, since they are the result of
+         more general causes, while political actions are often due to
+         the peculiarities of powerful individuals.
+
+         Of the number of Jews actually expelled, I can find no
+         trustworthy account. They are differently estimated at from
+         160,000 to 800,000. _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and
+         Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 148. _Mariana_, _Historia de España_,
+         vol. vi. p. 304. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. v. p. 564.
+         _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. ix. pp. 412, 413.
+         _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p.
+         261. _Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid, 1794, pp. 64, 65.
+         _Castro_, _Decadencia de España_, Cadiz, 1852, p. 19.
+
+  [1201] It had been introduced into Aragon in 1242; but, according to M.
+         Tapia, 'sin embargo la persecucion se limitó entónces á la secta
+         de los albigenses; y como de ellos hubo tan pocos en Castilla,
+         no se consideró sin duda necesario en ella el establecimiento de
+         aquel tribunal.' _Tapia_, _Historia de la Civilizacion
+         Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. ii. p. 302. Indeed, Llorente says
+         (_Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p.
+         88), 'Il est incertain si au commencement du 15^e siècle
+         l'Inquisition existait en Castille.' In the recent work by M.
+         Lafuente, 1232 is given as its earliest date; but, 'á fines del
+         siglos xiv. y principios del xv. apenas puede saberse si existia
+         tribunal de Inquisicion en Castilla.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. ix. pp. 204-206, Madrid, 1852. It seems therefore
+         with good reason that Mariana (_Historia_, vol. vi. p. 171)
+         terms the Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella 'un _nuevo_ y
+         santo tribunal.' See also _Florez_, _Memorias de las Reynas
+         Catholicas_, vol. ii. p. 799.
+
+  [1202] _Prescott's History of Philip II._, vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857.
+         _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 447, London, 1841. On
+         the religious character of his German policy, compare _Mariana_,
+         _Historia de España_, vol. vii. p. 330; _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. vi. pp. 195, 196.
+
+  [1203] _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. p. 3; and the continuation of
+         _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. xxvii. p. 280.
+         Robertson, though praising Charles V. for this achievement,
+         seems rather inclined to underrate its magnitude; _History of
+         Charles V._, p. 246.
+
+  [1204] In the speech he made at his abdication, he said that 'he had
+         been ever mindful of the interests of the dear land of his
+         birth, but above all of the great interests of Christianity. His
+         first object had been to maintain these inviolate against the
+         infidel.' _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. p. 8. Miñana boasts
+         that 'el César con piadoso y noble ánimo exponia su vida á los
+         peligros para extender los limites del Imperio Christiano.'
+         _Continuación de Mariana_, vol. viii. p. 352. Compare the
+         continuation of _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. xxxi.
+         p. 19.
+
+  [1205] Grotius says, 100,000; Bor, Meteren, and Paul say 50,000.
+         _Watson's History of Philip II._, London, 1839, pp. 45, 51.
+         _Davies' History of Holland_, London, 1841, vol. i. pp. 498,
+         499. _Motley's Dutch Republic_, London, 1858, vol. i. pp. 103,
+         104.
+
+  [1206] It is doubted, if I rightly remember, by Mr. Prescott. But the
+         opinion of that able historian is entitled to less weight from
+         his want of acquaintance with Dutch literature, where the
+         principal evidence must be sought for. On this, as on many other
+         matters, the valuable work of Mr. Motley leaves little to
+         desire.
+
+  [1207] _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. pp. 196, 197. In 1523, the first
+         persons were burned. _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p. 69.
+         The mode of burying alive is described in _Davies' History of
+         Holland_, vol. i. p. 383, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312.
+
+  [1208] He died on the 21st September; and on the 9th he signed a
+         codicil, in which he 'enjoined upon his son to follow up and
+         bring to justice every heretic in his dominions, and this
+         without exception, and without favour or mercy to any one. He
+         conjured Philip to cherish the holy inquisition as the best
+         means of accomplishing this good work.' _Prescott's Additions to
+         Robertson's Charles V._, p. 576. See also his instructions to
+         Philip in _Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
+         Centuries_, vol. i. p. 91; and on his opinion of the
+         Inquisition, see his conversation with Sir Thomas Wyatt, printed
+         from the State Papers in _Froude's History of England_, vol.
+         iii. p. 456, London, 1858. This may have been mere declamation;
+         but in _Tapia's Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iii.
+         pp. 76, 77, will be found a deliberate and official letter, in
+         which Charles does not hesitate to say, 'La santa inquisicion
+         como oficio santo y puesto por los reyes católicos, nuestros
+         señores y abuelos á honra de Dios nuestro señor y de nuestra
+         santa fé católica, tengo firme é entrañablemente asentado y
+         fijado en mi corazon, para la mandar favorecer y honrar, como
+         principe justo y temeroso de Dios es obligado y debe hacer.'
+
+         The codicil to the will of Charles still exists, or did very
+         recently, among the archives at Simancas. _Ford's Spain_, 1847,
+         p. 334. In M. Lafuente's great work, _Historia de España_, vol.
+         xii. pp. 494, 495, Madrid, 1853, it is referred to in language
+         which, in more senses than one, is perfectly Spanish: 'Su
+         testamento y codicilo respiran las ideas cristianas y religiosas
+         en que habia vivido y la piedad que señaló su muerte.' ... 'Es
+         muy de notar en primera cláusula [i.e.] of the codicil por la
+         cual deja muy encarecidamente recomendado al rey Don Felipe que
+         use de todo rigor en el castigo de los hereges luteranos que
+         habian sido presos y se hubieren de prender en España.' ...
+         '"Sin escepcion de persona alguna, ni admitir ruegos, ni tener
+         respeto á persona alguna; porque para el efecto de ello
+         favorezca y mande favorecer al Santo Oficio de la
+         Inquisición,"' &c.
+
+This barbarous policy is to be ascribed, not to the vices, nor to the
+temperament of the individual ruler, but to the operation of large
+general causes, which acted upon the individual, and impelled him to the
+course he pursued. Charles was by no means a vindictive man; his natural
+disposition was to mercy rather than to rigour; his sincerity is
+unquestionable; he performed what he believed to be his duty; and he was
+so kind a friend, that those who knew him best were precisely those who
+loved him most.[1209] Little, however, could all that avail in shaping
+his public conduct. He was obliged to obey the tendencies of the age and
+country in which he lived. And what those tendencies were, appeared
+still more clearly after his death, when the throne of Spain was
+occupied upwards of forty years by a prince who inherited it in the
+prime of life, and whose reign is particularly interesting as a symptom
+and a consequence of the disposition of the people over whom he ruled.
+
+  [1209] Native testimony may perhaps be accused of being partial; but, on
+         the other hand, Raumer, in his valuable _History of the
+         Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, vol. i. p. 22, justly
+         observes, that his character has been misrepresented 'by reason
+         that historians have availed themselves by preference of the
+         inimical narratives of French and Protestant writers.' To steer
+         between these extremes, I will transcribe the summing up of
+         Charles's reign as it is given by a learned and singularly
+         unprejudiced writer. 'Tortuous as was sometimes the policy of
+         the emperor, he never, like Francis, acted with treachery; his
+         mind had too much of native grandeur for such baseness. Sincere
+         in religion and friendship, faithful to his word, clement beyond
+         example, liberal towards his servants, indefatigable in his
+         regal duties, anxious for the welfare of his subjects, and
+         generally blameless in private life, his character will not
+         suffer by a comparison with that of any monarch of his times.'
+         _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 41. 'Clemency was the
+         basis of his character.' p. 30.
+
+Philip II., who succeeded Charles V. in 1555, was indeed eminently a
+creature of the time, and the ablest of his biographers aptly terms him
+the most perfect type of the national character.[1210] His favourite
+maxim, which forms the key to his policy, was, 'That it is better not to
+reign at all than to reign over heretics.'[1211] Armed with supreme
+power, he bent all his energies towards carrying this principle into
+effect. Directly that he heard that the Protestants were making converts
+in Spain, he strained every nerve to stifle the heresy;[1212] and so
+admirably was he seconded by the general temper of the people, that he
+was able without risk to suppress opinions which convulsed every other
+part of Europe. In Spain, the Reformation, after a short struggle, died
+completely away, and in about ten years the last vestige of it
+disappeared.[1213] The Dutch wished to adopt, and in many instances did
+adopt, the reformed doctrine; therefore Philip waged against them a
+cruel war, which lasted thirty years, and which he continued till his
+death, because he was resolved to extirpate the new creed.[1214] He
+ordered that every heretic who refused to recant should be burned. If
+the heretic did recant, some indulgence was granted; but having once
+been tainted, he must die. Instead of being burned, he was therefore to
+be executed.[1215] Of the number of those who actually suffered in the
+Low Countries, we have no precise information;[1216] but Alva
+triumphantly boasted that, in the five or six years of his
+administration, he had put to death in cold blood more than eighteen
+thousand, besides a still greater number whom he had slain on the field
+of battle.[1217] This, even during his short tenure of power, would make
+about forty thousand victims; an estimate probably not far from the
+truth, since we know, from other sources, that in one year more than
+eight thousand were either executed or burned.[1218] Such measures were
+the result of instructions issued by Philip, and formed a necessary part
+of his general scheme.[1219] The desire paramount in his mind, and to
+which he sacrificed all other considerations, was to put down the new
+creed, and to reinstate the old one. To this, even his immense ambition
+and his inordinate love of power were subordinate. He aimed at the
+empire of Europe, because he longed to restore the authority of the
+Church.[1220] All his policy, all his negotiations, all his wars,
+pointed to this one end. Soon after his accession, he concluded an
+ignominious treaty with the Pope, that it might not be said that he bore
+arms against the head of the Christian world.[1221] And his last great
+enterprise, in some respects the most important of all, was to fit out,
+at an incredible cost, that famous Armada with which he hoped to humble
+England, and to nip the heresy of Europe in its bud, by depriving the
+Protestants of their principal support, and of the only asylum where
+they were sure to find safe and honourable refuge.[1222]
+
+  [1210] 'The Spaniards, as he grew in years, beheld, with pride and
+         satisfaction, in their future sovereign, the most perfect type
+         of the national character.' _Prescott's History of Philip II._
+         vol. i. p. 39. So, too, in _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p.
+         128, 'he was entirely a Spaniard;' and in _Lafuente_, _Historia
+         de España_, vol. i. p. 155, 'pero el reinado de Felipe fué todo
+         Español.'
+
+  [1211] _Prescott's Philip II._ vol. i. pp. 68, 210, vol. ii. p. 26.
+         _Watson's Philip II._ p. 55. Compare _Fleury_, _Histoire
+         Ecclésiastique_, vol. xxxiv. p. 273.
+
+  [1212] 'Como era tan zeloso en la extirpación de la heregía, uno de sus
+         primeros cuidados fué el castigo de los Luteranos; y á presencia
+         suya, se executó en Valladolid el dia ocho de Octubre el
+         suplicio de muchos reos de este delito.' _Miñana_, _Continuacion
+         de Mariana_, vol. ix. p. 212.
+
+  [1213] 'The contest with Protestantism in Spain, under such auspices,
+         was short. It began in earnest and in blood about 1559, and was
+         substantially ended in 1570.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, vol. i. p. 425. See also _M'Crie's History of the
+         Reformation in Spain_, pp. 336, 346. Thus it was that 'España se
+         preservó del contagio. Hizolo con las armas Carlos V., y con las
+         hogueras los inquisidores. España se aisló del movimiento
+         europeo.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. i. p. 144,
+         Madrid, 1850. M. Lafuente adds, that, in his opinion, all
+         Christendom is about to follow the good example set by Spain of
+         rejecting Protestantism. 'Si no nos equivocamos, en nuestra
+         misma edad se notan sintomas de ir marchando este problema hácia
+         su resolucion. El catolicismo gana prosélitos; los protestantes
+         de hoy no son lo que antes fueron, y creemos que la unidad
+         católica se realizará.'
+
+  [1214] Before the arrival of Alva, 'Philip's commands to Margaret were
+         imperative, to use her utmost efforts to extirpate the
+         heretics.' _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 551; and in
+         1563 he wrote, 'The example and calamities of France prove how
+         wholesome it is to punish heretics with rigour.' _Raumer's
+         History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, vol. i. p.
+         171. The Spaniards deemed the Dutch guilty of a double crime;
+         being rebels against God and the king: 'Rebeldes á Dios por la
+         heregía, y á su Principe á quien debian obedecer.' _Mariana_,
+         _Historia de España_, vol. vii. p. 410. 'Tratauan de secreto de
+         quitar la obediencia á Dios y á su Principe.' _Vanderhammen's
+         Don Filipe el Prudente Segundo deste Nombre_, Madrid, 1632, p.
+         44 rev. Or, as Miñana phrases it, Philip 'tenia los mismos
+         enemigos que Dios.' _Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. x. p. 139.
+
+  [1215] _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p. 229. _Watson's Philip II._
+         pp. 51, 52, 177.
+
+  [1216] Mr. Motley, under the year 1566, says, 'The Prince of Orange
+         estimated that up to this period fifty thousand persons in the
+         provinces had been put to death in obedience to the edicts. He
+         was a moderate man, and accustomed to weigh his words.'
+         _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. pp. 424, 425.
+
+  [1217] _Watson's Philip II._ pp. 248, 249. Tapia (_Civilizacion
+         Española_, vol. iii. p. 95) says, 'quitó la vida á mas de diez y
+         ocho mil protestantes con diversos géneros de suplicios.'
+         Compare _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 423, and _Davies'
+         History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 608.
+
+  [1218] _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 567. Vanderhammen (_Don
+         Filipe el Prudente_, Madrid, 1632, p. 52 rev.), with tranquil
+         pleasure, assures us that 'muriessen mil y setecientas personas
+         en pocos dias con fuego, cordel y cuchillo en diuersos lugares.'
+
+  [1219] 'El duque de Alba, obrando en conformidad á las instrucciones de
+         su soberano, y apoyado en la aprobacion que merecian al rey
+         todas sus medidas.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xiii.
+         p. 221.
+
+  [1220] 'It was to restore the Catholic Church that he desired to obtain
+         the empire of Europe.' _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. ii. p.
+         329. 'El protestó siempre "que sus desinios en la guerra, y sus
+         exercitos no se encaminauan á otra cosa, que el ensalçamiento de
+         la Religion Christiana."' _Vanderhammen's Don Filipe el
+         Prudente_, p. 125. 'El que aspiraba á someter todas las naciones
+         de la tierra á su credo religioso.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. xv. p. 203. The bishop of Salamanca in 1563 openly
+         boasted 'que son roi ne s'étoit marié avec la reine d'Angleterre
+         que pour ramener cette isle à l'obéissance de l'église.'
+         _Continuation de Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol.
+         xxxiii. p. 331. Compare _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vi. p. 204.
+         'Este casamiento no debió de tener otras miras que el de la
+         religion.'
+
+  [1221] On this treaty, the only humiliating one which he ever concluded,
+         see _Prescott's Philip II._ vol. i. p. 104. His dying advice to
+         his son was, 'Siempre estareis en la obediencia de la Santa
+         Iglesia Romana, y del Sumo Pontifice, teniendole por vuestro
+         Padre espiritual.' _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe
+         Tercero_, Madrid, 1771, folio, lib. i. p. 29. According to
+         another writer, 'La ultima palabra que le salió con el espiritu,
+         fue: "Yo muero como Catolico Christiano en la Fe y obediencia de
+         la Iglesia Romana, y respeto al Papa, como á quien trae en sus
+         manos las llaues del Cielo, como á Principe de la Iglesia, y
+         Teniente de Dios sobre el imperio de las almas."'
+         _Vanderhammen_, _Don Filipe el Prudente_, p. 124.
+
+  [1222] Elizabeth, uniting the three terrible qualities of heresy, power,
+         and ability, was obnoxious to the Spaniards to an almost
+         incredible degree, and there never was a more thoroughly
+         national enterprise than the fitting out of the Armada against
+         her. One or two passages from a grave historian, will illustrate
+         the feelings with which she was regarded even after her death,
+         and will assist the reader in forming an opinion respecting the
+         state of the Spanish mind. 'Isabel, ó Jezabel, Reyna de
+         Inglaterra, heretica Calvinista, y la mayor perseguidora que ha
+         tenido la sangre de Jesu-Christo y los hijos de la Iglesia.'
+         _Davila_, _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, p. 74. 'Los sucesos de
+         fuera causaron admiracion; y el mayor y muy esperado de toda la
+         Christiandad fue la muerte de Isabela, Reyna de Inglaterra,
+         heretica Calvinista, que hizo su nombre famoso con la infamia de
+         su vida, y perseguir á la Iglesia, derramando la sangre de los
+         Santos, que defendian la verdadera Religion Catolica, dexando
+         registradas sus maldades en las historias públicas del mundo,
+         pasando su alma á coger el desdichado fruto de su obstinada
+         soberbia en las penas del Infierno, donde conoce con el castigo
+         perpetuo el engaño de su vida.' pp. 83, 84.
+
+While Philip, following the course of his predecessors, was wasting the
+blood and treasure of Spain in order to propagate religious
+opinions,[1223] the people, instead of rebelling against so monstrous a
+system, acquiesced in it, and cordially sanctioned it. Indeed, they not
+only sanctioned it, but they almost worshipped the man by whom it was
+enforced. There probably never lived a prince who, during so long a
+period, and amid so many vicissitudes of fortune, was adored by his
+subjects as Philip II. was. In evil report, and in good report, the
+Spaniards clung to him with unshaken loyalty. Their affection was not
+lessened, either by his reverses, or by his forbidding deportment, or by
+his cruelty, or by his grievous exactions. In spite of all, they loved
+him to the last. Such was his absurd arrogance, that he allowed none,
+not even the most powerful nobles, to address him, except on their
+knees, and, in return, he only spoke in half sentences, leaving them to
+guess the rest, and to fulfil his commands as best they might.[1224] And
+ready enough they were to obey his slightest wishes. A contemporary of
+Philip, struck by the universal homage which he received, says that the
+Spanish did 'not merely love, not merely reverence, but absolutely adore
+him, and deem his commands so sacred, that they could not be violated
+without offence to God.'[1225]
+
+  [1223] One of the most eminent of living historians well says, 'It was
+         Philip's enthusiasm to embody the wrath of God against
+         heretics.' _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 155. 'Philip
+         lived but to enforce what he chose to consider the will of God.'
+         p. 285.
+
+  [1224] 'Personne vivante ne parloit à lui qu'à genoux, et disoit pour
+         son excuse à cela qu'estant petit de corps, chacun eust paru
+         plus eslevé que lui, outre qu'il sçavoit que les Espagnols
+         estoient d'humeur si altiere et hautaine, qu'il estoit besoin
+         qu'il les traittast de cette façon; et pour ce mesme ne se
+         laissoit voir que peu souvent du peuple, n'y mesme des grands,
+         sinon aux jours solemnels, et action necessaire, en cette façon?
+         il faisoit ses commandemens à demy mot, et falloit que l'on
+         devinast le reste, et que l'on ne manquast à bien accomplir
+         toutes ses intentions; mesmes les gentilshommes de sa chambre,
+         et autres qui approchoient plus près de sa personne, n'eussent
+         osé parler devant luy s'il ne leur eust commandé, se tenant un
+         tout seul à la fois près de la porte du lieu où il estoit, et
+         demeurant nud teste incessamment, et appuyé contra une
+         tapisserie, pour attendre et recevoir ses commandemens.'
+         _Mémoires de Cheverny_, pp. 352, 353, in _Petitot's Collection
+         des Mémoires_, vol. xxxvi. Paris, 1823.
+
+  [1225] These are the words of Contarini, as given in _Ranke's Ottoman
+         and Spanish Empires_, London, 1843, p. 33. Sismondi, though
+         unacquainted with this passage, observes in his _Literature of
+         the South of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 273, London, 1846, that
+         Philip, though 'little entitled to praise, has yet been always
+         regarded with enthusiasm by the Spaniards.' About half a century
+         after his death, Sommerdyck visited Spain, and in his curious
+         account of that country he tells us that Philip was called 'le
+         Salomon de son siècle.' _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1665, 4to, pp. 63, 95. See also _Yañez_,
+         _Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III._, Madrid, 1723, p.
+         294. 'El gran Felipe, aquel Sabio Salomon.' Another writer
+         likens him to Numa. 'Hacia grandes progresos la piedad, á la
+         qual se dedicaba tanto el Rey Don Felipe, que parecia su reynado
+         en España lo que en Roma el de Numa, despues de Rómulo.' _Miñana
+         Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. ix. p. 241. When he died,
+         'celebradas sus exêquias entre lágrimas y gemidos.' vol. x. pp.
+         259, 260. We further learn from _Vanderhammen's Filipe Segundo_,
+         Madrid, 1632, p. 120 rev., that the people ascribed to him 'una
+         grandeza adorable, y alguna cosa mas que las ordinarias á los
+         demas hombres.'
+
+That a man like Philip II., who never possessed a friend, and whose
+usual demeanour was of the most repulsive kind, a harsh master, a brutal
+parent, a bloody and remorseless ruler,--that he should be thus
+reverenced by a nation among whom he lived, and who had their eyes
+constantly on his actions; that this should have happened, is surely one
+of the most surprising, and, at first sight, one of the most
+inexplicable facts in modern history. Here we have a king who, though
+afflicted by every quality most calculated to excite terror and disgust,
+is loved far more than he is feared, and is the idol of a very great
+people during a very long reign. This is so remarkable as to deserve our
+serious attention; and in order to clear up the difficulty, it will be
+necessary to inquire into the causes of that spirit of loyalty which,
+during several centuries, has distinguished the Spaniards above every
+other European people.
+
+One of the leading causes was undoubtedly the immense influence
+possessed by the clergy. For the maxims inculcated by that powerful body
+have a natural tendency to make the people reverence their princes more
+than they would otherwise do. And that there is a real and practical
+connexion between loyalty and superstition, appears from the historical
+fact that the two feelings have nearly always flourished together and
+decayed together. Indeed, this is what we should expect on mere
+speculative grounds, seeing that both feelings are the product of those
+habits of veneration which make men submissive in their conduct and
+credulous in their belief.[1226] Experience, therefore, as well as
+reason, points to this as a general law of the mind, which, in its
+operation, may be occasionally disturbed, but which holds good in a
+large majority of cases. Probably the only instance in which the
+principle fails is, when a despotic government so misunderstands its own
+interests as to offend the clergy, and separate itself from them.
+Whenever this is done, a struggle will arise between loyalty and
+superstition; the first being upheld by the political classes, the other
+by the spiritual classes. Such a warfare was exhibited in Scotland; but
+history does not afford many examples of it, and certainly it never took
+place in Spain, where, on the contrary, several circumstances occurred
+to cement the union between the Crown and the Church, and to accustom
+the people to look up to both with almost equal reverence.
+
+  [1226] 'Habits of reverence, which, if carried into religion, cause
+         superstition, and if carried into politics, cause despotism.'
+         _Buckle's Hist. of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.
+
+By far the most important of these circumstances was the great Arab
+invasion, which drove the Christians into a corner of Spain, and reduced
+them to such extremities, that nothing but the strictest discipline, and
+the most unhesitating obedience to their leaders, could have enabled
+them to make head against their enemies. Loyalty to their princes became
+not merely expedient, but necessary; for if the Spaniards had been
+disunited, they would, in the face of the fearful odds against which
+they fought, have had no chance of preserving their national existence.
+The long war which ensued, being both political and religious, caused an
+intimate alliance between the political and religious classes, since the
+kings and the clergy had an equal interest in driving the Mohammedans
+from Spain. During nearly eight centuries, this compact between Church
+and State was a necessity forced upon the Spaniards by the peculiarities
+of their position; and, after the necessity had subsided, it naturally
+happened that the association of ideas survived the original danger, and
+that an impression had been made upon the popular mind which it was
+hardly possible to efface.
+
+Evidence of this impression, and of the unrivalled loyalty it produced,
+crowds upon us at every turn. In no other country are the old ballads so
+numerous and so intimately connected with the national history. It has,
+however, been observed, that their leading characteristic is the zeal
+with which they inculcate obedience and devotion to princes, and that
+from this source, even more than from military achievements, they draw
+their most favourite examples of virtue.[1227] In literature the first
+great manifestation of the Spanish mind was the poem of _The Cid_,
+written at the end of the twelfth century, in which we find fresh proof
+of that extraordinary loyalty which circumstances had forced upon the
+people.[1228] The ecclesiastical councils display a similar tendency;
+for, notwithstanding a few exceptions, no other church has been equally
+eager in upholding the rights of kings.[1229] In civil legislation, we
+see the same principle at work; it being asserted, on high authority,
+that in no system of laws is loyalty carried to such extreme height as
+in the Spanish codes.[1230] Even their dramatic writers were unwilling
+to represent an act of rebellion on the stage, lest they should appear
+to countenance what, in the eyes of every good Spaniard, was one of the
+most heinous of all offences.[1231] Whatever the king came in contact
+with, was in some degree hallowed by his touch. No one might mount a
+horse which he had ridden;[1232] no one might marry a mistress whom he
+had deserted.[1233] Horse and mistress alike were sacred, and it would
+have been impious for any subject to meddle with what had been honoured
+by the Lord's anointed. Nor were such rules confined to the prince
+actually reigning. On the contrary, they survived him, and, working with
+a sort of posthumous force, forbade any woman whom he had taken as a
+wife, to marry, even after he was dead. She had been chosen by the king;
+such choice had already raised her above the rest of mortals; and the
+least she could do was to retire to a convent, and spend her life
+mourning over her irreparable loss. These regulations were enforced by
+custom rather than by law.[1234] They were upheld by the popular will,
+and were the result of the excessive loyalty of the Spanish nation. Of
+that loyalty their writers often boast, and with good reason, since it
+was certainly matchless, and nothing seemed able to shake it. To bad
+kings and to good kings it equally applied. It was in full strength amid
+the glory of Spain in the sixteenth century; it was conspicuous when the
+nation was decaying in the seventeenth century; and it survived the
+shock of civil wars early in the eighteenth.[1235] Indeed, the feeling
+had so worked itself into the traditions of the country, as to become
+not only a national passion, but almost an article of national faith.
+Clarendon, in his History of that great English Rebellion, the like of
+which, as he well knew, could never have happened in Spain, makes on
+this subject a just and pertinent remark. He says that a want of respect
+for kings is regarded by the Spaniards as a 'monstrous crime;'
+'submissive reverence to their princes being a vital part of their
+religion.'[1236]
+
+  [1227] 'More ballads are connected with Spanish history than with any
+         other, and, in general, they are better. The most striking
+         peculiarity of the whole mass is, perhaps, to be found in the
+         degree in which it expresses the national character. Loyalty is
+         constantly prominent. The Lord of Butrago sacrifices his own
+         life to save that of his sovereign,' &c. _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 133. 'In the implicit obedience
+         of the old Spanish knight, the order of the king was paramount
+         to every consideration, even in the case of friendship and love.
+         This code of obedience has passed into a proverb--"mas pesa el
+         Rey que la sangre,"' _Ford's Spain_, p. 183. Compare the
+         admirable little work of Mr. Lewes, _The Spanish Drama_, London,
+         1846, p. 120, 'ballads full of war, loyalty, and love.'
+
+  [1228] See some interesting remarks in M. Tapia's _Civilizacion
+         Española_, vol. i. He observes that, though cruelly persecuted
+         by Alfonso, the first thing done by the Cid, after gaining a
+         great victory, was to order one of his captains 'para que lleve
+         al rey Alfonso treinta caballos árabes bien ensillados, con
+         sendas espadas pendientes de los arzones en señal de homenage, á
+         _pesar del agravio que habia recibido_.' p. 274. And at p. 280,
+         'comedido y obediente súbdito á un rey que tan mal le habia
+         tratado.' Southey (_Chronicle of the Cid_, p. 268) notices with
+         surprise that the Cid is represented in the old chronicles as
+         'offering to kiss the feet of the king.'
+
+  [1229] 'Le xvi^e Concile de Tolède appelait les rois "vicaires de Dieu
+         et du Christ;" et rien n'est plus fréquent dans les conciles de
+         cette époque que leurs exhortations aux peuples pour
+         l'observation du serment de fidélité á leur roi, et leurs
+         anathêmes contre les séditieux.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, vol. i. p. 41. 'Aparte de los asuntos de derecho
+         civil y canonico y de otros varios que dicen relacion al
+         gobierno de la iglesia, sobre los cuales se contienen en todos
+         ellos disposiciones muy útiles y acertadas, la mayor parte de
+         las leyes dictadas en estas asambleas tuvieron por objeto dar
+         fuerza y estabilidad al poder real, proclamando su
+         inviolabilidad y estableciendo graves penas contra los
+         infractores; condenar las heregías,' &c. _Antequera_, _Historia
+         de la Legislacion Española_, p. 47.
+
+  [1230] 'Loyalty to a superior is carried to a more atrocious length by
+         the Spanish law than I have seen it elsewhere.' ... 'The
+         _Partidas_ (P. 2, T. 13, L. 1) speaks of an old law whereby any
+         man who openly wished to see the King dead, was condemned to
+         death, and the loss of all that he had. The utmost mercy to be
+         shown him was to spare his life and pluck out his eyes, that he
+         might never see with them what he had desired. To defame the
+         King is declared as great a crime as to kill him, and in like
+         manner to be punished. The utmost mercy that could be allowed
+         was to cut out the offender's tongue. P. 2, T. 13, L. 4.'
+         _Southey's Chronicle of the Cid_, p. 442. Compare _Johnston's
+         Civil Law of Spain_, London, 1825, p. 269, on 'Blasphemers of
+         the King.'
+
+  [1231] Thus, Montalvan, the eminent poet and dramatist, who was born in
+         1602, 'avoided, we are told, representing rebellion on the
+         stage, lest he should seem to encourage it.' _Ticknor's History
+         of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. p. 283. A similar spirit is
+         exhibited in the plays of Calderon and of Lope de Vega. On the
+         'Castilian loyalty' evinced in one of Calderon's comedies, see
+         _Hallam's Literature of Europe_, 2d edit. London, 1843, vol.
+         iii. p. 63; and as to Lope, see _Lewes on the Spanish Drama_,
+         p. 78.
+
+  [1232] 'His Majesty's horses could never be used by any other person.
+         One day, while Philip IV. was going in procession to the church
+         of Our Lady of Atocha, the Duke of Medina-de-las-Torres offered
+         to present him with a beautiful steed which belonged to him, and
+         which was accounted the finest in Madrid; but the King declined
+         the gift, because he should regret to render so noble an animal
+         ever after useless.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 372. Madame
+         d'Aulnoy, who travelled in Spain in 1679, and who, from her
+         position, had access to the best sources of information, was
+         told of this piece of etiquette. 'L'on m'a dit que lors que le
+         Roy s'est servy d'un cheval, personne par respect ne le monte
+         jamais.' _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693,
+         vol. ii. p. 40. In the middle of the eighteenth century, I find
+         another notice of this loyal custom, which, likely enough, is
+         still a tradition in the Spanish stables. 'If the king has once
+         honoured a Pad so much as to cross his back, it is never to be
+         used again by anybody else.' _A Tour through Spain_, _by Udal ap
+         Rhys_, 2d edit. London, 1760, p. 15.
+
+  [1233] Madame d'Aulnoy, who was very inquisitive respecting these
+         matters, says (_Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 411),
+         'Il y a une autre étiquette, c'est qu'après que le Roi a eu une
+         Maitresse, s'il vient à la quitter, il faut qu'elle se fasse
+         Religieuse, comme je vous l'ai déjà écrit; et l'on m'a conté que
+         le feu Roi s'estant amoureux d'une Dame du Palais, il fut un
+         soir fraper doucement à la porte de sa chambre. Comme elle
+         comprit que c'estoit lui, elle ne voulut pas lui ouvrir, et elle
+         se contenta de lui dire au travers de la porte, _Baya, baya, con
+         Dios, no quiero ser monja_; c'est à dire, "Allez allez, Dieu
+         vous conduise, je n'ai pas envie d'estre Religieuse."' So too
+         Henry IV. of Castile, who came to the throne in the year 1454,
+         made one of his mistresses 'abbess of a convent in Toledo;' in
+         this case to the general scandal, because, says Mr. Prescott, he
+         first expelled 'her predecessor, a lady of noble rank and
+         irreproachable character.' _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. p. 68.
+
+  [1234] There is, however, one very remarkable old law, in the form of a
+         canon enacted by the third Council of Saragossa, which orders
+         that the royal widows 'seront obligées à prendre l'habit de
+         religieuses, et à s'enfermer dans un monastère pour le reste de
+         leur vie.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclésiastique_, vol. ix. p. 104.
+         In 1065 Ferdinand I. died; and, says the biographer of the
+         Spanish Queens, 'La Reyna sobrevivió: y parece, que muerto su
+         marido, entró en algun Monasterio; lo que expressamos no tanto
+         por _la costumbre antigua_, quanto por constar en la Memoria
+         referida de la Iglesia de Leon, el dictado de 'Consagrada á
+         Dios,' frasse que denota estado Religioso.' _Florez_, _Memorias
+         de las Reynas Catholicas_, Madrid, 1761, 4to, vol. i. p. 148. In
+         1667 it was a settled principle that 'les reines d'Espagne n'en
+         sortent point. Le couvent de _las Señoras descalças reales_ est
+         fondé afin que les reines veuves s'y enferment.' _Discours du
+         Comte de Castrillo à la Reine d'Espagne_, in _Mignet's
+         Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p.
+         604, Paris, 1835, 4to. This valuable work consists for the most
+         part of documents previously unpublished, many of which are
+         taken from the archives at Simancas. To the critical historian,
+         it would have been more useful if the original Spanish had been
+         given.
+
+  [1235] See some good remarks on San Phelipe, in _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214, which might easily
+         be corroborated by other testimony; as, for instance, Lafuente
+         under the year 1710: 'Ni el abandono de la Francia, ni la
+         prolongacion y los azares de la guerra, ni los sacrificios
+         pecuniarios y personales de tantos años, nada bastaba á entibiar
+         el amor de los castellanos á su rey Felipe V.' (_Historia de
+         España_, vol. xviii. p. 258); and Berwick (_Mémoires_, vol. ii.
+         p. 114, edit. Paris, 1778): 'La fidélité inouie des Espagnols;'
+         and, nine years earlier, a letter from Louville to Torcy: 'Le
+         mot révolte, pris dans une acception rigoureuse, n'a pas de sens
+         en Espagne.' _Louville_, _Mémoires sur l'établissement de la
+         Maison de Bourbon en Espagne_, edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p.
+         128. See also _Memoirs of Ripperda_, London, 1740, p. 58; and
+         _Mémoires de Gramont_, vol. ii. p. 77, edit. Petitot, Paris,
+         1827. All these passages illustrate Spanish loyalty in the
+         eighteenth century, except the reference to Gramont, which
+         concerns the seventeenth, and which should be compared with the
+         following observations of Madame D'Aulnoy, who writes from
+         Madrid in 1679: 'Quelques richesses qu'ayent les grands
+         Seigneurs, quelque grande que soit leur fierté ou leur
+         présomption, ils obéïssent aux moindres ordres du Roy, avec une
+         exactitude et un respect que l'on ne peut assez loüer. Sur le
+         premier ordre ils partent, ils reviennent, ils vont en prison,
+         ou en exil, sans se plaindre. Il ne se peut trouver une
+         soûmission, et une obéïssance plus parfaite, ni un amour plus
+         sincère, que celui des Espagnols pour leur Roi. Ce nom leur est
+         sacré, et pour réduire le peuple à tout ce que l'on souhaite, il
+         suffit de dire, "Le Roi le veut."' _D'Aulnoy_, _Voyage_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.
+
+  [1236] 'And Olivarez had been heard to censure very severely the duke's
+         (Buckingham's) familiarity and want of respect towards the
+         prince, a crime monstrous to the Spaniard.' ... 'Their
+         submissive reverence to their princes being a vital part of
+         their religion.' _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, ed.
+         Oxford, 1843, p. 15. For the religion of loyalty, in an earlier
+         period, see _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 421: 'La
+         persona del Rey fue mirada de sus fieles vassallos con respeto
+         tan sagrado,' that resistance was 'una especie de sacrilegio.'
+
+These, then, were the two great elements of which the Spanish character
+was compounded. Loyalty and superstition; reverence for their kings and
+reverence for their clergy were the leading principles which influenced
+the Spanish mind, and governed the march of Spanish history. The
+peculiar and unexampled circumstances under which they arose, have been
+just indicated; and having seen their origin, we will now endeavour to
+trace their consequences. Such an examination of results will be the
+more important, not only because nowhere else in Europe have these
+feelings been so strong, so permanent, and so unmixed, but also because
+Spain, being seated at the further extremity of the Continent, from
+which it is cut off by the Pyrenees, has, from physical causes, as well
+as from moral ones, come little into contact with other nations.[1237]
+The course of affairs being, therefore, undisturbed by foreign habits,
+it becomes easier to discover the pure and natural consequences of
+superstition and loyalty, two of the most powerful and disinterested
+feelings which have ever occupied the human heart, and to whose united
+action we may clearly trace the leading events in the history of Spain.
+
+  [1237] These impediments to intercourse were once deemed almost
+         invincible. Fontenay-Mareuil, who visited Spain in 1612, and was
+         not a little proud of the achievement, says, 'Au reste,
+         parcequ'on ne va pas aussy ordinairement en Espagne qu'en
+         France, en Italie et ailleurs; et qu'estant comme en un coin, et
+         séparée du reste du monde par la mer ou par les Pyrénées, on
+         n'en a, ce me semble, guere de connoissance, j'ay pense que je
+         devois faire icy une petite digression pour dire ce que j'en ay
+         appris dans ce voyage et despuis.' _Mémoires de
+         Fontenay-Mareuil_, in _Collection des Mémoires par Petitot_,
+         vol. i. p. 169, 1^e Série, Paris, 1826. Seventy years later,
+         another writer on Spain says of the Pyrenees, 'Ces montagnes
+         sont à nos voyageurs modernes, ce qu'étoit aux anciens mariniers
+         le _Non plus ultra_ et les colomnes du grand Hercule.' _L'Estat
+         de l'Espagne_, Geneve, 1681 Epistre, p. ii. This work, little
+         known and not much worth knowing, forms the third volume of _Le
+         Prudent Voyageur_.
+
+The results of this combination were, during a considerable period,
+apparently beneficial, and certainly magnificent. For, the church and
+the crown making common cause with each other, and being inspirited by
+the cordial support of the people, threw their whole soul into their
+enterprises, and displayed an ardour which could hardly fail to insure
+success. Gradually advancing from the north of Spain, the Christians,
+fighting their way inch by inch, pressed on till they reached the
+southern extremity, completely subdued the Mohammedans, and brought the
+whole country under one rule and one creed. This great result was
+achieved late in the fifteenth century, and it cast an extraordinary
+lustre on the Spanish name.[1238] Spain, long occupied by her own
+religious wars, had hitherto been little noticed by foreign powers, and
+had possessed little leisure to notice them. Now, however, she formed a
+compact and undivided monarchy, and at once assumed an important
+position in European affairs.[1239] During the next hundred years, her
+power advanced with a speed of which the world had seen no example since
+the days of the Roman Empire. So late as 1478 Spain was still broken up
+into independent and often hostile states; Granada was possessed by the
+Mohammedans; the throne of Castile was occupied by one prince, the
+throne of Aragon by another. Before the year 1590, not only were these
+fragments firmly consolidated into one kingdom, but acquisitions were
+made abroad so rapidly as to endanger the independence of Europe. The
+history of Spain, during this period, is the history of one long and
+uninterrupted success. That country, recently torn by civil wars, and
+distracted by hostile creeds, was able in three generations to annex to
+her territory the whole of Portugal, Navarre, and Roussillon. By
+diplomacy, or by force of arms, she acquired Artois and Franche Comté,
+and the Netherlands; also the Milanese, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, the
+Balearic Islands, and the Canaries. One of her kings was emperor of
+Germany; while his son influenced the councils of England, whose queen
+he married. The Turkish power, then one of the most formidable in the
+world, was broken and beaten back on every side. The French monarchy was
+humbled. French armies were constantly worsted; Paris was once in
+imminent jeopardy; and a king of France, after being defeated on the
+field, was taken captive, and led prisoner to Madrid. Out of Europe, the
+deeds of Spain were equally wonderful. In America, the Spaniards became
+possessed of territories which covered sixty degrees of latitude, and
+included both the tropics. Besides Mexico, Central America, Venezuela,
+New Granada, Peru, and Chili, they conquered Cuba, San Domingo, Jamaica,
+and other islands. In Africa, they obtained Ceuta, Melilla, Oran,
+Bougiah, and Tunis, and overawed the whole coast of Barbary. In Asia,
+they had settlements on each side of the Deccan; they held part of
+Malacca; and they established themselves in the Spice Islands. Finally,
+by the conquest of the noble archipelago of the Philippines, they
+connected their most distant acquisitions, and secured a communication
+between every part of that enormous empire which girdled the world.
+
+  [1238] 'Con razon se miró la conquista de Granada, no como un
+         acontecimiento puramente español, sino como un suceso que
+         interesaba al mundo. Con razon tambien se regocijó toda la
+         cristiandad. Hacia medio siglo que otros mahometanos se habian
+         apoderado de Constantinopla; la caida de la capital y del
+         imperio bizantino en poder de los turcos habia llenado de terror
+         á la Europa; pero la Europa se consoló al saber que en España
+         habia concluido la dominacion de los musulmanes.' _Lafuente_,
+         _Historia de España_, vol. xi. p. 15.
+
+  [1239] 'L'Espagne, long-temps partagée en plusieurs états, et comme
+         étrangère au reste de l'Europe, devint tout-à-coup une puissance
+         redoutable, faisant pencher pour elle la balance de la
+         politique.' _Koch_, _Tableau des Révolutions de l'Europe_,
+         Paris, 1823, vol. i. p. 362. On the relation between this and
+         some changes in literature which corresponded to it, see
+         _Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp.
+         148-152, where there are some ingenious, though perhaps scarcely
+         tenable, speculations.
+
+In connexion with this, a great military spirit arose, such as no other
+modern nation has ever exhibited. All the intellect of the country which
+was not employed in the service of the Church was devoted to the
+profession of arms. Indeed, the two pursuits were often united; and it
+is said that the custom of ecclesiastics going to war was practised in
+Spain long after it was abandoned in other parts of Europe.[1240] At all
+events, the general tendency is obvious. A mere list of successful
+battles and sieges in the sixteenth and part of the fifteenth century,
+would prove the vast superiority of the Spaniards, in this respect, over
+their contemporaries, and would show how much genius they had expended
+in maturing the arts of destruction. Another illustration, if another
+were required, might be drawn from the singular fact that since the time
+of ancient Greece, no country has produced so many eminent literary men
+who were also soldiers. Calderon, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega risked
+their lives in fighting for their country. The military profession was
+also adopted by many other celebrated authors, among whom may be
+mentioned, Argote de Molina, Acuña, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Boscan,
+Carrillo, Cetina, Ercilla, Espinel, Francisco de Figueroa, Garcilasso de
+la Vega, Guillen de Castro, Hita, Hurtado de Mendoza, Marmol Carvajal,
+Perez de Guzman, Pulgar, Rebolledo, Roxas, and Virues; all of whom bore,
+in this manner, unconscious testimony to the spirit by which Spain was
+universally pervaded.
+
+  [1240] 'The holy war with the infidels' (Mohammedans) 'perpetuated the
+         unbecoming spectacle of militant ecclesiastics among the
+         Spaniards, to a still later period, and long after it had
+         disappeared from the rest of civilized Europe.' _Prescott's
+         History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 162.
+
+Here, then, we have a combination which many readers will still consider
+with favour, and which, at the time it occurred, excited the admiration,
+albeit the terror, of Europe. We have a great people glowing with
+military, patriotic, and religious ardour, whose fiery zeal was
+heightened, rather than softened, by a respectful obedience to their
+clergy, and by a chivalrous devotion to their kings. The energy of
+Spain, being thus both animated and controlled, became wary as well as
+eager; and to this rare union of conflicting qualities we must ascribe
+the great deeds which have just been related. But the unsound part of a
+progress of this sort is, that it depends too much upon individuals, and
+therefore cannot be permanent. Such a movement can only last as long as
+it is headed by able men. When, however, competent leaders are succeeded
+by incompetent ones, the system immediately falls to the ground, simply
+because the people have been accustomed to supply to every undertaking
+the necessary zeal, but have not been accustomed to supply the skill by
+which the zeal is guided. A country in this state, if governed by
+hereditary princes, is sure to decay; inasmuch as, in the ordinary
+course of affairs, incapable rulers must sometimes arise. Directly this
+happens, the deterioration begins; for the people, habituated to
+indiscriminate loyalty, will follow wherever they are led, and will
+yield to foolish counsels the same obedience that they had before paid
+to wise ones. This leads us to perceive the essential difference between
+the civilization of Spain and the civilization of England. We, in
+England, are a critical, dissatisfied, and captious people, constantly
+complaining of our rulers, suspecting their schemes, discussing their
+measures in a hostile spirit, allowing very little power either to the
+Church or to the Crown, managing our own affairs in our own way, and
+ready, on the slightest provocation, to renounce that conventional,
+lip-deep loyalty, which, having never really touched our hearts, is a
+habit lying on the surface, but not a passion rooted in the mind. The
+loyalty of Englishmen is not of that sort which would induce them to
+sacrifice their liberties to please their prince, nor does it ever, for
+a moment, blind them to a keen sense of their own interests. The
+consequence is, that our progress is uninterrupted, whether our kings
+are good or whether they are bad. Under either condition, the great
+movement goes on. Our sovereigns have had their full share of imbecility
+and of crime. Still, even men like Henry III. and Charles II. were
+unable to do us harm. In the same way, during the eighteenth and many
+years of the nineteenth century, when our improvement was very
+conspicuous, our rulers were very incompetent. Anne and the first two
+Georges were grossly ignorant; they were wretchedly educated, and nature
+had made them at once weak and obstinate. Their united reigns lasted
+nearly sixty years; and after they had passed away, we, for another
+period of sixty years, were governed by a prince who was long
+incapacitated by disease, but of whom we must honestly say that, looking
+at his general policy, he was least mischievous when he was most
+incapable. This is not the place to expose the monstrous principles
+advocated by George III., and to which posterity will do that justice
+from which contemporary writers are apt to shrink; but it is certain
+that neither his contracted understanding, nor his despotic temper, nor
+his miserable superstition, nor the incredible baseness of that ignoble
+voluptuary who succeeded him on the throne, could do aught to stop the
+march of English civilization, or to stem the tide of English
+prosperity. We went on our way rejoicing, caring for none of these
+things. We were not to be turned aside from our path by the folly of our
+rulers, because we know full well that we hold our own fate in our own
+hands, and that the English people possess within themselves those
+resources and that fertility of contrivance by which alone men can be
+made great, and happy, and wise.
+
+In Spain, however, directly the government slackened its hold, the
+nation fell to pieces.[1241] During that prosperous career which has
+just been noticed, the Spanish throne was invariably filled by very able
+and intelligent princes. Ferdinand and Isabella, Charles V. and Philip
+II., formed a line of sovereigns not to be matched in any other country
+for a period of equal length. By them, the great things were effected,
+and by their care, Spain apparently flourished. But, what followed when
+they were withdrawn from the scene, showed how artificial all this was,
+and how rotten, even to the core, is that system of government which
+must be fostered before it can thrive, and which, being based on the
+loyalty and reverence of the people, depends for success not on the
+ability of the nation, but on the skill of those to whom the interests
+of the nation are entrusted.
+
+  [1241] A learned Spanish lawyer has made some remarks which are worth
+         quoting, and which contain a curious mixture of truth and error:
+         'Comment la monarchie espagnole fut-elle déchue de tant de
+         grandeur et de gloire? Comment perdit-elle les Pays-Bas et le
+         Portugal dans le dix-septième siècle, et s'y trouva-t-elle
+         réduite à n'être qu'un squelette de ce qu'elle avait été
+         auparavant? Comment vit-elle disparaître plus d'une moitié de sa
+         population? Comment, possédant les mines inépuisables du Nouveau
+         Monde, les revenus de l'état n'étaient à peine que de six
+         millions de ducats sous le règne de Philippe III? Comment son
+         agriculture et son industrie furent-elles ruinées? et comment
+         presque tout son commerce passa-t-il dans les mains de ses plus
+         grands ennemis? Ce n'est point ici le lieu d'examiner les
+         véritables causes d'une métamorphose si triste; il suffira
+         d'indiquer _que tous les grands empires contiennent en euxmêmes
+         le germe de leur dissolution_,' &c. 'D'ailleurs les successeurs
+         de ces deux monarques' (Charles V. and Philip II.) 'n'eurent
+         point les mêmes talens, ni les ducs de Lerme et d'Olivarès,
+         leurs ministres, ceux du cardinal Cisneros; et il est difficile
+         de calculer l'influence de la bonne ou de la mauvaise direction
+         des affaires sur la prospérité ou les malheurs des nations. Sous
+         une même forme de gouvernement, quel qu'il puisse être, _elles
+         tombent ou se relèvent suivant la capacité des hommes qui les
+         dirigent_, et d'après les circonstances où ils agissent.'
+         _Sempère_, _Histoire des Cortès_, Bordeaux, 1815, pp. 265-267.
+         Of the two passages which I have marked with italics, the first
+         is a clumsy, though common, attempt to explain complicated
+         phenomena by a metaphor which saves the trouble of generalizing
+         their laws. The other passage, though perfectly true as regards
+         Spain, does not admit of that universal application which M.
+         Sempere supposes; inasmuch as in England, and in the United
+         States of America, national prosperity has steadily advanced,
+         even when the rulers have been very incapable men.
+
+Philip II., the last of the great kings of Spain, died in 1598, and
+after his death the decline was portentously rapid.[1242] From 1598 to
+1700, the throne was occupied by Philip III., Philip IV., and Charles
+II. The contrast between them and their predecessors was most
+striking.[1243] Philip III. and Philip IV. were idle, ignorant, infirm
+of purpose, and passed their lives in the lowest and most sordid
+pleasures. Charles II., the last of that Austrian dynasty which had
+formerly been so distinguished, possessed nearly every defect which can
+make a man ridiculous and contemptible. His mind and his person were
+such as, in any nation less loyal than Spain, would have exposed him to
+universal derision. Although his death took place while he was still in
+the prime of life, he looked like an old and worn-out debauchee. At the
+age of thirty-five, he was completely bald; he had lost his eyebrows; he
+was paralyzed; he was epileptic; and he was notoriously impotent.[1244]
+His general appearance was absolutely revolting, and was that of a
+drivelling idiot. To an enormous mouth, he added a nether jaw protruding
+so hideously that his teeth could never meet, and he was unable to
+masticate his food.[1245] His ignorance would be incredible, if it were
+not substantiated by unimpeachable evidence. He did not know the names
+of the large towns, or even of the provinces, in his dominions; and
+during the war with France he was heard to pity England for losing
+cities which in fact formed part of his own territory.[1246] Finally, he
+was immersed in the most grovelling superstition; he believed himself
+to be constantly tempted by the devil; he allowed himself to be
+exorcised as one possessed by evil spirits; and he would not retire to
+rest, except with his confessor and two friars, who had to lie by his
+side during the night.[1247]
+
+  [1242] 'With Philip II. ends the greatness of the kingdom, which from
+         that period declined with fearful rapidity.' _Dunham's History
+         of Spain_, vol. v. p. 87. And Ortiz (_Compendio_, vol. vii.,
+         Prologo, p. 6) classes together 'la muerte de Felipe II. y
+         principios de nuestra decadencia.' The same judicious historian
+         elsewhere observes (vol. vi. p. 211), that if Philip III. had
+         been equal to his father, Spain would have continued to
+         flourish. Several of the more recent Spanish writers, looking at
+         the heavy expenses caused by the policy of Philip II., and at
+         the debts which he incurred, have supposed that the decline of
+         the country began in the latter years of his reign. But the
+         truth is, that no great nation ever was, or ever will be, ruined
+         by the prodigality of its government. Such extravagance causes
+         general discomfort, and therefore ought not to be tolerated; but
+         if this were the place for so long an argument, I could easily
+         show that its other and more permanent inconveniences are
+         nothing like what they are commonly supposed to be.
+
+  [1243] 'Abstraido Felipe III. en devociones, amante Felipe IV. de
+         regocijos, mortificado Carlos II. por padecimientos, cuidáronse
+         poco ó nada de la gobernacion del Estado, y confiaronla á
+         validos altaneros, codiciosos, incapaces, y de muy funesta
+         memoria.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid,
+         1856, vol. i. p. 33.
+
+  [1244] 'Sans espérance de postérité.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_,
+         vol. i. p. 419. 'Incapaz de tener hijos.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. vi. p. 560. See also _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 82;
+         and the allusions in _Lettres de Madame de Villars_, edit.
+         Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 53, 120, 164. She was ambassadress in Spain
+         in the reign of Charles II. M. Lafuente, who, if I rightly
+         remember, never quotes these interesting letters, and who
+         indeed, with very few exceptions, has used none but Spanish
+         authorities, ventures nevertheless to observe that 'La
+         circunstancia de no haber tenido sucesion, falta que en general
+         se achabaca mas al rey que á la reina,' &c. _Historia de
+         España_, vol. xvii. pp. 198, 199, Madrid, 1856. According to the
+         biographer of the Spanish Queens, some persons imputed this to
+         sorcery, 'y aun se dijo si intervenia maleficio.' _Florez_,
+         _Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas_, vol. ii. p. 973, Madrid,
+         1761, 4to.
+
+  [1245] In 1696, Stanhope, the English minister at Madrid, writes: 'He
+         has a ravenous stomach, and swallows all he eats whole, for his
+         nether jaw stands so much out that his two rows of teeth cannot
+         meet; to compensate which, he has a prodigious wide throat, so
+         that a gizzard or liver of a hen passes down whole, and his weak
+         stomach not being able to digest it, he voids it in the same
+         manner.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 79;
+         a very valuable collection of original documents, utterly
+         unknown to any Spanish historian I have met with. Some curious
+         notices of the appearance of Charles II. in his childhood may be
+         seen published for the first time in _Mignet's Négociations
+         relatives à la Succession d'Espagne_, Paris, 1835-1842, 4to.
+         vol. i. pp. 294, 295, 310, 396, 404, 410, vol. ii. p. 130, vol.
+         iii. pp. 418, 419, 423. See also vol. iv. p. 636, for an
+         instance of his taciturnity, which was almost the only mark of
+         sense he ever gave, 'Le roi l'écouta, et ne lui répondit rien.'
+
+  [1246] 'Le Roy demeuroit dans une profonde ignorance et de ses affaires
+         et même des Etats de sa couronne; à peine connoissoit-il quelles
+         étoient les places qui lui appartenoient hors du continent
+         d'Espagne.' ... 'La perte de Barcelone lui fut plus sensible
+         qu'aucune autre, parce que cette ville, capitale de la
+         Catalogne, et située dans le continent de l'Espagne, lui étoit
+         plus connue que les villes de Flandre, dont il ignoroit
+         l'importance au point de croire que Mons appartenoit au roi
+         d'Angleterre, et de le plaindre lorsque le Roi fit la conquête
+         de cette province.' _Mémoires du Marquis de Torcy_, vol. i. pp.
+         19, 23, edit. Petitot, Paris, 1828.
+
+  [1247] 'Fancying everything that is said or done to be a temptation of
+         the devil, and never thinking himself safe but with his
+         confessor, and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie in his
+         chamber every night.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, p. 102.
+         On account, no doubt, of this affection for monks, he is
+         declared by a Spanish historian to have possessed a 'corazon pio
+         y religioso.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_,
+         vol. i. p. 20. The best notice of the exorcism will be found in
+         _Lafuente's Historia de España_, vol. xvii. pp. 294-309, where
+         there is an entire chapter, headed 'Los Hechizos del Rey.'
+
+Now it was that men might clearly see on how sandy a foundation the
+grandeur of Spain was built. When there were able sovereigns, the
+country prospered; when there were weak ones, it declined. Nearly
+everything that had been done by the great princes of the sixteenth
+century, was undone by the little princes of the seventeenth. So rapid
+was the fall of Spain, that in only three reigns after the death of
+Philip II., the most powerful monarchy existing in the world was
+depressed to the lowest point of debasement, was insulted with impunity
+by foreign nations, was reduced more than once to bankruptcy, was
+stripped of her fairest possessions, was held up to public opprobrium,
+was made a theme on which school-boys and moralists loved to declaim
+respecting the uncertainty of human affairs, and, at length, was exposed
+to the bitter humiliation of seeing her territories mapped out and
+divided by a treaty in which she took no share, but the provisions of
+which she was unable to resent.[1248] Then, truly, did she drink to the
+dregs the cup of her own shame. Her glory had departed from her, she was
+smitten down and humbled. Well might a Spaniard of that time who
+compared the present with the past, mourn over his country, the chosen
+abode of chivalry and romance, of valour and of loyalty. The mistress of
+the world, the queen of the ocean, the terror of nations, was gone; her
+power was gone, no more to return. To her might be applied that bitter
+lamentation, which, on a much slighter occasion, the greatest of the
+sons of men has put into the mouth of a dying statesman. Good reason,
+indeed, had the sorrowing patriot to weep, as one who refused to be
+comforted, for the fate of his earth, his realm, his land of dear souls,
+his dear, dear land, long dear for her reputation through the world, but
+now leased out like to a tenement or pelting farm.[1249]
+
+  [1248] 'La foiblesse de l'Espagne ne permettoit pas à son roi de se
+         ressentir du traitement dont il croyoit à propos de se
+         plaindre.' _Mémoires de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 81. Or, as an eminent
+         native writer bitterly says, 'Las naciones estrangeras
+         disponiendo de la monarquia española como de bienes sin dueño.'
+         _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_, vol. iii. p. 187.
+
+  [1249] 'This royal throne of kings, this scepter'd isle,
+         This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,
+         This other Eden, demi-paradise;
+         This fortress, built by nature for herself
+         Against infection and the hand of war;
+         This happy breed of men, this little world,
+         This precious stone set in the silver sea,
+         Which serves it in the office of a wall,
+         Or as a moat defensive to a house,
+         Against the envy of less happier lands;
+         This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England,
+         This nurse, this teeming womb of royal kings,
+         Fear'd by their breed and famous by their birth,
+         Renowned for their deeds as far from home,
+         For Christian service and true chivalry,
+         As is the sepulchre in stubborn Jewry
+         Of the world's ransom, blessed Mary's son:
+         This land of such dear souls, this dear, dear land,
+         Dear for her reputation through the world,
+         Is now leas'd out, I die pronouncing it,
+         Like to a tenement or pelting farm.'
+
+It would be a weary and unprofitable task to relate the losses and
+disasters of Spain during the seventeenth century. The immediate cause
+of them was undoubtedly bad government and unskilful rulers; but the
+real and overriding cause, which determined the whole march and tone of
+affairs, was the existence of that loyal and reverential spirit which
+made the people submit to what any other country would have spurned,
+and, by accustoming them to place extreme confidence in individual men
+reduced the nation to that precarious position in which a succession of
+incompetent princes was sure to overthrow the edifice which competent
+ones had built up.[1250]
+
+  [1250] The Spanish theory of government is well stated in the following
+         passage in Davila's Life of Philip III. The remarks apply to
+         Philip II. 'Que solo havia gobernado sin Validos ni Privados,
+         tomando para sí solo, como primera causa de su gobierno, el
+         mandar, prohibir, premiar, castigar, hacer mercedes, conocer
+         sugetos, elegir Ministros, dar oficios, y tener como espiritu
+         que andaba sobre las aguas, ciencia y providencia de todo, para
+         que nada se hiciese sin su saber y querer: no serviendo los
+         Ministros mas que de poner por obra (obedeciendo) lo que su
+         Señor mandaba, velando sobre cada uno, como pastor de sus
+         ovejas, para ver la verdad con que executan sus mandamientos y
+         acuerdos.' _Davila_, _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, lib. i.
+         pp. 22, 23.
+
+The increasing influence of the Spanish Church was the first and most
+conspicuous consequence of the declining energy of the Spanish
+government. For, loyalty and superstition being the main ingredients of
+the national character, and both of them being the result of habits of
+reverence, it was to be expected that, unless the reverence could be
+weakened, what was taken from one ingredient would be given to the
+other. As, therefore, the Spanish government, during the seventeenth
+century, did, owing to its extreme imbecility, undoubtedly lose some
+part of the hold it possessed over the affections of the people, it
+naturally happened that the Church stepped in, and occupying the vacant
+place, received what the crown had forfeited. Besides this, the weakness
+of the executive government encouraged the pretensions of the
+priesthood, and emboldened the clergy to acts of usurpation, which the
+Spanish sovereigns of the sixteenth century, superstitious though they
+were, would not have allowed for a single moment.[1251] Hence the very
+striking fact, that, while in every other great country, Scotland alone
+excepted, the power of the Church diminished during the seventeenth
+century, it, in Spain, actually increased. The results of this are well
+worth the attention, not only of philosophic students of history, but
+also of every one who cares for the welfare of his own country, or feels
+an interest in the practical management of public affairs.
+
+  [1251] Even Philip II. always retained a certain ascendency over the
+         ecclesiastical hierarchy, though he was completely subjugated by
+         ecclesiastical prejudices. 'While Philip was thus willing to
+         exalt the religious order, already far too powerful, he was
+         careful that it should never gain such a height as would enable
+         it to overtop the royal authority.' _Prescott's History of
+         Philip II._, vol. iii. p. 235. 'Pero este monarca tan afecto á
+         la Inquisicion mientras le servia para sus fines, sabia bien
+         tener á raya al Santo Oficio cuando intentaba invadir ó usurpar
+         las preeminencias de la autoridad real, ó arrogarse un poder
+         desmedido.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xv. p. 114.
+
+For twenty-three years after the death of Philip II., the throne was
+occupied by Philip III., a prince as distinguished by his weakness as
+his predecessors had been by their ability. During more than a century
+the Spaniards had been accustomed to be entirely ruled by their kings,
+who, with indefatigable industry, personally superintended the most
+important transactions, and in other matters exercised the strictest
+supervision over their ministers. But Philip III., whose listlessness
+almost amounted to fatuity, was unequal to such labour, and delegated
+the powers of government to Lerma, who wielded supreme authority for
+twenty years.[1252] Among a people so loyal as the Spaniards, this
+unusual proceeding could not fail to weaken the executive; since, in
+their eyes, the immediate and irresistible interference of the sovereign
+was essential to the management of affairs, and to the well-being of the
+nation. Lerma, well aware of this feeling, and conscious that his own
+position was very precarious, naturally desired to strengthen himself by
+additional support, so that he might not entirely depend on the favour
+of the king. He therefore formed a strict alliance with the clergy, and,
+from the beginning to the end of his long administration did everything
+in his power to increase their authority.[1253] Thus the influence lost
+by the crown was gained by the Church, to whose advice a deference was
+paid even greater than had been accorded by the superstitious princes of
+the sixteenth century. In this arrangement, the interests of the people
+were of course unheeded. Their welfare formed no part of the general
+scheme. On the contrary, the clergy, grateful to a government so
+sensible of their merits, and so religiously disposed, used all their
+influence in its favour; and the yoke of a double despotism was riveted
+more firmly than ever upon the neck of that miserable nation, which was
+now about to reap the bitter fruit of a long and ignominious
+submission.[1254]
+
+  [1252] 'Por cuyo absoluto poderío se executaba todo.' _Yañez_, _Memorias
+         para la Historia de Felipe III._, Prologo, p. 150. 'An
+         absoluteness in power over king and kingdom.' Letter from Sir
+         Charles Cornwallis to the Lords of the Council in England, dated
+         Valladolid, May 31, 1605, in _Winwood's Memorials_, vol. ii. p.
+         73, London, 1725, folio. 'Porque no era fácil imaginar entónces,
+         ni por fortuna se ha repetido el ejemplo después, que hubiera un
+         monarca tan pródigo de autoridad, y al propio tiempo tan
+         indolente, que por no tomarse siquiera el trabajo de firmar los
+         documentos de Estado, quisiera dar á la firma de un vasalla suyo
+         la misma autoridad que á la suya propia, y que advirtiera y
+         ordenára, como ordenó Felipe III. á todos sus consejos,
+         tribunales, y súbditos, que dieran á los despachos firmados por
+         el duque de Lerma el mismo cumplimiento y obediencia, y los
+         ejecutáran y guardáran con el mismo respeto que si fueran
+         firmados por él.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xv. pp.
+         449, 450. 'El duque de Lerma, su valído, era el que gobernaba el
+         reino solo.' vol. xvii. p. 332. His power lasted from 1598 to
+         1618. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vi. pp. 290, 325.
+
+  [1253] Davila (_Historia de Felipe Tercero_, lib. ii. p. 41), after
+         eulogizing the personal qualities of Lerma, adds, 'Y sin estas
+         grandes partes tuvo demostraciones christianas, manifestandolo
+         en los conventos, iglesias, colegiatas, hospitales, ermitas y
+         catedras, que dejó fundadas, en que gastó, como me consta de los
+         libros de su Contaduría, un millon ciento cincuenta y dos mil
+         doscientos ochenta y tres ducados.' After such monstrous
+         prodigality, Watson might well say, in his rather superficial,
+         but, on the whole, well-executed History, that Lerma showed 'the
+         most devoted attachment to the church,' and 'conciliated the
+         favour of ecclesiastics.' _Watson's History of Philip III._,
+         London, 1839, pp. 4, 8, 46, 224.
+
+  [1254] The only energy Philip III. ever displayed, was in seconding the
+         efforts of his minister to extend the influence of the Church;
+         and hence, according to a Spanish historian, he was 'monarque le
+         plus pieux parmi tous ceux qui out occupé le trône d'Espagne
+         depuis saint Ferdinand.' _Sempère_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol.
+         i. p. 245. 'El principal cuidado de nuestro Rey era tener á Dios
+         por amigo, grangear y beneficiar su gracia, para que le
+         asistiese propicio en quanto obrase y dixese. De aqui tuvieron
+         principio tantos dones ofrecidos á Dios, tanta fundacion de
+         Conventos, y favores hechos á Iglesias y Religiones.' _Davila_,
+         _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, lib. ii. p. 170. His wife,
+         Margaret, was equally active. See _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 915, 916. 'Demas de los frutos que dió para el
+         Cielo y para la tierra nuestra Reyna, tuvo otros de ambas lineas
+         en fundaciones de Templos y obras de piedad para bien del Reyno
+         y de la Iglesia. En Valladolid fundó el Convento de las
+         Franciscas Descalzas. En Madrid trasladó á las Agustinas
+         Recoletas de Santa Isabel desde la calle del Principe al sitio
+         en que hoy estan. Protegió con sus limosnas la fundacion de la
+         Iglesia de Carmelitas Descalzas de Santa Ana; y empezó á fundar
+         el Real Convento de las Agustinas Recoletas con titulo de la
+         Encarnacion en este misma Corte, cuya primera piedra se puso á
+         10 de Junio del 1611. En la parroquia de S. Gil junto al Palacio
+         introdujo los Religiosos Franciscos, cuyo Convento persevera hoy
+         con la misma advocacion.' How the country fared, while all this
+         was going on, we shall presently see.
+
+The increasing power of the Spanish Church during the seventeenth
+century, may be proved by nearly every description of evidence. The
+convents and churches multiplied with such alarming speed, and their
+wealth became so prodigious, that even the Cortes, broken and humbled
+though they were, ventured on a public remonstrance. In 1626, only five
+years after the death of Philip III., they requested that some means
+might be taken to prevent what they described as a constant invasion on
+the part of the Church. In this remarkable document, the Cortes,
+assembled at Madrid, declared that never a day passed in which laymen
+were not deprived of their property to enrich ecclesiastics; and the
+evil, they said, had grown to such a height, that there were then in
+Spain upwards of nine thousand monasteries, besides nunneries.[1255]
+This extraordinary statement has, I believe, never been contradicted,
+and its probability is enhanced by several other circumstances. Davila,
+who lived in the reign of Philip III., affirms that in 1623, the two
+orders of Dominicans and Franciscans alone amounted to thirty-two
+thousand.[1256] The other clergy increased in proportion. Before the
+death of Philip III., the number of ministers performing in the
+Cathedral of Seville had swelled to one hundred; and in the diocese of
+Seville, there were fourteen thousand chaplains; in the diocese of
+Calahorra, eighteen thousand.[1257] Nor did there seem any prospect of
+remedying this frightful condition. The richer the Church became, the
+greater was the inducement for laymen to enter it; so that there
+appeared to be no limit to the extent to which the sacrifice of temporal
+interests might be carried.[1258] Indeed, the movement, notwithstanding
+its suddenness, was perfectly regular, and was facilitated by a long
+train of preceding circumstances. Since the fifth century, the course
+of events, as we have already seen, invariably tended in this direction,
+and insured to the clergy a dominion which no other nation would have
+tolerated. The minds of the people being thus prepared, the people
+themselves looked on in silence at what it would have been impious to
+oppose; for, as a Spanish historian observes, every proposition was
+deemed heretical which tended to lessen the amount, or even to check the
+growth of that enormous wealth which was now possessed by the Spanish
+Church.[1259]
+
+  [1255] The burden of the petition was, 'Que se tratasse con mas veras de
+         poner limite á los bienes, que se sacauan cada dia del braço
+         Seglar al Eclesiastico, enflaqueciendo no tan solo el patrimonio
+         Real, mas el comun, pues siendo aquel libre de pechos,
+         contribuciones, y gauelas, alojamientos, huespedes, y otros
+         grauamenes mayores, presidios, guerras, y soldados.' ... 'Que
+         las Religiones eran muchas, las Mendicantes en excesso, y el
+         Clero en grande multitud. Que auia en España 9088 monasterios,
+         aun no cõtando los de Monjas. Que yuan meti[~e]do poco á poco,
+         con dotaciones, cofradias, capellanias, o con cõpras, á todo el
+         Reyno en su poder. Que se atajasse tanto mal. Que huuiesse
+         numero en los frayles, moderacion en los Cõuentos, y aun en los
+         Clerigos seglares.' _Cespedes_, _Historia de Don Felipe IV._,
+         Barcelona, 1634, fol. lib. vii. cap. 9, p. 272 rev. This is the
+         only noticeable passage in an unusually dull chronicle, which,
+         though professing to be a history of Philip IV., is confined to
+         the first few years of his reign.
+
+  [1256] 'En este año, que iba escribiendo esta Historia, tenian las
+         Ordenes de Santo Domingo, y S. Francisco en España, treinta y
+         dos mil Religiosos, y los Obispados de Calahorra y Pamplona
+         veinte y quatro mil clerigos; pues qué tendran las demas
+         Religiones, y los demas Obispados?' _Davila_, _Historia de
+         Felipe Tercere_, lib. ii. p. 215. See also cap. xcvii. pp. 248,
+         249; and, on the increase of convents, see _Yañez_, _Memorias
+         para la Historia de Felipe III._, pp. 240, 268, 304, 305.
+
+  [1257] 'The reign of Philip III., surnamed from his piety the Good, was
+         the golden age of Churchmen. Though religious foundations were
+         already too numerous, great additions were made to them; and in
+         those which already existed, new altars or chancels were
+         erected. Thus, the duke of Lerma founded seven monasteries and
+         two collegiate churches; thus, also, the diocese of Calahorra
+         numbered 18,000 chaplains, Seville 14,000. How uselessly the
+         ministers of religion were multiplied, will appear still more
+         clearly from the fact that the cathedral of Seville alone had a
+         hundred, when half-a-dozen would assuredly have been sufficient
+         for the public offices of devotion.' _Dunham's History of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 274. According to the passage quoted in note
+         93, from Davila, there were twenty-four thousand 'clerigos' in
+         the two dioceses of Calahorra and Pamplona.
+
+  [1258] 'Entre tanto crecia por instantes y se aumentaba prodigiosamente
+         el poder y la autoridad de la Iglesia. Sus pingües riquezas
+         desmembraban de una manera considerable las rentas de la corona;
+         y el estado eclesiástico, que muchos abrazaron en un principio á
+         consecuencia de las desgracias y calamidades de la época, fué
+         despues el mas solicitado por las inmensas ventajas que ofrecia
+         su condicion comparada con la de las clases restantes.'
+         _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion_, pp. 223, 224. See
+         also in _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion_, Madrid,
+         1775-1777, vol. i. p. 465, and vol. iv. p. 219, a statement made
+         by the University of Toledo in 1619, or 1620, that 'hay doblados
+         religiosos, clerigos y estudiantes; porque ya _no hallan otro
+         modo de vivir_, _ni de poder sustentarse_.' If the eye of M.
+         Lafuente had lighted upon this and other passages, which I shall
+         shortly quote from contemporary observers, he would, I think,
+         have expressed himself much more strongly than he has done
+         respecting this period, in his recent brilliant, but
+         unsatisfactory, History of Spain. On the great wealth of the
+         convents in 1679, when the rest of the country was steeped in
+         poverty, see a letter dated Madrid, July 25, 1679, in
+         _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii.
+         p. 251. But the earliest evidence I have met with is in a
+         letter, written in 1609, to Prince Henry of England, by Sir
+         Charles Cornwallis, the English ambassador at Madrid. 'The
+         furniture of their churches here, and the riches and lustre of
+         their sepulchres made in every monasterie (the general povertye
+         of this kingdome considered), are almost incredible. The laity
+         of this nation may say with Davyde (though in another sense),
+         "Zelus domus tuæ comedit me:" for, assuredly, the riches of the
+         Temporall hath in a manner all fallen into the mouthes and
+         devouring throates of the Spiritual.' _Winwood's Memorials of
+         Affairs of State_, vol. iii. p. 10, London, 1725, folio.
+
+  [1259] 'Deux millions de ducats, que le clergé possédait sous le règne
+         de Charles V, étaient réputés comme un revenu exorbitant; et, un
+         demi-siècle plus tard, lorsque ces revenus s'élevaient à huit
+         millions, on qualifiat d'hérétique, toute proposition tendant à
+         opérer quelque modification dans leur accroissement.' _Sempère_,
+         _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 16.
+
+How natural all this was, appears also from another fact of considerable
+interest. In Europe generally, the seventeenth century was distinguished
+by the rise of a secular literature in which ecclesiastical theories
+were disregarded; the most influential writers, such as Bacon and
+Descartes, being laymen, rather hostile to the Church than friendly to
+it, and composing their works with views purely temporal. But in Spain,
+no change of this sort occurred.[1260] In that country, the Church
+retained her hold over the highest as well as over the lowest
+intellects. Such was the pressure of public opinion, that authors of
+every grade were proud to count themselves members of the ecclesiastical
+profession, the interests of which they advocated with a zeal worthy of
+the Dark Ages. Cervantes, three years before his death, became a
+Franciscan monk.[1261] Lope de Vega was a priest; he was an officer of
+the Inquisition; and in 1623 he assisted at an auto da fé, in which,
+amid an immense concourse of people, a heretic was burned outside the
+gate of Alcalá at Madrid.[1262] Moreto, one of the three greatest
+dramatists Spain has produced, assumed the monastic habit during the
+last twelve years of his life.[1263] Montalvan, whose plays are still
+remembered, was a priest, and held office in the Inquisition.[1264]
+Tarrega, Mira de Mescua, and Tirso de Molina, were all successful
+writers for the stage, and were all clergymen.[1265] Solis, the
+celebrated historian of Mexico, was also a clergyman.[1266] Sandoval,
+whom Philip III. appointed historiographer, and who is the principal
+authority for the reign of Charles V., was at first a Benedictine monk,
+afterwards became bishop of Tuy, and later still, was raised to the see
+of Pampeluna.[1267] Davila, the biographer of Philip III., was a
+priest.[1268] Mariana was a Jesuit;[1269] and Miñana, who continued his
+History, was superior of a convent in Valencia.[1270] Martin Carrillo
+was a jurisconsult as well as an historian, but, not satisfied with his
+double employment, he too entered the Church, and became canon of
+Saragossa.[1271] Antonio, the most learned bibliographer Spain ever
+possessed, was a canon of Seville.[1272] Gracian, whose prose works have
+been much read, and who was formerly deemed a great writer, was a
+Jesuit.[1273] Among the poets, the same tendency was exhibited.
+Paravicino was for sixteen years a popular preacher at the courts of
+Philip III. and Philip IV.[1274] Zamora was a monk.[1275] Argensola was
+a canon of Saragossa.[1276] Gongora was a priest;[1277] and Rioja
+received a high post[1278] in the Inquisition. Calderon was chaplain to
+Philip IV.;[1279] and so fanatical are the sentiments which tarnish his
+brilliant genius, that he has been termed the poet of the
+Inquisition.[1280] His love for the Church was a passion, and he
+scrupled at nothing which could advance its interests. In Spain, such
+feelings were natural; though to other nations they seem so strange,
+that an eminent critic has declared that it is hardly possible to read
+his works without indignation.[1281] If this be so, the indignation
+should be extended to nearly all his contemporary countrymen, great or
+small. There was hardly a Spaniard of that period who did not entertain
+similar sentiments. Even Villaviciosa, author of one of the very best
+mock-heroic poems Spain has produced, was not only an officer in the
+Inquisition, but, in his last will, he strongly urged upon his family
+and all his descendants, that they too should, if possible, enter the
+service of that noble institution, taking whatever place in it they
+could obtain, since all its offices were, he said, worthy of
+veneration.[1282] In such a state of society, anything approaching to a
+secular or scientific spirit was, of course, impossible. Every one
+believed; no one inquired. Among the better classes, all were engaged in
+war or theology, and most were occupied with both. Those who made
+literature a profession, ministered, as professional men too often do,
+to the prevailing prejudice. Whatever concerned the Church was treated
+not only with respect, but with timid veneration. Skill and industry
+worthy of a far better cause, were expended in eulogizing every folly
+which superstition had invented. The more cruel and preposterous a
+custom was, the greater the number of persons who wrote in its favour,
+albeit no one had ventured to assail it. The quantity of Spanish works
+to prove the necessity of religious persecution is incalculable; and
+this took place in a country where not one man in a thousand doubted the
+propriety of burning heretics. As to miracles, which form the other
+capital resource of theologians, they, in the seventeenth century, were
+constantly happening, and as constantly being recorded. All literary men
+were anxious to say something on that important subject. Saints, too,
+being in great repute, their biographies were written in profusion, and
+with an indifference to truth which usually characterizes that species
+of composition. With these and kindred topics, the mind of Spain was
+chiefly busied. Monasteries, nunneries, religious orders, and cathedrals
+received equal attention, and huge books were written about them, in
+order that every particular might be preserved. Indeed, it often
+happened that a single convent, or a single cathedral, would have more
+than one historian; each seeking to distance his immediate competitor,
+and all striving which could do most to honour the Church and to uphold
+the interests of which the Church was the guardian.[1283]
+
+  [1260] In a work on Spanish literature which was published about seventy
+         years ago, and which, at the time of its appearance, made
+         considerable noise, this peculiarity is frankly admitted, but is
+         deemed rather an honour to Spain than otherwise, inasmuch as
+         that country, we are told, has produced philosophers who have
+         gone much deeper into things than Bacon, Descartes, and Newton,
+         who, no doubt, were clever men, but were nowise comparable to
+         the great thinkers of the Peninsula. Such assertions,
+         proceeding, not from some ignorant despiser of physical science,
+         who contemns what he has never been at the pains to study, but
+         from a really able and, in some respects, competent judge, are
+         important for the history of opinion; and as the book is not
+         very common, I will give two or three extracts. 'Confiesan los
+         Franceses con ingenuidad que Descartes fué un novelista: y con
+         todo eso quieren hacerle pasar por el promotor de la filosofía
+         en Europa, como si su filosofía se desemejase mucho de la que
+         dominaba en las sectas de la antigüedad. Su tratádo "Del Metodo"
+         es nada en comparacion de los libros "De la Corrupcion de las
+         Artes" de Juan Luis Vives, que le antecedió buen número de
+         años.' _Oracion Apologética por la España y su Mérito Literario
+         por D. J. P. Forner_, Madrid, 1786, p. xi. 'No hemos tenido en
+         los efectos un Cartesio, no un Neuton: démoslo de barato: pero
+         hemos tenido justísimos legisladores y excelentes filósofos
+         prácticos, que han preferido el inefable gusto de trabajar en
+         beneficio de la humanidad á la ociosa ocupacion de edificar
+         mundos imaginarios en la soledad y silencio de un gabinete.' p.
+         12. 'Nada se disputaba en España.' p. 61. At p. 143 a comparison
+         between Bacon and Vives; and the final decision, p. 146, that
+         Vives enjoys 'una gloriosa superioridad sobre todos los sabios
+         de todos los siglos.'
+
+  [1261] The final profession was not made till 1616; but he began to wear
+         the clothes in 1613. 'Tal era su situacion el sábado santo 2 de
+         abril' [1616] 'que por no poder salir de su casa hubieron de
+         darle en ella la profesion de la venerable órden tercera de San
+         Francisco, cuyo hábito habia tomado en Alcalá, el dia 2 de julio
+         de 1613.' _Navarrete_, _Vida de Cervantes_, p. cii. prefixed to
+         _Don Quijote_, Barcelona, 1839. Even in 1609, says Navarrete,
+         (p. lxii.), 'Se ha creido que entónces se incorporó tambien
+         Cervantes, como lo hizo Lope de Vega, en la congregacion del
+         oratorio del Caballero de Gracia, mientras que su muger y su
+         hermana doña Andrea se dedicaban á semejantes ejercicios de
+         piedad en la venerable órden tercera de San Francisco, cuyo
+         hábito recibieron en 8 de junio del mismo año.'
+
+  [1262] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. pp. 125, 126,
+         137, 147, 148.
+
+  [1263] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 374. _Biographie Universelle_, vol. xxx.
+         pp. 149, 150.
+
+  [1264] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. pp. 276, 327.
+
+  [1265] _Ticknor_, vol. ii. p. 327.
+
+  [1266] _Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 525. But
+         the best account is that given by his biographer, who assures us
+         of two facts; that he received 'todas las órdenes sagradas,' and
+         that he was 'devotísimo de María santísima.' _Vida de Solis_, p.
+         15, prefixed to _Solis_, _Historia de la Conquista de Mejico_,
+         edit. Paris, 1844.
+
+  [1267] _Biographie Universelle_, vol. xl. p. 319.
+
+  [1268] 'Sacerdote soy.' _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe
+         Tercero_, lib. ii. p. 215.
+
+  [1269] _Biographie Universelle_, vol. xxvii. p. 42.
+
+  [1270] _Ibid._ vol. xxix. p. 80.
+
+  [1271] _Ibid._ vol. vii. p. 219.
+
+  [1272] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 293.
+
+  [1273] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 177.
+
+  [1274] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 491, vol. iii. pp. 117, 118.
+
+  [1275] _Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 348,
+         London, 1846.
+
+  [1276] 'Pero en fin murio Don Andres Martinez, y sucediole en la
+         Canongia nuestro Bartholome.' _Pellicer_, _Ensayo de una
+         Bibliotheca_, Madrid, 1778, 4to. p. 94. This was the younger
+         Argensola.
+
+  [1277] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. p. 486.
+
+  [1278] 'Occupied a high place in the Inquisition.' _Ticknor_, vol. ii.
+         p. 507. 'Prit les ordres, et obtint un canonicat.' _Biographie
+         Univ._ vol. xxxviii. p. 120.
+
+  [1279] In 1663 Philip IV. 'le honró con otra Capellanía de honor en su
+         real Capilla.' _Vida de Calderon_, p. iv., prefixed to _Las
+         Comedias de Calderon_, edit. Keil, Leipsique, 1827.
+
+  [1280] 'Calderon is, in fact, the true poet of the Inquisition. Animated
+         by a religious feeling, which is too visible in all his pieces,
+         he inspires me only with horror for the faith which he
+         professes.' _Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe_, vol.
+         ii. p. 379. Compare _Lewes on the Spanish Drama_, pp. 176-179.
+
+  [1281] Salfi says, 'Calderon de la Barca excite encore plus une sorte
+         d'indignation, malgré son génie dramatique, qui le mit audessus
+         de Vega, son prédécesseur. En lisant ses drames sans prévention,
+         vous diriez qu'il a voulu faire servir son talent uniquement à
+         confirmer les préjugés et les superstitions les plus ridicules
+         de sa nation.' _Ginguenè_, _Histoire Littéraire d'Italie_, vol.
+         xii. p. 499, Paris, 1834.
+
+  [1282] 'Entró en el año de 1622 á ser _Relator del Consejo de la General
+         Inquisicion_, cuyo empleo servió y desempeñó con todo honor
+         muchos años.' And he declared, 'en esta clausula de su
+         Testamento: "Y por quanto yo y mis hermanos y toda nuestra
+         familia nos hemos sustentado, autorizado y puesto en estado con
+         las honras y mercedes, que nos ha hecho el santo Oficio de la
+         Inquisicion, á quien hemos servido como nuestros antepassados;
+         encargo afectuosissimamente á todos mis successores le sean para
+         siempre los mas respetuosos servidores y criados, viviendo en
+         ocupacion de su santo servido, procurando adelantarse y
+         señalarse en él, quanto les fuere possible, en qualquiera de sus
+         ministerios; pues todos son tan dignos de estimacion y
+         veneracion."' _La Mosquea, por Villaviciosa_, Prologo,
+         pp. x.-xii., edit. Madrid, 1777.
+
+  [1283] 'Hardly a convent or a saint of any note in Spain, during the
+         sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, failed of especial
+         commemoration; and each of the religious orders and great
+         cathedrals had at least one historian, and most of them several.
+         The number of books on Spanish ecclesiastical history, is,
+         therefore, one that may well be called enormous.' _Ticknor's
+         History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 132. Forner assures
+         us, somewhat needlessly, of what no one ever doubted, that 'los
+         estudios sagrados jamas decayéron en España.' _Forner_, _Oracion
+         Apologética_, Madrid, 1786, p. 141.
+
+Such, was the preponderance of the ecclesiastical profession, and such
+was the homage paid to ecclesiastical interests by the Spaniards during
+the seventeenth century.[1284] They did everything to strengthen the
+Church in that very age when other nations first set themselves in
+earnest to weaken it. This unhappy peculiarity was undoubtedly the
+effect of preceding events; but it was the immediate cause of the
+decline of Spain, since, whatever may have been the case in former
+periods, it is certain that, in modern times, the prosperity of nations
+depends on principles to which the clergy, as a body, are invariably
+opposed. Under Philip III. they gained an immense accession of strength;
+and in that very reign they signalized this new epoch of their power by
+obtaining, with circumstances of horrible barbarity, the expulsion of
+the whole Moorish nation. This was an act so atrocious in itself,[1285]
+and so terrible in its consequences, that some writers have ascribed to
+it alone, the subsequent ruin of Spain; forgetting that other causes,
+far more potent, were also at work, and that this stupendous crime could
+never have been perpetrated, except in a country which, being long
+accustomed to regard heresy as the most heinous of all offences, was
+ready, at any cost, to purge the land and to free itself from men whose
+mere presence was regarded as an insult to the Christian faith.
+
+  [1284] In 1623, Howell writes from Madrid: 'Such is the reverence they
+         bear to the church here, and so holy a conceit they have of all
+         ecclesiastics, that the greatest Don in Spain will tremble to
+         offer the meanest of them any outrage or affront.' _Howell's
+         Letters_, edit. London, 1754, p. 138. 'The reverence they show
+         to the holy function of the church is wonderful; Princes and
+         Queens will not disdain to kiss a Capuchin's sleeve, or the
+         surplice of a priest.' ... 'There are no such sceptics and
+         cavillers there, as in other places.' p. 496. In 1669, another
+         observer writes: 'En Espagne les Religieux sont les maîtres, et
+         l'emportent partout où ils se trouvent.' _Voyages faits en
+         divers Temps en Espagne_, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 35. And, to quote
+         one more authority, the following picture is given of Spanish
+         society in the reign of Philip IV.: 'No habia familia con quien
+         no estuvieran entroncados los frailes por amistad ó parentesco;
+         ni casa que les cerrara sus puertas; ni conversacion en que no
+         se les cediera la palabra; ni mesa en que no se les obligara á
+         ocupar la primera silla; ni resolucion grave entre ricos ó
+         pobres que se adoptara sin su consejo; y si no tomaban parte en
+         ellas, las satisfacciones domésticas no eran cabales.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. i. p. 94.
+
+  [1285] 'Le cardinal de Richelieu, qui n'étoit pas très-susceptible de
+         pitié, l'appelle "le plus hardi et le plus barbare conseil dont
+         l'histoire de tous les siècles précédens fasse mention."'
+         _Sismondi_, _Histoire des Français_, vol. xxii. p. 163, Paris,
+         1839.
+
+After the reduction, late in the fifteenth century, of the last
+Mohammedan kingdom in Spain, the great object of the Spaniards became to
+convert those whom they had conquered.[1286] They believed that the
+future welfare of a whole people was at stake; and finding that the
+exhortations of their clergy had no effect, they had recourse to other
+means, and persecuted the men they were unable to persuade. By torturing
+some, by burning others, and by threatening all, they at length
+succeeded; and we are assured that, after the year 1526, there was no
+Mohammedan in Spain, who had not been converted to Christianity.[1287]
+Immense numbers of them were baptized by force; but being baptized, it
+was held that they belonged to the Church, and were amenable to her
+discipline.[1288] That discipline was administered by the Inquisition,
+which, during the rest of the sixteenth century, subjected these new
+Christians, or Moriscoes, as they were now called,[1289] to the most
+barbarous treatment. The genuineness of their forced conversion was
+doubted; it therefore became the business of the Church to inquire into
+their sincerity.[1290] The civil government lent its aid; and among
+other enactments, an edict was issued by Philip II. in 1566, ordering
+the Moriscoes to abandon everything which by the slightest possibility
+could remind them of their former religion. They were commanded, under
+severe penalties, to learn Spanish, and to give up all their Arabic
+books. They were forbidden to read their native language, or to write
+it, or even to speak it in their own houses. Their ceremonies and their
+very games were strictly prohibited. They were to indulge in no
+amusements which had been practised by their fathers; neither were they
+to wear such clothes as they had been accustomed to. Their women were to
+go unveiled; and as bathing was a heathenish custom, all public baths
+were to be destroyed, and even all baths in private houses.[1291]
+
+  [1286] 'Porque los Reyes queriendo, que en todo el Reino fuesen
+         Christianos, embiaron á Frai Francisco Ximenez, que fue
+         Arzobispo de Toledo i Cardenal, para que los persuadiese. Mas
+         ellos, gente dura, pertinaz, nuevamente conquistada, estuvieron
+         recios,' _Mendoza_, _Guerra de Granada que hizo Felipe II.
+         contra los Moriscos_, Valencia, 1776, 4to. p. 10. The author of
+         this book was born early in the sixteenth century, at Granada,
+         where he lived for a considerable period.
+
+  [1287] 'L'année 1526 vit donc disparaître dans toutes les parties de
+         l'Espagne les signes extérieurs de l'islamisme.' _Circourt_,
+         _Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 220. M.
+         Lafuente (_Historia de España_, vol. x. p. 132) says of 1502,
+         that 'desde entónces, por primera vez al cabo de ocho siglos, no
+         quedo un solo habitante en España que esteriormente diera culto
+         á Mahoma:' but in vol. xi. p. 447, he says that, in 1524,
+         'volvieron inmediatamente á sus ritos y ceremonias muslímicas.'
+         As M. de Circourt was well acquainted with all the materials
+         used by M. Lafuente, and is, moreover, a much more critical
+         writer, it seems likely that his statement is the correct one.
+
+  [1288] 'Ces malheureux auraient tous été exterminés, s'ils n'avaient
+         consenti à recevoir le baptême. Au milieu des décombres de leurs
+         maisons, sur les cadavres fumans de leurs femmes, ils
+         s'agenouillèrent. Les germanos, ivres de sang, firent l'office
+         de prêtres; l'un d'eux prit un balai, aspergea la foule des
+         musulmans, en prononçant les paroles sacramentelles, et crut
+         avoir fait des chrétiens. L'armée des germanos se répandit
+         ensuite dans le pays environnant, saccageant d'abord, baptisant
+         après.' _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, vol. ii.
+         p. 175. See also p. 202.
+
+  [1289] That was their general name; but, in Aragon, they were termed
+         '"tornadizos," en lenguage insultante.' _Janer_, _Condición de
+         los Moriscos de España_, Madrid, 1857, p. 26.
+
+  [1290] 'Recibieron el Sacramento por comodidad, no de voluntad, y asi
+         encubrian todo lo possible el viuir y morir en la secta de
+         Mahoma, siendo infieles apostatas.' _Vanderhammen's Filipe
+         Segundo_, p. 12. 'Porque la Inquisicion los comenzó á apretar
+         mas de lo ordinario.' _Mendoza_, _Guerra de Granada_, p. 20.
+         'Poner nuevo cuidado i diligencia en descubrir los motivos
+         destos hombres,' p. 26. And yet this very writer has the
+         impudence to declaim against Mohammedanism as a cruel religion.
+         'Cruel i abominable religion aplacar á Dios con vida i sangre
+         innocente!' pp. 107, 108.
+
+  [1291] Vanderhammen (_Filipe Segundo_, p. 12, Madrid, 1632) merely tells
+         us that 'Por cedula el año sesenta y seis les mandó dexassen el
+         habito, lengua y costumbres de Moros, y fuessen Christianos y lo
+         pareciessen.' But the exact provisions were, 'Que dentro de tres
+         años aprendiesen los moriscos á hablar la lengua castellana, y
+         de allí adelante ninguno pudiese hablar, leer ni escriber
+         arábigo en publico ni en secreto: que todos los contratos que se
+         hiciesen en arábigo fuesen nulos: que todos los libros así
+         escritos los llevasen en término de treinta dias al presidente
+         de la audiencia de Granada para que los mandase examinar,
+         devolviendoseles aquellos que no ofrecieran inconveniente para
+         que los pudiesen guardar solo durante los tres años: que no se
+         hicieran de nuevo marlotas, almalafas, calzas ni otra suerte de
+         vestidos de los que se usaban en tiempos de moros; que durante
+         este tiempo, las mujeres vestidas á la morisca llevarian la cara
+         descubierta; que no usasen de las ceremonias ni de los regocijos
+         moros en las bodas, sino conforme al uso de la Santa Madre
+         Iglesia, abriendo las puertas de sus casas en tales dias, y
+         tambien en los de fiesta, no haciendo zambras ni leylas con
+         instrumentos ni cantares moriscos, aunque no dijesen en ellos
+         cosas contraria á la religion cristiana,' &c. _Janer_,
+         _Condicion de los Moriscos_, pp. 31, 32, where other particulars
+         will be found, which should be compared with _Circourt_,
+         _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 278, 283, 459-463.
+
+By these and similar measures,[1292] these unhappy people were at length
+goaded into rebellion; and in 1568 they took the desperate step of
+measuring their force against that of the whole Spanish monarchy. The
+result could hardly be doubted; but the Moriscoes maddened by their
+sufferings, and fighting for their all, protracted the contest till
+1571, when the insurrection was finally put down.[1293] By this
+unsuccessful effort, they were greatly reduced in numbers and in
+strength; and, during the remaining twenty-seven years of the reign of
+Philip II. we hear comparatively little of them. Notwithstanding an
+occasional outbreak, the old animosities were subsiding, and in the
+course of time would probably have disappeared. At all events, there was
+no pretence for violence on the part of the Spaniards, since it was
+absurd to suppose that the Moriscoes, weakened in every way, humbled,
+broken, and scattered through the kingdom, could, even if they desired
+it, effect any thing against the resources of the executive government.
+
+  [1292] Some of the other steps which were taken, before 1566, to affront
+         the Moriscoes are enumerated in _Prescott's History of Philip
+         II._, vol. iii. p. 10, and elsewhere. In the reign of Charles
+         V., there were many acts of local tyranny which escape the
+         general historian. One of them, on the part of the Bishop of
+         Guadix, is worth quoting. 'On le vit pousser l'intolérance
+         jusqu'à faire raser les femmes et les obliger à racler leurs
+         ongles pour en faire disparaître les traces du henné, cosmétique
+         inoffensif dont il abhorrait l'usage, en raison de ce que les
+         Arabes l'avaient introduit.' _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes
+         d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 226.
+
+  [1293] Its concluding scene, in March, 1571, is skilfully depicted in
+         _Prescott's History of Philip III._, vol. iii. pp. 148-151. The
+         splendid courage of the Moriscoes is attested by Mendoza in his
+         contemporary history of the war; but, in narrating the horrible
+         outrages which they undoubtedly committed, he makes no allowance
+         for the long-continued and insufferable provocations which they
+         had received from the Spanish Christians. What he mentions of
+         one of the battles is curious, and I do not remember to have
+         seen it elsewhere recorded. 'Fue porfiado por ambas partes el
+         combate hasta venir á las espadas, de que los Moros se
+         aprovechan menos que nosotros, por tener las suyas un filo i no
+         herir ellos de punta.' _Mendoza_, _Guerra de Granada_, edit.
+         4to. Valencia, 1776, p. 168.
+
+But, after the death of Philip II., that movement began which I have
+just described, and which, contrary to the course of affairs in other
+nations, secured to the Spanish clergy in the seventeenth century, more
+power than they had possessed in the sixteenth. The consequences of this
+were immediately apparent. The clergy did not think that the steps taken
+by Philip II. against the Moriscoes were sufficiently decisive; and even
+during his lifetime they looked forward to a new reign, in which these
+Christians of doubtful sincerity should be either destroyed or driven
+from Spain.[1294] While he was on the throne, the prudence of the
+government restrained in some degree the eagerness of the Church; and
+the king, following the advice of his ablest ministers, refused to adopt
+the measures to which he was urged, and to which his own disposition
+prompted him.[1295] But, under his successor, the clergy, as we have
+already seen, gained fresh strength, and they soon felt themselves
+sufficiently powerful to begin another and final crusade against the
+miserable remains of the Moorish nation.[1296]
+
+  [1294] An instance of this was exhibited in 1578, on the very day in
+         which Philip III. was born. 'Predicando en un lugar de Aragon,
+         todo de Moriscos, llamado Ricla, ó Torrellas, un religioso,
+         llamado Vargas, el mismo dia que nació su Magestad, viendo el
+         poco fruto que hacia con sus sermones, dixo, como en Profecia, á
+         aquella gente rebelde: Pues no quereis despedir de vuestros
+         pechos esta infernal secta, sabed, que ha nacido en Castilla vn
+         Principe que os ha de echar de España.' _Porreño_, _Dichos y
+         Hechos de Phelipe III._, in _Yañez_, _Memorias_, Madrid, 1723,
+         p. 224; and nearly the same words in _Janer_, _Condicion de los
+         Moriscos_, p. 60. Mr. Prescott, in his _History of Philip II._,
+         vol. iii. p. 139, quotes a Ms. letter from Don John of Austria
+         to Philip II., written in 1570, and stating that the Spanish
+         monks were openly preaching against the leniency with which the
+         king treated the Moriscoes. 'Predicando en los púlpitos
+         publicamente contra la benignidad y clemencia que V. M. ha
+         mandado usar con esta gente.'
+
+  [1295] In a recent work of considerable authority, it is denied that
+         Philip II. entertained the desire of expelling the Moriscoes.
+         'El carácter austero y la severidad de Felipe II. redundaban en
+         favor de los moriscos, porque no daba oidos á las instigaciones
+         de algunos personajes que señalaban la expulsion general como
+         unico remedio eficaz para los males que ofrecia al pais aquella
+         desventurada raza. Acababa el monarca de tocar los tristes
+         resultados de una emigracion por las funestas consecuencias de
+         la despoblacion del reino granadino, y preferia continuar en la
+         _senda de la conciliacion_, procurando de nuevo la enseñanza de
+         los conversos.' _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, Madrid,
+         1857, p. 59. But to say nothing of the fact that this is
+         contrary to all we know of the character of Philip, we have, on
+         the other side of the question, the testimony of Archbishop
+         Ribera, who had often communicated with the King on the subject,
+         and who distinctly states that Philip desired the expulsion of
+         the Moors from Spain, 'El hechar los Moros deste Reyno, ha sido
+         cosa muy desseada, y procurada por los Reyes Predecessores del
+         Rey nuestro Señor, aunque no executada.' ... 'El Rey Don Felipe
+         Segundo, nuestro Señor, despues de suceder en estos Reynos,
+         _tuvo el mismo desseo_; y assi mandó, que se juntassen los
+         Prelados deste Reyno para buscar remedio el año de 1568; siendo
+         Arçobispo desta Metropoli el Reverendissimo Don Hernando de
+         Lloazes. Hizieronse en aquella Junta algunas Constituciones de
+         consideracion. Visto que no aprovechaban, mandó el año 1587 que
+         se hiziesse otra Junta, _en la qual me hallé yo_: añadimos
+         tambien algunas nuevas Constituciones. Y constando á su Magestad
+         que no eran bastantes las diligencias passadas, y que siempre
+         perseveraban en su heregia, se resolvio de mandarlos hechar del
+         Reyno, ó por lo menos meterlos dentro de la tierra.' _Ximenez_,
+         _Vida de Ribera_, Roma, 1734, 4to. pp. 419, 420. This important
+         passage is decisive as to the real feelings of Philip, unless we
+         assume that Ribera has stated a deliberate falsehood. But,
+         strange to say, even the book in which so remarkable a passage
+         is contained, appears to be unknown either to M. Janer or to M.
+         Lafuente.
+
+  [1296] 'El rey Felipe III., hombre de rudo ingenio, se dejaba gobernar
+         con facilidad por aquellos que sabiendo los temores de su
+         conciencia, se aprovechaban de su imbecilidad para conseguir
+         cuanto querian. Muchos eclesiásticos, recordando las espulsiones
+         de judios y moros ejecutadas de órden de Fernando é Isabel, y
+         conociendo que á Felipe III. seria agradable imitar á estos
+         monarcas, le aconsejaron que condenase al destierro á todos los
+         moriscos que vivian en sus reynos; pues no solo se obstinaban en
+         seguir la ley mahometana, sino que tenían tratos con los turcos
+         y entre sí para buscar sus libertades por medio del rigor de las
+         armas.' _Castro_, _Decadencia de España_, Cadiz, 1852,
+         pp. 101, 102.
+
+The Archbishop of Valencia was the first to take the field. In 1602,
+this eminent prelate presented a memorial to Philip III. against the
+Moriscoes; and finding that his views were cordially supported by the
+clergy, and not discouraged by the crown, he followed up the blow by
+another memorial having the same object.[1297] The Archbishop, who spoke
+as one having authority, and who from his rank and position was a
+natural representative of the Spanish Church, assured the king that all
+the disasters which had befallen the monarchy, had been caused by the
+presence of these unbelievers, whom it was now necessary to root out,
+even as David had done to the Philistines, and Saul to the
+Amalekites.[1298] He declared that the Armada, which Philip II. sent
+against England in 1588, had been destroyed, because God would not allow
+even that pious enterprise to succeed, while those who undertook it,
+left heretics undisturbed at home. For the same reason, the late
+expedition to Algiers had failed; it being evidently the will of Heaven
+that nothing should prosper while Spain was inhabited by
+apostates.[1299] He, therefore, exhorted the king to exile all the
+Moriscoes, except some whom he might condemn to work in the galleys, and
+others who could become slaves, and labour in the mines of
+America.[1300] This, he added, would make the reign of Philip glorious
+to all posterity, and would raise his fame far above that of his
+predecessors, who in this matter had neglected their obvious duty.[1301]
+
+  [1297] These memorials are printed in the Appendix to his Life by
+         Ximenez. See the very curious book, entitled _Vida y Virtudes
+         del Venerable Siervo de Dios D. Juan de Ribera_, _por el R. P.
+         Fr. Juan Ximenez_, Roma, 1734, 4to. pp. 367-374, 376-393. This
+         work is, I believe, extremely rare; at all events, I endeavoured
+         in vain to obtain a copy from Spain or Italy, and, after some
+         years' unsuccessful search, I met with the one I now have, on a
+         London book-stall. M. de Circourt, in his learned History of the
+         Spanish Arabs, does not appear to have been aware of its
+         existence, and he complains that he could not procure the works
+         of Ribera, whose Memorials he consequently quotes second-hand.
+         _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, Paris, 1846, vol.
+         iii. pp. 168, 351. Nor does Watson seem to have known it; though
+         both he and M. de Circourt refer to Escriva's Life of Ribera.
+         _Watson's Philip III._, London, 1839, pp. 214-221. An abstract
+         of these Memorials is given by Geddes, who, though a learned and
+         accurate writer, had the mischievous habit of not indicating the
+         sources of his information. _Geddes' Tracts_, London, 1730,
+         vol. i. pp. 60-71.
+
+  [1298] 'Por lo qual se puede creer, que nuestro Señor ha querido
+         reservar esta obra tan digna de pecho Real para Vuestra
+         Magestad, como reservó la libertad e su pueblo para Moyses, la
+         entrada de la Tierra de Promission para Josue, la vengança de la
+         injuria antigua de los Amalequitas para Saul, y la victoria de
+         los Filisteos para David.' _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 370.
+         Again, p. 377: 'Y al primer Rey que tuvo el Mundo, en siendo
+         elegido por Dios, y confirmado en su Reyno, le embia á mandar
+         por un Propheta que destruya á los Amalequitas, sin dexar
+         hombres, ni mugeres, ni niños, aunque sean de leche, en fin que
+         no quede rastro de ellos, ni des sus haziendas. Y porque no
+         cumplió exactamente su mandamiento, cayó en indignacion de Dios,
+         y fue privado del Reyno. Al segundo Rey, que fue David, le mandó
+         Dios en siendo jurado, que destruyesse los Philisteos, como lo
+         hizo.'
+
+  [1299] 'El año quando se perdio la poderosa Armada, que iba á
+         Inglaterra, confiado de la benignidad del Rey nuestro Señor, que
+         está en el Cielo, me atreví con el zelo de fiel vassallo y
+         Capellán, á dezir á Su Magestad; que aviendo gastado mucho
+         tiempo en discurrir, que causa podia aver para que Dios, nuestro
+         Señor, permitiesse aquel mal sucesso se me havia ofrecido una
+         cosa de mucha consideracion, y era, querer dezir la Magestad
+         Divina á Su Magestad Catolica; que mientras no ponia remedio en
+         estas Heregias de España, cuyos Reynos le avia encomendado, no
+         se debía ocupar en remediar las de los Beynos agenos. Y ahora
+         confiando en la misma benignidad, y clemencia de Vuestra
+         Magestad, me atrevo tambien á dezir, que aviendo considerado la
+         causa, porque Dios nos ha quitado de las manos la toma de Argel,
+         aviendose dispuesto todas las prevenciones para ella con la
+         mayor prudencia, y sagacidad, que hemos visto en nuestros
+         tiempos, y sirviendonos el mar, y los ayres, y las ocasiones, de
+         la manera, que podiamos dessear, tengo por sin duda, que ha
+         sido, querer nuestro Señor dar á Vuestra Magestad el ultimo
+         recuerdo de la obligacion, que tiene, de resolver esta platica.'
+         _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 373. It would be a pity if such
+         admirable specimens of theological reasoning were to remain
+         buried in an old Roman quarto. I congratulate myself and the
+         reader on my acquisition of this volume, which is a vast
+         repertory of powerful, though obsolete, weapons.
+
+ [1300] 'Todas estas cosas, y otras muchas, que dexo de dezir, por no ser
+         prolixo, me hazen evidencia, de que conviene para el servicio de
+         Dios nuestro Señor, y que Vuestra Magestad está obligado en
+         conciencia, como Rey, y Supremo Señor, á quien toca de justicia
+         defender, y conservar sus Reynos, mandar desterrar de España
+         todos estos Moriscos, sin que quede hombre, ni muger grande, ni
+         pequeño; reservando tan solamente los niños, y niñas, que no
+         llegaren á siete años, para que se guarden entre nosotros,
+         repartien dolos por las casas particulares de Christianos
+         viejos. Y aun hay opinion de personas doctas, que estos tales
+         niños y niñas, los puede Vuestra Magestad dar por esclavos, y lo
+         fundan con razones probables.' _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, pp.
+         379, 380. 'Destos que se han de desterrar, podra Vuestra
+         Magestad tomarlos que fuere servido por esclavos, para proveer
+         sus Galeras, ó para embiar á las minas de las Indias, sin
+         escrupulo alguno de conciencia, lo que tambien será de no poca
+         utilidad.' p. 384. To do this, was to be merciful; for they all
+         deserved capital punishment, 'merecian pena capital.' p. 381.
+
+  [1301] 'Aora, Catolica Magestad, vemos que Dios nuestro Señor ha
+         reservado para Vuestra Magestad, y para su Real Corona, el
+         nombre, y hechos de Rey Catholico: permitiendo por sus secretos
+         juizios, que los que han sido siempre enemigos de su Iglesia se
+         conserven, y que los que antes eran Catholicos, ayan degenerado,
+         y apostatado de su santa ley y assi va la honra de Dios nuestro
+         Señor, y el exemplo, y confusion de los otros Reyes, en que
+         Vuestra Magestad tenga sus Reynos limpios de Hereges, y
+         principalmente á España. Y quando esto huviesse de costar
+         grandes trabajos, y todo el oro, y plata, que hay en las Indias,
+         estaria muy bien empleado: pues se atraviessa la honra de Dios,
+         la de su Santa Iglesia, el antiguo renombre desta Corona,' &c.
+         _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 382. And on the neglect of duty
+         by Charles V. and Philip II., see p. 370.
+
+These remonstrances, besides being in accordance with the known views of
+the Spanish Church, were warmly supported by the personal influence of
+the Archbishop of Toledo, the primate of Spain. In only one respect did
+he differ from the views advocated by the Archbishop of Valencia. The
+Archbishop of Valencia thought that children under seven years of age
+need not share in the general banishment, but might, without danger to
+the faith, be separated from their parents, and kept in Spain. To this,
+the Archbishop of Toledo strongly objected. He was unwilling, he said,
+to run the risk of pure Christian blood being polluted by infidels; and
+he declared that sooner than leave one of these unbelievers to corrupt
+the land, he would have the whole of them, men, women, and children, at
+once put to the sword.[1302]
+
+  [1302] 'The most powerful promoter of their expulsion was Don Bernardo
+         de Roias y Sandoval, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and
+         Inquisitor-General and Chancellor of Spain. This great prelate,
+         who was brother to the Duke of Lerma, by whom the king for some
+         years before, and for some years after the expulsion was
+         absolutely governed, was so zealous to have the whole race of
+         the Moriscoes extinguished, that he opposed the detaining of
+         their children who were under seven years of age, affirming that
+         of the two he judged it more advisable to cut the throats of all
+         the Moriscoes, men, women, and children, than to have any of
+         their children left in Spain, to defile the true Spanish blood
+         with a mixture of the Moorish.' _Geddes' Tracts_, vol. i. pp.
+         85, 86. Navarrete has pronounced a glowing eulogy upon the piety
+         and other noble qualities of this prelate; and says that
+         'llenando de esplendor con su virtud tres sillas episcopales,
+         mereció que Clemente VIII. le honrase con el capelo, y fué
+         elevado á la primada de Toledo y al empleo de inquisidor
+         general.' _Vida de Cervantes_, pp. xcvii., xcviii., Barcelona,
+         1839.
+
+That they should all be slain, instead of being banished, was the desire
+of a powerful party in the Church, who thought that such signal
+punishment would work good by striking terror into the heretics of every
+nation. Bleda, the celebrated Dominican, one of the most influential men
+of his time, wished this to be done, and to be done thoroughly. He
+said, that, for the sake of example, every Morisco in Spain should have
+his throat cut, because it was impossible to tell which of them were
+Christians at heart, and it was enough to leave the matter to God, who
+knew his own, and who would reward in the next world those who were
+really Catholics.[1303]
+
+  [1303] 'He did assure all the old Christian laity, that whenever the
+         king should give the word, they might, without any scruple of
+         conscience, cut the throats of all the Moriscoes, and not spare
+         any of them upon their professing themselves Christians; but to
+         follow the holy and laudable example of the Croisado that was
+         raised against the Albigenses, who, upon their having made
+         themselves masters of the city of Bezeir; wherein were two
+         hundred thousand Catholics and hereticks, did ask Father Arnold,
+         a Cistercian monk, who was their chief preacher, "Whether they
+         should put any to the sword that pretended to be Catholics;" and
+         were answered by the holy Abbot, "That they should kill all
+         without distinction, and leave it to God, who knew his own, to
+         reward them for being true Catholics in the next world;" which
+         was accordingly executed.' _Geddes_, vol. i. p. 84.
+
+It was evident that the fate of the wretched remnant of a once splendid
+nation was now sealed. The religious scruples of Philip III. forbade him
+to struggle with the Church; and his minister Lerma would not risk his
+own authority by even the show of opposition. In 1609, he announced to
+the king, that the expulsion of the Moriscoes had become necessary. 'The
+resolution,' replied Philip, 'is a great one; let it be executed.'[1304]
+And executed it was, with unflinching barbarity. About one million of
+the most industrious inhabitants of Spain were hunted out like wild
+beasts, because the sincerity of their religious opinions was
+doubtful.[1305] Many were slain, as they approached the coast; others
+were beaten and plundered; and the majority, in the most wretched
+plight, sailed for Africa. During the passage, the crew, in many of the
+ships, rose upon them, butchered the men, ravished the women, and threw
+the children into the sea. Those who escaped this fate, landed on the
+coast of Barbary, where they were attacked by the Bedouins, and many of
+them put to the sword. Others made their way into the desert, and
+perished from famine. Of the number of lives actually sacrificed, we
+have no authentic account; but it is said, on very good authority, that
+in one expedition, in which 140,000 were carried to Africa, upwards of
+100,000 suffered death in its most frightful forms within a few months
+after their expulsion from Spain.[1306]
+
+  [1304] '"Grande resolucion!" contestó el débil monarca al ministro
+         favorito: "hacedlo vos, duque."' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. xv. p. 375. But this reply, so far from being a
+         mark of weakness on the part of Philip, was a strictly logical
+         application of the principles which he entertained, and which,
+         indeed, were almost universal in Spain. We know from his
+         contemporary biographer, that 'Determinó el Rey en los
+         principios de su Reynado, como Rey tan poderoso y Catolico, de
+         consagrar y dedicar à Dios la potencia de sus Consejos y Armas
+         para extinguir y acabar los enemigos de la Iglesia Santa.'
+         _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero_, lib. i.
+         p. 44.
+
+  [1305] This is the average estimate. Some authors make it less, and some
+         more; while one writer says, 'The numbers expelled have been
+         estimated at four hundred thousand families, or two millions of
+         souls.' _Clarke's Internal State of Spain_, London, 1818, p. 33.
+         But this is incredible. M. Castro (_Decadencia de España_,
+         Cadiz, 1852, p. 105) says, 'España perdió en los moriscos un
+         millon de habitantes;' and M. Janer (_Condicion de los
+         Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 93), 'Sin entrar en cálculos sobre
+         los que habia cuando se expidio el edicto de Valencia en 1609,
+         ni sobre los que fenecieron en las rebeliones, de mano armada,
+         de sed, de hambre ó ahogados, creemos poder fijar,
+         aproximadamente, en novecientos mil los que llegaron á poner el
+         pie fuera de la península, despidiéndose para siempre de las
+         costas y fronteras de España, cuya cifra deducimos del exámen y
+         contexto de unos y otros escritores, de las listas que nos han
+         quedado de los expulsos, de los datos de diversas relaciones,
+         estados y documentos examinados con este solo intento;' and
+         further on, p. 105, 'la expulsion de un millon, ó novecientos
+         mil de sus habitantes.' Llorente (_Histoire de l'Inquisition_,
+         vol. iii. p. 430, Paris, 1818) says, 'un million d'habitans
+         utiles et laborieux;' Ximenez (_Vida de Ribera_, Roma, 1734,
+         4to. p. 70), 'novecientos mil;' and Boisel, who was in Spain,
+         fifty years after the expulsion, and collected the traditionary
+         evidence, says, 'Il sortit neuf cens tant de mille hommes de
+         compte fait, de Valence, d'Andalousie, et de Castille.'
+         _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_, Paris, 1669, 4to. p.
+         275.
+
+  [1306] _Watson's Philip III._, pp. 234-235. _Davila_, _Vida de Felipe
+         III._, p. 146. _Yañez_, _Memorias para la Historia de Felipe
+         III._, pp. 281, 290. _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, pp.
+         83, 84, 90. Some particulars respecting their expulsion may also
+         be seen in Cottington's Letters from Madrid, which were written
+         in 1609, but are of very little value. _Winwood's Memorials of
+         Affairs of State_, vol. iii. pp. 73, 91, 103, 118, London,
+         folio, 1725.
+
+Now, for the first time, the Church was really triumphant.[1307] For the
+first time, there was not a heretic to be seen between the Pyrenees and
+the Straits of Gibraltar. All were orthodox, and all were loyal. Every
+inhabitant of that great country obeyed the Church, and feared the king.
+And from this happy combination, it was believed that the prosperity and
+grandeur of Spain were sure to follow. The name of Philip III. was to be
+immortal, and posterity would never weary of admiring that heroic act by
+which the last remains of an infidel race were cast out from the land.
+Those who had even remotely participated in the glorious consummation,
+were to be rewarded by the choicest blessings. Themselves, and their
+families, were under the immediate protection of Heaven. The earth
+should bear more fruit, and the trees should clap their hands. Instead
+of the thorn should come up the fir-tree, and instead of the brier, the
+myrtle. A new era was now inaugurated, in which Spain, purged of her
+heresy, was to be at ease, and men, living in safety, were to sleep
+under the shade of their own vineyards, sow their gardens in peace, and
+eat of the fruit of the trees they had planted.[1308]
+
+  [1307] In a contemporary sermon in commemoration of their expulsion, the
+         preacher joyfully exclaims, 'Pues, que mayor honra podemos tener
+         en este Reyno, que ser todos los que vivimos en el, fieles á
+         Dios, y al Rey, sin compañia de estos Hereges y traydores?'
+         _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 423. Another clergyman cries
+         out, 'Al fin salieron estos, y quedó la tierra libre de la
+         infamia de este gente.' _Davila_, _Vida de Felipe Tercero_, p.
+         149. See also p. 151. 'Y es digno de poner en consideracion el
+         zelo que los Reyes de España tuvieron en todo tiempo de
+         sustentar la Fé Catolica; pues en diferentes expulsiones que han
+         hecho, han sacado de sus Reynos tres millones de Moros, y dos
+         millones de Judios, enemigos de nuestra Iglesia.'
+
+  [1308] See the sermon by the Archbishop of Valencia, printed at length
+         in the Appendix to _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, pp. 411-428. I
+         would fain quote it all, but the reader must be content with
+         part of the peroration, pp. 426, 427. 'Entre las felizidades,
+         que cuenta el Espiritu Santo que tuvieron los hijos de Israel en
+         el govierno del Rey Salomon, es una; que vivian los hombres
+         seguros, durmiendo á la sombra de su parra, y de su higuera, sin
+         tener de quien temer. _Assi estaremos en este Reyno de aqui
+         adelante_, por la misericordia de nuestro Señor, y paternal
+         providencia de Su Magestad, todo nos sobrará, y la misma tierra
+         se fertilizará y dará fruto de bendicion. Brocardico es, de que
+         todos usabades, diziendo que despues, que estos se bautizaron,
+         no se avia visto un año fertil; _aora todos lo seran_, porque
+         las heregias y blasfemias de estos tenian esterilizada,
+         abrasada, y inficionada la tierra, como dixo el Real Propheta
+         David, con tantos pecados y abominaciones.' ... 'Y edificarán en
+         las tierras, que antes eran desiertas, plantando viñas, y
+         bebiendo el vino de ellas, y sembrarán huertas, y comeran del
+         fruto de los arboles, que han plantado, y nunca seran hechados
+         de sus casas, dize Dios. Todo esto promete nuestro Señor por dos
+         Prophetas suyos. _Todo (digo otra vez) nos sobrará._' All this
+         was to happen to the people; while, as to the king, he, in the
+         same sermon, p. 416, is likened to David; and it was declared by
+         another high authority, that his expulsion of the Moriscoes was
+         so great an exploit ('hazaña'), that 'durára su memoria por los
+         venideros siglos.' _Porreño_, in _Yañez_, _Memorias para Felipe
+         III._, p. 281.
+
+These were the promises held out by the Church, and believed by the
+people. It is our business to inquire how far the expectations were
+fulfilled, and what the consequences were of an act which was instigated
+by the clergy, welcomed by the nation, and eagerly applauded by some of
+the greatest men of genius Spain has produced.[1309]
+
+  [1309] 'Amidst the devout exultation of the whole kingdom,--Cervantes,
+         Lope de Vega, and others of the principal men of genius then
+         alive, joining in the general jubilee.' _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp. 428, 429. Compare _Dunlop's
+         Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 16. Porreño says that it may be placed
+         among the seven wonders of the world; 'la podemos poner entre
+         las siete maravillas del mundo.' _Yañez_, _Memorias_, p. 297:
+         and Davila (_Vida de Felipe Tercero_, lib. ii. cap. 41, p. 139)
+         pronounces it to be the most glorious achievement which had been
+         seen since the days of Pelayo. All this is natural enough; but
+         what is really curious is, to trace the modern remains of this
+         feeling. Campomanes (_Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. iv.
+         p. 130, Madrid, 1777), a very able man, and far more liberal
+         than most of his countrymen, is not ashamed to speak of 'la
+         justa expulsion de los moriscos desde 1610 á 1613.' Ortiz, in
+         1801, expresses himself with more hesitation, but is evidently
+         in favour of a measure which liberated Spain from 'la perniciosa
+         semilla de Mahoma que restaba en ella.' _Compendio de la
+         Historia de España_, vol. vi. pp. 304, 305. Nay, even in 1856,
+         the great modern historian of Spain, while admitting the serious
+         material injury which this horrible crime inflicted on the
+         country, assures us that it had the 'immense advantage' of
+         producing religious unity; unable to perceive that the very
+         unity of which he boasts, generates an acquiescence and
+         stagnation of mind fatal to all real improvement, because it
+         prevents that play and collision of opinions by which the wits
+         of men are sharpened and made ready for use, 'Con la expulsion
+         se completó el principio de la unidad religiosa en España, que
+         fué un bien inmenso, pero se consumó la ruina de la agricultura,
+         que fué un inmenso mal.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol.
+         xvii. p. 340, Madrid, 1856. And, the year after this sagacious
+         sentiment had been given to the world, another eminent Spaniard,
+         in a work crowned by the Royal Academy of History, went still
+         further, and declared, that not only did the expulsion of the
+         Moriscoes cause great benefit by securing unity of creed, but
+         that such unity was 'necessary on the Spanish soil.' 'Y si bajo
+         el aspecto económico reprobamos semejante medida por la
+         influencia perniciosa que tuvo desde el momento de dictarse, la
+         imparcialidad de historiadores nos obliga á respetarla por los
+         inmensos bienes que produjo en el órden religioso y en el órden
+         político.' ... 'La unidad religiosa era necesaria en el suelo
+         español.' _Janer_, _Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España_,
+         Madrid, 1857, pp. 110, 114. What are we to think of a country in
+         which these opinions are expressed, not by some obscure fanatic,
+         from the platform or the pulpit, but by able and learned men,
+         who promulgate them with all the authority of their position,
+         being themselves deemed, if anything, rather too bold and too
+         liberal for the people to whom they address their works?
+
+The effects upon the material prosperity of Spain may be stated in a few
+words. From nearly every part of the country, large bodies of
+industrious agriculturists and expert artificers were suddenly
+withdrawn. The best systems of husbandry then known, were practised by
+the Moriscoes, who tilled and irrigated with indefatigable labour.[1310]
+The cultivation of rice, cotton, and sugar, and the manufacture of silk
+and paper, were almost confined to them.[1311] By their expulsion, all
+this was destroyed at a blow, and most of it was destroyed for ever.
+For, the Spanish Christians considered such pursuits beneath their
+dignity. In their judgment, war and religion were the only two
+avocations worthy of being followed. To fight for the king, or to enter
+the Church was honourable; but everything else was mean and
+sordid.[1312] When, therefore, the Moriscoes were thrust out of Spain,
+there was no one to fill their place; arts and manufactures either
+degenerated, or were entirely lost, and immense regions of arable land
+were left uncultivated. Some of the richest parts of Valencia and
+Granada were so neglected, that means were wanting to feed even the
+scanty population which remained there.[1313] Whole districts were
+suddenly deserted, and down to the present day have never been
+repeopled. These solitudes gave refuge to smugglers and brigands, who
+succeeded the industrious inhabitants formerly occupying them; and it is
+said, that from the expulsion of the Moriscoes is to be dated the
+existence of those organized bands of robbers, which, after this period,
+became the scourge of Spain, and which no subsequent government has been
+able entirely to extirpate.[1314]
+
+  [1310] 'Los moros eran muy diestros en todo lo que mira á obras de
+         agua.' _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol.
+         iii. p. cvii. 'The Moors were the most intelligent
+         agriculturists Spain ever had.' _Laborde's Spain_, vol. ii. p.
+         216. Even Jovellanos admits that 'except in the parts occupied
+         by the Moors, the Spaniards were almost totally unacquainted
+         with the art of irrigation.' _Clarke's Internal State of Spain_,
+         p. 116. See also _Circourt_, _Arabes d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 255,
+         vol. ii. p. 12, vol. iii. pp. 162, 222; _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de
+         l'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 170, 171; and _Townsend's Spain_, vol.
+         iii. p. 74. Remains of their splendid aqueducts still exist.
+         _Hoskins' Spain_, vol. i. pp. 120, 125, 291, 292. Compare _Spain
+         by an American_, vol. ii. p. 112 with _L'Estat de l'Espagne_,
+         Genève, 1681, p. 399.
+
+  [1311] Compare _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, pp. 47, 48, with
+         _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. iii.
+         p. xxii., and _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 13.
+
+  [1312] The more sensible among the Spaniards notice, with regret, this
+         national contempt for every form of useful industry. See
+         _Campomanes_, _Educacion Popular_, p. 128, and _Sempere_,
+         _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. pp. 277, 278. A traveller in
+         Spain in 1669, says of the people, 'ils méprisent tellement le
+         travail, que la plûpart des artisans sont étrangers.' _Voyages
+         faits en divers Temps par M. M****_, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 80.
+         Another traveller, between 1693 and 1695, says, they 'think it
+         below the dignity of a Spaniard to labour and provide for the
+         future.' _Travels by a Gentleman_ (by Bromley?), London, 1702,
+         p. 35. A third observer, in 1679, assures us that 'ils souffrent
+         plus aisément la faim et les autres nécessitez de la vie, que de
+         travailler, disent-ils, comme des mercenaires, ce qui
+         n'appartient qu'à des esclaves.' _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. pp. 369, 370. For further
+         illustrations of this, see _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne_, Paris,
+         1730, vol. i. pp. 285, 286. _Capmany_, _Qüestiones Criticas_,
+         pp. 43, 49, 50. _Laborde's Spain_, vol. i. p. i. _Ranke's
+         Spanish Empire_, p. 103. _Townsend's Journey through Spain_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 240, 241.
+
+  [1313] 'Pudo, pues, decirse con razon de nuestra patria, que de Arabia
+         Feliz se habia convertido en Arabia Desierta, y de Valencia en
+         particular, que el bello jardin de España se habia convertido en
+         páramo seco y deslucido. Dejóse en breve sentir en todas partes
+         el azote del hambre; y al alegre bullicio de las poblaciones
+         sucedió el melancólico silencio de los despoblados, y al
+         frecuente cruzar de los labradores y trajineros por los caminos
+         siguió el peligroso encuentro de los salteadores que los
+         infestaban, abrigándose en las ruinas de los pueblos desiertos.'
+         _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, p. 100. See also _Dunlop's
+         Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 16. Campomanes says, 'El gran número de
+         artesanos, que salieron con la expulsion de los moriscos, causó
+         un golpe mortal á las manufacturas, y á la labranza.' _Apendice
+         á la Educacion Popular_, vol. i. p. 13. And p. 268, 'El punto de
+         decadencia de nuestras manufacturas, puede fixarse desde el año
+         de 1609, en que tubo principio la expulsion de los Moriscos.'
+
+  [1314] 'Sur la carte d'Espagne, en mille endroits est inscrit ce funeste
+         mot, _despoblado_; en mille endroits la nature sauvage a repris
+         la place des cultures. Étudiez la direction des despoblados, et
+         consultez les registres des commissaires de l'expulsion, vous
+         verrez presque toujours que les familles morisques couvraient
+         ces solitudes. Leur patrimoine abandonné forma le domaine des
+         voleurs, qui établirent avec une sorte de sécurité leurs
+         correspondances effrontées à travers toute l'Espagne. Le
+         brigandage s'organisa comme une profession ordinaire; et la
+         contrebande, sa compagne, leva le front avec autant d'audace,
+         autant de succès.' _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
+         vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.
+
+To these disastrous consequences, others were added, of a different,
+and, if possible, of a still more serious kind. The victory gained by
+the Church increased both her power and her reputation. During the rest
+of the seventeenth century, not only were the interests of the clergy
+deemed superior to the interests of laymen, but the interests of laymen
+were scarcely thought of. The greatest men, with hardly an exception,
+became ecclesiastics, and all temporal considerations, all views of
+earthly policy, were despised and set at nought. No one inquired; no one
+doubted; no one presumed to ask if all this was right. The minds of men
+succumbed and were prostrate. While every other country was advancing,
+Spain alone was receding. Every other country was making some addition
+to knowledge, creating some art, or enlarging some science. Spain,
+numbed into a death-like torpor, spellbound and entranced by the
+accursed superstition which preyed on her strength, presented to Europe
+a solitary instance of constant decay. For her, no hope remained; and,
+before the close of the seventeenth century, the only question was, by
+whose hands the blow should be struck, which would dismember that once
+mighty empire, whose shadow had covered the world, and whose vast
+remains were imposing even in their ruin.
+
+To indicate the different steps which mark the decline of Spain would be
+hardly possible, since even the Spaniards, who, when it was too late,
+were stung with shame, have abstained from writing what would only be
+the history of their own humiliation; so that there is no detailed
+account of the wretched reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II., which
+together comprise a period of nearly eighty years.[1315] Some facts,
+however, I have been able to collect, and they are very significant. At
+the beginning of the seventeenth century, the population of Madrid was
+estimated to be 400,000; at the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+less than 200,000.[1316] Seville, one of the richest cities in Spain,
+possessed in the sixteenth century upwards of sixteen thousand looms,
+which gave employment to a hundred and thirty thousand persons.[1317] By
+the reign of Philip V., these sixteen thousand looms had dwindled away
+to less than three hundred;[1318] and, in a report which the Cortes made
+to Philip IV., in 1662, it is stated that the city contained only a
+quarter of its former number of inhabitants, and that even the vines and
+olives cultivated in its neighbourhood, and which comprised a
+considerable part of its wealth, were almost entirely neglected.[1319]
+Toledo, in the middle of the sixteenth century, had upwards of fifty
+woollen manufactories; in 1665, it had only thirteen, almost the whole
+of the trade having been carried away by the Moriscoes, and established
+at Tunis.[1320] Owing to the same cause, the art of manufacturing silk,
+for which Toledo was celebrated, was entirely lost, and nearly forty
+thousand persons, who depended on it, were deprived of their means of
+support.[1321] Other branches of industry shared the same fate. In the
+sixteenth century, and early in the seventeenth, Spain enjoyed great
+repute for the manufacture of gloves, which were made in enormous
+quantities, and shipped to many parts, being particularly valued in
+England and France, and being also exported to the Indies. But Martinez
+de Mata, who wrote in the year 1655, assures us that at that time this
+source of wealth had disappeared; the manufacture of gloves having quite
+ceased, though formerly, he says, it had existed in every city in
+Spain.[1322] In the once-flourishing province of Castile, every thing
+was going to ruin. Even Segovia lost its manufactures, and retained
+nothing but the memory of its former wealth.[1323] The decay of Burgos
+was equally rapid; the trade of that famous city perished; and the
+deserted streets and empty houses formed such a picture of desolation,
+that a contemporary, struck by the havoc, emphatically declared that
+Burgos had lost every thing except its name.[1324] In other districts,
+the results were equally fatal. The beautiful provinces of the south,
+richly endowed by nature, had formerly been so wealthy, that their
+contributions alone sufficed, in time of need, to replenish the imperial
+treasury; but they now deteriorated with such rapidity, that, by the
+year 1640, it was found hardly possible to impose a tax on them which
+would be productive.[1325] During the latter half of the seventeenth
+century, matters became still worse, and the poverty and wretchedness of
+the people surpass all description. In the villages near Madrid, the
+inhabitants were literally famishing; and those farmers who had a stock
+of food refused to sell it, because, much as they needed money, they
+were apprehensive of seeing their families perish around them. The
+consequence was, that the capital was in danger of being starved; and
+ordinary threats producing no effect, it was found necessary, in 1664,
+that the President of Castile, with an armed force, and accompanied by
+the public executioner, should visit the adjacent villages, and compel
+the inhabitants to bring their supplies to the markets of Madrid.[1326]
+All over Spain, the same destitution prevailed. That once rich and
+prosperous country was covered with a rabble of monks and clergy, whose
+insatiate rapacity absorbed the little wealth yet to be found. Hence it
+happened, that the government, though almost penniless, could obtain no
+supplies. The tax-gatherers, urged to make up the deficiency, adopted
+the most desperate expedients. They not only seized the beds and all the
+furniture, but they unroofed the houses, and sold the materials of the
+roof, for whatever they would fetch. The inhabitants were forced to fly;
+the fields were left uncultivated; vast multitudes died from want and
+exposure; entire villages were deserted; and in many of the towns,
+upwards of two-thirds of the houses were, by the end of the seventeenth
+century, utterly destroyed.[1327]
+
+  [1315] 'Declinó pues muy sensiblemente la vasta monarquía, y callaron
+         atonitos los historiadores, como huyendo la necesidad de traer á
+         la memoria lo que veian y apenas creian. Enmudeció pues la
+         historia de España en los dos reynados de Felipe IV. y Carlos
+         II. viendo continuaba nuestra decadencia, hasta quedar España al
+         nivel de los menos poderosos Estados de Europa. Este silencio
+         nos ha privado de saber no solo las causas de nuestra
+         decadencia, sino tambien de los acontecimientos civiles y
+         militares del siglo xvii.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de
+         España_, vol. vi., Prologo, p. i. No attempt was made to supply
+         the deficiency complained of by Ortiz, until 1856, when M.
+         Lafuente published, in Madrid, the sixteenth and seventeenth
+         volumes of his History of Spain, which contain the reigns of
+         Philip IV. and Charles II. Of this work, I have no desire to
+         speak disrespectfully; on the contrary, it is impossible to read
+         it without interest, on account of the admirable clearness with
+         which the different topics are arranged, and also on account of
+         its beautiful style, which reminds us of the best days of
+         Castilian prose. But I feel constrained to say, that, as a
+         history, and especially as a history which undertakes to
+         investigate the causes of the decline of Spain, it is a complete
+         failure. In the first place, M. Lafuente has not emancipated
+         himself from those very prejudices to which the decline of his
+         country is owing. And, in the second place, he has, particularly
+         in the reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II., not used sufficient
+         diligence in searching for materials for studying the economical
+         changes through which Spain has passed. Looking too intently at
+         the surface, he mistakes symptoms for causes; so that the real
+         history of the Spanish people every where escapes his grasp. As
+         the object to which my studies are directed, compels me to
+         contemplate affairs from a larger and more general point of view
+         than he has done, it naturally happens that the conclusions at
+         which we arrive are very different; but I wish to bear my
+         testimony, whatever it may be worth, to the great merit of his
+         book as a work of art, though, as a work of science, it appears
+         to me that he has effected nothing, and has thrown no new light
+         on the real history of that unfortunate, albeit once splendid,
+         nation, of which his eloquence, his learning, and his taste,
+         make him one of the chiefest ornaments.
+
+  [1316] See _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 320; and the interesting
+         calculations in _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
+         Madrid, 1757, folio, pp. 35, 36. Owing to the ignorance which
+         formerly prevailed respecting statistics, such estimates are
+         necessarily imperfect; but, after the desolation of Spain in the
+         seventeenth century, an extraordinary diminution in the
+         population of the capital was inevitable. Indeed, a contemporary
+         of Charles II. states that in 1699, Madrid had only 150,000
+         inhabitants. _Mémoires de Louville_, Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72.
+         This account is taken from 'un mémoire manuscrit, en langue
+         espagnole, trouvé dans les papiers du marquis de Louville.'
+         p. 67.
+
+  [1317] Capmany (_Qüestiones Criticas_, p. 30), who seems to have written
+         his able, but not very accurate, work for the express purpose of
+         concealing the decline of his country, has given these figures
+         erroneously. My information is derived from an official report
+         made in 1701, by the trade-corporations ('gremios') of Seville.
+         'Fijan la época de la ruina de nuestras fábricas desde el
+         reynado de Felipe II. y añaden "haber llegado á tener solo en
+         esta ciudad al arte mayor, y menor de la sede, el número de mas
+         de diez y seis mil telares, y se ocupaban en los exercicios
+         adherentes á él, mas de ciento treinta mil personas de ambos
+         sexos."' _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol.
+         i. p. 473, Madrid, 1775. See also _Uztariz_, _Theorica y
+         Practica de Comercio_, p. 14, 'diez y seis mil telares;' where,
+         however, no authority is quoted.
+
+  [1318] 'El principal origen y causa de que los 16,000 telares de seda,
+         lana, oro y plata, que se contaban en Sevilla, se hallen oy
+         reducidos á menos de 300.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica de Comercio_, p.
+         243.
+
+  [1319] _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 52, who refers to
+         the report of the Cortes published by Alonso Nuñez de Castro.
+
+  [1320] _Laborde's Spain_, vol. iv. p. 338, where it is also said, that
+         Tunis became, in consequence of the expulsion of the Moriscoes,
+         famous for the manufacture of caps, which 'were subsequently
+         imitated at Orleans.' Compare, on the cap-manufactories of
+         Tunis, a note in _Campomanes_, _Apendice, á la Educacion
+         Popular_, vol. iv. p. 249.
+
+  [1321] 'Tolède, où se mettaient en [oe]uvre 435,000 livres de soie,
+         avait déjà perdu ce travail, qui suffisait autrefois à
+         l'existence de 38,484 personnes. La population de cette ville
+         avait éprouvé un tiers de diminution, et vingt-cinq maisons de
+         ses familles les plus illustres étaient passées dans le domaine
+         de divers couvens.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii.
+         p. 50.
+
+  [1322] See his interesting essay, reprinted in the appendix to
+         _Campomanes_, vol. iv. p. 251. He says, 'La fábrica de los
+         guantes, que tenian pocos años ha todas las ciudades de estos
+         reynos para el consumo de España y las Indias, era muy
+         considerable; y se ha destruido, despues que se dió entrada al
+         consumo de guantes estrangeros.' Such a statement, made by a
+         contemporary, is unimpeachable; but the reason he assigns is
+         inadequate.
+
+  [1323] Segovia, as it appeared in 1659, is thus described in _Boisel_,
+         _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_, Paris, 1669, 4to. p. 186:
+         'Autresfois, cette ville qui paroist assez grande, estoit fort
+         riche, tant à cause que les rois de Castille y demeuroient, qu'à
+         cause du grand commerce des laines et des beaux draps qui s'y
+         faisoient; mais à présent le trafic n'y est plus, et on n'y fait
+         plus que fort peu de draps, de sorte que la ville est presque
+         désert et fort pauvre. Une marque de sa pauvreté, du mauvais
+         ordre d'Espagne, et du peu de prévoyance des Espagnols (quoy
+         qu'on dise de leur flegme), c'est que le jour que j'y arrivay
+         jusques à deux heures après midy il n'y avoit point eu de pain
+         en toute la ville, et ils ne s'en étonnoient point.' The decline
+         of the silk and wool manufactures of Segovia is also noticed by
+         Martinez de la Mata, who wrote in 1650. See his _Dos Discursos_,
+         edited by Canga, Madrid, 1794, p. 8. Saint Simon, who was there
+         in 1722, says, 'A l'égard de leurs laines, j'en vis les
+         manufactures à Ségovie qui me parurent peu de chose et fort
+         tombées de leur ancienne réputation.' _Mémoires du Duc de Saint
+         Simon_, vol. xxxvii. p. 230, Paris, 1841. Segovia used to be
+         famous for the beautiful colour of its cloth, the dye of which
+         was taken from a shell-fish found in the West Indies, and is
+         supposed to be the same as the purpura of the ancients. See a
+         note in _Dillon's Spain_, Dublin, 1781, pp. 19, 20.
+
+  [1324] Such is the language of a Spaniard in the middle of the
+         seventeenth century. 'Porque á la ciudad de Burgos, cabeza de
+         Castilla, no le ha quedado sino el nombre, ni aun vestigios de
+         sus ruinas; reducida la grandeza de sus tratos, Prior, y
+         Cónsules, y ordenanzas para la conservacion de ellos, á 600
+         vecinos, que conservanel nombre y lustre de aquella antigua y
+         noble cuidad, que encerró en si mas de seis mil, sin la gente
+         suelta, natural, y forastera.' _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la
+         Educacion_, vol. i. p. 453, Madrid, 1765. An intelligent
+         Dutchman, who visited Spain in 1665, says of Burgos, 'elle a
+         esté autrefois fort marchande, mais depuis peu, elle a presque
+         perdu tout son commerce.' _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1665, 4to. p. 16. To me, it certainly appears
+         that facts of this sort have more to do with the real history of
+         Spain than the details of kings, and treaties, and battles,
+         which the Spanish historians love to accumulate.
+
+  [1325] 'Could contribute little to the exigencies of the state.'
+         _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 285. Compare _Lamentos
+         Apologéticos_, in _Dos Discursos_, edit. Canga, Madrid, 1794, p.
+         82, on the state of things in 'lo mas fértil de Andalucia.' The
+         government first became alive to all this when it found that no
+         more money could be wrung from the people. In May 1667, a
+         council of state, convoked by the queen, reported that 'quant
+         aux ressources qu'on voudrait tirer de l'Espagne, sous forme de
+         dons volontaires ou autrement, le conseil estime qu'il est bien
+         difficile d'imposer aux peuples des charges nouvelles;' and in
+         November of that same year, at another meeting of the council, a
+         memoir was drawn up, stating that 'depuis le règne de Don
+         Ferdinand le Catholique jusqu'à ce jour, la monarchie d'Espagne
+         ne s'est pas encore vue si près de sa ruine, si épuisée, si
+         dénuée des ressources nécessaires pour faire face à un grand
+         péril.' See extracts from the proceedings of the Councils,
+         published, for, I believe, the first time, by M. Mignet, in his
+         _Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp.
+         124, 601, Paris, 1835, 4to. See also, in the same valuable work,
+         vol. ii. p. 127, a letter to Louis XIV., from his ambassador at
+         Madrid, dated 2nd June, 1667, and stating that 'l'extrémité est
+         ici si grande qu'il se fait une contribution volontaire de tous
+         les particuliers que l'on appelle _donativo_, pour fournir
+         quelque argent présent pour les nécessitée publiques.'
+
+  [1326] In 1664, Sir Richard Fanshawe writes from Madrid to Secretary
+         Bennet, 'Since my last to you, of yesterday, the President of
+         Castile, having, by the king's special and angry command, gone
+         forth to the neighbouring villages, attended with the hangman,
+         and whatsoever else of terror incident to his place and
+         derogatory to his person, the markets in this town begin to be
+         furnished again plentifully enough.' _Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe_,
+         _written by herself_, edit. London, 1830, p. 291.
+
+  [1327] Nothing but the precise and uncontradicted evidence of a
+         contemporary witness could make such things credible. In 1686,
+         Alvarez Osorio y Redin wrote his _Discursos_. They were
+         published in 1687 and 1688; they were reprinted at Madrid in
+         1775; and from the reprint, pp. 345-348, I extract the following
+         particulars: 'Es preciso decir con la mayor brevedad, que pide
+         el asunto, en la forma que los comisionantes continuamente están
+         saqueando todos los lugares, con capa de servir á V.M. Entran en
+         ellos, intíman sus comisiones á las justicias, y ellas les
+         suplican, tengan misericordia de los moradores, que estan con
+         mucha necesidad. Y luego que toman el uso, dicen: que á ellos no
+         les toca dispensar en hacer gracias: que traen orden de cobrar
+         con todo rigor las cantidades, que deben los lugares; y tambien
+         dicen han de cobrar sus salarios. Y se van entrando por las
+         casas de los pobres labradores, y demás vecinos; y con mucha
+         cuenta y razon, les quitan el poco dinero, que tienen: y á los
+         que no tienen, les sacan prendas: y donde no las hallan, les
+         quitan las pobres camas, en que duermen: y se detienen en vender
+         las prendas, todo el tiempo que pueden.' ... 'Los saquéos
+         referidos van continuando, obligando á los mas vecinos de los
+         lugares, á que se vayan huyendo de sus casas, dexando baldías
+         sus haciendas de campo; y los cobradores no tienen lástima de
+         todas estas miserias, y asolaciones, como si entráran en lugares
+         de enemigos. Las casas, que hallan vacías, si hay quien se las
+         compre, las venden: y quando no pueden venderlas, las quitan los
+         texados; y venden la texa, y madera por qualquier dinero. Con
+         esta destruicion general, no han quedado en pie en los lugares
+         la tercera parte de casas, y han muerto de necesidad gran
+         multitud de personas. Con lo qual los lugares no tienen la mitad
+         de familias, que antiguamente habia en España. Y si no se pone
+         remedio á todo referido, será preciso, que la vengan á poblar de
+         otros Reynos.'
+
+In the midst of these calamities, the spirit and energy of Spain were
+extinguished. In every department, all power and life disappeared. The
+Spanish troops were defeated at Rocroy in 1643; and several writers
+ascribe to that battle the destruction of the military reputation of
+Spain.[1328] This, however, was only one of many symptoms.[1329] In
+1656, it was proposed to fit out a small fleet; but the fisheries on
+the coast had so declined, that it was found impossible to procure
+sailors enough to man even the few ships which were required.[1330] The
+charts which had been made, were either lost or neglected; and the
+ignorance of the Spanish pilots became so notorious, that no one was
+willing to trust them.[1331] As to the military service, it is stated,
+in an account of Spain, late in the seventeenth century, that most of
+the troops had deserted their colours, and that the few who were
+faithful were clothed in rags, received no pay, and were dying of
+hunger.[1332] Another account describes this once mighty kingdom as
+utterly unprotected; the frontier towns ungarrisoned; the fortifications
+dilapidated and crumbling away; the magazines without ammunition; the
+arsenals empty; the workshops unemployed; and even the art of building
+ships entirely lost.[1333]
+
+  [1328] 'Allí acabó aquella antigua milicia española que desde el tiempo
+         de los reyes católicos habia ganado tan gloriosos triunfos,
+         siendo el terror de sus enemigos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Española_, vol. iii. p. 150, Madrid, 1840. 'La batalla de
+         Rocroy, en que el jóven Condé recogió los laureles con que
+         engalanó la dorado cuna del niño Luis XIV., acabó con la
+         reputacion que aun habian podido ir conservando los viejos
+         tercios españoles de Flandres.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. xvii. p. 368, Madrid, 1856.
+
+  [1329] In the _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. i. p. 275, Oxford, 1767,
+         folio, I find a letter written by Hopton to Secretary Windebank,
+         dated Madrid, 31st May, 1635. The author of this official
+         communication gives an account of the Spanish troops just
+         raised, and says, 'I have observed these levies, and I find the
+         horses are so weak, as the most of them will never be able to go
+         to the rendezvous, and those very hardly gotten, the infantry so
+         unwilling to serve, as they are carried like galley-slaves, in
+         chains, which serves not the turn, and so far short of the
+         number that was proposed, as they come not to one of three.'
+         This was eight years before the battle of Rocroy; after it,
+         matters became rapidly worse. A letter from Sir Edward Hyde to
+         Secretary Nicholas, dated Madrid, 18th March, 1649-50, states,
+         that Spanish 'affairs are really in huge disorder, and capable
+         of being rendered almost desperate;' and another letter, on 14th
+         April, 1650, 'if some miracle do not preserve them, this crown
+         must be speedily destroyed,' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. iii.
+         pp. 13, 17, Oxford, 1786. An official Report on the Netherlands,
+         presented to Louis XIV. in 1665, declares that the Dutch
+         'considered Spain so weakened, as to be out of condition to
+         renew the war within the next one hundred years.' _Raumer's
+         History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_,
+         _illustrated by Original Documents_, London, 1835, vol. i. p.
+         237. See also _Mignet_, _Négociations relatives à la Succession
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1835-1842, 4to. vol. i. pp. 37, 38, 314, 315,
+         vol. iii. p. 684, vol. iv. p. 218; and _L'Estat de l'Espagne_,
+         Genève, 1681, pp. 83, 271. 'L'Espagne faisant en nos jours plus
+         de pitié que de peur à ceux qu'elle a tenus long-tems dans une
+         crainte perpétuelle, et dans une respectueuse vénération.' ...
+         'Aussi peut-on dire que les Espagnols qui étoient autrefois des
+         lions, ou des véritables hommes et incomparables en valeur, sont
+         maintenant des cerfs, ou des femmes, et enfin des personnes peu
+         propres à la guerre.' And finally, the Spanish explanation of
+         all this in _Yañez_, _Memorias_, Prologo, pp. 148, 149, Madrid,
+         1723. 'La Monarquia de España, cuya decadencia la avia yá Dios
+         decretado desde el año de 1621,' &c.; blasphemously ascribing to
+         the Almighty, what was the result of their own folly, and
+         obstinately shutting their eyes to the real cause of their ruin.
+
+  [1330] 'A century ago, Spain had been as supreme at sea as on land; her
+         ordinary naval force was 140 galleys, which were the terror both
+         of the Mediterranean and Atlantic. But now' (1656), 'in
+         consequence of the decline of commerce and fisheries on the
+         coast, instead of the numerous squadrons of the Dorias and
+         Mendozas, which were wont to attend the movements of the first
+         great John of Austria and the Emperor Charles, the present
+         High-Admiral of Spain, and favourite son of its monarch, put to
+         sea with three wretched gallies, which, with difficulty, escaped
+         from some Algerine corsairs, and were afterwards nearly
+         shipwrecked on the coast of Africa.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i.
+         p. 549. In 1663, 'Il n'y avait à Cadix ni vaisseaux ni galères
+         en état d'aller en mer. Les Maures insultaient audacieusement
+         les côtes de l'Andalousie, et prenaient impunément les barques
+         qui se hasardaient à une lieue de la rade. Le duc d'Albuquerque,
+         qui commandait les forces navales, se plaignait hautement de la
+         position humiliante dans laquelle on le laissait. Il avait
+         demandé avec instance qu'on lui donnât des matelots et des
+         soldats pour mettre sur les vaisseaux; mais le Comte de
+         Castrillo, président du Conseil de Finances (de la _hacienda_)
+         avait déclaré qu'il n'avait ni argent, ni la possibilité d'en
+         trouver, et conseillait de renoncer à l'armée navale.' _Mignet_,
+         _Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. i. pp.
+         315, 316, Paris, 1835, 4to. from contemporary manuscripts. Even
+         in 1648, Spain had 'become so feeble in point of naval affairs
+         as to be obliged to hire Dutch vessels for carrying on her
+         American commerce.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii.
+         p. 435, London, 1805, 4to. And, to complete the chain of
+         evidence, there is a letter in the _Clarendon State Papers_,
+         vol. ii. p. 86, Oxford, 1773, folio, written from Madrid in June
+         1640, stating that, 'For ships they have few, mariners fewer,
+         landsmen not so many as they need, and, by all signs, money not
+         at all that can be spared.' The history of Spain during this
+         period never having been written, I am compelled, in my own
+         justification, to give these and similar passages with a fulness
+         which I fear will weary some readers.
+
+  [1331] And when they did, it was to their own cost, as Stanhope found,
+         at the beginning of his career as British minister to the court
+         of Madrid, in 1690. See his letter to Lord Shrewsbury, in
+         _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 3. 'We were
+         forced into a small port, called Ferrol, three leagues short of
+         the Groyne, and, by the ignorance of a Spanish pilot, our ships
+         fell foul one with another, and the admiral's ship was on ground
+         for some hours, but got off clear without any damage.' Indeed,
+         the Spanish seamen, once the boldest and most skilful navigators
+         in the world, so degenerated, that, early in the eighteenth
+         century, we find it stated as a matter of course, that 'to form
+         the Spaniard to marine affairs, is transporting them into
+         unknown countries.' _The History of Cardinal Alberoni_, London,
+         1719, p. 257.
+
+  [1332] 'Le peu de soldats qui résistaient à la désertion, étaient vêtus
+         de haillons, sans solde, sans pain,' _Mémoires de Louville_,
+         edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72. 'Dans l'état le plus
+         misérable.' p. 43. Compare Lefuente, in the reign of Philip IV.
+         (_Historia_, vol. xvi. p. 519), 'los soldados peleaban
+         andrajosos y medio desnudos;' and D'Aulnoy, in 1679 (_Relation
+         du Voyage d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 168), 'Il est rare que dans
+         tout un régiment, il se trouve deux soldats qui ayent plus d'une
+         chemise.'
+
+  [1333] 'Ruinosos los muros de sus fortalezas, aun tenía Barcelona
+         abiertas las brechas, que hizo el duque de Vendoma; y desde
+         Rosas hasta Cadiz, no habia Alcazar, ni Castillo, no solo
+         presidiado, pero ni montada su artillería. La misma negligencia
+         se admiraba en los puertos de Vizcaya, y Galicia; no tenian los
+         almazenes sus provisiones, faltaban fundidores de armas, y las
+         que habia, eran de ningun uso. Vacios los arsenales y
+         artilleros, se habia olvidado el arte de construir naves, y no
+         tenia el Rey mas que las destinadas al comercio de Indias, y
+         algunos galeones; seis galeras, consumidas del tiempo, y del
+         ocio, se ancoraban en Cartagena.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la
+         Guerra de España_, vol. i. p. 43. Another eye-witness describes
+         'the best fortresses consisting of ruined walls, mounted with
+         here and there a rusty cannon, and the man thought an able
+         engineer who knew how to fire them.' _Ripperda's Memoirs_,
+         second edition, London, 1740, p. 227.
+
+While the country at large was thus languishing, as if it had been
+stricken by some mortal distemper, the most horrible scenes were
+occurring in the capital, under the eyes of the sovereign. The
+inhabitants of Madrid were starving; and the arbitrary measures which
+had been adopted to supply them with food, could only produce temporary
+relief. Many persons fell down in the streets exhausted, and died where
+they fell; others were seen in the public highway evidently dying, but
+no one had wherewithal to feed them. At length the people became
+desperate, and threw off all control. In 1680, not only the workmen of
+Madrid, but large numbers of the tradesmen, organized themselves into
+bands, broke open private houses, and robbed and murdered the
+inhabitants in the face of day.[1334] During the remaining twenty years
+of the seventeenth century, the capital was in a state, not of
+insurrection, but of anarchy. Society was loosened, and seemed to be
+resolving itself into its elements. To use the emphatic language of a
+contemporary, liberty and restraint were equally unknown.[1335] The
+ordinary functions of the executive government were suspended. The
+police of Madrid, unable to obtain the arrears of their pay, disbanded,
+and gave themselves up to rapine. Nor did there seem any means of
+remedying these evils. The exchequer was empty, and it was impossible to
+replenish it. Such was the poverty of the court, that money was wanting
+to pay the wages of the king's private servants, and to meet the daily
+expenses of his household.[1336] In 1693, payment was suspended of
+every life-pension; and all officers and ministers of the crown were
+mulcted of one-third of their salaries.[1337] Nothing, however, could
+arrest the mischief. Famine and poverty continued to increase;[1338]
+and, in 1699, Stanhope, the British minister then residing in Madrid,
+writes, that never a day passed in which people were not killed in the
+streets scuffling for bread; that his own secretary had seen five women
+stifled to death by the crowd before a bakehouse; and that, to swell the
+catalogue of misery, upwards of twenty thousand additional beggars from
+the country had recently flocked into the capital.[1339]
+
+  [1334] _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225. In 1680, Madame de
+         Villars, the wife of the French Ambassador, writes from Madrid,
+         that such was the state of affairs there, that her husband
+         thought it advisable that she should return home. _Lettres de
+         Madame de Villars_, Amsterdam, 1769, p. 169. A letter written by
+         the Danish ambassador in 1677, describes every house in Madrid
+         as regularly armed from top to bottom; 'de haut en bas.'
+         _Mignet_, _Négociations relatives à la Succession_, vol. iv. p.
+         638, Paris, 1842, 4to. The deaths from starvation are said to
+         have been particularly numerous in Andalusia. See _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Española_, vol. iii. p. 167. 'En Andalucia
+         especialmente moria mucha gente de hambre, y el consulado de
+         Sevilla envió una diputacion para representar que aquella ciudad
+         habia quedado reducida á la cuarta parte de la poblacion que
+         habia tenido cincuenta años antes.' On the state of the people
+         generally, in 1680, compare _Lettres de Villars_, pp. 145, 152,
+         161.
+
+  [1335] 'Point de libertés et point de frein.' _Mém. de Louville_,
+         vol. i. p. 68.
+
+  [1336] In 1681, the French ambassadress writes from Madrid, 'Je ne vous
+         parle point de la misère de ce royaume. La faim est jusques dans
+         le palais. J'étois hier avec huit ou dix camaristes, et La
+         Moline, qui disoient qu'il y avoit fort long-tems qu'on ne leur
+         donnoit plus ni pain ni viande. Aux écuries du roi et de la
+         reine, de même.' _Lettres de Madame la Marquise de Villars_,
+         Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 216, 217. The year after Charles II. died:
+         'II n'y avoit pas de fonds pour les choses les plus nécessaires,
+         pour la cuisine, l'écurie, les valets de pied,' &c. _Millot_,
+         _Mémoires du Duc de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 26, ed. Petitot,
+         Paris, 1828. Among other reckless expedients, the currency was
+         so depreciated, that, in a letter from Martin to Dr. Frazer,
+         dated Madrid, March 6th, 1680, we hear of 'the fall of money to
+         one fourth part of its former value.' _Miscellany of the
+         Spalding Club_, vol. v. p. 187, Aberdeen, 4to. 1852.
+
+  [1337] 'The king has taken away, by a late decree, a third part of all
+         wages and salaries of all officers and ministers without
+         exception, and suspended for the ensuing year, 1694, all
+         pensions for life granted either by himself or his father.'
+         Letter from the English Ambassador, dated Madrid, November 18th,
+         1693, in _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 40.
+         This is also stated in _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. i.
+         p. 359, Paris, 1828; 'retranchant le tiers des dépenses de sa
+         maison, et des appointemens de ses officiers tant militaires que
+         civils.' In the preceding reign, the pension had been stopped,
+         at all events for a time. In 1650, Sir Edward Hyde, writes from
+         Madrid, 'there is an universal stop of all pensions which have
+         been granted formerly.' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p.
+         538, Oxford, 1773. The next step which was taken was a proposal,
+         in 1667, to tax the salaries of the members of the Council of
+         Castile, Arragon, &c.; but this idea was abandoned, until at
+         length, they, like all other public servants, came under the
+         comprehensive edict of 1693. See the letter from the French
+         Ambassador to Louis XIV., dated Madrid, June 2nd, 1667, in
+         _Mignet_, _Négociations_, vol. ii. p. 128, Paris, 1835, 4to. The
+         only chance of recovering the history of Spain in the
+         seventeenth century, is by collating these and similar documents
+         with the meagre notices to be found in Spanish writers.
+
+  [1338] In 1695, 'the miserable poverty in this country.' _Travels
+         through Spain_, _performed by a Gentleman_, London, 1702, p. 62.
+         And, in the same year, 'L'Espagne, manquant de tout d'hommes, et
+         d'argent.' _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. i. p. 402. 'L'Espagne,
+         presque anéantie.' p. 424.
+
+  [1339] See the letters in _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._,
+         pp. 138-140. On the 21st of May, 'We have an addition of above
+         20,000 beggars, flocked from the country round, to share in that
+         little here is, who were starving at home, and look like
+         ghosts.' On the 27th of May, 'The scarcity of bread is growing
+         on apace towards a famine, which increases, by vast multitudes
+         of poor that swarm in upon us from the countries round about. I
+         shifted the best I could till this day, but the difficulty of
+         getting any without authority, has made me recur to the
+         Corregidor, as most of the foreign Ministers had done before;
+         he, very courteously, after inquiring what my family was, gave
+         me an order for twenty loaves every day: but I must send two
+         leagues, to Vallejas, to fetch it, as I have done this night,
+         and my servants with long guns to secure it when they have it,
+         otherwise it would be taken from them, for several people are
+         killed every day in the streets, in scuffles for bread, all
+         being lawful prize that any body can catch.' ... 'My secretary,
+         Don Francisco, saw yesterday five poor women stifled to death by
+         the crowd before a bakehouse.'
+
+If this state of things had continued for another generation, the
+wildest anarchy must have ensued, and the whole frame of society been
+broken up.[1340] The only chance of saving Spain from a relapse into
+barbarism, was that it should fall, and fall quickly, under foreign
+dominion. Such a change was indispensable; and there was reason to fear
+that it might come in a form which would have been inexpressibly odious
+to the nation. For, late in the seventeenth century, Ceuta was besieged
+by the Mohammedans; and as the Spanish Government had neither troops nor
+ships, the greatest apprehensions were entertained respecting the fate
+of this important fortress; there being little doubt, that if it fell,
+Spain would be again overrun by the infidels, who, this time, at least,
+would have found little difficulty in dealing with a people weakened by
+suffering, half famished, and almost worn out.[1341]
+
+  [1340] Even M. Lafuente, who having used scarcely any of the authorities
+         which I have quoted in the last few pages, can have no adequate
+         idea of the utter wretchedness of Spain, confesses that 'Jamás
+         monarca ni pueblo alguno se vieron en tan lastimosa situacion y
+         en tan mísero trance como se hallaron en este tiempo' (1699).
+         'Carlos II. y la España.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_,
+         vol. xvii. p. 426, Madrid, 1856.
+
+  [1341] 'Les Maures d'Afrique assiégeoient Ceuta. Le roi d'Espagne
+         manquait non seulement de troupes, mais de vaisseaux pour
+         transporter le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit y envoyer: Louis XIV
+         lui fit offrir les troupes et les vaisseaux dont il auroit
+         besoin. Il s'agissoit non seulement de conserver Ceuta, mais de
+         plus Oran; par conséquent d'empêcher la prise de deux places
+         dont la conquête facilitoit aux Maures un retour en Espagne.'
+         _Mémoires du Marquis de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 46, ed. Paris, 1828.
+         Respecting the attacks made on Ceuta, from 1696 to 1698, see
+         _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de España_, vol. vi. pp. 556,
+         567, 561.
+
+Fortunately, in the year 1700, when affairs were at their worst, Charles
+II., the idiot king, died; and Spain fell into the hands of Philip V.,
+the grandson of Louis XIV. This change from the Austrian dynasty to the
+Bourbon,[1342] brought with it many other changes. Philip, who reigned
+from 1700 to 1746,[1343] was a Frenchman, not only by birth and
+education, but also in feelings and habits.[1344] Just before he entered
+Spain, Louis charged him never to forget that he was a native of France,
+the throne of which he might some day ascend.[1345] After he became
+king, he neglected the Spaniards, despised their advice, and threw all
+the power he could command into the hands of his own countrymen.[1346]
+The affairs of Spain were now administered by subjects of Louis XIV.,
+whose ambassador at Madrid frequently performed the functions of prime
+minister.[1347] What had once been the most powerful monarchy in the
+world, became little else than a province of France; all important
+matters being decided in Paris, from whence Philip himself received his
+instructions.[1348]
+
+  [1342] A celebrated modern writer has made some remarks upon this, which
+         are too apposite to be omitted. 'Con el siglo xvii. acabó
+         tambien la dinastía austriaca en España, dejando á esta nacion
+         pobre, despoblada, sin fuerzas marítimas ni terrestres, y por
+         consiguiente á merced de las demas potencias que intentaron
+         repartir entre sí sus colonias y provincias. Así habia
+         desparecido en poco mas de un siglo aquella grandeza y poderío,
+         aquella fuerza y heroismo, aquella cultura é ilustracion con que
+         habia descollado entre todas las naciones.' _Biografia de
+         Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Opúsculos_, vol. ii. p. 5, Madrid,
+         1848.
+
+  [1343] Except during the short interregnum of Louis, in 1724, which only
+         lasted a few months, and during which, the boy, though called
+         king, exercised no real power, and Philip remained the actual
+         ruler. 'Aun el nuevo rey no resolvia negocio de consideracion
+         sin asenso de su padre.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 374.
+
+  [1344] Saint Simon, who knew Philip well, and who was in Spain in 1721
+         and 1722, says of him, 'L'amour de la France lui sortait de
+         partout.' _Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. xxxvii. p. 3,
+         Paris, 1841. And, in 1746, shortly before his death, Noailles
+         writes from Aranjuez, 'Ce prince a le c[oe]ur tout français.'
+         _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iv. p. 191, Paris, 1829.
+
+  [1345] 'N'oubliez jamais que vous êtes Français, et ce qui peut vous
+         arriver.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 6.
+         Compare _Coxe's Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain_, London,
+         1815, vol. i. p. 103.
+
+  [1346] In 1702, Philip 'parlait moins que jamais, et seulement aux
+         Français, comme s'ils eussent été les seuls êtres de son
+         espèce.' _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 276. 'Le dégoût que
+         Philippe laissait voir pour sa cour espagnole.' p. 333. A
+         Spanish statesman, celebrated, or, I would rather say,
+         notorious, at the close of the century, indignantly exclaims,
+         'It was on the accession of the Bourbon dynasty, that foreigners
+         came to govern us on our native soil.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, ed.
+         London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 271.
+
+  [1347] In 1701, it was the duty of the French ambassador, 'qu'il pût au
+         besoin être premier ministre d'Espagne.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de
+         Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 31; 'que l'ambassadeur de sa Majesté soit
+         ministre du roi Catholique; que, sans en avoir le titre, il en
+         exerce les fonctions; qu'il aide au roi d'Espagne à connoître
+         l'état de ses affaires, et à gouverner par lui-même.' p. 55. In
+         1702, Marsin writes to Louis XIV., 'Comme il est absolument
+         nécessaire que l'ambassadeur de Votre Majesté en Espagne ait un
+         crédit sans bornes auprès du Roy son petit-fils.' p. 183. In
+         1705, Amelot, the French ambassador, 'décidoit de tout en
+         Espagne.' _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. ii. p. 165; and in 1706,
+         'étant à la tête des affaires, et joignant presque les fonctions
+         de premier ministre à celles d'ambassadeur.' _Noailles_,
+         vol. ii. p. 398.
+
+  [1348] In 1703, 'Il est clair que l'embarras de Philippe venoit surtout
+         de la crainte que ses décisions ne fussent point approuvées en
+         France, où toutes les affaires importantes se décidoient.'
+         _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 244. 'The King of
+         France had always certain persons at Madrid, which compos'd a
+         Council, of which that of Versailles was the soul; and whose
+         members were all creatures of the French Court, and sent to
+         Madrid from time to time to direct all affairs there, according
+         to the views of the Most Christian King, and to give him an
+         account of every thing that pass'd in the Councils of the
+         Escurial. Alberoni got to be initiated in the mysteries of this
+         cabal.' _History of Cardinal Alberoni_, London, 1719, p. 70.
+
+         The Spanish historians are not very fond of admitting this
+         unquestionable fact; but Bacallar, after mentioning the
+         influence of the French Ambassador, frankly adds: 'Desde
+         entonces tomaron tanta mano sobre los de España los ministros
+         franceses, que dieron mas zelos á los Principes, viendo
+         estrechar la union á un grado, que todo se ponía al arbitrio de
+         Luis XIV.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_,
+         vol. i. p. 33.
+
+The truth is, that Spain, broken and prostrate, was unable to supply
+ability of any kind; and if the government of the country was to be
+carried on, it was absolutely necessary that foreigners should be
+called in.[1349] Even in 1682, that is, eighteen years before the
+accession of Philip V., there was not to be found a single native well
+acquainted with the art of war; so that Charles II. was obliged to
+intrust the military defence of the Spanish Netherlands to De Grana, the
+Austrian ambassador at Madrid.[1350] When, therefore, the War of the
+Succession broke out, in 1702, even the Spaniards themselves desired
+that their troops should be commanded by a foreigner.[1351] In 1704, the
+extraordinary spectacle was exhibited of the Duke of Berwick, an
+Englishman, leading Spanish soldiers against the enemy, and being in
+fact generalissimo of the Spanish army.[1352] The King of Spain,
+dissatisfied with his proceedings, determined to remove him; but,
+instead of filling his place with a native, he applied to Louis XIV. for
+another general; and this important post was confided to Marshal Tessé,
+a Frenchman.[1353] A little later, Berwick was again summoned to Madrid,
+and ordered to put himself at the head of the Spanish troops, and defend
+Estremadura and Castile.[1354] This he effected with complete success;
+and, in the battle of Almansa, which he fought in 1707, he overthrew the
+invaders, ruined the party of the pretender Charles,[1355] and secured
+the seat of Philip on the throne.[1356] As the war, however, still
+continued, Philip, in 1710, wrote to Paris for another general, and
+requested that the Duke de Vendôme might be sent to him.[1357] This able
+commander, on his arrival, infused new vigour into the Spanish counsels,
+and utterly defeated the allies;[1358] so that the war by which the
+independence of Spain was established, owed its success to the ability
+of foreigners, and to the fact that the campaigns were planned and
+conducted, not by natives, but by French and English generals.
+
+  [1349] Even the veteran diplomatist was so struck by the escape of Spain
+         from complete ruin, that he ascribes its change of masters to
+         the direct interference of the Deity. 'Sa seule puissance avait
+         placé Philippe V sur le trône d'Espagne; elle seule pouvait l'y
+         maintenir; les hommes n'avaient pas conduit ce grand événement.'
+         _Mémoires de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 333. 'Le trône où Dieu l'avait
+         placé.' p. 401. See also vol. ii. pp. 3, 227. 'The Spanish
+         people received him with unhesitating obedience to the deceased
+         king's will, and rejoiced at the prospect of a rule that would
+         at least have the merit of being different from that under which
+         they had so long withered.' _Memoirs of Peterborough_, London,
+         1853, vol. i. p. 102. 'Muchos españoles recibieron por su
+         soberano á Felipe V., cansados de la dominacion de la casa de
+         Austria. Esperaban de la mudanza de la dinastia la felicidad y
+         el buen gobierno.' _Castro_, _Decadencia de España_, Cadiz,
+         1852, p. 131. To the same effect, _Millot_, _Mémoires de
+         Noailles_, vol. i. pp. 420, 426, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+  [1350] He 'committed the military defence of these provinces to the
+         Marquis of Grana, the Austrian ambassador at Madrid, from the
+         want of any Spanish commander whose courage or military
+         endowments qualified him to repel such an enemy as the king of
+         France.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 232. Compare, on the
+         want of Spanish generals, _Mémoires du Maréchal de Gramont_,
+         vol. ii. p. 82, edit. Paris, 1827. The opinion which Grana
+         himself formed of the Spanish government, may be learned from a
+         conversation which he held at Madrid, in 1680, with the French
+         ambassadress, and which is preserved in her correspondence.
+         _Lettres de Madame la Marquise de Villars_, Amsterdam, 1759, pp.
+         118, 119.
+
+  [1351] See the letter of Philip V. to Louis XIV., dated June 22, 1702,
+         in _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257, Paris, 1828,
+         edit. Petitot.
+
+  [1352] See _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_, vol. i.
+         pp. 137, 166, where he is called 'el Duque de Bervich.' His own
+         account is, 'J'arrivai à Madrid le 15 février' (1704), 'où
+         d'abord S. M. Catholique me fit Capitaine-Général de ses
+         armées.' _Mémoires de Berwick_, Paris, 1778, vol. i. p. 227; and
+         see p. xxv. No one would suppose this, from the observations of
+         M. Lafuente, in his _Historia de España_, vol. xviii. p. 80,
+         Madrid, 1857.
+
+  [1353] 'Philippe n'étoit pas content de Berwick, ou plutôt il témoigna
+         ne le pas être, et il demanda un autre général à Louis XIV. On
+         lui envoya le maréchal de Tessé, pour qui il avoit montré du
+         penchant.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 331.
+         Berwick himself ascribes his dismissal to the influence of
+         Gramont and of the Queen of Spain. _Mémoires de Berwick_, vol.
+         i. pp. 269-273. At all events, the new general became supreme.
+         In December 1705, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid to
+         Madame de Maintenon, 'M. le maréchal de Tessé, quand il est à
+         Madrid, est consulté, et décide sur toutes les affaires,
+         _autant, pour le moins, que M. l'ambassadeur_; et lorsqu'il est
+         à l'armée, il est le maître absolu non seulement des troupes de
+         France, mais encore de celles d'Espagne, commandant aux
+         capitaines-généraux, ses anciens, contre l'usage du pays.'
+         _Lettres inédites de Madame de Maintenon et de Madame la
+         Princesse des Ursins_, vol. iii. p. 259, Paris, 1826.
+
+  [1354] In 1706, 'Le duc de Berwick, redemandé par Philippe V., arrivé à
+         Madrid le 11 mars, avec le titre de maréchal de France, pour
+         défendre l'Estramadure et la Castille, ayant rassemblé ce qu'il
+         peut de troupes espagnoles, empêcha les ennemis d'entreprendre
+         le siège de Badajoz.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii.
+         p. 387. Philip 'pria le Roi, son grand-père, d'envoyer un
+         général pour commander sur les frontières de Portugal. Ce fut
+         donc sur moi que le choix tomba.' _Mémoires de Berwick_, vol. i.
+         p. 305.
+
+  [1355] In a recently published work (_Memoirs of Peterborough_, London,
+         1853, vol. i. pp. 148, 155, 161, 206, 210, vol. ii. pp. 34, 93),
+         Charles is not only called King of Spain, which he never was, as
+         Spain always refused to accept him, but, in the teeth of all
+         history, he is actually termed Charles III.; while Philip V. is
+         merely 'Philip of Anjou.' If this were allowed, the consequence
+         would be, that the king whom the Spaniards now call Charles
+         III., would have to change his appellation, and become Charles
+         IV.; and Charles IV. would be changed into Charles V. It is
+         really too much when mere biographers obtrude, in this way,
+         their own little prepossessions into the vast field of history,
+         and seek to efface its established nomenclature, because they
+         are enamoured of the hero whose life they write.
+
+  [1356] 'This victory established the throne of Philip.' _Dunham's
+         History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 136. 'A victory which may be
+         justly said to have saved Spain.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. i. p. 408. Even Ortiz allows that if Berwick had
+         failed, Philip would have been ruined. 'Esta batalla de Almansa,
+         que las circunstancias hicieron ruidosa, comenzó á poner mejor
+         la corona de España en la cabeza de Felipe V.; y se tuvo por
+         indubitable que si la hubiera perdido, tambien hubiera perdido
+         la corona.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 116. See also
+         _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xviii. p. 185. 'Berwick,
+         á quien, sin duda, debió su salvación la España.'
+
+  [1357] 'Sa réputation étoit grande et bien établie; le roi d'Espagne
+         avoit été témoin de sa conduite en Lombardie; il demanda au Roi
+         un général si capable de commander ses armées.' _Mémoires de
+         Torcy_, vol. i. p. 386. See also _History of Alberoni_, London,
+         1719, p. 45. 'Le duc de Vendôme alloit enfin commander les
+         troupes d'Espagne.' _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 12.
+         According to Berwick, the offer was first made to himself.
+         _Mémoires de Berwick_, vol. ii. pp. 106, 109. M. Lafuente,
+         without quoting any authority, says (_Historia de España_, vol.
+         xviii. p. 279), 'Luego que se perdió la batalla de Zaragoza
+         escribió Felipe al rey Cristianísimo, su abuelo, rogándole que,
+         ya que no pudiera socorrerle con tropas, le enviára al menos _al
+         duque de Berwick ó al de Vendome_.' But, as Berwick must have
+         had the means of knowing the real state of the case, he is
+         probably correct in saying that the first application was in his
+         own favour.
+
+  [1358] 'Vendôme arrived at this moment to call into action the spirit of
+         the monarch and the zeal of his subjects.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+         of Spain_, vol. ii. p. 41. 'The arrival of the Duke de Vendôme
+         again changed the fate of Spain.' _Memoirs of Peterborough_,
+         vol. ii. p. 130.
+
+In the same way, the finances were, by the end of the seventeenth
+century, in such deplorable confusion, that Portocarrero, who at the
+accession of Philip V. was the nominal minister of Spain, expressed a
+desire that they should be administered by some one sent from Paris, who
+could restore them.[1359] He felt that no one in Spain was equal to the
+task, and he was by no means singular in this opinion. In 1701, Louville
+wrote to Torcy, that if a financier did not soon arrive from France,
+there would shortly be no finances to administer.[1360] The choice fell
+upon Orry, who reached Madrid in the summer of 1701.[1361] He found
+everything in the most miserable condition; and the incompetence of the
+Spaniards was so obvious, that he was soon forced to undertake the
+management, not only of the finances, but also of the war-department. To
+save appearances, Canalez became the ostensible minister at war; but he,
+being completely ignorant of affairs, merely performed the drudgery of
+that office, the real duties of which were fulfilled by Orry
+himself.[1362]
+
+  [1359] 'Portocarrero, abrumado con las dificultades de la gobernacion,
+         que excedian en mucho á sus escasas luces, no contento con haber
+         inducido al rey á que aumentára su consejo de gabinete con dos
+         ministros más, que fueron el marqués de Mancera, presidente del
+         de Aragon, y el duque de Montalto, del de Italia, pidió á Luis
+         XIV. le enviára una persona que pudiera establecer un plan de
+         hacienda en España, y corregir y reformar los abusos de la
+         administracion.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_, vol. xviii.
+         p. 15. On 22nd June 1701, Louis XIV. writes to the Duc
+         d'Harcourt, 'Qu'enfin le cardinal Porto-Carrero m'a fait
+         demander quelqu'un intelligent en matière de finances pour voir
+         et connoître l'état de celles du roi d'Espagne, pour examiner
+         les moyens les plus propres de soulager ses sujets, et de
+         pourvoir aux plus pressans besoins du public; qu'il m'assure que
+         _toute l'Espagne le désire en général_: toutes ces raisons m'ont
+         déterminé à choisir le sieur Orry, pour l'envoyer à Madrid.'
+         _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 44.
+
+  [1360] 'Il faudra que l'homme que vous enverrez pour les finances (car
+         vous aurez la bonté d'en envoyer un, ou bien nous n'aurons plus
+         de finances).' _Mémoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 149.
+
+  [1361] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 181.
+
+  [1362] 'Canalez, qu'on a substitué à Rivas pour le département de la
+         guerre, n'a aucun talent pour cet emploi, selon l'instruction;
+         et toute l'Espagne voit clairement qu'Orry ne le lui a procuré
+         qu'afin d'en exercer les fonctions sous le nom d'un Espagnol.'
+         _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 305; under the
+         year 1704. See also, on the power of Orry in the war-department,
+         _Mémoires de Berwick_, vol. i. pp. 226, 227, 306, 316, vol. ii.
+         p. 166. Berwick, who hated Orry, says of him (vol. i. p. 232),
+         'il se mêloit de tout et faisoit tout,' But there can be no
+         doubt of his being a man of very considerable ability; and M.
+         Lafuente (_Historia de España_, vol. xix. p. 253, Madrid, 1857)
+         candidly says, 'Es lo cierto que hizo abrir mucho los ojos de
+         los españoles en materia de administracion,' Compare vol. xviii.
+         p. 369; _Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. vii. pp. 102,
+         195, Paris, 1842; and _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de
+         España_, vol. i. pp. 82, 83, 99, 168, vol. ii. pp. 95, 107.
+         Bacallar treats him harshly.
+
+This dominion of the French continued, without interruption, until the
+second marriage of Philip V., in 1714, and the death of Louis XIV., in
+1715, both of which events weakened their influence, and for a time
+almost destroyed it. The authority, however, which they lost, was
+transferred, not to Spaniards, but to other foreigners. Between 1714 and
+1726, the two most powerful and conspicuous men in Spain were Alberoni,
+an Italian, and Ripperda, a Dutchman. Ripperda was dismissed in
+1726;[1363] and after his fall, the affairs of Spain were controlled by
+Konigseg, who was a German, and who, indeed, was the Austrian ambassador
+residing at Madrid.[1364] Even Grimaldo, who held office before and
+after the dismissal of Ripperda, was a disciple of the French school,
+and had been brought up under Orry.[1365] All this was not the result of
+accident, nor is it to be ascribed to the caprice of the court. In
+Spain, the national spirit had so died away, that none but foreigners,
+or men imbued with foreign ideas, were equal to the duties of
+government. To the evidence already quoted on this point, I will add two
+other testimonies. Noailles, a very fair judge, and by no means
+prejudiced against the Spaniards, emphatically stated, in 1710, that,
+notwithstanding their loyalty, they were incapable of ruling, inasmuch
+as they were ignorant both of war and of politics.[1366] In 1711, Bonnac
+mentions that a resolution had been formed to place no Spaniard at the
+head of affairs, because those hitherto employed had proved to be either
+unfortunate or unfaithful.[1367]
+
+  [1363] _Ripperda's Memoirs_, London, 1740, second edition, pp. 117, 118.
+         Saint Simon (_Mémoires_, vol. xxxvi. p. 246) says, that Ripperda
+         was 'premier ministre aussi absolu que le fut jamais son
+         prédécesseur, Alberoni.' The English pamphleteers and
+         politicians of the last century were very unjust to Alberoni,
+         who, notwithstanding the dangerous boldness of his nature, was
+         one of the best ministers who ever governed Spain. M. Lafuente,
+         while admitting his faults, says (_Historia de España_, vol.
+         xix. pp. 437, 438), 'Negarle gran capacidad seria una gran
+         injusticia. Tampoco puede desconocerse que reanimó y regeneró la
+         España, levantándola á un grado de esplendor y de grandeza en
+         que nunca se habia vuelto á ver desde los mejores tiempos de
+         Felipe II.' See also a good summary of what he did for Spain, in
+         _Tapia_, _Historia de la Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840,
+         vol. iv. pp. 50, 51.
+
+  [1364] 'The all-powerful Konigseg.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_,
+         vol. iii. p. 154; 'the prime mover of the Spanish counsels,' p.
+         159; in 1727-8, 'Konigseg usurped the control over every
+         operation of government,' p. 190; and see p. 235. His great
+         power is likewise noticed in _Lafuente_, _Historia de España_,
+         vol. xix. p. 71: 'el hombre de mas influjo y valimiento en la
+         córte.'
+
+  [1365] 'Originally a clerk under Orry, he gained the favour of his
+         employer,' &c. _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iii. p. 39.
+         Coxe had access to a large mass of letters, which were written
+         in the eighteenth century, by persons connected with Spain, and
+         many of which are still unpublished. This makes his book very
+         valuable; and, as a recital of political events, it is superior
+         to anything the Spaniards have produced, though the author is, I
+         need hardly say, far inferior to M. Lafuente as a writer, and
+         also as an artistic arranger of facts.
+
+  [1366] 'Que les Espagnols depuis longtemps ignoroient la guerre et la
+         politique; qu'on devoit être sensible à leurs démonstrations
+         d'attachement et de zèle, sans les croire, suffisantes pour
+         soutenir un État' ... 'l'incapacité des sujets pour le
+         gouvernement.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iii. pp.
+         24, 25.
+
+  [1367] 'C'étoit un parti pris, comme l'observe Bonnac, de ne plus mettre
+         le gouvernement entre leurs mains. On avoit trouvé parmi eux peu
+         d'hommes capables des grands emplois: ceux à qui on les avoit
+         confiés, malheureux ou infidèles, avoient inspiré de
+         l'éloignement pour les autres.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de
+         Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 81.
+
+The government of Spain being taken from the Spaniards, now began to
+show some signs of vigour. The change was slight, but it was in the
+right direction, though, as we shall presently see, it could not
+regenerate Spain, owing to the unfavourable operation of general causes.
+Still, the intention was good. For the first time, attempts were made to
+vindicate the rights of laymen, and to diminish the authority of
+ecclesiastics. Scarcely had the French established their dominion, when
+they suggested that it might be advisable to relieve the necessities of
+the state, by compelling the clergy to give up some of the wealth which
+they had accumulated in their churches.[1368] Even Louis XIV. insisted
+that the important office of President of Castile should not be
+conferred on an ecclesiastic, because, he said, in Spain the priests and
+monks had already too much power.[1369] Orry, who for several years
+possessed immense influence, exerted it in the same direction. He
+endeavoured to lessen the immunities possessed by the clergy, in regard
+to taxation, and also in regard to their exemption from lay
+jurisdiction. He opposed the privilege of sanctuary; he sought to
+deprive churches of their right of asylum. He even attacked the
+Inquisition, and worked so powerfully on the mind of the king, that
+Philip, at one time, determined to suspend that dreadful tribunal, and
+abolish the office of grand inquisitor.[1370] This intention was very
+properly abandoned; for there can be no doubt that if it had been
+enforced, it would have caused a revolution, in which Philip would
+probably have lost his crown.[1371] In such case, a reaction would have
+set in, which would have left the Church stronger than ever. Many
+things, however, were done for Spain in spite of the Spaniards.[1372] In
+1707, the clergy were forced to contribute to the state a small part of
+their enormous wealth; the tax being disguised under the name of a
+loan.[1373] Ten years later, during the administration of Alberoni, this
+disguise was thrown off; and not only did government exact what was now
+called 'the ecclesiastical tax,' but it imprisoned or exiled those
+priests who, refusing to pay, stood up for the privileges of their
+order.[1374] This was a bold step to be taken in Spain, and it was one
+on which, at that time, no Spaniard would have ventured. Alberoni,
+however, as a foreigner, was unversed in the traditions of the country,
+which, indeed, on another memorable occasion, he set at defiance. The
+government of Madrid, acting in complete unison with public opinion, had
+always been unwilling to negotiate with infidels; meaning by infidels
+every people whose religious notions differed from their own. Sometimes,
+such negotiations were unavoidable, but they were entered into with fear
+and trembling, lest the pure Spanish faith should be tainted by too
+close a contact with unbelievers. Even in 1698, when it was evident that
+the monarchy was at its last gasp, and that nothing could save it from
+the hands of the spoiler, the prejudice was so strong, that the
+Spaniards refused to receive aid from the Dutch, because the Dutch were
+heretics. At that time, Holland was in the most intimate relation with
+England, whose interest it was to secure the independence of Spain
+against the machinations of France. Obvious, however, as this was, the
+Spanish theologians, being consulted respecting the proposal, declared
+that it was inadmissible, since it would enable the Dutch to propagate
+their religious opinions; so that, according to this view, it was better
+to be subjugated by a Catholic enemy, than to be assisted by a
+Protestant friend.[1375]
+
+  [1368] In 1701, 'Les églises d'Espagne ont des richesses immenses en or
+         et en argenterie, qui augmentent tous les jours par le crédit
+         des religieux; et cela rend l'espèce très-rare dans le commerce.
+         On propose d'obliger le clergé à vendre une partie de cette
+         argenterie. Avant que de prendre ce parti, il en faudroit bien
+         examiner non seulement l'utilité, que l'on connoît, mais aussi
+         les inconvéniens qu'un pareil ordre pourroit produire.'
+         _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 60.
+
+  [1369] 'Il insistoit sur la nécessité de ne pas donner à un
+         ecclésiastique, ni à une créature du cardinal, la présidence de
+         Castille, quand on rempliroit cette importante place; les
+         prêtres et les moines n'avoient déjà que trop de pouvoir.'
+         _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 77. Compare pp.
+         71, 72; a letter from Louville to Torcy, dated August 5th, 1701.
+
+  [1370] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 163-165. _Mémoires
+         de Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 143.
+
+  [1371] In 1714, it was thought necessary, that Philip V., not having had
+         the benefit of a Spanish education, should be enlightened on the
+         subject of the Inquisition. He was, therefore, informed, 'que la
+         pureza de la religion Catolica en estos reynos se debia á la
+         vigilancia de la Inquisicion y sus ministros, todos justos,
+         clementes y circunspectos, no rigidos, violentos ni crueles,
+         como por error ó malicia los pintan comunmente los Franceses. Y
+         que _la conservacion de la Monarquia dependia en gran parte de
+         mantener ilibata la religion Catolica_.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. vii. p. 286. Bacallar (_Comentarios_, vol. ii. pp. 122-125)
+         gives an interesting account of the attacks made on the rights
+         of the Church, and which, he says, p. 122, were 'poco ajustados
+         á la doctrina de los Santos Padres, á la Inmunidad de la
+         Iglesia, y que sonaban á heregía.' He significantly adds, p.
+         125, 'Los pueblos de España, que son tan religiosos, y professan
+         la mayor veneracion á la Iglesia, creían que esta se
+         atropellaba, _y huvo alguna interna inquietud, no sin fomento de
+         los adversos al Rey, cuyo puro, y sincero corazon podia ser
+         engañado_; pero no inducido á un evidente error contra los
+         Sagrados Canones,' &c. Such passages, proceeding, in the
+         eighteenth century, from a man like the Marquis de San Phelipe,
+         are of no slight importance in the history of the Spanish mind.
+
+  [1372] So early as May 1702, Philip V., in a letter to Louis XIV.,
+         complained that the Spaniards opposed him in every thing. 'Je
+         crois être obligé de vous dire que je m'aperçois de plus en plus
+         du peu de zèle que les Espagnols out pour mon service, dans les
+         petites choses comme dans les grandes, et qu'ils s'opposent à
+         tout ce que je désire.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol.
+         ii. p. 136. The dislike which the Spaniards felt for the liberal
+         reforms advocated by the French, went on increasing, until, in
+         1709, 'se renovaron los antiguos odios entre las dos naciones,
+         con tanto ardor, que deseaban las tropas españolas el haber de
+         combatir con los Franceses.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios_, vol. i.
+         p. 360.
+
+  [1373] 'L'opulence de l'Église devoit évidemment fournir des secours à
+         la patrie. Un emprunt de quatre millions, fait sur le clergé
+         l'année précédente, 1707, avoit cependant fort déplu au Pape ou
+         à ses ministres.' _Millot_, _Mémoires de Noaulès_, vol. ii. p.
+         412.
+
+  [1374] 'He' (Alberoni) 'continued also the exaction of the
+         ecclesiastical tax, in spite of the papal prohibitions,
+         imprisoning or banishing the refractory priests who defended the
+         privileges of their order.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_,
+         vol. ii. p. 288.
+
+  [1375] On January 2nd, 1698, Stanhope, the British Minister at Madrid,
+         writes from that capital: 'This Court is not at all inclined to
+         admit the offer of the Dutch troops to garrison their places in
+         Flanders. They have consulted their theologians, who declare
+         against it as a matter of conscience, since it would give great
+         opportunities to the spreading of heresy. They have not yet sent
+         their answer but it is believed it will be in the negative, and
+         that they will rather choose to lie at the mercy of the French,
+         as being Catholics.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._,
+         pp. 98, 99.
+
+Still, much as the Spaniards hated Protestants, they hated Mohammedans
+yet more.[1376] They could never forget how the followers of that creed
+had once conquered nearly the whole of Spain, and had, during several
+centuries, possessed the fairest portion of it. The remembrance of this
+strengthened their religious animosity, and caused them to be the chief
+supporters of nearly every war which was waged against the Mohammedans,
+both of Turkey and of Africa.[1377] But Alberoni, being a foreigner, was
+unmoved by these considerations, and, to the astonishment of all Spain,
+he, on the mere ground of political expediency, set at naught the
+principles of the Church, and not only concluded an alliance with the
+Mohammedans, but supplied them with arms and with money.[1378] It is,
+indeed, true, that, in these and similar measures, Alberoni opposed
+himself to the national will, and that he lived to repent of his
+boldness. It is, however, also true, that his policy was part of a great
+secular and anti-theological movement, which, during the eighteenth
+century, was felt all over Europe. The effects of that movement were
+seen in the government of Spain, but not in the people. This was because
+the government for many years was wielded by foreigners, or by natives
+imbued with a foreign spirit. Hence we find that, during the greater
+part of the eighteenth century, the politicians of Spain formed a class
+more isolated, and, if I may so say, more living on their own
+intellectual resources, than the politicians of any other country during
+the same period. That this indicated a state of disease, and that no
+political improvement can produce real good, unless it is desired by the
+people before being conferred on them, will be admitted by whoever has
+mastered the lessons which history contains. The results actually
+produced in Spain, we shall presently see. But it will first be
+advisable that I should give some further evidence of the extent to
+which the influence of the Church had prostrated the national
+intellect, and by discouraging all inquiry, and fettering all freedom of
+thought, had at length reduced the country to such a plight, that the
+faculties of men, rusted by disuse, were no longer equal to fulfil the
+functions required from them; so that in every department, whether of
+political life, or of speculative philosophy, or even of mechanical
+industry, it was necessary that foreigners should be called in, to do
+that work, which the natives had become unable to perform.
+
+  [1376] 'Entre el catolicismo y las diferentes sectas que brotaron en las
+         imaginaciones de Calvino y de Lutero podia mediar tolerancia, y
+         aun transaccion, si bien, como dice un escritor político, cuando
+         se comienza á transigir sobre un principio, ese principio
+         comienza á perder su imperio sobre las sociedades humanas. Pero
+         entre el cristianismo de los españoles y el mahometismo de los
+         moriscos era imposible todo avenimiento.' _Janer_, _Condicion
+         Social de los Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 112.
+
+  [1377] The Marquis of San Phelipe, who wrote in 1725, says, 'Es ley
+         fundamental de los Reyes Catholicos, nunca hacer la paz con los
+         Mahometanos; y esta guerra permanece desde el Rey Don Pelayo,
+         por mas de siete siglos, sin hacer jamás paces, ni treguas con
+         ellos, como cada dia las hacen el Emperador, y otros Principes
+         Catholicos.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_,
+         vol. ii. p. 169. And, in the most influential work on commerce
+         which the reign of Philip V. produced, I find the following
+         instructive passage: 'Aunque en los Puertos de las dilatadas
+         Costas, que de Europa, Asia y Africa baña el Mediterraneo, se
+         hace comercio muy considerable, y util por diversas naciones, no
+         podrá España tener gran parte en él, mientras se observare la
+         maxima de hacer continua guerra á todos los Moros y Turcos, en
+         cuyo dominio se hallan la mayor parte de aquellas Provincias;
+         sin embargo de ser constante, que _en esta guerra, aunque
+         procedida de zelo Christiano, es mayor el daño que recibimos,
+         que el que ocasionamos á los Infieles_' (the way the mercantile
+         spirit peeps out here, is extremely curious) 'á lo menos de
+         muchos años á esta parte, como lo he explicado en diversos
+         capitulos.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
+         Madrid, 1757, p. 399. This is the third edition of a book,
+         which, considering the circumstances under which it was written,
+         is a very remarkable production.
+
+  [1378] Compare _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, London, 1815, vol. ii.
+         p. 314, with _The History of Alberoni_, London, 1719, pp. 119,
+         253; and _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de España_, vol.
+         ii. pp. 168, 169. The outcry which this caused, may be easily
+         imagined; and Alberoni, finding himself in great peril, took
+         advantage of the secrecy of the negotiations, to deny part, at
+         least, of the charges made against him. See his indignant, but
+         yet cautious, letter to the Pope, in _History of Alberoni_,
+         1719, p. 124. Ortiz, who had evidently not looked into the
+         evidence, is so ill-informed as to suppose that this was a
+         calumnious accusation brought against Alberoni after his fall.
+         'Caido ya por entonces Alberoni de su grandeza, expelido
+         ignominiosamente de España, y aun perseguido por el Rey en
+         Italia, preso en Roma por orden del Papa, etc., no era dificil
+         atribuirle culpas agenas ó no cometidas.' _Note in Ortiz_,
+         _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 321.
+
+The ignorance in which the force of adverse circumstances had sunk the
+Spaniards, and their inactivity, both bodily and mental, would be
+utterly incredible, if it were not attested by every variety of
+evidence. Gramont, writing from personal knowledge of the state of
+Spain, during the latter half of the seventeenth century, describes the
+upper classes as not only unacquainted with science or literature, but
+as knowing scarcely any thing even of the commonest events which
+occurred out of their own country. The lower ranks, he adds, are equally
+idle, and rely upon foreigners to reap their wheat, to cut their hay,
+and to build their houses.[1379] Another observer of society, as it
+existed in Madrid in 1679, assures us that men, even of the highest
+position, never thought it necessary that their sons should study; and
+that those who were destined for the army could not learn mathematics,
+if they desired to do so, inasmuch as there were neither schools nor
+masters to teach them.[1380] Books, unless they were books of devotion,
+were deemed utterly useless; no one consulted them; no one collected
+them; and, until the eighteenth century, Madrid did not possess a single
+public library.[1381] In other cities professedly devoted to purposes of
+education, similar ignorance prevailed. Salamanca was the seat of the
+most ancient and most famous university in Spain, and there, if
+anywhere, we might look for the encouragement of science.[1382] But De
+Torres, who was himself a Spaniard, and was educated at Salamanca,
+early in the eighteenth century, declares that he had studied at that
+university for five years before he had heard that such things as the
+mathematical sciences existed.[1383] So late as the year 1771, the same
+university publicly refused to allow the discoveries of Newton to be
+taught; and assigned as a reason, that the system of Newton was not so
+consonant with revealed religion as the system of Aristotle.[1384] All
+over Spain, a similar plan was adopted. Everywhere, knowledge was
+spurned, and inquiry discouraged. Feijoo, who, notwithstanding his
+superstition, and a certain slavishness of mind, from which no Spaniard
+of that age could escape, did, on matters of science, seek to enlighten
+his countrymen, has left upon record his deliberate opinion, that
+whoever had acquired all that was taught in his time under the name of
+philosophy, would, as the reward of his labour, be more ignorant than he
+was before he began.[1385] And there can be no doubt that he was right.
+There can be no doubt that, in Spain, the more a man was taught, the
+less he would know. For, he was taught that inquiry was sinful, that
+intellect must be repressed, and that credulity and submission were the
+first of human attributes. The Duke de Saint Simon, who, in 1721 and
+1722, was the French ambassador at Madrid, sums up his observations by
+the remark, that, in Spain, science is a crime, and ignorance a
+virtue.[1386] Fifty years later, another shrewd observer, struck with
+amazement at the condition of the national mind, expresses his opinion
+in a sentence equally pithy and almost equally severe. Searching for an
+illustration to convey his sense of the general darkness, he
+emphatically says, that the common education of an English gentleman
+would, in Spain, constitute a man of learning.[1387]
+
+  [1379] 'Leur paresse, et l'ignorance non seulement des sciences et des
+         arts, mais quasi généralement de tout ce qui se passe hors de
+         l'Espagne, et on peut dire même hors du lieu où ils habitent,
+         vont presque de pair, et sont inconcevables. La pauvreté est
+         grande parmi eux, ce qui provient de leur extrême paresse; car
+         si nombre de nos Français n'alloient faucher leurs foins, couper
+         leurs blés et faire leurs briques, je crois qu'ils courroient
+         fortune de se laisser mourir de faim, et de se tenir sous des
+         tentes pour ne se pas donner la peine de bâtir des maisons.' ...
+         'L'éducation de leurs enfans est semblable à celle qu'ils ont eu
+         de leurs pères, c'est-à-dire sans qu'ils apprennent ni sciences
+         ni exercices; et je ne crois par que parmi tous les grands que
+         j'ay pratiqués, il s'en trouvât un seul qui sût décliner son
+         nom.' ... 'Ils n'ont nulle curiosité de voir les pays
+         étrangers, et encore moins de s'enquérir de ce qui s'y passe.'
+         _Mémoires du Maréchal de Gramont_, vol. ii. pp. 77, 78, 82, 83,
+         in _Collection des Mémoires par Petitot et Monmerqué_, vol.
+         lvii. See also _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage d'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1665, 4to. p. 124. 'La terré mesme n'y est pas toute
+         cultiuée par des gens du pays: au tempe du labourage, des
+         semailles et de la recolte, il leur vient quantité de paysans du
+         Bearn et d'autres endroits de France, qui gagnent beaucoup
+         d'argent, pour leur mettre leurs bleds en terre et pour les
+         recueillir. Les architectes et charpentiers y sont aussi pour la
+         plûpart estrangers, qui se font payer au triple de ce qu'ils
+         gagneroient en leur pays. Dans Madrid on ne voit pas un porteur
+         d'eau qui ne soit estranger, et la plûpart des cordonniers et
+         tailleurs le sont aussi.'
+
+  [1380] 'Mais aussi de quelle manière les élève-t-on? Ils n'étudient
+         point; on néglige de leur donner d'habiles précepteurs; dès
+         qu'on les destine à l'épée, on ne se soucie plus qu'ils
+         apprennent le latin ni l'histoire. On devroit au moins leur
+         enseigner ce qui est de leur mestier, les mathématiques, à faire
+         des armes et à monter à cheval. Ils n'y pensent seulement pas.
+         Il n'y a point ici d'Académie ni de maîtres qui montrent ces
+         sortes de choses. Les jeunes hommes passent le tems qu'ils
+         devroient emploïer à s'instruire dans un oisiveté pitoïable.'
+         Letter from Madrid, dated 27th June 1679, in _D'Aulnoy_,
+         _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. pp. 232,
+         233.
+
+  [1381] 'Madrid étant la capitale d'une monarchie aussi vaste, il n'y eut
+         dans cette ville jusqu'à l'époque du règne de Philippe V aucune
+         bibliothèque publique.' _Sempere_, _De la Monarchie Espagnole_,
+         Paris, 1826, vol. ii. p. 79.
+
+  [1382] The university was transferred from Palencia to Salamanca, early
+         in the thirteenth century. _Forner_, _Oracion Apologética por la
+         España_, Madrid, 1786, p. 170. By the beginning of the fifteenth
+         century, it had become very prosperous (_Sempere_, _De la
+         Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. i. p. 65); and in 1535, it is
+         described as 'a great Universitie, conteyning seven or eight
+         thowsand students.' See a letter from John Mason, dated
+         Valladolid, 3rd July, 1635, in _Ellis's Original Letters_, second
+         series, vol. ii. p. 56, London, 1827. But, like every thing else
+         which was valuable in Spain, it declined in the seventeenth
+         century; and Monconys, who carefully examined it in 1628, and
+         praises some of its arrangements which were still in force,
+         adds, 'Mais je suis aussi contraint de dire après tant de
+         loüanges, que les écoliers qui étudient dans cette université
+         sont des vrais ignorans.' _Les Voyages de Monsieur de Monconys_,
+         Quatrième Partie, vol. v. p. 22, Paris, 1695. However, their
+         ignorance, of which Monconys gives some curious instances, did
+         not prevent Spanish writers, then, and long afterwards, from
+         deeming the University of Salamanca to be the greatest
+         institution of its kind in the world. 'La mayor del orbe, madre
+         gloriosísima de todas las ciencias y de los mas vehementes
+         ingenios, que han ilustrado las edades.' _Vida de Calderon de la
+         Barca_, pp. iii. iv., reprinted in Keil's edition of _Calderon_,
+         Leipsique, 1827. Compare Davila (_Felipe Tercero_, p. 81),
+         'Salamanca, madre de ciencias y letras;' Yañez (_Memorias_, p.
+         228), 'Universidad insigne, y Oficina de las buenas Letras de
+         España;' Bacallar (_Comentarios_, vol. i. p. 238), 'El emporio
+         de las ciencias;' and Ximenez (_Vida de Ribera_, p. 6),
+         'Salamanca, cathedra universal de las artes, y emporio de todas
+         ciencias.'
+
+  [1383] 'Says, that, after he had been five years in one of the schools
+         of the university there, it was by accident he learned the
+         existence of the mathematical sciences.' _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 223. A celebrated Spanish
+         writer of the eighteenth century, actually boasts of the
+         ignorance of his countrymen concerning mathematics, and
+         discerns, in their neglect of that foolish pursuit, a decisive
+         proof of their superiority over other nations. 'No se dexe
+         deslumbrar con los ásperos calculos é intrincadas demostraciones
+         geométricas, con que, astuto el entendimiento, disimula el
+         engaño con los disfraces de la verdad. El uso de las matemáticas
+         es la alquimia en la fisica, que da apariencias de oro á lo que
+         no lo es.' _Forner_, _Oracion Apologética por la España y su
+         Mérito Literario_, Madrid, 1786, p. 38. Compare his contemptuous
+         notice (p. 66) of those insignificant persons, who 'con título
+         de filósofos han dado algun aumento á las matemáticas;' and his
+         comparison (p. 222) of Mercado with Newton.
+
+  [1384] 'L'université de Salamanque, excitée par le Conseil, à réformer
+         ses études, en l'année 1771, lui répondit "qu'elle ne pouvait se
+         séparer du péripatétisme, parce que les systèmes de Newton,
+         Gassendi et Descartes, ne concordent pas autant avec les vérités
+         révélées que ceux d'Aristote."' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 152. This reply, says M. Sempere, p.
+         153, may be found 'dans la collection des ordonnances royales.'
+         In _Letters from Spain by an English Officer_, London, 1788,
+         vol. ii. p. 256, it is stated, that, in all the Spanish
+         universities, 'Newton, and modern philosophy, is still
+         prohibited. Nothing can supplant Aristotle, and the
+         superstitious fathers and doctors of the Church.'
+
+  [1385] Or, as he, in one place, expresses himself, would know 'very
+         little more than nothing.' 'El que estudió Logica, y
+         Metaphysica, con lo demás que, debaxo del nombre de Philosofia,
+         se enseña en las Escuelas, por bien que sepa todo, sabe muy poco
+         mas que nada; pero suena mucho. Dicese, que es un gran
+         Philosofo; y no es Philosofo grande, ni chico,' _Feijoo_,
+         _Theatro Critico Universal_, vol. ii. p. 187, quinta impression,
+         Madrid, 1741.
+
+  [1386] 'La science est un crime, l'ignorance et la stupidité la première
+         vertu.' _Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. xxxv. p. 209,
+         Paris, 1840. Elsewhere (vol. xxxvi. p. 252) he says, 'Les
+         jésuites savants partout et en tout genre de science, ce qu ne
+         leur est pas même disputé par leurs ennemis, les jésuites,
+         dis-je, sont ignorants en Espagne, mais d'une ignorance à
+         surprendre.'
+
+  [1387] 'The common education of an English gentleman would constitute a
+         man of learning here; and, should he understand Greek, he would
+         be quite a phenomenon.' _Swinburne's Travels through Spain in
+         1775 and 1776_, vol. ii. pp. 212, 213, 2d edit., London, 1787.
+
+Those who know what the common education of an English gentleman was
+eighty years ago, will appreciate the force of this comparison, and will
+understand how benighted a country must have been, to which such a taunt
+was applicable. To expect that, under such a state of things, the
+Spaniards should make any of the discoveries which accelerate the march
+of nations, would be idle indeed; for they would not even receive the
+discoveries, which other nations had made for them, and had cast into
+the common lap. So loyal and orthodox a people had nothing to do with
+novelties, which, being innovations on ancient opinions, were fraught
+with danger. The Spaniards desired to walk in the ways of their
+ancestors, and not have their faith in the past rudely disturbed. In the
+inorganic world, the magnificent discoveries of Newton were
+contumeliously rejected; and, in the organic world, the circulation of
+the blood was denied, more than a hundred and fifty years after Harvey
+had proved it.[1388] These things were new, and it was better to pause
+a little, and not receive them too hastily. On the same principle, when,
+in the year 1760, some bold men in the government proposed that the
+streets of Madrid should be cleansed, so daring a suggestion excited
+general anger. Not only the vulgar, but even those who were called
+educated, were loud in their censure. The medical profession, as the
+guardians of the public health, were desired, by the government, to give
+their opinion. This, they had no difficulty in doing. They had no doubt
+that the dirt ought to remain. To remove it, was a new experiment; and
+of new experiments, it was impossible to foresee the issue. Their
+fathers having lived in the midst of it, why should not they do the
+same? Their fathers were wise men, and must have had good reasons for
+their conduct. Even the smell, of which some persons complained, was
+most likely wholesome. For, the air being sharp and piercing, it was
+extremely probable that bad smells made the atmosphere heavy, and in
+that way deprived it of some of its injurious properties. The physicians
+of Madrid were, therefore, of opinion that matters had better remain as
+their ancestors had left them, and that no attempts should be made to
+purify the capital by removing the filth which lay scattered on every
+side.[1389]
+
+  [1388] So late as 1787, Townsend, a very accomplished man, who travelled
+         through Spain with the express object of noting the state of
+         knowledge, as well as the economical condition of the country,
+         and who, by previous study, had well qualified himself for such
+         an undertaking, says, 'I have observed in general, that the
+         physicians with whom I have had occasion to converse, are
+         disciples of their favourite doctor Piquer, who denied, or at
+         least doubted of, the circulation of the blood.' _Townsend's
+         Journey through Spain_, 2d ed., London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 281.
+         At that time, the Spanish physicians were, however, beginning to
+         read Hoffmann, Cullen, and other heretical speculators, in whose
+         works they would find, to their astonishment, that the
+         circulation of the blood was assumed, and was not even treated
+         as a debatable question. But the students were obliged to take
+         such matters on trust; for, adds Townsend, p. 282, 'In their
+         medical classes, they had no dissections.' Compare _Laborde's
+         Spain_, vol. i. p. 76, vol. iii. p. 315, London, 1809, and
+         _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 157. Godoy,
+         speaking of the three colleges of surgery at Madrid, Barcelona,
+         and Cadiz, says that until his administration in 1793, 'In the
+         capital, even that of San Carlos had not a lecture-room for
+         practical instruction.'
+
+  [1389] This little episode is noticed by Cabarrus, in his _Elogio de
+         Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xiv. 'La salubridad del
+         ayre, la limpieza y seguridad de las calles,' ... 'Pero ¿quién
+         creerá que este noble empeño produxo las mas vivas quejas: que
+         se conmovió el vulgo de todas clases; y que tuvo varias
+         autoridades á su favor la extraña doctrina de que los vapores
+         mefiticos eran un correctivo saludable de la rigidez del clima?'
+         But the fullest detail will be found in the recently published
+         and very elaborate History of Charles III. by M. Rio, from which
+         I will give one or two extracts. 'Para la limpieza de las calles
+         poseia mayores ó menores fondos el ayuntamiento, y cuando el Rey
+         quiso poner la mano en este ramo de policía, le presentaron
+         dictámenes de médicos en que se defendia el absurdo de ser
+         elemento de salubridad la basura.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado
+         de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p. 54. See also vol. i.
+         pp. 267, 268, where it is mentioned, that when the minister,
+         Esquilache, persevered in his attempts to have the streets of
+         Madrid cleaned, the opponents of the scheme made inquiries into
+         the opinions of their fathers on that subject; and the result
+         was, 'que le presentaron cierta originalísima consulta hecha por
+         los médicos bajo el reinado de uno de los Felipes de Austria, y
+         reducida á demostrar que, siendo sumamente sutil el aire de la
+         poblacion á causa de estar próxima la sierra de Guadarrama,
+         ocasionaria los mayores estragos si no se impregnara en los
+         vapores de las inmundicias desparramadas por las calles.' That
+         this idea had long been entertained by the physicians of Madrid,
+         we also know from another testimony, with which none of the
+         Spanish historians are acquainted. Sir Richard Wynne, who
+         visited that capital in 1623, describes a disgusting practice of
+         the inhabitants, and adds, 'Being desirous to know why so
+         beastly a custom is suffered, they say it's a thing prescribed
+         by their physicians; for they hold the air to be so piercing and
+         subtle, that this kind of corrupting it with these ill vapours
+         keeps it in good temper.' _The Autobiography and Correspondence
+         of Sir Simonds D'Ewes_, edited by J. O. Halliwell, London, 1845,
+         vol. ii. p. 446.
+
+While such notions prevailed respecting the preservation of
+health,[1390] it is hardly to be supposed that the treatment of disease
+should be very successful. To bleed and to purge, were the only remedies
+prescribed by the Spanish physicians.[1391] Their ignorance of the
+commonest functions of the human body was altogether surprising, and can
+only be explained on the supposition, that in medicine, as in other
+departments, the Spaniards of the eighteenth century knew no more than
+their progenitors of the sixteenth. Indeed, in some respects, they
+appeared to know less. For, their treatment was so violent, that it was
+almost certain death to submit to it for any length of time.[1392] Their
+own king, Philip V., did not dare to trust himself in their hands, but
+preferred having an Irishman for his physician.[1393] Though the Irish
+had no great medical reputation, anything was better than a Spanish
+doctor.[1394] The arts incidental to medicine and surgery, were equally
+backward. The instruments were rudely made, and the drugs badly
+prepared. Pharmacy being unknown, the apothecaries' shops, in the
+largest towns, were entirely supplied from abroad; while, in the smaller
+towns, and in districts remote from the capital, the medicines were of
+such a quality, that the best which could be hoped of them was, that
+they might be innocuous. For, in the middle of the eighteenth century,
+Spain did not possess one practical chemist. Indeed, we are assured by
+Campomanes himself, that, so late as the year 1776, there was not to be
+found in the whole country a single man who knew how to make the
+commonest drugs, such as magnesia, Glauber's salts, and the ordinary
+preparations of mercury and antimony. This eminent statesman adds,
+however, that a chemical laboratory was about to be established in
+Madrid; and although the enterprise, being without a precedent, would
+surely be regarded as a portentous novelty, he expresses a confident
+expectation, that, by its aid, the universal ignorance of his countrymen
+would in time be remedied.[1395]
+
+  [1390] Even thirty years later, it was said, with good reason, that 'es
+         menester _deshacer todo lo que se ha hecho_,' and 'confiar
+         exclusivamente el precioso depósito de la sanidad pública á las
+         manos capaces de conservarlo y mejorarlo.' _Cartas por el Conde
+         de Cabarrus_, Madrid, 1813, p. 280. These letters, which, though
+         little known, contain some interesting statements, were written
+         in 1792 and 1793. See p. 34, and Prologo, p. i.
+
+  [1391] Bleeding, however, had the preference. See the curious evidence
+         in _Townsend's Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 37-39. Townsend, who had some knowledge of medicine, was
+         amazed at the ignorance and recklessness of the Spanish
+         physicians. He says, 'The science and practice of medicine are
+         at the lowest ebb in Spain, but more especially in the
+         Asturias.' Compare _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol.
+         iii. p. 217, Paris, 1815, with _Winwood's Memorials_, London,
+         1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 219. The last reference shows the
+         terrible 'purging and letting blood,' to which the unfortunate
+         Spaniards were exposed in the reign of Philip III. Another
+         observer, much later, states that 'La saignée leur est assez
+         familière. Ils se la font faire hors du lit tant que leurs
+         forces le permettent, et _lorsqu'ils en usent par précaution,
+         ils se font tirer du sang deux jours de suite du bras droit et
+         du gauche, disant qu'il faut égaliser le sang_. On peut juger de
+         là, si la circulation leur est connue.' _Voyages faits en
+         Espagne, par Monsieur M****_, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 112. See
+         further _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation_,
+         London, 4to. 1763, p. 55, and _Spain by an American_, London,
+         1831, vol. ii. p. 321.
+
+  [1392] In 1790, poor Cumberland, when in Madrid, was as nearly as
+         possible murdered by three of their surgeons in a very few days;
+         the most dangerous of his assailants being no less a man than
+         the 'chief surgeon of the Gardes de Corps,' who, says the
+         unfortunate sufferer, was 'sent to me by authority.' See
+         _Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written by himself_, London,
+         1807, vol. ii. pp. 67, 68.
+
+  [1393] Duclos says of Philip V., 'Il étoit fort attentif sur sa santé;
+         son médecin, s'il eût été intriguant, auroit pu jouer un grand
+         rôle. Hyghens, Irlandois, qui occupoit cette première place,
+         fort éloigné de l'intrigue et de la cupidité, instruit dans son
+         art, s'en occupoit uniquement. Après sa mort, la reine fit
+         donner la place à Servi, son médecin particulier.' _Mémoires par
+         Duclos_, 2^e édit. Paris, 1791, vol. ii. pp. 200, 201. 'Hyghens,
+         premier médecin, était Irlandais.' _Mémoires du Duc de Saint
+         Simon_, vol. xxxvi. p. 215, ed. Paris, 1841.
+
+  [1394] In the eighteenth century, the Spaniards, generally, began to
+         admit this; since they could not shut their eyes to the fact
+         that their friends and relations succumbed so rapidly under
+         professional treatment, that sickness and death were almost
+         synonymous. Hence, notwithstanding their hatred of the French
+         nation, they availed themselves of the services of French
+         physicians and French surgeons, whenever they had an opportunity
+         of doing so. In 1707, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid
+         to Madame de Maintenon, 'Les chirurgiens espagnols sont
+         mésestimés même de ceux de leur nation;' and, in another letter,
+         'Les Espagnols conviennent que les médecins français sont
+         beaucoup plus savants que les leurs; ils s'en servent même
+         très-volontiers, mais ils sont persuadés que ceux de la faculté
+         de Montpellier l'emportent sur les autres.' _Lettres inédites de
+         Madame de Maintenon et de la Princesse des Ursins_, vol. iii. p.
+         412, vol. iv. p. 90.
+
+  [1395] Campomanes (_Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, Madrid, 1776,
+         vol. iii. pp. 74, 75), speaking of a work on distillation, says,
+         'La tercera (parte) describe la preparacion de los productos
+         químicos sólidos: esto es la preparacion de varias sustancias
+         terreas, como argamasa, magnesia blanca, ojos de cangrejo, etc.,
+         la de varios sales, como sal de glaubero, amoniaco, cristal
+         mineral, borax refinado, etc., y la del antimonio, mercurio,
+         plomo, litargirio, etc., comunicando sobre todo lo expresado
+         varias noticias, que demuestran lo mucho que conducen á los
+         progresos del arte, las observaciones del fisico reflexivo:
+         unidas á la práctica de un profesor experimentado. _Este arte en
+         toda su extension falta en España._ Solo le tenemos para
+         aguardientes, rosolis, y mistelas. _La salud pública es
+         demasiado importante, para depender de los estraños en cosas
+         esenciales_; quando no estimulase nuestra industria la
+         manutencion de muchas familias.' ... 'Gran parte de estas cosas
+         se introducen de fuera, por no conocerse bien las operaciones
+         químicas. No son dificultosas en la execucion; pero _es
+         necesario enseñarlas, y conocer los instrumentos que son
+         aproposito_. Un laboratorio químico, que _se va á establecer en
+         Madrid_, producirá maestros para las capitales del reyno.'
+
+Whatever was useful in practice, or whatever subserved the purposes of
+knowledge, had to come from abroad. Ensenada, the well-known minister of
+Ferdinand VI., was appalled by the darkness and apathy of the nation,
+which he tried, but tried in vain, to remove. When he was at the head of
+affairs, in the middle of the eighteenth century, he publicly declared
+that in Spain there was no professorship of public law, or of physics,
+or of anatomy, or of botany. He further added, that there were no good
+maps of Spain, and that there was no person who knew how to construct
+them. All the maps which they had, came from France and Holland. They
+were, he said, very inaccurate; but the Spaniards, being unable to make
+any, had nothing else to rely on. Such a state of things he pronounced
+to be shameful. For, as he bitterly complained, if it were not for the
+exertions of Frenchmen and Dutchmen, it would be impossible for any
+Spaniard to know either the position of his own town, or the distance
+from one place to another.[1396]
+
+  [1396] 'Su ministro el célebre Ensenada, que tenia grandes miras en
+         todos los ramos de la administracion pública, deseaba
+         ardientemente mejorar la enseñanza, lamentándose del atraso en
+         que esta se hallaba. "Es menester, decia hablando de las
+         universidades, reglar sus cátedras, reformar las superfluas y
+         establecer las que faltan con nuevas ordenanzas para asegurar el
+         mejor método de estudios. No sé que haya cátedra alguna de
+         derecho público, de física esperimental, de anatomía y botánica.
+         No hay puntuales cartas geográficas del reino y de sus
+         provincias, _ni quien las sepa grabar, ni tenemos otras que las
+         imperfectas que vienen de Francia y Holanda_. De esto proviene
+         que ignoramos la verdadera situacion de los pueblos y sus
+         distancias, que es una vergüenza."' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 268, 269. See also
+         _Biografia de Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Coleccion de
+         Opúsculos_, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 21, 22. 'Le parecia
+         vergonzoso que para conocer la situacion y distancias
+         respectivas de nuestros mismos pueblos y lugares, dependiésemos
+         de los franceses y holandeses, quienes por sus mapas imperfectas
+         de la península extraían de ella sumas considerables.' Eighty
+         years after this complaint was made by Ensenada, we find a
+         traveller in Spain stating that 'a decent map of any part, even
+         of the country round the gates of the capital, cannot be found.'
+         _Cook's Spain from 1829 to 1832_, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 322.
+         Compare _Notices of Geological Memoirs_, p. 1, at the end of the
+         _Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society_, vol. vi., London,
+         1850; 'even a good geographical map of the Peninsula does not
+         exist.'
+
+The only remedy for all this, seemed to be foreign aid; and Spain being
+now ruled by a foreign dynasty, that aid was called in. Cervi
+established the Medical Societies of Madrid and of Seville; Virgili
+founded the College of Surgery at Cadiz; and Bowles endeavoured to
+promote among the Spaniards the study of mineralogy.[1397] Professors
+were sought for, far and wide; and application was made to Linnæus to
+send a person from Sweden who could impart some idea of botany to
+physiological students.[1398] Many other and similar steps were taken by
+the government, whose indefatigable exertions would deserve our warmest
+praise, if we did not know how impossible it is for any government to
+enlighten a nation, and how absolutely essential it is that the desire
+for improvement should, in the first place, proceed from the people
+themselves. No progress is real, unless it is spontaneous. The movement,
+to be effective, must emanate from within, and not from without; it must
+be due to general causes acting on the whole country, and not to the
+mere will of a few powerful individuals. During the eighteenth century,
+all the means of improvement were lavishly supplied to the Spaniards;
+but the Spaniards did not want to improve. They were satisfied with
+themselves; they were sure of the accuracy of their own opinions; they
+were proud of the notions which they inherited, and which they did not
+wish either to increase or to diminish. Being unable to doubt, they
+were, therefore, unwilling to inquire. New and beautiful truths,
+conveyed in the clearest and most attractive language, could produce no
+effect upon men whose minds were thus hardened and enslaved.[1399] An
+unhappy combination of events, working without interruption since the
+fifth century, had predetermined the national character in a particular
+direction, and neither statesmen, nor kings, nor legislators, could
+effect aught against it. The seventeenth century was, however, the
+climax of all. In that age, the Spanish nation fell into a sleep, from
+which, as a nation, it has never since awakened. It was a sleep, not of
+repose, but of death. It was a sleep, in which the faculties, instead of
+being rested, were paralyzed, and in which a cold and universal torpor
+succeeded that glorious, though partial, activity, which, while it made
+the name of Spain terrible in the world, had insured the respect even of
+her bitterest enemies.
+
+  [1397] M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. i. p. 185)
+         mentions this in a very characteristic manner. 'Varios
+         extranjeros distinguidos _hallaron fraternidad entre los
+         españoles, y correspondieron hidalgamente al hospedaje_: Cervi
+         dió vida á las sociedades médicas de Madrid y Sevilla; Virgili
+         al colegio de Cirugía de Cádiz; Quer trabajó sin descanso para
+         que el Jardin Botánico no fuera un simple lugar de recreo, sino
+         principalmente de estudio; Bowles comunicó grande impulso á la
+         mineralogía,' &c.
+
+  [1398] I have mislaid the evidence of this fact; but the reader may rely
+         on its accuracy.
+
+  [1399] Townsend (_Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787_, vol. ii.
+         p. 275) says, 'Don Antonio Solano, professor of experimental
+         philosophy, merits attention for the clearness and precision of
+         his demonstrations: but, unfortunately, although his lectures
+         are delivered gratis, such is the want of taste for science in
+         Madrid, that nobody attends them.'
+
+Even the fine arts, in which the Spaniards had formerly excelled,
+partook of the general degeneracy, and, according to the confession of
+their own writers, had, by the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+fallen into complete decay.[1400] The arts which secure national
+safety, were in the same predicament as those which minister to national
+pleasure. There was no one in Spain who could build a ship; there was no
+one who knew how to rig it, after it was built. The consequence was,
+that, by the close of the seventeenth century, the few ships which Spain
+possessed, were so rotten, that, says an historian, they could hardly
+support the fire of their own guns.[1401] In 1752, the government, being
+determined to restore the navy, found it necessary to send to England
+for shipwrights; and they were also obliged to apply to the same quarter
+for persons who could make ropes and canvass; the skill of the natives
+being unequal to such arduous achievements.[1402] In this way, the
+ministers of the Crown, whose ability and vigour, considering the
+difficult circumstances in which the incapacity of the people placed
+them, were extremely remarkable, contrived to raise a fleet superior to
+any which had been seen in Spain for more than a century.[1403] They
+also took many other steps towards putting the national defences into a
+satisfactory condition; though in every instance, they were forced to
+rely on the aid of foreigners. Both the military and the naval service
+were in utter confusion, and had to be organized afresh. The discipline
+of the infantry was remodelled by O'Reilly, an Irishman, to whose
+superintendence the military schools of Spain were intrusted.[1404] At
+Cadiz, a great naval academy was formed, but the head of it was Colonel
+Godin, a French officer.[1405] The artillery, which like everything
+else, had become almost useless, was improved by Maritz, the Frenchman;
+while the same service was rendered to the arsenals by Gazola, the
+Italian.[1406]
+
+  [1400] 'La ignorancia reinante en los últimos años del siglo xvii.
+         depravó en tal manera el buen gusto, que á principios del xviii.
+         las artes se hallaban en la mas lastimosa decadencia.' _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. p. 346. See
+         also, on this decline, or rather destruction, of taste,
+         _Valasquez_, _Origines de la Poesia Castellana_, Malaga, 1754,
+         4to. 'Un siglo, corrompido, en que las letras estaban
+         abandonadas, y el buen gusto casi desterrado de toda la nacion.'
+         p. 70. 'Al passo que la nacion perdia el buen gusto, y las
+         letras iban caminando á su total decadencia.' p. 107. 'Los
+         caminos por donde nuestros poetas en el siglo pasado se
+         apartaron del buen gusto en esta parte.' p. 170.
+
+  [1401] 'Solo cuatro navíos de línea y seis de poco porte dejaron los
+         reyes de orígen austriaco, y todos tan podridos que apenas
+         podian aguantar el fuego de sus propias baterias.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. i.
+         p. 184.
+
+  [1402] 'Se mandaron construir 12 navíos á la vez, y se contrataron
+         otros. Por medio de D. Jorge Juan se trajeron de Inglaterra los
+         mas hábiles constructores y maestros para las fábricas de
+         jarcia, lona y otras.' _Biografía de Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_,
+         _Coleccion de Opúsculos_, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 18. M. Rio,
+         taking all this as a matter of course, quietly says, 'D. Jorge
+         Juan fue á Lóndres para estudiar la construccion de navíos.'
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p.
+         485.
+
+  [1403] M. Lafuente says that Ensenada was the restorer, and almost the
+         creator, of the Spanish navy; 'de la cual fué el restaurador, y
+         casi pudiera decirse el creador.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. xix. p. 344, Madrid, 1857.
+
+  [1404] 'C'est par un Irlandais aussi, Oreilly, que la discipline de
+         l'infanterie est réformée.' _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne
+         Moderne_, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. p. 142. 'Las escuelas militares
+         del puerto de Sta. Maria para la infanteria, que dirigió con
+         tanto acierto el general Ofarril bajo las ordenes del conde de
+         O'Reilly.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_, vol. iv. p. 128.
+
+  [1405] 'Vino á dirigir la academia de guardias marinas de Cadiz.'
+         _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_, vol. iv. p. 79. 'Godin figuró
+         como director del colegio de Guardias marinas.' _Rio_, _Historia
+         de Carlos III._, vol. i. p. 186. Compare _Biographie
+         Universelle_, vol. xvii. p. 564, Paris, 1816.
+
+  [1406] See the interesting remarks in _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne
+         Moderne_, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 96, 142. With good reason,
+         therefore, was it stated, some years afterwards, that 'c'est à
+         des étrangers que l'Espagne doit presque tous les plans, les
+         réformes utiles, et les connoissances dont elle a eu besoin.'
+         _Voyage en Espagne par le Marquis de Langle_, 1785, vol. ii.
+         p. 159.
+
+The mines, which form one of the greatest natural sources of the wealth
+of Spain, had likewise suffered from that ignorance and apathy into
+which the force of circumstances had plunged the country. They were
+either completely neglected, or if worked, they were worked by other
+nations. The celebrated cobalt-mine, situated in the valley of Gistan,
+in Aragon, was entirely in the hands of the Germans, who, during the
+first half of the eighteenth century, derived immense profit from
+it.[1407] In the same way, the silver-mines of Guadalcanal, the richest
+in Spain, were undertaken, not by natives, but by foreigners. Though
+they had been discovered in the sixteenth century, they, as well as
+other matters of importance, had been forgotten in the seventeenth, and
+were reopened, in 1728, by English adventurers; the enterprise, the
+tools, the capital, and even the miners, all coming from England.[1408]
+Another, and still more famous, mine is that of Almaden in La Mancha,
+which produces mercury of the finest quality, and in great profusion.
+This metal, besides being indispensable for many of the commonest arts,
+was of peculiar value to Spain, because without it the gold and silver
+of the New World could not be extracted from their ores. From Almaden,
+where every natural facility exists for collecting it, and where the
+cinnibar in which it is found is unusually rich, vast supplies had
+formerly been drawn; but they had for some time been diminishing,
+although the demand, especially from foreign countries, was on the
+increase. Under these circumstances, the Spanish government, fearing
+that so important a source of wealth might altogether perish, determined
+to institute an inquiry into the manner in which the mine was worked.
+As, however, no Spaniard possessed the knowledge requisite for such an
+investigation, the advisers of the Crown were obliged to call on
+foreigners to help them. In 1752, an Irish naturalist, named Bowles, was
+commissioned to visit Almaden, and ascertain the cause of the failure.
+He found that the miners had acquired a habit of sinking their shafts
+perpendicularly, instead of following the direction of the vein.[1409]
+So absurd a process was quite sufficient to account for their want of
+success; and Bowles reported to the government, that if a shaft were to
+be sunk obliquely, the mine would, no doubt, again be productive. The
+government approved of the suggestion, and ordered it to be carried into
+effect. But the Spanish miners were too tenacious of their old customs
+to give way. They sank their shafts in the same manner as their fathers
+had done; and what their fathers had done must be right. The result was,
+that the mine had to be taken out of their hands; but as Spain could
+supply no other labourers, it was necessary to send to Germany for fresh
+ones.[1410] After their arrival, matters rapidly improved. The mine,
+being superintended by an Irishman, and worked by Germans, assumed quite
+a different appearance; and, notwithstanding the disadvantages with
+which new comers always have to contend, the immediate consequence of
+the change was, that the yield of mercury was doubled, and its cost to
+the consumer correspondingly lowered.[1411]
+
+  [1407] 'Como los del pais entendian poco de trabajar minas, vinieron de
+         Alemania algunos prácticos para enseñarlos.' ... 'Los Alemanes
+         sacaron de dicha mina por largo tiempo cosa de 500 á 600
+         quintales de cobalto al año.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de
+         España_, Madrid, 1789, 4to. pp. 418, 419. See also _Dillon's
+         Spain_, Dublin, 1781, pp. 227-229.
+
+  [1408] 'In 1728, a new adventurer undertook the work of opening the
+         mines of Guadalcanal. This was Lady Mary Herbert, daughter of
+         the Marquis of Powis.' ... 'Lady Mary departed from Madrid for
+         Guadalcanal, to which miners and engines had been sent from
+         England at her expense, and at that of her relation, Mr. Gage,
+         who accompanied her, and of her father, the marquis.' _Jacob's
+         Historical Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the
+         Precious Metals_, London, 1831, vol. i. pp. 278, 279.
+
+  [1409] 'Los mineros de Almaden nunca hicieron los socavones siguiendo la
+         inclinacion de las betas, sino perpendiculares, y baxaban á
+         ellos puestos en una especie de cubos atados desde arriba con
+         cuerdas. De este mal método se originó todo al desórden de la
+         mina, porque al paso que los operarios penetraban dentro de
+         tierra, era forzoso que se apartasen de las betas y las
+         perdiesen.' _Bowles_, _Historía Natural de España_, Madrid,
+         1789, 4to. p. 14.
+
+  [1410] 'Fué mi proyecto bien recibido del Ministerio, y _habiendo hecho
+         venir mineros Alemanes_, le han executado en gran parte con
+         mucha habilidad. Los mineros Españoles de Almaden son atrevidos
+         y tienen robustez, maña y penetracion quanta es menester, de
+         suerte que _con el tiempo serán excelentes mineros, pues no les
+         falta otra cosa que la verdadera ciencia de las minas_.'
+         _Historia Natural de España_, p. 16. The latter part of this
+         sentence is an evident struggle between the interests of truth,
+         and the exigencies of a book printed at the Royal Press of
+         Madrid, and licensed by the Spanish authorities.
+
+  [1411] 'Encargado por el gobierno el laborioso extrangero Bowles de
+         proponer los medios convenientes para beneficiar con mas acierto
+         las famosas minas de azogue del Almaden, descubrió algunos
+         nuevos procedimientos por medio de los cuales casi se duplicaron
+         los productos de aquellas, y bajó una mitad el precio de los
+         azogues.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_, vol. iv. p. 117.
+
+Such ignorance, pervading the whole nation, and extending to every
+department of life, is hardly conceivable, considering the immense
+advantages which the Spaniards had formerly enjoyed. It is particularly
+striking, when contrasted with the ability of the government, which, for
+more than eighty years, constantly laboured to improve the condition of
+the country. Early in the eighteenth century, Ripperda, in the hopes of
+stimulating Spanish industry, established a large woollen manufactory at
+Segovia, which had once been a busy and prosperous city. But the
+commonest processes had now been forgotten; and he was obliged to import
+manufacturers from Holland, to teach the Spaniards how to make up the
+wool, though that was an art for which in better days they had been
+especially famous.[1412] In 1757, Wall, who was then minister,
+constructed, upon a still larger scale, a similar manufactory at
+Guadalajara in New Castile. Soon, however, something went wrong with the
+machinery; and as the Spaniards neither knew nor cared anything about
+these matters, it was necessary to send to England for a workman to put
+it right.[1413] At length the advisers of Charles III., despairing of
+rousing the people by ordinary means, devised a more comprehensive
+scheme, and invited thousands of foreign artisans to settle in Spain;
+trusting that their example, and the suddenness of their influx might
+invigorate this jaded nation.[1414] All was in vain. The spirit of the
+country was broken, and nothing could retrieve it. Among other attempts
+which were made, the formation of a National Bank was a favourite idea
+of politicians, who expected great things from an institution which was
+to extend credit, and make advances to persons engaged in business.
+But, though the design was executed, it entirely failed in effecting its
+purpose. When the people are not enterprising, no effort of government
+can make them so. In a country like Spain, a great bank was an exotic,
+which might live with art, but could never thrive by nature. Indeed,
+both in its origin and in its completion, it was altogether foreign,
+having been first proposed by the Dutchman Ripperda,[1415] and owing its
+final organization to the Frenchman Cabarrus.[1416]
+
+  [1412] _Memoirs of Ripperda_, 2d ed., London, 1740, pp. 23, 62, 91, 104.
+         'A ship arrived at Cadiz with fifty manufacturers on board, whom
+         the Baron de Ripperda had drawn together in Holland.' ... 'The
+         new manufactures at Segovia, which, though at this time wholly
+         managed by foreigners, he wished, in the next age, might be
+         carried on by the Spaniards themselves, and by them only.'
+
+  [1413] 'The minister, Wall, an Irishman, contrived to decoy over one
+         Thomas Bevan, from Melksham, in Wiltshire, to set the machinery
+         and matters to rights.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 525.
+
+  [1414] 'Ademas de la invitacion que se hizo á millares de operarios
+         extrangeros para venir á establecerse en España,' &c. _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Española_, vol. iv. pp. 112, 113. In 1768, Harris,
+         who travelled from Pampeluna to Madrid, writes, 'I did not
+         observe a dozen men either at plough or any other kind of
+         labour, on the road.' _Diaries and Correspondence of James
+         Harris, Earl of Malmesbury_, London, 1844, vol. i. p. 38.
+
+  [1415] 'A national bank, a design originally suggested by Ripperda.'
+         _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 202.
+
+  [1416] Bourgoing, not aware of Ripperda's priority, says (_Tableau de
+         l'Espagne Moderne_, vol. ii. p. 49), 'L'idée de la banque
+         nationale fut donnée au gouvernement par un banquier français,
+         M. Cabarrus.' Compare _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+         III._, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123: 'Banco nacional de San Cárlos;
+         propúsolo Cabarrús, apoyólo Floridablanca, y sancionólo el
+         Soberano por Real cedula de 2 de junio de 1782.' This sounds
+         well; but the inevitable catastrophe soon came. 'Charles IV.,'
+         says the Prince of the Peace, 'had just ascended the throne; the
+         bank of St. Carlos was rapidly falling, and on the verge of
+         bankruptcy.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 124.
+
+In everything, the same law prevailed. In diplomacy, the ablest men were
+not Spaniards, but foreigners; and during the eighteenth century the
+strange spectacle was frequently exhibited, of Spain being represented
+by French, Italian, and even Irish ambassadors.[1417] Nothing was
+indigenous; nothing was done by Spain herself. Philip V., who reigned
+from 1700 to 1746, and possessed immense power, always clung to the
+ideas of his own country, and was a Frenchman to the last. For thirty
+years after his death, the three most prominent names in Spanish
+politics were, Wall, who was born in France, of Irish parents;[1418]
+Grimaldi, who was a native of Genoa; [1419] and Esquilache, who was a
+native of Sicily.[1420] Esquilache administered the finances for several
+years; and, after enjoying the confidence of Charles III. to an extent
+rarely possessed by any minister, was only dismissed, in 1766, in
+consequence of the discontents of the people at the innovations
+introduced by this bold foreigner.[1421] Wall, a much more remarkable
+man, was, in the absence of any good Spanish diplomatist, sent envoy to
+London in 1747; and after exercising great influence in matters of
+state, he was placed at the head of affairs in 1754, and remained
+supreme till 1763.[1422] When this eminent Irishman relinquished office,
+he was succeeded by the Genoese, Grimaldi, who ruled Spain from 1763 to
+1777, and was entirely devoted to the French views of policy.[1423] His
+principal patron was Choiseul, who had imbued him with his own notions,
+and by whose advice he was chiefly guided.[1424] Indeed, Choiseul, who
+was then the first minister in France, used to boast, with exaggeration,
+but not without a considerable amount of truth, that his influence in
+Madrid was even greater than it was in Versailles.[1425]
+
+  [1417] 'A Londres, à Stockholm, à Paris, à Vienne et à Venise, le
+         souverain est réprésenté par des étrangers. Le prince de
+         Masserano, Italien, ambassadeur en Angleterre; le comte de Lacy
+         Irlandais, ministre à Stockholm; le marquis de Grimaldi,
+         ambassadeur en France, avant de parvenir au ministère; le comte
+         de Mahoni, Irlandais, ambassadeur à Vienne; le marquis de
+         Squilaci, ambassadeur à Venise, après sa retraite du ministère.'
+         _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143. To
+         this, I may add that, in the reign of Philip V., an Italian, the
+         Marquis de Beretti Landi, was the representative of Spain in
+         Switzerland, and afterwards at the Hague (_Ripperda's Memoirs_,
+         1740, pp. 37, 38); and that in, or just before, 1779, Lacy
+         filled the same post at St. Petersburg. _Malmesbury's Diaries
+         and Correspondence_, 1844, vol. i. p. 261. So, too, M. Rio
+         (_Historia de Carlos III._, vol. i. pp. 288, 289) says of the
+         important negotiations which took place in 1761, between Spain,
+         England, and France, 'Y así de las negociaciones en que Luis XV.
+         trataba de enredar á Carlos III. quedaron absolutamente
+         excluidos los españoles, como que por una parte las iban á
+         seguir el duque de Choiseul y el marques de Ossun, franceses, y
+         por otra el irlandés D. Ricardo Wall, y el genovés marques de
+         Grimaldi.' About the same time, Clarke writes (in his _Letters
+         concerning the Spanish Nation_, London, 1763, 4to. p. 331),
+         'Spain has, for many years past, been under the direction of
+         foreign ministers. Whether this hath been owing to want of
+         capacity in the natives, or disinclination in the sovereign, I
+         will not take upon me to say; such as it is, the native nobility
+         lament it as a great calamity.'
+
+  [1418] Lord Stanhope, generally well informed on Spanish affairs, says
+         that Wall was 'a native of Ireland.' _Mahon's History of
+         England_, vol. iv. p. 182, 3d edit., London, 1853; but in
+         _Mémoires de Noailles_, vol. iv. p. 47, edit. Paris, 1829, he is
+         called 'irlandais d'origine, né en France.' See also _Biografía
+         de Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Opúsculos_, Madrid, 1848, vol.
+         ii. p. 26, 'D. Ricardo Wall, irlandés de orígen, nacido en
+         Francia.' Swinburne, who knew him personally, and has given some
+         account of him, does not mention where he was born. _Swinburne's
+         Travels through Spain_, second edition, London, 1787, vol. i.
+         pp. 314-318.
+
+  [1419] 'A Genoese, and a creature of France.' _Dunham's History of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 170.
+
+  [1420] 'Era siciliano.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. i. p. 244.
+
+  [1421] The fullest account of his dismissal is given by M. Rio, in the
+         first chapter of the second volume of his _Historia del Reinado
+         de Carlos III._, which should, however, be compared with _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 340-346. Coxe terms him
+         Squilaci; but I follow the orthography of the Spanish writers,
+         who always call him Esquilache. Such was his influence over the
+         King, that, according to Coxe (vol. iv. p. 347), Charles III.
+         'publicly said that, "if he was reduced to a morsel of bread, he
+         would divide it with Squilaci."'
+
+  [1422] _Coxe's Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 15, 135. _Rio_, _Historia
+         de Carlos III._, vol. i. pp. 246, 247, 400, 401. _Navarrete_,
+         _Biografía de Ensenada_, pp. 26-28.
+
+  [1423] He resigned in 1776, but held office till the arrival of his
+         successor, Florida Blanca, in 1777. _Rio_, _Historia de Carlos
+         III._, vol. iii. pp. 171, 174. In reference to his appointment,
+         in 1763, M. Rio observes (vol. i. p. 402), 'De que Grimaldi
+         creciera en fortuna se pudo congratular no Roma, sino Francia.'
+         In 1770, Harris, the diplomatist, who was then in Spain, writes,
+         'His doctrine is absolutely French; guided in everything by the
+         French closet,' &c. _Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence_,
+         vol. i. p. 56, London, 1844.
+
+  [1424] 'Guided in his operations by the counsels of Choiseul.' _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 339. 'The prosecution of
+         the schemes which he had concerted with Choiseul.' p. 373. 'His
+         friend and patron.' p. 391, and vol. v. p. 6.
+
+  [1425] 'Personne n'ignoroit le crédit prodigieux que M. de Choiseul
+         avoit sur le roi d'Espagne, dont il se vantoit lui-même, au
+         point que je lui ai ouï dire, qu'il étoit plus sûr de sa
+         prépondérance dans le cabinet de Madrid, que dans celui de
+         Versailles.' _Mémoires du Baron de Besenval_, _écrits par
+         lui-même_, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, Paris, 1805.
+
+However this may be, it is certain that four years after Grimaldi took
+office, the ascendency of France was exhibited in a remarkable way.
+Choiseul, who hated the Jesuits, and had just expelled them from France,
+endeavoured also to expel them from Spain.[1426] The execution of the
+plan was confided to Aranda, who, though a Spaniard by birth, derived
+his intellectual culture from France, and had contracted, in the society
+of Paris, an intense hatred of every form of ecclesiastical power.[1427]
+The scheme, secretly prepared, was skilfully accomplished.[1428] In
+1767, the Spanish government, without hearing what the Jesuits had to
+say in their defence, and indeed, without giving them the least notice,
+suddenly ordered their expulsion; and with such animosity were they
+driven from the country, in which they sprung up, and had long been
+cherished, that not only was their wealth confiscated, and they
+themselves reduced to a wretched pittance, but even that was directed to
+be taken from them, if they published anything in their own vindication;
+while it was also declared that whoever ventured to write respecting
+them, should, if we were a subject of Spain, be put to death, as one
+guilty of high treason.[1429]
+
+  [1426] M. Muriel (_Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III._, Madrid, 1839,
+         pp. 44, 45) terms their expulsion from Spain 'este acto de
+         violencia hecho meramente por complacer al duque de Choiseul,
+         ministro de Francia y protector del partido filosófico.' See
+         also _Crétineau-Joly_, _Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_, vol.
+         v. p. 291, Paris, 1845; and _Georgel_, _Mémoires pour servir à
+         l'Histoire des Évènemens depuis 1760_, vol. ii. p. 95, Paris,
+         1817.
+
+  [1427] Archdeacon Coxe, in a somewhat professional tone, says of Aranda,
+         'In France he had acquired the graces of polished society, and
+         _imbibed that freedom of sentiment_ which then began to be
+         fashionable, _and has since been carried to such a dangerous
+         excess_.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 402. His
+         great enemy, the Prince of the Peace, wishing to be severe,
+         unintentionally praises him; and observes, that he was
+         'connected with the most distinguished literary Frenchmen of the
+         middle of the last century,' and that he was 'divested of
+         religious prejudices, though swayed by philosophical
+         enthusiasm.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 319.
+         The hostility of some men is extremely valuable. The Prince
+         further adds, that Aranda 'could only lay claim to the inferior
+         merit of a sectarian attachment,' forgetting that, in a country
+         like Spain, every enlightened person must belong to a miserably
+         small sect.
+
+  [1428] Cabarrus (_Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xxiv.)
+         says, rather magniloquently, 'El acierto de la execucion que
+         correspondió al pulso y prudencia con que se habia deliberado
+         esta providencia importante, pasará á la ultima posteridad.'
+
+  [1429] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 362. M. Rio, in the
+         second volume of his _History of Charles III._, Madrid, 1856,
+         has given a long, but not very philosophical, nor very accurate,
+         account of the expulsion of the Jesuits, which he considers
+         solely from the Spanish point of view; overlooking the fact,
+         that it was part of an European movement headed by France. He
+         denies the influence of Choiseul, p. 125; censures the perfectly
+         correct statement of Coxe, p. 123; and finally ascribes this
+         great event to the operation of causes confined to the
+         Peninsula. 'De ser los jesuitas adversarios del regalismo emanó
+         su ruina en España, cuando triunfaban las opiniones sostenidas
+         con heróico teson desde mucho ántes por doctísimos
+         jurisconsultos.' p. 519.
+
+Such boldness on the part of the government[1430] caused even the
+Inquisition to tremble. That once omnipotent tribunal, threatened and
+suspected by the civil authorities, became more wary in its proceedings,
+and more tender in its treatment of heretics. Instead of extirpating
+unbelievers by hundreds or by thousands, it was reduced to such pitiful
+straits, that between 1746 and 1759, it was only able to burn ten
+persons; and between 1759 and 1788, only four persons.[1431] The
+extraordinary diminution during the latter period, was partly owing to
+the great authority wielded by Aranda, the friend of the encyclopædists
+and of other French sceptics. This remarkable man was President of
+Castile till 1773,[1432] and he issued an order forbidding the
+Inquisition to interfere with the civil courts.[1433] He also formed a
+scheme for entirely abolishing it; but his plan was frustrated, owing to
+its premature announcement by his friends in Paris, to whom it had been
+confided.[1434] His views, however, were so far successful, that after
+1781, there is no instance in Spain of a heretic being burned; the
+Inquisition being too terrified by the proceedings of government
+to do anything which might compromise the safety of the Holy
+Institution.[1435]
+
+  [1430] One of the most recent historians of the Jesuits indignantly
+         observes, 'Depuis deux cent vingt ans les Jésuites vivent et
+         prêchent en Espagne. Ils sont comblés de bienfaits par des
+         monarques dont ils étendent la souveraineté. Le clergé et les
+         masses acceptent avec bonheur leur intervention. Tout à coup
+         l'Ordre se voit déclaré coupable d'un crime de lèse-majesté,
+         d'un attentat public que personne ne peut spécifier. La sentence
+         prononce la peine sans énoncer le délit.' _Crétineau-Joly_,
+         _Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_, vol. v. p. 295, Paris,
+         1845.
+
+  [1431] _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 285, where the facts are
+         well brought together. The valuable _History of the
+         Inquisition_, by Llorente, is not quite precise enough in these
+         matters; though it is a very accurate, and, what is still more
+         surprising, a very honest book.
+
+  [1432] _Rio_, _Historia de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 103-107, which
+         must be compared with the account of Coxe, who derived some of
+         his information from a friend of Aranda's. _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+         of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 401-415. A good life of Aranda would be
+         very interesting. That contained in the _Biographie Universelle_
+         is extremely meagre, and carelessly written.
+
+  [1433] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 407.
+
+  [1434] 'When at Paris, in 1786, I received the following anecdote from a
+         person connected with the encyclopædists. During his residence
+         in that capital, D'Aranda had frequently testified to the
+         literati with whom he associated, his resolution to obtain the
+         abolition of the Inquisition, should he ever be called to power.
+         His appointment was, therefore, exultingly hailed by the party,
+         particularly by D'Alembert; and he had scarcely begun his
+         reforms before an article was inserted in the Encyclopædia, then
+         printing, in which this event was confidently anticipated, from
+         the liberal principles of the minister. D'Aranda was struck on
+         reading this article, and said, "This imprudent disclosure will
+         raise such a ferment against me, that my plans will be foiled."
+         He was not mistaken in his conjecture.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. iv. p. 408.
+
+  [1435] Even the case in 1781 appears to have been for witchcraft rather
+         than for heresy. 'La dernière victime qui périt dans les flammes
+         fut une _béate_: on la brûla à Séville, le 7 novembre 1781,
+         comme ayant fait un pacte, et entretenu un commerce charnel avec
+         le Démon, et pour avoir été impénitente négative. Elle eût pu
+         éviter la mort en s'avouant coupable du crime dont on
+         l'accusait.' _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1818, vol. iv. p. 270. About this time, torture began to
+         be disused in Spain. See an interesting note in _Johnston's
+         Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain_, London, 1825, p. 263.
+
+In 1777, Grimaldi, one of the chief supporters of that anti-theological
+policy which France introduced into Spain, ceased to be Minister; but he
+was succeeded by Florida Blanca, who was his creature, and to whom he
+transmitted his policy as well as his power.[1436] The progress,
+therefore, of political affairs continued in the same direction. Under
+the new minister, as under his immediate predecessors, a determination
+was shown to abridge the authority of the Church, and to vindicate the
+rights of laymen. In everything, the ecclesiastical interests were
+treated as subordinate to the secular. Of this, many instances might be
+given; but one is too important to be omitted. We have seen, that early
+in the eighteenth century, Alberoni, when at the head of affairs, was
+guilty of what in Spain was deemed the enormous offence of contracting
+an alliance with Mohammedans; and there can be no doubt that this was
+one of the chief causes of his fall, since it was held, that no prospect
+of mere temporal advantages could justify an union, or even a peace,
+between a Christian nation and a nation of unbelievers.[1437] But the
+Spanish government, which, owing to the causes I have related, was far
+in advance of Spain itself, was gradually becoming bolder, and growing
+more and more disposed to force upon the country, views, which,
+abstractedly considered, where extremely enlightened, but which the
+popular mind was unable to receive. The result was, that, in 1782,
+Florida Blanca concluded a treaty with Turkey, which put an end to the
+war of religious opinions; to the astonishment, as we are told, of the
+other European powers, who could hardly believe that the Spaniards would
+thus abandon their long-continued efforts to destroy the infidels.[1438]
+Before, however, Europe had time to recover from its amazement, other
+and similar events occurred equally startling. In 1784, Spain signed a
+peace with Tripoli; and in 1785, one with Algiers.[1439] And scarcely
+had these been ratified, when, in 1786, a treaty was also concluded with
+Tunis.[1440] So that the Spanish people to their no small surprise,
+found themselves on terms of amity with nations, whom for more than ten
+centuries they had been taught to abhor, and whom, in the opinion of the
+Spanish Church, it was the first duty of a Christian government to make
+war upon, and, if possible, to extirpate.
+
+  [1436] 'Menesteres decir que el marqués de Grimaldi cayó venciendo á sus
+         enemigos, pues, léjos de legarles el poder, á que aspiraban con
+         anhelo, trasmitiólo á una de sus más legítimas hechuras; que tal
+         era y por tal se reconocia el conde de Floridablanca.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 151, 152.
+
+  [1437] In 1690, it was stated that 'since the expulsion of the Moors,'
+         there was no precedent for the King of Spain ever sending an
+         envoy to a Mohammedan prince. See _Mahon's Spain under Charles
+         II._, p. 5. In that year an envoy was sent to Morocco; but this
+         was merely concerning the redemption of prisoners, and certainly
+         without the remotest intention of concluding a peace.
+
+  [1438] 'The other European courts, with surprise and regret, witnessed
+         the conclusion of a treaty which terminated the political and
+         religious rivalry so long subsisting between Spain and the
+         Porte.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 152, 153.
+         'Une des maximes de la politique espagnole avait été celle de
+         maintenir une guerre perpétuelle contre les mahométans, même
+         après la conquête de Grenade. Ni les pertes incalculables
+         éprouvées par suite de ce système, ni l'exemple de la France et
+         d'autres puissances catholiques qui ne se faisaient point
+         scrupule d'être en paix avec les Turcs, n'avaient suffi pour
+         détromper l'Espagne sur l'inconvenance d'une telle politique. Le
+         génie éclairé de Charles III corrigea un préjugé aussi
+         dangereux; dicta la paix avec les empereurs de Turquie et
+         d'autres potentats mahométans; délivra ses sujets de la terrible
+         piraterie des corsaires, et ouvrit à leur commerce de nouvelles
+         voies pour spéculer avec de plus grands avantages.' _Sempere_,
+         _La Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 160.
+
+  [1439] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 11-13.
+
+  [1440] _Ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.
+
+Putting aside, for a moment, the remote and intellectual consequences of
+these transactions, there can be no doubt that the immediate and
+material consequences were very salutary; though, as we shall presently
+see, they produced no lasting benefit, because they were opposed by the
+unfavourable operation of more powerful and more general causes. Still,
+it must be confessed that the direct results were extremely
+advantageous; and to those who take only a short view of human affairs,
+it might well appear that the advantages would be permanent. The immense
+line of coast from the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco to the furthest
+extremity of the Turkish empire was no longer allowed to pour forth
+those innumerable pirates who, heretofore, swept the seas, captured
+Spanish ships, and made slaves of Spanish subjects. Formerly, vast sums
+of money were annually consumed in ransoming these unhappy
+prisoners;[1441] but now all such evils were ended. At the same time,
+great impetus was given to the commerce of Spain; a new trade was thrown
+open, and her ships could safely appear in the rich countries of the
+Levant. This increased her wealth; which was moreover aided by another
+circumstance growing out of these events. For, the most fertile parts of
+Spain are those which are washed by the Mediterranean, and which had for
+centuries been the prey of Mohammedan corsairs, who frequently landing
+by surprise, had at length caused such constant fear, that the
+inhabitants gradually retired towards the interior, and abstained from
+cultivating the richest soil in their country. But, by the treaties just
+concluded, such dangers were at once removed; the people returned to
+their former abodes; the earth again gave forth its fruits; regular
+industry reappeared; villages sprung up; even manufactures were
+established; and the foundation seemed to be laid for a prosperity, the
+like of which had not been known since the Mohammedans were driven out
+of Granada.[1442]
+
+  [1441] 'Ha sido notable el número de cautivos, que los piratas de
+         Berbería han hecho sobre nuestras costas por tres centurias. En
+         el siglo pasado se solian calcular exístentes á la vez en Argel,
+         treinta mil personas españolas. Su rescate á razon de mil pesos
+         por cada persona á lo menos, ascendia á 30 millones de pesos.'
+         _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. i. p. 373,
+         Madrid, 1775. On the precautions which had to be used to guard
+         the coasts of Spain against the Mohammedan corsairs, see
+         _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_, Madrid, 1757,
+         folio, pp. 172, 173, 222-226; and _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         España_, vol. xv. p. 476, Madrid, 1855. In the middle of the
+         eighteenth century, a regular watch had to be kept along the
+         Mediterranean coast of Spain, 'in order to give the alarm upon
+         the appearance of the enemy.' See _A Tour through Spain by Udal
+         ap Rhys_, 2d edit., London, 1760, p. 170. As to the state of
+         things in the seventeenth century, see _Janer_, _Condicion de
+         los Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 63.
+
+  [1442] 'De esta suerte quedaron los mares limpios de piratas desde los
+         reinos de Fez y Marruecos hasta los últimos dominios del
+         emperador Turco, por el Mediterráneo todo; vióse á menudo la
+         bandera española en Levante, y las mismas naciones mercantiles
+         que la persiguieron indirectamente, preferíanla ahora,
+         resultando el aumento del comercio y de la Real marina, y la
+         pericia de sus tripulaciones, y el mayor brillo de España y de
+         su augusto Soberano: termino hubo la esclavitud de tantos
+         millares de infelices con abandono de sus familias é indelebles
+         perjuicios de la religion y el Estado, cesando tambien la
+         continua extraccion de enormes sumas para los rescates que, al
+         paso que nos empobrecian, pasaban á enriquecer á nuestros
+         contrarios, y á facilitar sus armamentos para ofendernos; y se
+         empezaban á cultivar rápidamente en las costas del Mediterráneo
+         leguas de terrenos los más fertiles del mundo, desamparados y
+         eriales hasta entónces por miedo á los piratas, y donde se
+         formaban ya pueblos enteros para dar salida á los frutos y las
+         manufacturas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. iv. pp. 17, 18.
+
+I have now laid before the reader a view of the most important steps
+which were taken by those able and vigorous politicians, who ruled Spain
+during the greater part of the eighteenth century. In considering how
+these reforms were effected, we must not forget the personal character
+of Charles III., who occupied the throne from 1759 to 1788.[1443] He was
+a man of great energy, and though born in Spain, had little in common
+with it. When he became king, he had been long absent from his native
+country, and had contracted a taste for customs, and, above all, for
+opinions, totally dissimilar to those natural to the Spaniards.[1444]
+Comparing him with his subjects, he was enlightened indeed. They
+cherished in their hearts, the most complete, and therefore the worst,
+form of spiritual power which has ever been exhibited in Europe. That
+very power, he made it his business to restrain. In this, as in other
+respects, he far surpassed Ferdinand VI. and Philip V., though they,
+under the influence of French ideas, had proceeded to what was deemed a
+dangerous length.[1445] The clergy, indignant at such proceedings,
+murmured, and even threatened.[1446] They declared that Charles was
+despoiling the Church, taking away her rights, insulting her ministers,
+and thus ruining Spain beyond human remedy.[1447] The king, however,
+whose disposition was firm, and somewhat obstinate, persevered in his
+policy; and as he and his ministers were men of undoubted ability, they,
+notwithstanding the opposition they encountered, succeeded in
+accomplishing most of their plans. Mistaken and short-sighted though
+they were, it is impossible to refrain from admiring the honesty, the
+courage, and the disinterestedness, which they displayed in endeavouring
+to alter the destiny of that superstitions and half barbarous country
+over which they ruled. We must not, however, conceal from ourselves,
+that in this, as in all similar cases, they, by attacking evils which
+the people were resolved to love, increased the affection which the
+evils inspired. To seek to change opinions by laws is worse than futile.
+It not only fails, but it causes a reaction, which leaves the opinions
+stronger than ever. First alter the opinion, and then you may alter the
+law. As soon as you have convinced men that superstition is mischievous,
+you may with advantage take active steps against those classes who
+promote superstition and live by it. But, however pernicious any
+interest or any great body may be, beware of using force against it,
+unless the progress of knowledge has previously sapped it at its base,
+and loosened its hold over the national mind. This has always been the
+error of the most ardent reformers, who, in their eagerness to effect
+their purpose, let the political movement outstrip the intellectual one,
+and, thus inverting the natural order, secure misery either to
+themselves or to their descendants. They touch the altar, and fire
+springs forth to consume them. Then comes another period of superstition
+and of despotism; another dark epoch in the annals of the human race.
+And this happens merely because men will not bide their time, but will
+insist on precipitating the march of affairs. Thus, for instance, in
+France and Germany, it is the friends of freedom who have strengthened
+tyranny; it is the enemies of superstition who have made superstition
+more permanent. In those countries, it is still believed that government
+can regenerate society; and therefore, directly they who hold liberal
+opinions get possession of the government, they use their power too
+lavishly, thinking that by doing so, they will best secure the end at
+which they aim. In England, the same delusion, though less general, is
+far too prevalent; but as, with us, public opinion controls politicians,
+we escape from evils which have happened abroad, because we will not
+allow any government to enact laws which the nation disapproves. In
+Spain, however, the habits of the people were so slavish, and their
+necks had so long been bowed under the yoke, that though the
+government, in the eighteenth century, opposed their dearest prejudices,
+they rarely ventured to resist, and they had no legal means of making
+their voice heard. But not the less did they feel. The materials for
+reaction were silently accumulating; and before that century had passed
+away the reaction itself was manifest. As long as Charles III. lived, it
+was kept under; and this was owing partly to the fear which his active
+and vigorous government inspired, and partly to the fact that many of
+the reforms which he introduced were so obviously beneficial as to shed
+a lustre on his reign, which all classes could perceive. Besides the
+exemption which his policy insured from the incessant ravages of
+pirates, he also succeeded in obtaining for Spain the most honourable
+peace which any Spanish government had signed for two centuries; thus
+recalling to the popular mind the brightest and most glorious days of
+Philip II.[1448] When Charles came to the throne, Spain was hardly a
+third-rate power; when he died, she might fairly claim to be a
+first-rate one, since she had for some years negotiated on equal terms
+with France, England, and Austria, and had taken a leading part in the
+councils of Europe. To this, the personal character of Charles greatly
+contributed; he being respected for his honesty, as well as feared for
+his vigour.[1449] Merely as a man, he bore high repute; while, as a
+sovereign, none of his contemporaries were in any way equal to him,
+except Frederick of Prussia, whose vast abilities, were, however,
+tarnished by a base rapacity, and by an incessant desire to overreach
+his neighbours. Charles III. had nothing of this; but he carefully
+increased the defences of Spain, and, raising her establishments to a
+war-footing, he made her more formidable than she had been since the
+sixteenth century. Instead of being liable to insult from every petty
+potentate who chose to triumph over her weakness, the country had now
+the means of resisting, and if need be, of attacking. While the army was
+greatly improved in the quality of the troops, in their discipline, and
+in the attention paid to their comforts, the navy was nearly doubled in
+number, and more than doubled in efficiency.[1450] And this was done
+without imposing fresh burdens on the people. Indeed, the national
+resources were becoming so developed, that, in the reign of Charles
+III., a large amount of taxation could have been easier paid than a
+small one under his predecessors. A regularity, hitherto unknown, was
+introduced into the method both of assessing imposts, and of collecting
+them.[1451] The laws of mortmain were relaxed, and steps were taken
+towards diminishing the rigidity of entails.[1452] The industry of the
+country was liberated from many of the trammels which had long been
+imposed upon it, and the principles of free trade were so far
+recognized, that, in 1765, the old laws respecting corn were repealed;
+its exportation was allowed, and also its transit from one part of Spain
+to another, uninterrupted by those absurd precautions, which preceding
+governments had thought it advisable to invent.[1453]
+
+  [1443] M. Rio, whose voluminous History of the reign of Charles III. is,
+         notwithstanding its numerous omissions, a work of considerable
+         value, has appreciated the personal influence of the king more
+         justly than any previous writer; he having had access to
+         unpublished papers, which show the great energy and activity of
+         Charles. 'Entre sus mas notables figuras ninguna aventaja á la
+         de Cárlos III.; y no por el lugar jerárquico que ocupa, sino por
+         el brillante papel que representa, ora tome la iniciativa, ora
+         el consejo, para efectuar las innumerables reformas que le
+         valieron inextinguible fama. Ya sé que algunos tachan á este
+         Monarca de cortedad de luces y de estrechez de miras; y que
+         algunos otros suponen que sus ministros le engañaron ó
+         sorprendieron para dictar ciertas providencias. Cuarenta y ocho
+         tomos de cartas semanales y escritas de su puno desde octubre de
+         1759 hasta marzo de 1783 al marqués de Tanucci, existentes en el
+         archivo de Simancas, por mí leidas hoja tras hoja, sacando de
+         ellas largos apuntes, sirven á maravilla para pintarle tal como
+         era, y penetrar hasta sus más recónditos pensamientos, y
+         contradecir á los que le juzgan á bulto.' _Rio_, _Historia del
+         Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. i. pp. xxii. xxiii.
+
+  [1444] 'Although born and educated in Spain, Charles had quitted the
+         country at too early an age to retain a partiality to its
+         customs, laws, manners, and language; while, from his residence
+         abroad, and his intercourse with France, he had formed a natural
+         predilection for the French character and institutions.' _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 337.
+
+  [1445] He 'far surpassed his two predecessors in his exertions to reform
+         the morals, and restrain the power of the clergy.' _Ibid._
+         vol. v. p. 215.
+
+  [1446] His measures 'alarmaron al clero en general, que empezó á
+         murmurar con impaciencia, y aun algunos de sus individuos se
+         propasaron á violentos actos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
+         vol. iv. p. 98.
+
+  [1447] A popular charge against the government was, 'que se despojara á
+         la Iglesia de sus inmunidades.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de
+         Carlos III._, vol. ii. p. 54. See also at pp. 201, 202, a
+         letter, in 1766, from the Bishop of Cuenca to the King's
+         confessor, in which that prelate stated, 'que España corria á su
+         ruina que ya no corria, sino que volaba, y que ya estaba perdida
+         sin remedio humano;' and that the cause of this was the
+         persecution of the poor Church, which was 'saqueada en sus
+         bienes, ultrajada en sus ministros, y atropellada en su
+         inmunidad.'
+
+  [1448] Coxe (_Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 144) calls the peace
+         of 1783 'the most honourable and advantageous ever concluded by
+         the crown of Spain since the peace of St. Quintin.' Similarly,
+         M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p.
+         397), 'Siglos habian pasado para España de continuas y porfiadas
+         contiendas, sin llegar nunca, desde la famosa jornada de San
+         Quintin y al alborear el reinado de Felipe II., tan
+         gloriosamente al reposo.'
+
+  [1449] Towards the close of his reign, we find a contemporary observer,
+         who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing testimony
+         to 'the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic
+         Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements,'
+         _Letter by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 329.
+         Compare Muriel (_Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III._, Madrid,
+         1839, p. 34), 'Tan conocido llegó á ser Cárlos III. en los
+         reinos estraños por la rectitud de su carácter, que en las
+         desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos, todos consentian
+         en tomarle por árbitro, y se sometian á sus decisiones;' and
+         Cabarrus (_Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xl.),
+         'Esta probidad llega á ser el resorte político de la Europa;
+         todas las cortes penetradas de respeto á sus virtudes le buscan
+         por árbitro y mediador.' Evidence of the great respect paid to
+         Charles III. by foreign powers, will also be found in _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 41-43, 253.
+
+  [1450] On the increase of the navy, compare _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Española_, vol. iv. p. 127, with _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
+         Carlos III._, pp. 73, 82.
+
+  [1451] These financial improvements were due, in a great measure, to the
+         Frenchman, Cabarrus. See _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+         III._, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.
+
+  [1452] Rio, _ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 164-166, and _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Española_, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.
+
+  [1453] 'La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra
+         agricultura fué sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de
+         1765, por la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió
+         el libre comercio de ellos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
+         vol. iv. p. 105. See also _Dillon's Spain_, p. 69, and
+         _Townsend's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this
+         great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that
+         year, 'Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz
+         que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos
+         dominios.' This document, which is important for the history of
+         political economy, is printed in the Appendix to _Campomanes_,
+         _Educacion Popular_, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.
+
+It was also in the reign of Charles III. that the American Colonies
+were, for the first time, treated according to the maxims of a wise and
+liberal policy. The behaviour of the Spanish government in this respect,
+contrasts most favourably with the conduct pursued at the same time
+towards our great Colonies by that narrow and incompetent man who then
+filled the English throne. While the violence of George III. was
+fomenting rebellion in the British Colonies, Charles III. was busily
+engaged in conciliating the Spanish ones. Towards this end, and with the
+object of giving fair play to the growth of their wealth, he did
+everything which the knowledge and resources of that age allowed him to
+do. In 1764, he accomplished, what was then considered the great feat of
+establishing every month a regular communication with America, in order
+that the reforms which he projected might be more easily introduced, and
+the grievances of the Colonies attended to.[1454] In the very next
+year, free trade was conceded to the West Indian Islands, whose
+abundant commodities were now, for the first time, allowed to circulate,
+to their own benefit, as well as to the benefit of their
+neighbours.[1455] Into the Colonies generally, vast improvements were
+introduced, many oppressions were removed, the tyranny of officials was
+checked, and the burdens of the people were lightened.[1456] Finally, in
+1778, the principles of free trade having been successfully tried in the
+American Islands, were now extended to the American Continent; the ports
+of Peru and of New Spain were thrown open; and by this means an immense
+impetus was given to the prosperity of those magnificent colonies, which
+nature intended to be rich, but which the meddling folly of man had
+forced to be poor.[1457]
+
+  [1454] 'Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se comunicaron
+         con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entónces la
+         metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de
+         24 de agosto de 1764, salía el primero de cada mes un paquebot
+         de la Coruña con toda la correspondencia de las Indias;
+         desembarcábala en la Habana, y desde allí se distribuia en
+         balandras y otros bajeles á propósito para puntear los vientos
+         escasos, á Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y
+         provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian á la
+         Habana, de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro
+         paquebot para la Coruña.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+         III._, vol. i. p. 452. That part of the plan, however, which
+         aimed at making Coruña a rival of Cadiz, appears to have been
+         unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruña, written in 1774, in
+         _Dalrymple's Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 99.
+
+  [1455] See the edicts in _Campomanes_, _Apendice_, vol. ii. pp. 37-47,
+         Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.
+
+  [1456] It was said, with reason, by Alaman, 'que el gobierno de América
+         llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 151. And
+         Humboldt observes (_Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la
+         Nouvelle-Espagne_, Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), 'C'est le
+         roi Charles III surtout qui, par des mesures aussi sages
+         qu'énergiques, est devenu le bienfaiteur des indigènes; il a
+         annulé les _Encomiendas_; il a défendu les _Repartimientos_, par
+         lesquels les corregidors se constituoient arbitrairement les
+         créanciers, et par conséquent les maîtres du travail des natifs,
+         en les pourvoyant, à des prix exagérés, de chevaux, de mulets et
+         de vêtemens (_ropa_).'
+
+  [1457] _Cabarrus_, _Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, p. xlii., and
+         Canga's note in _Martinez de la Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid,
+         1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar
+         with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.
+
+All this reacted upon the mother country with such rapidity, that
+scarcely was the old system of monopoly broken up, when the trade of
+Spain began to advance, and continued to improve, until the exports and
+imports had reached a height that even the authors of the reform could
+hardly have expected; it being said that the export of foreign
+commodities was tripled, that the export of home-produce was multiplied
+fivefold, and the returns from America ninefold.[1458]
+
+  [1458] 'Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken towards the
+         adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with
+         America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change
+         was introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly
+         produced the most beneficial consequences. The export of foreign
+         goods was tripled, of home-produce quintupled; and the returns
+         from America augmented in the astonishing proportion of nine to
+         one. The produce of the customs increased with equal rapidity.'
+         _Clarke's Examination of the Internal State of Spain_, London,
+         1818, p. 72.
+
+Many of the taxes, which bore heavily on the lower ranks, were repealed,
+and the industrious classes, being relieved of their principal burdens,
+it was hoped that their condition would speedily improve.[1459] And to
+benefit them still more, such alterations were effected in the
+administration of the law, as might enable them to receive justice from
+the public tribunals, when they had occasion to complain of their
+superiors. Hitherto, a poor man had not the least chance of succeeding
+against a rich one; but in the reign of Charles III., government
+introduced various regulations, by which labourers and mechanics could
+obtain redress, if their masters defrauded them of their wages, or broke
+the contracts made with them.[1460]
+
+  [1459] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 197, 317, 318.
+
+  [1460] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 331; 'to facilitate to artisans and
+         journeymen the scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the
+         privileges and interest of the powerful.'
+
+Not only the labouring classes, but also the literary and scientific
+classes, were encouraged and protected. One source of danger, to which
+they had long been exposed, was considerably lessened by the steps which
+Charles took to curtail the power of the Inquisition. The king, was,
+moreover, always ready to reward them; he was a man of cultivated
+tastes, and he delighted in being thought the patron of learning.[1461]
+Soon after his accession, he issued an order, exempting from military
+service all printers, and all persons immediately connected with
+printing, such as casters of type, and the like.[1462] He, also, as far
+as he was able, infused new life into the old universities, and did all
+that was possible towards restoring their discipline and
+reputation.[1463] He founded schools, endowed colleges, rewarded
+professors, and granted pensions. In these matters his munificence
+seemed inexhaustible, and is of itself sufficient to account for the
+veneration with which literary Spaniards regard his memory. They have
+reason to regret that, instead of living now, they had not lived when he
+was king. In his reign, it was supposed that their interests must be
+identical with the interests of knowledge; and these last were rated so
+highly, that, in 1771, it was laid down as a settled principle of
+government, that of all the branches of public policy, the care of
+education is the most important.[1464]
+
+  [1461] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 317,
+         318, and elsewhere.
+
+  [1462] '"Desde mi feliz advenimiento al trono" (dijo el Rey en la
+         ordenanza de reemplazos) "ha merecido mi Real proteccion el arte
+         de la imprenta, y, para que pueda arraigarse sólidamente en
+         estos reinos, vengo en declarar la exencion del sorteo y
+         servicio militar, no solo á los impresores, sino tambien á los
+         fundidores que se empleen de continuo en este ejercicio, y á los
+         abridores de punzones y matrices."' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado
+         de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p. 213.
+
+  [1463] On the steps taken to reform the universities between 1768 and
+         1774, see _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol.
+         iii. pp. 185-210. Compare vol. iv. pp. 296-299.
+
+  [1464] 'La educacion de la juventud por los maestros de primeras letras
+         es uno y aun el más principal ramo de la policía y buen gobierno
+         del Estado.' _Real Provision de 11 de julio de 1771_, printed in
+         Rio, vol. iii. p. 182.
+
+But this is not all. It is no exaggeration to say, that in the reign of
+Charles III., the face of Spain underwent greater changes than it had
+done during the hundred and fifty years which had elapsed since the
+final expulsion of the Mohammedans. At his accession, in 1759, the wise
+and pacific policy of his predecessor, Ferdinand VI., had enabled that
+prince not only to pay many of the debts owed by the crown, but also to
+accumulate and leave behind him a considerable treasure.[1465] Of this
+Charles availed himself, to begin those works of public splendour,
+which, more than any other part of his administration, was sure to
+strike the senses, and to give popularity to his reign. And when, by the
+increase of wealth, rather than by the imposition of fresh burdens,
+still larger resources were placed at his command, he devoted a
+considerable part of them to completing his designs. He so beautified
+Madrid, that forty years after his death, it was stated, that, as it
+then stood, all its magnificence was owing to him. The public buildings
+and the public gardens, the beautiful walks round the capital, its noble
+gates, its institutions, and the very roads leading from it to the
+adjacent country, are all the work of Charles III., and are among the
+most conspicuous trophies which attest his genius and the sumptuousness
+of his taste.[1466]
+
+  [1465] M. Lafuente, who has justly praised the love of peace displayed
+         by Ferdinand VI. (_Historia de España_, vol. i. p. 202, vol.
+         xix. pp. 286, 378), adds (vol. xix. p. 384), 'De modo que con
+         razon se admira, y es el testimonio más honroso de la buena
+         administracion económica de este reinado, que al morir este buen
+         monarca dejára, no diremos nosotros repletas y apuntaladas las
+         arcas públicas, como hiperbólicamente suele decirse, pero sí con
+         el considerable sobrante de trescientos millones de reales,
+         despues de cubiertas todas las atenciones del Estado: fenómeno
+         que puede decirse se veia por primera vez en España, y resultado
+         satisfactorio, que aun supuesta una buena administracion, solo
+         pudo obtenerse á favor de su prudente política de neutralidad y
+         de paz.'
+
+  [1466] 'But it is to Charles III. that Madrid owes all its present
+         magnificence. Under his care, the royal palace was finished, the
+         noble gates of Alcalá and San Vincente were raised; the
+         custom-house, the post-office, the museum, and royal
+         printing-office, were constructed; the academy of the three
+         noble arts improved; the cabinet of natural history, the botanic
+         garden, the national bank of San Carlos, and many gratuitous
+         schools established; while convenient roads leading from the
+         city, and delightful walks planted within and without it, and
+         adorned by statues and fountains, combine to announce the
+         solicitude of this paternal king.' _Spain by an American_,
+         London, 1831, vol. i. p. 206; see also p. 297.
+
+In other parts of the country, roads were laid down, and canals were
+dug, with the view of increasing trade by opening up communications
+through tracts previously impassable. At the accession of Charles III.,
+the whole of the Sierra Morena was unoccupied, except by wild beasts
+and banditti, who took refuge there.[1467] No peaceful traveller would
+venture into such a place; and commerce was thus excluded from what
+nature had marked as one of the greatest highways in Spain, standing as
+it does between the basins of the Guadiana and Guadalquivir, and in the
+direct course between the ports on the Mediterranean and those on the
+Atlantic. The active government of Charles III. determined to remedy
+this evil; but the Spanish people not having the energy to do what was
+required, six thousand Dutch and Flemish were, in 1767, invited to
+settle in the Sierra Morena. On their arrival, lands were allotted to
+them, roads were cut through the whole of the district, villages were
+built; and that which had just been an impervious desert, was suddenly
+turned into a smiling and fruitful territory.[1468]
+
+  [1467] The following passage describes its state so late as the year
+         1766: 'Por temor ó por connivencia de los venteros, dentro de
+         sus casas concertaban frecuentemente los ladrones sus robos, y
+         los ejecutaban á mansalva, ocultándose en guaridas de que
+         ahuyentaban á las fieras. Acaso á muy largas distancias se
+         descubrian entre contados caseríos algunos pastores como los que
+         allí hizo encontrar el ilustre manco de Lepanto al ingenioso
+         hidalgo de la Mancha. Parte de la Sierra estuvo poblada en
+         tiempo de moros; actualmente ya no habia más que espesos
+         matorrales hasta en torno de la ermita de Santa Elena, donde
+         resonaron cánticos de gracias al Cielo por el magnífico triunfo
+         de las Navas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. iii. p. 9. On the condition of the Sierra Morena a hundred
+         years before this, see _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1669, 4to. pp. 62, 296; where it is termed 'le lieu le
+         plus désert, et où il n'y a que quelques _ventas_ sans
+         villages.'
+
+  [1468] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 9-11,
+         35. By 1771, 'sin auxilio de la Real hacienda pudieron
+         mantenerse al fin los colonos.' p. 42. See also vol. iv. pp.
+         114, 115. On the subsequent history of this settlement, see
+         _Inglis' Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 29-31, London, 1831.
+
+Nearly all over Spain, the roads were repaired; a fund having been, so
+early as 1760, specially set apart for that purpose.[1469] Many new
+works were begun; and such improvements were introduced, while at the
+same time, such vigilance was employed to prevent peculation on the part
+of officials, that in a very few years the cost of making public
+highways was reduced to less than half of what it used to be.[1470] Of
+the undertakings which were brought to a successful issue, the most
+important were, a road now first constructed from Malaga to
+Antequera,[1471] and another from Aquilas to Lorca.[1472] In this way,
+means of intercourse were supplied between the Mediterranean and the
+interior of Andalusia and of Mercia. While these communications were
+established in the south and south-east of Spain, others were opened up
+in the north and north-west. In 1769, a road was begun between Bilbao
+and Osma;[1473] and soon after, one was completed between Galicia and
+Astorga.[1474] These and similar works were so skilfully executed, that
+the Spanish highways, formerly among the worst in Europe, were now
+classed among the best. Indeed, a competent, and by no means
+over-friendly, judge gives it as his opinion, that at the death of
+Charles III. better roads were to be found in Spain than in any other
+country.[1475]
+
+  [1469] 'En 1760 se destinó por primera vez un fondo especial para la
+         construccion de caminos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Española_,
+         vol. iv. p. 123.
+
+  [1470] Indeed, M. Rio says, that the expense was reduced by two-thirds,
+         and, in some parts, by three-fourths. 'Antes se regulaba en un
+         millon de reales la construccion de cada legua; ahora solo
+         ascendia á la tercera ó cuarta parte de esta suma.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 117.
+
+  [1471] A note in _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789,
+         4to. p. 158, terms this 'un camino alineado y sólido.' In
+         _Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 209, it is called 'a
+         magnificent road.'
+
+  [1472] 'Para dar salida á los frutos, que regaban los pantanos de Lorca,
+         ejecutóse una bien trazada via al puerto de las Aguilas.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 115, 116.
+
+  [1473] In 1769, Baretti writes, in great surprise, 'the Biscayans are
+         actually making a noble road, which is to go from Bilbao to
+         Osma.' _Baretti's Journey through England, Portugal, Spain, and
+         France_, London, 1770, vol. iv. p. 311.
+
+  [1474] 'Otras diferentes carreteras, construidas de nuevo ó
+         rehabilitadas, multiplicaron las comunicaciones durante los
+         nueve primeros años de estar á cargo de Floridablanca la
+         superintendencia general de caminos, haciéndose de fácil y
+         cómodo tránsito puntos escabrosos como el del Puerto de la
+         Cadena y los que médian entre Astorga y Galicia, y Málaga y
+         Antequera.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. iv. p. 115.
+
+  [1475] 'The reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third produced
+         the most beneficial changes in this important branch of
+         political economy. New roads were opened, which were carefully
+         levelled, and constructed with solidity. There are at the
+         present time in Spain several superb roads, such as may vie with
+         the finest in Europe; indeed, they have been made with superior
+         judgment, and upon a grander scale.' _Laborde's Spain_, edit.
+         London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 427.
+
+In the interior, rivers were made navigable, and canals were formed to
+connect them with each other. The Ebro runs through the heart of Aragon
+and part of Old Castile, and is available for purposes of traffic as
+high up as Logroño, and from thence down to Tudela. But between Tudela
+and Saragossa, the navigation is interrupted by its great speed, and by
+the rocks in its bed. Consequently, Navarre is deprived of its natural
+communication with the Mediterranean. In the enterprising reign of
+Charles V., an attempt was made to remedy this evil; but the plan
+failed, was laid aside, and was forgotten, until it was revived, more
+than two hundred years later, by Charles III. Under his auspices, the
+great canal of Aragon was projected, with the magnificent idea of
+uniting the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. This, however, was one of
+many instances in which the government of Spain was too far in advance
+of Spain itself; and it was necessary to abandon a scheme, to which the
+resources of the country were unequal. But what was really effected, was
+of immense value. A canal was actually carried to Saragossa, and the
+waters of the Ebro were made available not only for transport, but also
+for irrigating the soil. The means of a safe and profitable trade were
+now supplied even to the western extremity of Aragon. The old land,
+becoming more productive, rose in value, and new land was brought under
+the plough. From this, other parts of Spain also benefited. Castile, for
+example, had in seasons of scarcity always depended for supplies on
+Aragon, though that province could, under the former system, only
+produce enough for its own consumption. But by this great canal, to
+which, about the same time, that of Tauste was also added,[1476] the
+soil of Aragon became far more productive than it had ever yet been; and
+the rich plains of the Ebro yielded so abundantly, that they were able
+to supply wheat and other food to the Castilians, as well as to the
+Aragonese.[1477]
+
+  [1476] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 287.
+
+  [1477] _Ibid._ vol. v. pp. 198, 199, 286, 287. _Townsend's Spain_, vol.
+         i. pp. 212-215. _Laborde's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 271. This canal,
+         which was intended to establish a free communication between the
+         Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, is slightly noticed in
+         _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. iv. pp. 95, 96: a
+         learned and valuable work, but very imperfect as regards Spain.
+         The economical value of this great enterprise, and the extent to
+         which it succeeded, are seriously under-estimated in _Ford's
+         Spain_, p. 587; a book which, notwithstanding the praise that
+         has been conferred upon it, is carelessly composed, and is sure
+         to mislead readers who have not the means of comparing it with
+         other authorities. M. Rio's History of Charles III. contains
+         some interesting information on the subject; but, unfortunately,
+         I omitted to mark the passages.
+
+The government of Charles III., moreover, constructed a canal between
+Amposta and Alfaques,[1478] which irrigated the southern extremity of
+Catalonia, and brought into cultivation a large district, which, from
+the constant lack of rain, had hitherto been untilled. Another and still
+greater enterprise belonging to the same reign, was an attempt, only
+partly successful, to establish a water-communication between the
+capital and the Atlantic, by running a canal from Madrid to Toledo,
+whence the Tagus would have conveyed goods to Lisbon, and all the trade
+of the west would have been opened up.[1479] But this and many other
+noble projects were nipped in the bud by the death of Charles III., with
+whom every thing vanished. When he passed away, the country relapsed
+into its former inactivity, and it was clearly seen that these great
+works were not national, but political; in other words that they were
+due merely to individuals, whose most strenuous exertions always come to
+naught, if they are opposed by the operation of those general causes,
+which are often undiscerned, but to which even the strongest of us, do,
+in our own despite, pay implicit obedience.
+
+  [1478] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 288, 289, on the
+         authority or Florida Blanca himself.
+
+  [1479] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 199. _Townsend's
+         Spain_, vol. i. p. 304.
+
+Still for a time much was done; and Charles, reasoning according to the
+ordinary maxims of politicians, might well indulge the hope, that what
+he had effected would permanently change the destiny of Spain. For these
+and other works which he not only planned but executed,[1480] were not
+paid for, as is too often the case, by taxes which oppressed the people,
+and trammelled their industry. At his side, and constantly advising him,
+there were men who really aimed at the public good, and who never would
+have committed so fatal an error. Under his rule the wealth of the
+country greatly increased, and the comforts of the lower classes,
+instead of being abridged, were multiplied. The imposts were more fairly
+assessed than they had ever been before. Taxes, which, in the
+seventeenth century, all the power of the executive could not wring from
+the people, were now regularly paid, and, owing to the development of
+the national resources, they became at once more productive and less
+onerous. In the management of the public finances, an economy was
+practised, the first example of which had been set in the preceding
+reign, when the cautious and pacific policy of Ferdinand VI. laid a
+foundation for many of the improvements just narrated. Ferdinand
+bequeathed to Charles III. a treasure which he had not extorted, but
+saved. Among the reforms which he introduced, and which an unwillingness
+to accumulate details has compelled me to omit, there is one very
+important, and also very characteristic of his policy. Before his reign,
+Spain had annually been drained of an immense amount of money, on
+account of the right which the Pope claimed of presenting to certain
+rich benefices, and of receiving part of their produce; probably as a
+recompense for the trouble he had taken. Of this duty the Pope was
+relieved by Ferdinand VI., who secured to the Spanish crown the right of
+conferring such preferment, and thus saved to the country those enormous
+sums on which the Roman Court had been wont to revel.[1481] This was
+just the sort of measure which would be hailed with delight by Charles
+III., as harmonizing with his own views; and we accordingly find, that,
+in his reign, it was not only acted upon, but extended still further.
+For, perceiving that, in spite of his efforts, the feeling of the
+Spaniards on these matters was so strong as to impel them to make
+offerings to him whom they venerated as the Head of the Church, the
+king determined to exercise control over even these voluntary gifts. To
+accomplish this end, various devices were suggested; and at length one
+was hit upon, which was thought sure to be effectual. A royal order was
+issued, directing that no person should send money to Rome, but that if
+he had occasion to make remittances there, they should pass not through
+the ordinary channels, but through the ambassadors, ministers, or other
+agents of the Spanish crown.[1482]
+
+  [1480] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 289. 'In many other parts similar works have
+         been promoted, for canals of irrigation, and for encouraging
+         agriculture and traffic. The canals of Manzanares and Guadarrama
+         are continued by means of the national bank, which has
+         appropriated one-half of the profits derived from the export of
+         silver to this end.' ... 'The town of Almuradiel, formed in the
+         middle of the _campo nuevo_ of Andalusia, for the rugged pass of
+         Despeña Perros, is another example of agriculture for the
+         neighbouring places; since, instead of woods and frightful
+         deserts, we have seen in a few years public buildings, houses,
+         plantations, and cultivated lands, producing every species of
+         grain and fruits, which border the road, and banish the danger
+         of robbers and banditti.' See also _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
+         Don Carlos III._, p. 5. 'Habiendo sido el reinado de Carlos III.
+         una serie continua de mejoras en todos ramos;' and the striking
+         picture (p. 15), 'Agricultura, artes mecánicas, comercio,
+         enseñanza, milicia, navegacion, ciencias, letras, legislacion,
+         en una palabra, todo cuanto puede influir en la prosperidad del
+         Estado, todo llamó la atencion de los ministros, y en todo
+         hicieron las mejoras que permitian las circunstancias.' On the
+         improvements in internal communications, see the same valuable
+         work, pp. 187-192.
+
+  [1481] Respecting this step, which as effected in 1754, see _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Española_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 81, 82. 'Fué
+         este tratado utilísimo para la España, pues por él se libertó
+         del pago de enormes sumas que hasta entonces habian pasado á los
+         estados pontificos. En el informe canónico-legal escrito á
+         virtud de real órden en 1746 por el fiscal de la cámara de
+         Castilla Don Blas de Jover, se decia; que según el testimonio
+         del historiador Cabrera, en el espacio de 30 años el solo
+         renglon de las coadjutorías y dispensas habia hecho pasar á Roma
+         de la corona de Castilla millon y medio de ducados romanos. Y
+         añade el mismo Jover que á principios del siglo xviii. subia aun
+         esta contribucion cada año en todos los estados de la monarquia
+         española á 500,000 escudos romanos, que era _un tercio poco mas
+         ó menos de lo que Roma percibia de toda la cristiandad_.'
+
+  [1482] See Appendix I. to _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v.
+         p. 334.
+
+If we now review the transactions which I have narrated, and consider
+them as a whole, extending from the accession of Philip V. to the death
+of Charles III., over a period of nearly ninety years, we shall be
+struck with wonder at their unity, at the regularity of their march, and
+at their apparent success. Looking at them merely in a political point
+of view, it may be doubted if such vast and uninterrupted progress has
+ever been seen in any country either before or since. For three
+generations, there was no pause on the part of the government; not one
+reaction, not one sign of halting. Improvement upon improvement, and
+reform upon reform, followed each other in swift succession. The power
+of the Church, which has always been the crying evil of Spain, and which
+hitherto none of the boldest politicians had dared to touch, was
+restricted in every possible way, by a series of statesmen, from Orry to
+Florida Blanca, whose efforts were latterly, and for nearly thirty
+years, zealously aided by Charles III., the ablest monarch who has sat
+on the throne since the death of Philip II. Even the Inquisition was
+taught to tremble, and made to loosen its hold over its victims. The
+burning of heretics was stopped. Torture was disused. Prosecutions for
+heresy were discouraged. Instead of punishing men for imaginary
+offences, a disposition was shown to attend to their real interests, to
+alleviate their burdens, to increase their comforts, and to check the
+tyranny of those who were set over them. Attempts were made to restrain
+the cupidity of the clergy, and prevent them from preying at will upon
+the national wealth. With this view, the laws of mortmain were revised,
+and various measures taken to interpose obstacles in the way of persons
+who desired to waste their property by bequeathing it for ecclesiastical
+purposes. In this, as in other matters, the true interests of society
+were preferred to the fictitious ones. To raise the secular classes
+above the spiritual; to discountenance the exclusive attention hitherto
+paid to questions respecting which nothing is known, and which it is
+impossible to solve; to do this, and, in the place of such barren
+speculations, to substitute a taste for science, or for literature,
+became the object of the Spanish government for the first time since
+Spain had possessed a government at all. As part of the same scheme, the
+Jesuits were expelled, the right of sanctuary was infringed, and the
+whole hierarchy, from the highest bishop down to the lowest monk, were
+taught to fear the law, to curb their passions, and to restrain the
+insolence with which they had formerly treated every rank except their
+own. These would have been great deeds in any country; in such a country
+as Spain, they were marvellous. Of them I have given an abridged, and
+therefore an imperfect, account, but still sufficient to show how the
+government laboured to diminish superstition, to check bigotry, to
+stimulate intellect, to promote industry, and to rouse the people from
+their death-like slumber. I have omitted many measures of considerable
+interest, and which tended in the same direction; because, here, as
+elsewhere, I seek to confine myself to those salient points which most
+distinctly mark the general movement. Whoever will minutely study the
+history of Spain during this period, will find additional proof of the
+skill and vigour of those who were at the head of affairs, and who
+devoted their best energies to regenerating the country which they
+ruled. But, for these special studies, special men are required; and I
+shall be satisfied, if I have firmly grasped the great march and outline
+of the whole. It is enough for my purpose, if I have substantiated the
+general proposition, and have convinced the reader of the clearness
+with which the statesmen of Spain discerned the evils under which their
+country was groaning, and of the zeal with which they set themselves to
+remedy the mischief, and to resuscitate the fortunes of what had once
+not only been the chief of European monarchies, but had borne sway over
+the most splendid and extensive territory that had been united under a
+single rule since the fall of the Roman Empire.
+
+They who believe that a government can civilize a nation, and that
+legislators are the cause of social progress, will naturally expect that
+Spain reaped permanent benefit from those liberal maxims, which now, for
+the first time, were put into execution. The fact, however, is, that
+such a policy, wise as it appeared, was of no avail, simply because it
+ran counter to the whole train of preceding circumstances. It was
+opposed to the habits of the national mind, and was introduced into a
+state of society not yet ripe for it. No reform can produce real good,
+unless it is the work of public opinion, and unless the people
+themselves take the initiative. In Spain, during the eighteenth century,
+foreign influence, and the complications of foreign politics, bestowed
+enlightened rulers upon an unenlightened country.[1483] The consequence
+was, that, for a time, great things were done. Evils were removed,
+grievances were redressed, many important improvements were introduced;
+and a spirit of toleration was exhibited, such as had never before been
+seen in that priest-ridden and superstitious land. But the mind of Spain
+was untouched. While the surface, and as it were the symptoms, of
+affairs were ameliorated, affairs themselves remained unchanged. Below
+that surface, and far out of reach of any political remedy, large
+general causes were at work, which had been operating for many
+centuries, and which were sure, sooner or later, to force politicians to
+retrace their steps, and compel them to inaugurate a policy which would
+suit the traditions of the country, and harmonize with the circumstances
+under which those traditions had been formed.
+
+  [1483] It is important to observe, that the Cortes, where alone the
+         voice of the people had a chance of being heard, was assembled
+         but three times during the whole of the eighteenth century, and
+         then merely for the sake of form. 'Les Cortès ne se réunirent
+         que trois fois pendant le dix-huitième siècle, et plutôt encore
+         comme des solennités formulaires pour la prestation du serment
+         aux princes héritiers de la couronne, que comme étant
+         nécessaires pour de nouvelles lois et des contributions.'
+         _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, Bordeaux, 1815,
+         p. 270.
+
+At length the reaction came. In 1788, Charles III. died; and was
+succeeded by Charles IV., a king of the true Spanish breed, devout,
+orthodox, and ignorant.[1484] It was now seen how insecure everything
+was, and how little reliance can be placed on reforms, which, instead of
+being suggested by the people, are bestowed on them by the political
+classes. Charles IV., though a weak and contemptible prince,[1485] was
+so supported in his general views by the feelings of the Spanish nation,
+that, in less than five years, he was able completely to reverse that
+liberal policy which it had taken three generations of statesmen to
+build up. In less than five years everything was changed. The power of
+the Church was restored; the slightest approach towards free discussion
+was forbidden; old and arbitrary principles, which had not been heard of
+since the seventeenth century, were revived; the priests re-assumed
+their former importance; literary men were intimidated, and literature
+was discouraged; while the Inquisition, suddenly starting up afresh,
+displayed an energy, which caused its enemies to tremble, and proved
+that all the attempts which had been made to weaken it, had been unable
+to impair its vigour, or to daunt its ancient spirit.
+
+  [1484] By combining these three qualities, he has deserved and received
+         the cordial approbation of the present Bishop of Barcelona, who,
+         in his recent work on the Spanish Church, styles him 'un monarca
+         tan piadoso.' _Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de
+         la Iglesia en España_, _por Domingo Costa y Borras_, Barcelona,
+         1857, p. 80.
+
+  [1485] Even in _Alison's History of Europe_, where men of his character
+         are usually made much of, he is treated with moderate disdain.
+         'Charles IV. was not destitute of good qualities, but he was a
+         weak, incapable prince.' Vol. viii. p. 382, Edinburgh, 1849.
+
+The ministers of Charles III., and the authors of those great reforms
+which signalized his reign, were dismissed, to make way for other
+advisers, better suited to this new state of things. Charles IV. loved
+the Church too well to tolerate the presence of enlightened statesmen.
+Aranda and Florida Blanca were both removed from office, and both were
+placed in confinement.[1486] Jovellanos was banished from court, and
+Cabarrus was thrown into prison.[1487] For, now, work had to be done, to
+which these eminent men would not put their hands. A policy which had
+been followed with undeviating consistency for nearly ninety years, was
+about to be rescinded, in order that the old empire of the seventeenth
+century, which was the empire of ignorance, of tyranny, and of
+superstition, might be resuscitated, and, if possible, restored to its
+pristine vigour.
+
+  [1486] _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 167. I need hardly
+         say, that not the slightest credit is to be attached to the
+         account given in Godoy's Memoirs. Every one tolerably acquainted
+         with Spanish history, will see that his book is an attempt to
+         raise his own reputation, by defaming the character of some of
+         the ablest and most high-minded of his contemporaries.
+
+  [1487] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 277,
+         278.
+
+Once more was Spain covered with darkness; once more did the shadows of
+night overtake that wretched land. The worst forms of oppression, says a
+distinguished writer, seemed to be settling on the country with a new
+and portentous weight.[1488] At the same time, and indeed as a natural
+part of the scheme, every investigation likely to stimulate the mind,
+was prohibited, and an order was actually sent to all the universities,
+forbidding the study of moral philosophy; the minister, who issued the
+order, justly observing, that the king did not want to have
+philosophers.[1489] There was, however, little fear of Spain producing
+anything so dangerous. The nation not daring, and, what was still worse,
+not wishing, to resist, gave way, and let the king do as he liked.
+Within a very few years, he neutralized the most valuable reforms which
+his predecessors had introduced. Having discarded the able advisers of
+his father, he conferred the highest posts upon men as narrow and
+incompetent as himself; he reduced the country to the verge of
+bankruptcy; and, according to the remark of a Spanish historian, he
+exhausted all the resources of the state.[1490]
+
+  [1488] 'In all its worst forms, therefore, oppression, civil, political,
+         and religious, appeared to be settling down, with a new and
+         portentous weight, on the whole country.' _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 318.
+
+  [1489] 'Caballero, fearing the progress of all learning, which might
+         disturb the peace of the Court, sent, not long since, a circular
+         order to the universities, forbidding the study of moral
+         philosophy. "His Majesty," it was said in the order, "was not in
+         want of philosophers, but of good and obedient subjects."'
+         _Doblado's Letters from Spain_, p. 358.
+
+  [1490] 'Le gouvernement de Charles IV avait épuisé toutes les ressources
+         de l'État.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, p. 323.
+
+Such was the condition of Spain, late in the eighteenth century. The
+French invasion quickly followed; and that unhappy country underwent
+every form of calamity and of degradation. Herein, however, lies a
+difference. Calamities may be inflicted by others; but no people can be
+degraded except by their own acts. The foreign spoiler works mischief;
+he cannot cause shame. With nations, as with individuals, none are
+dishonoured if they are true to themselves. Spain, during the present
+century, has been plundered and oppressed, and the opprobrium lights on
+the robbers, not on the robbed. She has been overrun by a brutal and
+licentious soldiery; her fields laid waste, her towns sacked, her
+villages burned. It is to the criminal, rather than to the victim, that
+the ignominy of these acts must belong. And, even in a material point of
+view, such losses are sure to be retrieved, if the people who incur them
+are inured to those habits of self-government, and to that feeling of
+self-reliance, which are the spring and the source of all real
+greatness. With the aid of these, every damage may be repaired, and
+every evil remedied. Without them, the slightest blow may be fatal. In
+Spain, they are unknown; and it seems impossible to establish them. In
+that country, men have so long been accustomed to pay implicit
+deference to the Crown and the Church, that loyalty and superstition
+have usurped the place of those nobler emotions, to which all freedom is
+owing, and in the absence of which, the true idea of independence can
+never be attained.
+
+More than once, indeed, during the nineteenth century, a spirit has
+appeared, from which better things might have been augured. In 1812, in
+1820, and in 1836, a few ardent and enthusiastic reformers attempted to
+secure liberty to the Spanish people, by endowing Spain with a free
+constitution. They succeeded for a moment, and that was all. The forms
+of constitutional government they could bestow; but they could not find
+the traditions and the habits, by which the forms are worked. They
+mimicked the voice of liberty; they copied her institutions; they aped
+her very gestures. And what then? At the first stroke of adverse
+fortune, their idol fell to pieces. Their constitutions were broken up,
+their assemblies dissolved, their enactments rescinded. The inevitable
+reaction quickly followed. After each disturbance, the hands of the
+government were strengthened, the principles of despotism were
+confirmed, and the Spanish liberals were taught to rue the day, in which
+they vainly endeavoured to impart freedom to their unhappy and
+ill-starred country.[1491]
+
+  [1491] In Spain, the voice of the people has always been opposed to the
+         liberal party, as many writers have observed, without being
+         aware of the reason. Mr. Walton (_Revolutions of Spain_, London,
+         1837, vol. i. pp. 322, 323) says of the Cortes, 'Public
+         indignation hurled them from their seats in 1814; and in 1823
+         they were overpowered, not by the arms of France, but by the
+         displeasure of their own countrymen,' &c. See also p. 290; and
+         _Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand the Seventh_, London, 1824, p. 121,
+         where it is mentioned, that 'in all the towns through which the
+         King passed, the multitude, excited by the friars and clergy,
+         overturned the constitutional stone, and uttered the most
+         atrocious insults against the Constitution, the Cortes, and the
+         Liberals.' Compare _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès_, p. 335, and
+         _Bacon's Six Years in Biscay_, p. 40. Indeed, a very intelligent
+         writer on Spanish affairs in 1855, asserts, with, I believe,
+         perfect truth, that Spain is 'un pays où les populations sont
+         toujours, à coup sûr moins libérales que les gouvernemens.'
+         _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, Paris, 1855, p. 266.
+
+What makes these failures the more worthy of observation is, that the
+Spaniards did possess, at a very early period, municipal privileges and
+franchises, similar to those which we had in England, and to which our
+greatness is often ascribed. But such institutions, though they preserve
+freedom, can never create it. Spain had the form of liberty without its
+spirit; hence the form, promising as it was, soon died away. In England,
+the spirit preceded the form, and therefore the form was durable. Thus
+it is, that though the Spaniards could boast of free institutions a
+century before ourselves, they were unable to retain them, simply
+because they had the institutions and nothing more. We had no popular
+representation till 1264;[1492] but in Castile they had it in
+1169,[1493] and in Aragon in 1133.[1494] So, too, while the earliest
+charter was granted to an English town in the twelfth century,[1495] we
+find, in Spain, a charter conferred on Leon as early as 1020; and in the
+course of the eleventh century the enfranchisement of towns was as
+secure as laws could make it.[1496]
+
+  [1492] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.
+
+  [1493] _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i.
+         p. xlviii.
+
+  [1494] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. xcvi.
+
+  [1495] _Hallam's Middle Ages_, ninth edition, London, 1846, vol. ii.
+         pp. 153-157, which must be compared with _Hallam's Supplemental
+         Notes_, London, 1848, pp. 323-327.
+
+  [1496] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 373. _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. pp. xlv. xlvi.
+
+The fact, however, is, that in Spain these institutions, instead of
+growing out of the wants of the people originated in a stroke of policy
+on the part of their rulers. They were conceded to the citizens, rather
+than desired by them. For, during the war with the Mohammedans, the
+Christian kings of Spain, as they advanced southwards, were naturally
+anxious to induce their subjects to settle in the frontier towns, where
+they might face and repel the enemy. With this object they granted
+charters to the towns, and privileges to the inhabitants.[1497] And as
+the Mohammedans were gradually beaten back from the Asturias to Granada,
+the frontiers changed, and the franchises were extended to the new
+conquests, in order that what was the post of danger, might also be the
+place of reward. But, meanwhile, those general causes, which I have
+indicated, were predetermining the nation to habits of loyalty and of
+superstition, which grew to a height fatal to the spirit of liberty.
+That being the case the institutions were of no avail. They took no
+root; and as they were originated by one political combination, they
+were destroyed by another. Before the close of the fourteenth century,
+the Spaniards were so firmly seated in the territories they had lately
+acquired that there was little danger of their being again
+expelled[1498] while, on the other hand, there was no immediate prospect
+of their being able to push their conquests further, and drive the
+Mohammedans from the strongholds of Granada. The circumstances,
+therefore, which gave rise to the municipal privileges had changed; and
+as soon as this was apparent, the privileges began to perish. Being
+unsuited to the habits of the people, they were sure to fall, on the
+first opportunity.[1499] Late in the fourteenth century, their decline
+was perceptible; by the close of the fifteenth century, they were almost
+extinct; and, early in the sixteenth century, they were finally
+overthrown.[1500]
+
+  [1497] 'Ce fut alors que les successeurs de Pélage descendirent de leurs
+         montagnes dans les plaines, de leurs forteresses perchées sur
+         des rocs inaccessibles dans les villes populeuses, le long des
+         fleuves, dans de fertiles vallées et sur les côtes de la mer; ce
+         fut alors que la ville d'Astorgue revint du pouvoir des Arabes à
+         celui des Asturiens et chassa toute la partie musulmane de ces
+         habitants; ce fut alors, enfin, que commencèrent en Espagne ces
+         concessions de franchises municipales par lesquelles les rois et
+         les seigneurs chrétiens cherchèrent à attirer des populations
+         chrétiennes dans les lieux d'où ils avaient chassé les
+         Musulmans.' _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale_,
+         Paris, 1836, vol. iii. p. 215. See also _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.
+
+  [1498] On the increasing confidence of the Spaniards in the middle of
+         the fourteenth century, see an interesting passage in _Mariana_,
+         _Historia de España_, vol. iv. pp. 172, 173.
+
+  [1499] The deputies of the towns did, in fact, eventually overthrow
+         their own liberties, as a Spanish historian truly remarks. 'Il
+         n'est pas étonnant que les monarques espagnols tâchassent
+         d'affermir leur autorité autant que possible, et encore moins
+         que leurs conseillers et leurs, ministres coopérassent à leurs
+         desseins. L'histoire de toutes les nations nous offre de
+         nombreux exemples de cette politique; mais _ce qu'il y a de plus
+         remarquable dans celle d'Espagne, c'est que les députés des
+         villes qui auraient dû être les plus zélés défenseurs de leurs
+         droits, conspirèrent ouvertement contre le tiers-état_, et
+         tentèrent d'anéantir les restes de l'ancienne représentation
+         nationale.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne_, p. 213.
+         It strikes one as singular, that M. Sempere should never have
+         inquired, why this happened in Spain, and not elsewhere. A later
+         writer, reflecting on the destruction of the municipal element
+         by the royal authority, gives a solution, which, like many other
+         so-called solutions, is merely a statement of the same fact in
+         different words. 'Al fin la autoridad real logró alcanzar un
+         gran predominio en el gobierno municipal de los pueblos,
+         _porque_ los corregidores y alcaldes mayores llegaron á eclipsar
+         la influencia de los adelantados y alcaldes elegidos por los
+         pueblos.' _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion Española_,
+         Madrid, 1849, p. 287. This, instead of explaining the event, is
+         simply narrating it afresh.
+
+  [1500] The final destruction of popular liberty is ascribed by many
+         writers to the battle of Villalar, in 1521; though it is quite
+         certain that, if the royalists had lost that battle, instead of
+         gaining it, the ultimate result would have been the same. At one
+         time, I had purposed tracing the history of the municipal and
+         representative elements during the fifteenth century; and the
+         materials which I then collected, convinced me that the spirit
+         of freedom never really existed in Spain, and that therefore the
+         marks and forms of freedom were sure, sooner or later, to be
+         effaced.
+
+It is thus that general causes eventually triumph over every obstacle.
+In the average of affairs, and on a comparison of long periods, they are
+irresistible. Their operation is often attacked, and occasionally, for a
+little time, stopped by politicians, who are always ready with their
+empirical and short-sighted remedies. But when the spirit of the age is
+against those remedies, they can at best only succeed for a moment; and
+after that moment has passed, a reaction sets in, and the penalty for
+violence has to be paid. Evidence of this will be found in the annals of
+every civilized country, by whoever will confront the history of
+legislation with the history of opinion. The fate of the Spanish towns
+has afforded us one good proof; the fate of the Spanish Church will
+supply us with another. For more than eighty years after the death of
+Charles II. the rulers of Spain attempted to weaken the ecclesiastical
+power; and the end of all their efforts was, that even such an
+insignificant and incompetent king as Charles IV. was able, with the
+greatest ease, rapidly to undo what they had done. This is because,
+during the eighteenth century, while the clergy were assailed by law,
+they were favoured by opinion. The opinions of a people invariably
+depend on large general causes, which influence the whole country; but
+their laws are too often the work of a few powerful individuals, in
+opposition to the national will. When the legislators die, or lose
+office, there is always a chance of their successors holding opposite
+views, and subverting their plans. In the midst, however, of this play
+and fluctuation of political life, the general causes remain steady,
+though they are often kept out of sight, and do not become visible,
+until politicians, inclining to their side, bring them to the surface,
+and invest them with open and public authority.
+
+This is what Charles IV. did in Spain; and when he took measures to
+favour the Church, and to discourage free inquiry, he merely sanctioned
+those national habits which his predecessors had disregarded. The hold
+which the hierarchy of that country possess over public opinion has
+always been proverbial; but it is even greater than is commonly
+supposed. What it was in the seventeenth century, we have already seen;
+and in the eighteenth century, there were no signs of its diminution,
+except among a few bold men, who could effect nothing, while the popular
+voice was so strong against them. Early in the reign of Philip V.,
+Labat, who travelled in Spain, informs us, that when a priest performed
+mass, nobles of the highest rank deemed it an honour to help him to
+dress, and that they would go down on their knees to him, and kiss his
+hands.[1501] When this was done by the proudest aristocracy in Europe,
+we may suppose what the general feeling must have been. Indeed, Labat
+assures us, that a Spaniard would hardly be considered of sound faith,
+if he did not leave some portion of his property to the Church; so
+completely had respect for the hierarchy become an essential part of the
+national character.[1502]
+
+  [1501] 'Ceux qui servent la Messe en Espagne, soit Religieux, ou
+         Séculiers, ne manquent jamais d'aider le Prêtre à s'habiller, et
+         le font avec beaucoup de respect. Les plus grande Seigneurs s'en
+         font honneur, et à mesure qu'ils présentent au Prêtre quelque
+         partie des ornemens, ils lui baisent la main. On se met à genoux
+         pour donner à laver au Prêtre pendant la Messe, et après qu'il a
+         essuyé ses doigts, celui qui lui a donné l'eau demeurant à
+         genoux lui présente le bassin retourné, sur lequel le Prêtre met
+         sa main pour la lui laisser baiser. Au retour à la Sacristie, il
+         ne manque pas d'aider le Prêtre à se déshabiller, après quoi il
+         se met à genoux pour recevoir sa bénédiction et baiser sa main.'
+         _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne et en Italie_, Paris, 1730, vol. i.
+         p. 36.
+
+  [1502] 'Telle est la coûtume du Païs, on s'exposeroit à laisser douter
+         de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chrétien nouveau,
+         si on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers à
+         l'Eglise.' _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne_, vol. i. p. 268.
+
+A still more curious instance was exhibited on the occasion of the
+expulsion of the Jesuits. That once useful, but now troublesome, body
+was, during the eighteenth century, what it is in the nineteenth--the
+obstinate enemy of progress and of toleration. The rulers of Spain,
+observing that it opposed all their schemes of reform, resolved to get
+rid of an obstacle, which met them at every turn. In France, the Jesuits
+had just been treated as a public nuisance, and suppressed at a blow,
+and without difficulty. The advisers of Charles III. saw no reason why
+so salutary a measure should not be imitated in their country; and, in
+1767, they, following the example which had been set by the French in
+1764, abolished this great mainstay of the Church.[1503] Having done
+this, the government supposed that it had taken a decisive step towards
+weakening ecclesiastical power, particularly as the sovereign cordially
+approved of the proceeding. The year after this occurred, Charles III.,
+according to his custom, appeared in the balcony of the palace, on the
+festival of St. Charles, ready to grant any request which the people
+might make to him, and which usually consisted of a prayer for the
+dismissal of a minister, or for the repeal of a tax. On this occasion,
+however, the citizens of Madrid, instead of occupying themselves with
+such worldly matters, felt that still dearer interests were in peril;
+and, to the surprise and terror of the court, they demanded, with one
+voice, that the Jesuits should be allowed to return, and wear their
+usual dress, in order that Spain might be gladdened by the sight of
+these holy men.[1504]
+
+  [1503] It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this act, had
+         endangered his own soul. 'Dans un bref adressé à Charles III; il
+         déclara: "Que les actes du Roi contre les Jésuites mettaient
+         évidemment son salut en danger."' _Crétineau-Joly_, _Histoire de
+         la Compagnie de Jésus_, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.
+
+  [1504] As this circumstance, which is noticed by Crétineau-Joly
+         (_Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_, vol. v. p. 311) and other
+         writers (_Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 180), has been
+         much misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I
+         will transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information
+         respecting the reign of Charles III. was derived from
+         eye-witnesses. 'A remarkable and alarming proof of their
+         influence was given at Madrid, the year after their expulsion.
+         At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed himself
+         to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed
+         to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of
+         the whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one
+         accord, demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission
+         for them to wear the habit of the secular clergy. This
+         unexpected incident alarmed and mortified the King; and, after a
+         vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to banish the Cardinal
+         Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the secret
+         instigators of this tumultuary petition.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+         of Spain_, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The
+         remarks made on this event by M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de
+         Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197-199) are not very
+         creditable, either to his criticism or to his candour. It is
+         uncritical to doubt the statement of a contemporary, when that
+         statement relates what is probable in itself, and what those who
+         lived nearest to the period never denied. Indeed, so far from
+         denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of Coxe's work
+         into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is
+         surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to
+         impute to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and
+         then proving that, owing to circumstances connected with the
+         Archbishop of Toledo, it could not have happened in that year.
+         For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that it was in 1768; 'the year
+         _after_ their expulsion.'
+
+What can you do with a nation like this? What is the use of laws when
+the current of public opinion thus sets in against them? In the face of
+such obstacles, the government of Charles III., notwithstanding its good
+intentions, was powerless. Indeed, it was worse than powerless: it did
+harm; for, by rousing popular sympathy in favour of the Church, it
+strengthened what it sought to weaken. On that cruel and persecuting
+Church, stained as it was with every sort of crime, the Spanish nation
+continued to bestow marks of affection, which, instead of being
+diminished, were increased. Gifts and legacies flowed in freely and from
+every side; men being willing to beggar themselves and their families,
+in order to swell the general contribution. And to such a height was
+this carried, that, in 1788, Florida Blanca, minister of the crown,
+stated that, within the last fifty years, the ecclesiastical revenues
+had increased so rapidly, that many of them had doubled in value.[1505]
+
+  [1505] See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the
+         Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV.,
+         in 1788, 'the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing
+         number of monks of all orders and of all ages.' _Godoy's
+         Memoirs_, edit. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the
+         state of ecclesiastical establishments in the same year, some
+         interesting remarks in the Letters of Cabarrus; 'con qué
+         horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos estériles á
+         los operarios útiles y preciosos.' _Cartas escritas por el Conde
+         de Cabarrus_, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.
+
+Even the Inquisition, the most barbarous institution which the wit of
+man has ever devised, was upheld by public opinion against the attacks
+of the crown. The Spanish government wished to overthrow it, and did
+everything to weaken it; but the Spanish people loved it as of old, and
+cherished it as their best protection against the inroads of
+heresy.[1506] An illustration of this was exhibited in 1778, when, on
+occasion of a heretic being sentenced by the Inquisition, several of the
+leading nobles attended as servants, being glad to have an opportunity
+of publicly displaying their obedience and docility to the Church.[1507]
+
+  [1506] Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V. boastfully
+         says, 'Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente á Naturales y
+         Estrangeros.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
+         tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man
+         as Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what
+         was felt by the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and
+         far more orthodox. M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold
+         passage, frankly admits that it was the pressure of public
+         opinion which prevented Charles III. from abolishing the
+         Inquisition. 'Estraño pareceria que habiéndose hecho tanto en
+         aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y acabar
+         con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso
+         tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que
+         el rey despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda
+         providencia que pudiese contrariar la opinion pública; y él
+         creia que los españoles querian la inquisicion, como se lo
+         manifestó al ministro Roda y al conde de Aranda, añadiendo que
+         en nada coartaba su autoridad.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Española_, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the Inquisition
+         seems rather a singular object for men to set their affections
+         on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no doubt.
+         'L'Inquisition si révérée en Espagne.' _Mémoires de Louville_,
+         vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (_Tracts_, London, 1730, vol. i. p.
+         400) tells us that 'the Inquisition is not only established by
+         law, but by a wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts
+         and affections of the people, that one that should offer the
+         least affront to another, for having been an informer or witness
+         in the Inquisition, would be torn in a thousand pieces.'
+
+  [1507] 'The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others,
+         grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or
+         swords.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419.
+         This was in the great case of Olavide.
+
+All these things were natural, and in order. They were the result of a
+long train of causes, the operation of which I have endeavoured to
+trace, during thirteen centuries, since the outbreak of the Arian war.
+Those causes forced the Spaniards to be superstitious, and it was idle
+mockery to seek to change their nature by legislation. The only remedy
+for superstition is knowledge. Nothing else can wipe out that
+plague-spot of the human mind. Without it, the leper remains unwashed,
+and the slave unfreed. It is to a knowledge of the laws and relations of
+things, that European civilization is owing; but it is precisely this in
+which Spain has always been deficient. And until that deficiency is
+remedied, until science, with her bold and inquisitive spirit, has
+established her right to investigate all subjects, after her own
+fashion, and according to her own method, we may be assured that, in
+Spain, neither literature, nor universities, nor legislators, nor
+reformers of any kind, will ever be able to rescue the people from that
+helpless and benighted condition into which the course of affairs has
+plunged them.
+
+That no great political improvement, however plausible or attractive it
+may appear, can be productive of lasting benefit, unless it is preceded
+by a change in public opinion, and that every change of public opinion
+is preceded by changes in knowledge, are propositions which all history
+verifies, but which are particularly obvious in the history of Spain.
+The Spaniards have had everything except knowledge. They have had
+immense wealth, and fertile and well-peopled territories, in all parts
+of the globe. Their own country, washed by the Atlantic and the
+Mediterranean, and possessed of excellent harbours, is admirably
+situated for the purposes of trade between Europe and America, being so
+placed as to command the commerce of both hemispheres.[1508] They had,
+at a very early period, ample municipal privileges; they had independent
+parliaments; they had the right of choosing their own magistrates, and
+managing their own cities. They have had rich and flourishing towns,
+abundant manufactures, and skilful artizans, whose choice productions
+could secure a ready sale in every market in the world. They have
+cultivated the fine arts with eminent success; their noble and exquisite
+paintings, and their magnificent churches, being justly ranked among the
+most wonderful efforts of the human hand. They speak a beautiful,
+sonorous, and flexible language, and their literature is not unworthy of
+their language. Their soil yields treasures of every kind. It overflows
+with wine and oil, and produces the choicest fruits in an almost
+tropical exuberance.[1509] It contains the most valuable minerals, in a
+profuse variety unexampled in any other part of Europe. No where else do
+we find such rare and costly marbles, so easily accessible, and in such
+close communication with the sea, where they might safely be shipped,
+and sent to countries which require them.[1510] As to the metals, there
+is hardly one which Spain does not possess in large quantities. Her
+mines of silver and of quicksilver are well known. She abounds in
+copper,[1511] and her supply of lead is enormous.[1512] Iron and coal,
+the two most useful of all the productions of the inorganic
+world,[1513] are also abundant in that highly favoured country. Iron is
+said to exist in every part of Spain, and to be of the best
+quality;[1514] while the coal-mines of Asturias are described as
+inexhaustible.[1515] In short, nature has been so prodigal of her
+bounty, that it has been observed, with hardly an hyperbole, that the
+Spanish nation possesses within itself nearly every natural production
+which can satisfy either the necessity or the curiosity of
+mankind.[1516]
+
+  [1508] An accomplished modern geographer says: 'From the extent of its
+         coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and
+         natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages
+         than any other country of Europe.' _Johnston's Dictionary of
+         Physical, Statistical, and Historical Geography_, London, 1850,
+         p. 1213.
+
+  [1509] 'No quiero hablar de los frutos de España, no obstante que los
+         produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo diré que sus
+         naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que
+         de Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa.
+         En fin, España es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones,
+         por la fragrancia de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus
+         granadas, por sus azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta
+         del gran Ciceron, y sus almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.'
+         _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Madrid, 1789, 4to.
+         p. 236.
+
+  [1510] 'The marbles of Spain are in greater variety and beauty than
+         those of any country in Europe, and most valuable kinds of them
+         are in situations of easy access and communication with the sea;
+         but they have long been entirely neglected, the greater part
+         being unknown, even to the more intelligent of the natives.'
+         _Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. ii. p. 51. In the Cabinet of
+         Natural History at Madrid, 'the specimens of marbles are
+         splendid, and show what treasures yet remain buried in the
+         Peninsula.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 413.
+
+  [1511] 'Hay infinitas minas de cobre en España las quales nunca se han
+         tocado.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_, Discurso
+         Preliminar, p. 34.
+
+  [1512] In 1832, Cook writes, 'The lead-mines of the Sierra de Gador are
+         in a state of repletion at present from the enormous quantity of
+         the mineral, and the facility of raising it.' ... 'Lead abounds
+         in other parts of the same chain, nearer to Almeria.' _Cook's
+         Spain_, vol. ii. p. 75. 'The most valuable of the existing
+         Spanish mines are those of lead in Granada; and the supplies
+         obtained from them during the last twenty years have been so
+         large, that they have occasioned the abandonment of several less
+         productive mines in other countries, and a considerable fall in
+         the price of lead.' _M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+         Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 705.
+
+  [1513] I use the popular language in referring coal to the inorganic
+         world, despite its cellular tissue and vegetable origin.
+
+  [1514] 'The most valuable of the whole mineral riches of Spain will be,
+         in all probability, in a few years, the iron, which is found
+         every where, and of the best qualities.' _Cook's Spain_, vol.
+         ii. p. 78. See also _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de España_,
+         pp. 56, 67, 106, 273, 346, 415, and _Ford's Spain_, pp. 565, 618.
+
+  [1515] 'The quantity is inexhaustible, the quality excellent, the
+         working of extraordinary facility, and they possess an easy
+         communication with the sea; yet they are practically useless,
+         and afford only a miserable existence to a few labourers and
+         mules used in conveying the mineral to Gijon.' _Cook's Spain_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 79, 80. 'In the immediate neighbourhood of Oviedo
+         are some of the largest coal-fields in Europe.' _Ford's Spain_,
+         p. 381; compare pp. 392, 606.
+
+  [1516] 'La nacion española posee casi quantas producciones naturales
+         puede apetecer la necesidad, ó curiosidad de los hombres.'
+         _Campomanes_, _Apendice á la Educacion Popular_, vol. iv. p. vi.
+         Madrid, 1777.
+
+These are splendid gifts; it is for the historian to tell how they have
+been used. Certainly, the people who possess them have never been
+deficient in natural endowments. They have had their full share of great
+statesmen, great kings, great magistrates, and great legislators. They
+have had many able and vigorous rulers; and their history is ennobled by
+the frequent appearance of courageous and disinterested patriots, who
+have sacrificed their all, that they might help their country. The
+bravery of the people has never been disputed; while, as to the upper
+classes, the punctilious honour of a Spanish gentleman has passed into a
+bye-word, and circulated through the world. Of the nation generally, the
+best observers pronounce them to be high-minded, generous, truthful,
+full of integrity, warm and zealous friends, affectionate in all the
+private relations of life, frank, charitable, and humane.[1517] Their
+sincerity in religious matters is unquestionable;[1518] they are,
+moreover, eminently temperate and frugal.[1519] Yet, all these great
+qualities have availed them nothing, and will avail them nothing, so
+long as they remain ignorant. What the end of all this will be, and
+whether in their unhappy country the right path will ever be taken, is
+impossible for any one to say.[1520] But if it is not taken, no
+amelioration which can possibly be effected will penetrate below the
+surface. The sole course is, to weaken the superstition of the people;
+and this can only be done by that march of physical science, which,
+familiarizing men with conceptions of order and of regularity, gradually
+encroaches on the old notions of perturbation, of prodigy, and of
+miracle, and by this means accustoms the mind to explain the
+vicissitudes of affairs by natural considerations, instead of, as
+heretofore, by those which are purely supernatural.
+
+  [1517] 'Ils sont fort charitables, tant à cause du mérite que l'on
+         s'acquiert par les aumônes, que par l'inclination naturelle
+         qu'ils ont à donner, et la peine effective qu'ils souffrent
+         lorsqu'ils sont obligés, soit par leur pauvreté, soit par
+         quelqu'autre raison, de refuser ce qu'on leur demande. Ils ont
+         encore la bonne qualité de ne point abandonner leurs amis
+         pendant qu'ils sont malades.' ... 'De manière que des personnes
+         qui ne se voyent point quatre fois en un an, se voyent tous les
+         jours deux ou trois fois, dès qu'ils souffrent.' _D'Aulnoy_,
+         _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. p. 374.
+         'They are grave, temperate, and sober; firm and warm in their
+         friendships, though cautious and slow in contracting them.' _A
+         Tour through Spain by Udal ap Rhys_, second edition, London,
+         1760, p. 3. 'When they have once professed it, none are more
+         faithful friends.' ... 'They have great probity and integrity of
+         principle.' _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation_,
+         London, 1763, 4to. p. 334. 'To express all that I feel, on the
+         recollection of their goodness, would appear like adulation; but
+         I may venture at least to say, that simplicity, sincerity,
+         generosity, a high sense of dignity, and strong principles of
+         honour, are the most prominent and striking features of the
+         Spanish character.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_, second
+         edition, London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 353. 'The Spaniards, though
+         naturally deep and artful politicians, have still something so
+         nobly frank and honest in their disposition.' _Letters from
+         Spain by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 171.
+         'The Spaniards have fewer bad qualities than any other people
+         that I have had the opportunity to know.' _Croker's Travels
+         through Spain_, London, 1799, pp. 237, 238. 'Spanish probity is
+         proverbial, and it conspicuously shines in commercial
+         relations.' _Laborde's Spain_, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 423.
+         'Certainly, if it be taken in the mass, no people are more
+         humane than the Spaniards, or more compassionate and kind in
+         their feelings to others. They probably excel other nations,
+         rather than fall below them, in this respect.' _Cook's Spain_,
+         London, 1834, vol. i. p. 189. 'The Spaniards are kind-hearted in
+         all the relations of life.' _Hoskins' Spain_, London, 1851, vol.
+         ii. p. 58. Finally, I will adduce the testimony of two
+         professional politicians, both of whom were well acquainted with
+         the Spaniards. In 1770 Mr. Harris, afterwards Lord Malmesbury,
+         writes, 'They are brave, honest, and generous.' _Diaries and
+         Correspondence of the Earl of Malmesbury_, London, 1844, vol. i.
+         p. 48. And Lord Holland, according to Moore, deemed 'that the
+         Spaniards altogether are amongst the best people of Europe.'
+         _Moore's Memoirs_, _edited by Lord John Russell_, vol. iii.
+         p. 253, London, 1853.
+
+  [1518] This their whole history decisively proves; and as to their more
+         recent state, the author of _Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol.
+         i. p. 340, says: 'But religion is so deeply rooted in the
+         national character, that the most furious political storms,
+         which prostrate everything else, blow over this and leave it
+         unscathed. It is only amongst the educated male population that
+         any lack of fervour is witnessed.'
+
+  [1519] 'The habitual temperance of these people is really astonishing: I
+         never saw a Spaniard drink a second glass of wine. With the
+         lower order of people, a piece of bread with an apple, an onion,
+         or pomegranate, is their usual repast.' _Croker's Travels in
+         Spain_, London, 1799, p. 116. 'They are temperate, or rather
+         abstemious, in their living to a great degree: _borracho_ is the
+         highest term of reproach; and it is rare to see a drunken man,
+         except it be among the carriers or muleteers.' _Dalrymple's
+         Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 174. 'Drunkenness
+         is a vice almost unknown in Spain among people of a respectable
+         class, and very uncommon even among the lower orders.'
+         Esménard's note in _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. ii. p.
+         321.
+
+  [1520] 'This is the most wonderful country under the sun; for here,
+         intellect wields no power.' _Inglis' Spain_, London, 1831,
+         vol. i. p. 101. 'Tandis que l'activité publique, en Espagne, se
+         porte depuis quelques années dans la sphère des intérêts
+         pratiques et matériels, il semble, au contraire, qu'il y ait une
+         sorte de ralentissement dans la vie intellectuelle.' _Annuaire
+         des Deux Mondes_ for 1850, p. 410. 'La vie intellectuelle n'est
+         point, malheureusement, la sphère où se manifeste le plus
+         d'activité en Espagne.' _Ibid._ for 1856-1857, p. 356. Now,
+         listen to the practical consequences of not giving free and
+         fearless scope to the intellect. 'It is singular, upon landing
+         in the Peninsula, and making a short excursion for a few miles
+         in any direction, to see reproduced the manners of England _five
+         centuries back_,--to find yourself thrown into the midst of a
+         society which is a close counterpart of that _extinct
+         semi-civilization_ of which no trace is to be found in our
+         history later than the close of the fourteenth century and the
+         reign of Richard the Second.' _Revelations of Spain in_ 1845 _by
+         an English Resident_, vol. ii. p. 1.
+
+To this, in the most advanced countries of Europe, every thing has been
+tending for nearly three centuries. But in Spain, unfortunately,
+education has always remained, and still remains, in the hands of the
+clergy, who steadily oppose that progress of knowledge, which they are
+well aware would be fatal to their own power.[1521] The people,
+therefore, resting ignorant, and the causes which kept them in
+ignorance continuing, it avails the country nothing, that, from time to
+time, enlightened rulers have come forward, and liberal measures been
+adopted. The Spanish reformers have, with rare exceptions, eagerly
+attacked the Church, whose authority they clearly saw ought to be
+diminished. But what they did not see is, that such diminution can be of
+no real use unless it is the result of public opinion urging on
+politicians to the work. In Spain, politicians took the initiative, and
+the people lagged behind. Hence, in Spain, what was done at one time was
+sure to be undone at another. When the liberals were in power, they
+suppressed the Inquisition; but Ferdinand VII. easily restored it,
+because, though it had been destroyed by Spanish legislators, its
+existence was suited to the habits and traditions of the Spanish
+nation.[1522] Fresh changes occurring, this odious tribunal was, in
+1820, again abolished. Still, though its form is gone, its spirit
+lives.[1523] The name, the body, and the visible appearance of the
+Inquisition, are no more; but the spirit which generated the Inquisition
+is enshrined in the hearts of the people, and, on slight provocation,
+would burst forth, and reinstate an institution which is the effect, far
+more than the cause, of the intolerant bigotry of the Spanish nation.
+
+  [1521] 'That the Spaniards, as a people, are ignorant, supremely
+         ignorant, it is impossible to dissemble; but this comes from the
+         control of education being altogether in the hands of the
+         clergy, who exert themselves to maintain that ignorance to which
+         they are indebted for their power.' _Spain by an American_, vol.
+         ii. p. 360. 'The schools in Madrid are all conducted by Jesuits;
+         and the education received in them, is such as might be expected
+         from their heads.' _Inglis' Spain_, vol. i. p. 156. 'Private
+         education here, is almost entirely in the hands of the clergy.'
+         _Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol. ii. p. 27. In Spain, as in
+         all countries, Catholic or Protestant, the clergy, considered as
+         a body, inculcate belief instead of inquiry, and, by a sort of
+         conservative instinct, discourage that boldness of investigation
+         without which there can be no real knowledge, although there may
+         be much erudition and mere book-learning. In Spain, the clergy
+         are stronger than in any other country; therefore in Spain they
+         display this tendency more fearlessly. A good instance of this
+         may be seen in a work lately published by the Bishop of
+         Barcelona, in which a violent attack upon all physical and
+         philosophical knowledge is concluded in the following terms: 'No
+         intento recriminar á ningun católico de los que se asocian al
+         nuevo sistema de filosofar y de extender indefinidamente el
+         imperio de esta ciencia, pero deseo que fijen toda su atencion
+         en los puntos que no haré sino indicar. Primero, que las
+         escuelas de Holanda, Alemania, Inglaterra y Francia desafectas
+         al Catolicismo, han iniciado y promovido con el mayor empeño
+         ciertas discusiones filosóficas, presentándolas como un triunfo
+         de la razon sobre la Religion, de la filosofía sobre la
+         teología, del materialismo sobre el espiritualismo. Segundo, que
+         sus máximas no son, en gran parte, mas que reproducciones ó
+         nuevas evoluciones de errores mil veces refutados y condenados
+         por la sana filosofía y por la Iglesia; bajo cuyo concepto no
+         tienen por qué felicitarse en razon de su progreso, sino mas
+         bien avergonzarse por su retroceso.' _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia
+         en España_, Barcelona, 1857, p. 150.
+
+  [1522] 'Immediately after his arrival in Madrid, Ferdinand
+         re-established the Inquisition; and his decree for that purpose
+         was hailed throughout all Spain with illuminations,
+         thanksgivings, and other rejoicings. '_Quin's Memoirs of
+         Ferdinand VII._, London, 1824, pp. 189, 190. This and similar
+         acts gave such delight to the Church as well as to the people,
+         that, according to a great divine, the return of Ferdinand to
+         Spain is to be deemed the immediate act of Divine Providence,
+         watching over the interests of Spain. 'La divina Providencia
+         abrevió los dias de prueba, y la católica España respiró ceñida
+         con los laureles del triunfo, recobrando luego á su tan deseado
+         monarca, el señor rey don Fernando VII.' _Costa y Borras_,
+         _Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en España_, Barcelona, 1857,
+         p. 91.
+
+  [1523] 'The spirit of the Inquisition is still alive; for no king,
+         cortes, or constitution, ever permits in Spain any approach to
+         any religious toleration.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 60.
+         'Les cortès auraient beau permettre l'exercice du culte
+         protestant ou juif, il n'est point certain que cela ne suscitât
+         de périlleux conflits.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, _ou Histoire
+         Générale des Divers Etats_, 1854-1855, vol. v. p. 272, Paris,
+         1855; a work of considerable ability, planned on the same scheme
+         as the _Annual Register_, but far superior to it. Respecting the
+         chance of the Inquisition being again restored, compare two
+         interesting passages in _Spain by an American_, 1831, vol. ii.
+         p. 330, and _Inglis' Spain_, 1831, vol. i. p. 85. Since then,
+         the balance of affairs has, on the whole, been in favour of the
+         Church, which received a further accession of strength by the
+         success of the essentially religious war recently waged against
+         the Moors. Hence, if any fresh political catastrophe were to
+         occur in Spain, I should not be at all surprised to hear that
+         the Inquisition was re-established.
+
+In the same way, other and more systematic attacks which were made on
+the Church, during the present century, succeeded at first, but were
+sure to be eventually baffled.[1524] Under Joseph, in 1809, the monastic
+orders were suppressed, and their property was confiscated.[1525]
+Little, however, did Spain gain by this. The nation was on their
+side;[1526] and as soon as the storm passed away, they were restored. In
+1836, there was another political movement, and the liberals being at
+the head of affairs, Mendizabal secularized all the Church property, and
+deprived the clergy of nearly the whole of their enormous and ill-gotten
+wealth.[1527] He did not know how foolish it is to attack an
+institution, unless you can first lessen its influence. Overrating the
+power of legislation, he underrated the power of opinion. This, the
+result clearly showed. Within a very few years, the reaction began. In
+1845, was enacted what was called the law of devolution, by which the
+first step was taken towards the re-endowment of the clergy.[1528] In
+1851, their position was still further improved by the celebrated
+Concordat, in which the right of acquiring, as well as of possessing,
+was solemnly confirmed to them.[1529] With all this, the nation heartily
+concurred.[1530] Such, however, was the madness of the liberal party,
+that, only four years afterwards, when they for a moment obtained power,
+they forcibly annulled these arrangements, and revoked concessions which
+had been made to the Church, and which, unhappily for Spain, public
+opinion had ratified.[1531] The results might have been easily foreseen.
+In Aragon and in other parts of Spain, the people flew to arms; a
+Carlist insurrection broke out, and a cry ran through the country, that
+religion was in danger.[1532] It is impossible to benefit such a nation
+as this. The reformers were, of course, overthrown, and by the autumn of
+1856 their party was broken up. The political reaction now began, and
+advanced so rapidly, that, by the spring of 1857, the policy of the two
+preceding years was completely reversed. Those who idly thought that
+they could regenerate their country by laws, saw all their hopes
+confounded. A ministry was formed, whose measures were more in
+accordance with the national mind. In May 1857, Cortes assembled. The
+representatives of the people sanctioned the proceedings of the
+executive government, and, by their united authority, the worst
+provisions of the Concordat of 1851 were amply confirmed, the sale of
+Church property was forbidden, and all the limitations which had been
+set to the power of the bishops were at once removed.[1533]
+
+  [1524] Compare some very sensible remarks in _Bacon's Six Years in
+         Biscay_, London, 1838, pp. 40, 41, 50, with _Quin's Memoirs of
+         Ferdinand the Seventh_, pp. 192, 193.
+
+  [1525] _Walton's Revolutions of Spain_, London, 1837, vol. ii. p. 343.
+
+  [1526] Very shortly before the suppression of the monastic orders, 'Le
+         respect pour le froc en général est poussé si loin, qu'on lui
+         attribue une vertu préservative, même au-delà de la vie, quelque
+         peu régulière qu'elle ait été. Aussi n'y a-t-il rien de si
+         commun que de voir les morts ensevelis en robe de moines, et
+         conduits ainsi à leur dernière demeure à visage découvert.' ...
+         'De même que le froc accompagne les Espagnols au tombeau, de
+         même il en saisit quelques-uns au sortir du berceau. Il n'est
+         pas rare de rencontrer de petits moines de quatre à cinq ans
+         polissonnant dans la rue.' _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 330, 331.
+
+  [1527] The confiscation took place at different periods between 1835 and
+         1841. Compare _Ford's Spain_, p. 48. _Revelations of Spain by an
+         English Resident_, vol. i. p. 366. _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia en
+         España_, p. 95. _Annuaire des Deux Mondes for 1850_, Paris,
+         1851, p. 369. I have sought in vain for any detailed history of
+         these transactions.
+
+  [1528] 'Dès 1845, une loi dite de _dévolution_, en attendant un
+         règlement définitif, applique à la dotation du clergé une
+         portion des biens ecclésiastiques non vendus.' _Annuaire des
+         Deux Mondes_, 1851-2, Paris, 1852, p. 318.
+
+  [1529] 'Il y a ici un règlement solennel, sous la forme d'un traité, de
+         toutes les affaires relatives à l'église; c'est le concordat de
+         1851. Le concordat reconnaît à l'église le droit d'acquérir et
+         de posséder.' _Ibid._ 1854, 1855, p. 273, Paris, 1855.
+
+  [1530] The very year in which the Concordat became law, Mr. Hoskins, the
+         well-known traveller in Africa, a gentleman evidently of
+         considerable intelligence, published, on his return from Spain,
+         an account of that country. His work is valuable, as showing the
+         state of public feeling just before the Concordat, and while the
+         Spanish clergy were still suffering from the well-intentioned,
+         but grossly injudicious acts of the liberal party. 'We visited
+         these churches on a Sunday, and were surprised to find them all
+         crowded to excess. The incomes of the clergy are greatly
+         reduced, but their fortunes are gradually reviving.' _Hoskins'
+         Spain_, London, 1851, vol. i. p. 25. 'The priests are slowly
+         re-establishing their power in Spain,' vol. ii. p. 201. 'The
+         crowded churches, and, notwithstanding the appropriation of
+         their revenues, the absence of all appearance of anything like
+         poverty in the chapels and services, prove that the Spaniards
+         are now as devout worshippers, and as zealous friends of the
+         Church, as they were in her palmy days,' vol. ii. p. 281.
+
+  [1531] 'La loi de désamortissement promulguée le 1^{er} mai, 1855,
+         ordonne, comme on sait, la mise en vente de tous les biens de
+         main-morte, et en particulier des biens qui restent encore à
+         l'église.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1855, 1856, p. 310. See
+         also _Annuaire_, 1854, 1855, p. 274. For an account of other
+         steps taken against the Church in the spring and summer of 1855,
+         see _Costa y Borras_, _Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en
+         España_, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 119, 286, 292; and respecting the
+         law of the 1st of May, see p. 247.
+
+  [1532] 'Aussi le premier mot d'ordre de l'insurrection a été la défense
+         de la religion.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, p. 275.
+
+  [1533] _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1856, 1857, pp. 315-317, 324-331,
+         336.
+
+The reader will now be able to understand the real nature of Spanish
+civilization. He will see how, under the high-sounding names of loyalty
+and religion, lurk the deadly evils which those names have always
+concealed, but which it is the business of the historian to drag to
+light and expose. A blind spirit of reverence, taking the form of an
+unworthy and ignominious submission to the Crown and the Church, is the
+capital and essential vice of the Spanish people. It is their sole
+national vice, and it has sufficed to ruin them. From it all nations
+have grievously suffered, and many still suffer. But nowhere in Europe,
+has this principle been so long supreme as in Spain. Therefore, nowhere
+else in Europe are the consequences so manifest and so fatal. The idea
+of liberty is extinct, if, indeed, in the true sense of the word, it
+ever can be said to have existed. Outbreaks, no doubt, there have been,
+and will be; but they are bursts of lawlessness, rather than of liberty.
+In the most civilized countries, the tendency always is, to obey even
+unjust laws, but while obeying them, to insist on their repeal. This is
+because we perceive that it is better to remove grievances than to
+resist them. While we submit to the particular hardship, we assail the
+system from which the hardship flows. For a nation to take this view,
+requires a certain reach of mind, which, in the darker periods of
+European history, was unattainable. Hence we find, that, in the middle
+ages, though tumults were incessant, rebellions were rare. But, since
+the sixteenth century, local insurrections, provoked by immediate
+injustice, are diminishing, and are being superseded by revolutions,
+which strike at once at the source from whence the injustice proceeds.
+There can be no doubt that this change is beneficial; partly because it
+is always good to rise from effects to causes, and partly because
+revolutions being less frequent than insurrections, the peace of society
+would be more rarely disturbed, if men confined themselves entirely to
+the larger remedy. At the same time, insurrections are generally wrong;
+revolutions are always right. An insurrection is too often the mad and
+passionate effort of ignorant persons, who are impatient under some
+immediate injury, and never stop to investigate its remote and general
+causes. But a revolution, when it is the work of the nation itself, is a
+splendid and imposing spectacle, because to the moral quality of
+indignation produced by the presence of evil, it adds the intellectual
+qualities of foresight and combination; and, uniting in the same act
+some of the highest properties of our nature, it achieves a double
+purpose, not only punishing the oppressor, but also relieving the
+oppressed.
+
+In Spain, however, there never has been a revolution, properly so
+called; there never has even been one grand national rebellion. The
+people, though often lawless, are never free. Among them, we find still
+preserved that peculiar taint of barbarism, which makes men prefer
+occasional disobedience to systematic liberty. Certain feelings there
+are of our common nature, which even their slavish loyalty cannot
+eradicate, and which, from time to time, urge them to resist injustice.
+Such instincts are happily the inalienable lot of humanity, which we
+cannot forfeit, if we would, and which are too often the last resource
+against the extravagances of tyranny. And this is all that Spain now
+possesses. The Spaniards, therefore, resist, not because they are
+Spaniards, but because they are men. Still, even while they resist, they
+revere. While they will rise up against a vexatious impost, they crouch
+before a system, of which the impost is the smallest evil. They smite
+the tax-gatherer, but fall prostrate at the feet of the contemptible
+prince for whom the tax-gatherer plies his craft. They will even revile
+the troublesome and importunate monk, or sometimes they will scoff at
+the sleek and arrogant priest; while such is their infatuation, that
+they would risk their lives in defence of that cruel Church, which has
+inflicted on them hideous calamities, but to which they still cling, as
+if it were the dearest object of their affections.
+
+Connected with these habits of mind, and in sooth forming part of them,
+we find a reverence for antiquity, and an inordinate tenacity of old
+opinions, old beliefs, and old habits, which remind us of those tropical
+civilizations which formerly flourished. Such prejudices were once
+universal even in Europe; but they began to die out in the sixteenth
+century, and are now, comparatively speaking, extinct, except in Spain,
+where they have always been welcomed. In that country, they retain their
+original force, and produce their natural results. By encouraging the
+notion, that all the truths most important to know are already known,
+they repress those aspirations, and dull that generous confidence in the
+future, without which nothing really great can be achieved. A people who
+regard the past with too wistful an eye, will never bestir themselves to
+help the onward progress; they will hardly believe that progress is
+possible. To them, antiquity is synonymous with wisdom, and every
+improvement is a dangerous innovation. In this state, Europe lingered
+for many centuries; in this state, Spain still lingers. Hence the
+Spaniards are remarkable for an inertness, a want of buoyancy, and an
+absence of hope, which, in our busy and enterprizing age, isolate them
+from the rest of the civilized world. Believing that little can be done,
+they are in no hurry to do it. Believing that the knowledge they have
+inherited, is far greater than any they can obtain, they wish to
+preserve their intellectual possessions whole and unimpaired; inasmuch
+as the least alteration in them might lessen their value. Content with
+what has been already bequeathed, they are excluded from that great
+European movement, which, first clearly perceptible in the sixteenth
+century, has ever since been steadily advancing, unsettling old
+opinions, destroying old follies, reforming and improving on every side,
+influencing even such barbarous countries as Russia and Turkey; but
+leaving Spain unscathed. While the human intellect has been making the
+most prodigious and unheard-of strides, while discoveries in every
+quarter are simultaneously pressing upon us, and coming in such rapid
+and bewildering succession, that the strongest sight, dazzled by the
+glare of their splendour, is unable to contemplate them as a whole;
+while other discoveries still more important, and still more remote from
+ordinary experience, are manifestly approaching, and may be seen looming
+in the distance, whence they are now obscurely working on the advanced
+thinkers who are nearest to them, filling their minds with those
+ill-defined, restless, and almost uneasy, feelings, which are the
+invariable harbingers of future triumph; while the veil is being rudely
+torn, and nature, violated at all points, is forced to disclose her
+secrets, and reveal her structure, her economy, and her laws, to the
+indomitable energy of man; while Europe is ringing with the noise of
+intellectual achievements, with which even despotic governments affect
+to sympathize, in order that they may divert them from their natural
+course, and use them as new instruments whereby to oppress yet more the
+liberties of the people; while, amidst this general din and excitement,
+the public mind, swayed to and fro, is tossed and agitated,--Spain
+sleeps on, untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiving no impressions
+from the rest of the world, and making no impressions upon it. There she
+lies, at the further extremity of the Continent, a huge and torpid mass,
+the sole representative now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of
+the Middle Ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she is satisfied
+with her own condition. Though she is the most backward country in
+Europe, she believes herself to be the foremost. She is proud of every
+thing of which she should be ashamed. She is proud of the antiquity of
+her opinions; proud of her orthodoxy; proud of the strength of her
+faith; proud of her immeasurable and childish credulity; proud of her
+unwillingness to amend either her creed or her customs; proud of her
+hatred of heretics, and proud of the undying vigilance with which she
+has baffled their efforts to obtain a full and legal establishment on
+her soil.
+
+All these things conspiring together, produce, in their aggregate, that
+melancholy exhibition to which we give the collective name of Spain. The
+history of that single word is the history of nearly every vicissitude
+of which the human species is capable. It comprises the extremes of
+strength and of weakness, of unbounded wealth and of abject poverty. It
+is the history of the mixture of different races, languages, and bloods.
+It includes almost every political combination which the wit of man can
+devise; laws infinite in variety, as well as in number; constitutions of
+all kinds, from the most stringent to the most liberal. Democracy,
+monarchy, government by priests, government by municipalities,
+government by nobles, government by representative bodies, government by
+natives, government by foreigners, have been tried, and tried in vain.
+Material appliances have been lavishly used; arts, inventions, and
+machines introduced from abroad, manufactures set up, communications
+opened, roads made, canals dug, mines worked, harbours formed. In a
+word, there has been every sort of alteration, except alterations of
+opinion; there has been every possible change, except changes in
+knowledge. And the result is, that in spite of the efforts of successive
+governments, in spite of the influence of foreign customs, and in spite
+of those physical ameliorations, which just touch the surface of
+society, but are unable to penetrate beneath, there are no signs of
+national progress; the priests are rather gaining ground than losing it;
+the slightest attack on the Church rouses the people; while, even the
+dissoluteness of the clergy, and the odious vices which, in the present
+century, have stained the throne, can do naught to lessen either the
+superstition or the loyalty which the accumulated force of many
+centuries has graven on the minds, and eaten into the hearts of the
+Spanish nation.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                        END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
+
+
+                           LONDON: PRINTED BY
+                 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+                          AND PARLIAMENT STREET
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.
+
+Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
+
+The ligature oe has been marked as [oe] and the tilde above e as [~e]
+
+The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
+
+The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
+
+  p. v: minority of Louis XIII -> XIII.
+  p. 3: _Geoffroy Saint Hilaire_ -> _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_
+  p. 6: vol. iv. p. 511, 4to. -> 4to,
+  p. 10: vol. xviii. pp. 431-436: -> 431-436;
+  p. 10: _Hist. de la Sorbonne_ -> _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
+  p. 11: _Benoist_ -> _Benoist_,
+  p. 12: vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131. -> 131;
+  p. 23: _Mably's Observations_, vol. iii. p. 220: -> 220;
+  p. 24: humane and enlightend -> enlightened
+  p. 24: Historiettes de Tallement -> Tallemant
+  p. 25: prevents them from doing so. - > so.'
+  p. 27: read the contemporay -> contemporary
+  p. 29: endeavoured to instil -> instill
+  p. 30: innocence of a religious life. -> life.'
+  p. 30: Hist. of Louis XIII. -> XIII
+  p. 31: convoked at Mantes -> Nantes
+  p. 32: _Mém. de Retz_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 32: vol. v. pp. 51, seq. -> 51 seq.
+  p. 34: Tallemant des Reaux -> Réaux
+  p. 35: fils aîné de l'Eglise -> l'Eglise'
+  p. 35: _[OE]conomies Royales_ -> _[OE]conomies Royales_,
+  p. 36: prix que ce fust -> fut
+  p. 37: 'Sismondi says, under -> Sismondi
+  p. 37: Felice Hist. -> Felice's Hist.
+  p. 40: livre ii. chap -> chap.
+  p. 41: interests were alogether -> altogether
+  p. 41: Element ist zurückge reten -> zurückgetreten
+  p. 42: with infinte -> infinite
+  p. 49: vol. xi. p. 450, vol. xii. p. -> pp.
+  p. 53: conscientiously be tolerant. -> tolerant.'
+  p. 54: Lettres d'un Français -> François
+  p. 56: processions whorever -> wherever
+  p. 60: Tallement des Réaux -> Tallemant des Réaux
+  p. 62: Béarn démanderent aussytost -> aussytôt
+  p. 63: Mem. de Montglat -> Mém. de Montglat
+  p. 63: Mém de Montglat -> Mém. de Montglat
+  p. 75: 'The Edict of Nismes -> The
+  p. 78: Hist. des Mathemat. -> Mathémat.
+  p. 78: vol. ii. pp. 419-421 -> pp. 419-421;
+  p. 79: _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 364: -> p. 364;
+  p. 80: greatest mathemetician -> mathematician
+  p. 83: tout ce qu -> qui
+  p. 88: p. 432. Compare vol -> vol.
+  p. 88: _Berkeley's Works_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 90: _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. ii -> vol. ii.
+  p. 91: _[OE]uvres_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 91: 8vo. 1847 -> 8vo., 1847
+  p. 91: _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii, pp. 220 -> vol. ii. p. 220
+  p. 91: Auf das innigste verbunden -> 'Auf
+  p. 94: 242, 342, 498 -> 242, 342, 498,
+  p. 95: _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 153: -> p. 153;
+  p. 95: _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 258: -> p. 258;
+  p. 95: _Leslie's Nat. Philos._ p. 121: -> p. 121;
+  p. 97: Hist de l'Edit de Nantes -> Hist.
+  p. 100: _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 110: faith, of sceptism -> scepticism
+  p. 111: vol. i. pp. 5, 64: -> 64;
+  p. 114: Mills's Hist. of Chivalry -> Mills' Hist. of Chivalry
+  p. 115: Brougham's Polit. Philos -> Philos.
+  p. 117: Compare, _Meyer_ -> Compare _Meyer_
+  p. 120: canaille, dès qu on -> qu'on
+  p. 121: Les états-généraux -> 'Les états-généraux
+  p. 122: began to excercise -> exercise
+  p. 123: énergique de la centralisation') -> centralisation'
+  p. 123: couvent ni collége -> collège
+  p. 125: 1843, _in_ -> in
+  p. 125: _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol, -> vol.
+  p. 129: p. 118: _Saint Aulaire_ -> p. 118; _Sainte-Aulaire_
+  p. 135: which deprived knightnood -> knighthood
+  p. 136: _Hist. de France_ -> _Hist. de France_,
+  p. 137: _Milice Françoise_ -> _Milice Française_
+  p. 137: vol. ii. p. 582; _Sully_ -> _Sully_,
+  p. 137: vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152, -> 152;
+  p. 143: Collier's Eccles. Hist -> Hist.
+  p. 144: (reprinted London, 1842), p -> p.
+  p. 149: 401, 476: -> 476;
+  p. 149: p. 78; Hutchison's -> Hutchinson's
+  p. 150: Mem. de Retz -> Mém. de Retz
+  p. 152: part. i. pp. 28, 29 -> part i. pp. 28, 29
+  p. 153: _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 154: laid, the slighest -> slightest
+  p. 158: Holland the linke-boy -> link-boy
+  p. 158: part. i. p. 167. -> part i. p. 167.
+  p. 166: _Mém. d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 6.; -> p. 6;
+  p. 168: Saint Aulaire -> Saint-Aulaire
+  p. 168: _Mém. de Retz_ vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 169: _Mém. de Motteville_ -> _Mém. de Motteville_,
+  p. 170: vol ii. p. 357 -> vol. ii. p. 357
+  p. 178: Capefigue's Louis XIV -> XIV.
+  p. 178: tyranny of the clergy -> clergy.
+  p. 179: the feet of others -> others.
+  p. 180: vol. v. pp 887-889 -> vol. v. pp. 887-889
+  p. 181: _Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii, -> vol.
+  p. 181: les plus industrieux," -> industrieux,'
+  p. 182: brillant d'une clarte -> clarté
+  p. 187: apostles of knowlege -> knowledge
+  p. 190: _Philos Pos._ -> _Philos. Pos._
+  p. 190: vol. ii. pp. 627, 628 -> vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.
+  p. 191: _Aubrey's Letters_. -> _Aubrey's Letters_,
+  p. 191: vol ii. p. 624. -> vol. ii. p. 624.
+  p. 192: et de Boörhaave -> Boerhaave
+  p. 195: part. ii. p 42 -> part. ii. p. 42
+  p. 199: _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 200: _Royal Society_. -> _Royal Society_,
+  p. 201: corner-stone of the Linnean -> Linnæan
+  p. 201: Gesch der Botanik -> Gesch. der Botanik
+  p. 207: _Ibid._ xxiii. p, 496. -> p. 496.
+  p. 207: vol. xxxvi p. 42 -> vol. xxxvi p. 42.
+  p. 208: state of degradation.' -> degradation.
+  p. 209: both in 1639. _Biog. Univ_ -> _Biog. Univ._
+  p. 211: was only saved by -> 'was only saved by
+  p. 211: Lock, who was -> Locke, who was
+  p. 212: Lady Mary Wortley Montague -> Montagu
+  p. 213: Hist. des Francais -> Français
+  p. 213: _Duclos_, _Mémoires_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 214: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
+  p. 215: sur la poésie épique. -> épique.'
+  p. 216: ses amitiés, il n'etait -> n'était
+  p. 217: vol. i. 341 -> vol. i. p. 341
+  p. 218: _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 218: _Corresp._ vol. 1. p. 352; -> vol. i. p. 352,
+  p. 219: Mém de Morellet -> Mém. de Morellet
+  p. 220: _Biog Univ._ iii. 253 -> _Biog. Univ._ iii. 253
+  p. 221: _Biog. Univ._ l. 42. -> _Biog. Univ._ i. 42.
+  p. 221: _Murray's Life of Bruce_, 121, -> 121;
+  p. 223: _Biog. Univ._ xlviii. 217. 218. -> 217, 218.
+  p. 227: vol. ii. p. 291.' -> 291.
+  p. 228: even from the king himself. -> himself.'
+  p. 234: croire que les ministrès -> ministres
+  p. 238: by Reboulet, in 1752: -> in 1752;
+  p. 238: Anomalies, de l'Organisation -> Anomalies de l'Organisation
+  p. 241: _Biog. Univ._ xi. 314 -> xi. p. 314
+  p. 242: Vie de Rosseau -> Rousseu
+  p. 242: Quel est aujourd'hui -> 'Quel est aujourd'hui
+  p. 242: _Grimm_. _Corresp._ -> _Grimm_, _Corresp._
+  p. 243: de cachet pour enleve -> enlever
+  p. 245: vol. i. p. 141, vol -> vol.
+  p. 246: Les reproches d'avoir -> 'Les
+  p. 248: first heard in France -> France.
+  p. 253: vol. iii. pp. 178, 179: -> 179;
+  p. 253: Dieu d'être protestants. -> protestants.'
+  p. 259: the most obnoxious laws -> laws.
+  p. 262: to ecclesiastical dogmas, -> dogmas.
+  p. 265: et regna dix ans -> et régna dix ans,'
+  p. 265: conseillers, pour sçauoir -> sçavoir
+  p. 266: vol. viii. p. 101-117 -> vol. viii. pp. 101-117
+  p. 270: _Méthode pour étudier l'Histoire_ -> _l'Histoire_,
+  p. 271: undergone from the griping -> gripping
+  p. 271: la cour.' _Le Long_ -> _Le Long_,
+  p. 273: _François, in Mémoires_ -> _François_, in _Mémoires_
+  p. 275: _Etablissement de Louis_ -> _Etablissement de Louis XIV_
+  p. 276: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
+  p. 277: Madame de Sevigné -> Sévigné
+  p. 277: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
+  p. 283: Lettres de Sevigné -> Sévigné
+  p. 283: _Lettres de Sévigné_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 283: stated by Sismondi -> _Sismondi_
+  p. 293: Charles XII, l'homme -> 'Charles
+  p. 300: descriptions de siéges -> sièges
+  p. 301: combats et des siéges -> sièges
+  p. 303: _Milman's History of Christianity_, 1840, vol -> vol.
+  p. 303: _in [OE]uvres de Voltaire_ -> in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_
+  p. 303: History of the Church. -> Church
+  p. 311: article on Chronology, vol -> vol.
+  p. 318: livre xiv. chap. ii, -> chap. ii.,
+  p. 320: _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 326: intuitives Erkenntniss klärer -> klarer
+  p. 326: an sichgleich -> an sich gleich
+  p. 330: Mém. sur Lebrun -> Le Brun
+  p. 330: _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol, -> vol.
+  p. 334: letter written in 1751 -> 1751.
+  p. 335: Lavallé -> Lavallée
+  p. 339: Staüdlin -> Stäudlin
+  p. 352: Hist. du Jacobin -> Jacobin.
+  p. 352: vol. ii. pp. 250 350 -> 250, 350
+  p. 353: their awowed -> avowed
+  p. 360: L'imagination est la -> 'L'imagination
+  p. 391: _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 23-25 -> 23-25.
+  p. 391: (vol. ii p. 8) -> (vol. ii. p. 8)
+  p. 395: environ huit mille espèces; -> espèces;'
+  p. 398: Hence the remóval -> removal
+  p. 404: à son histoire.' _Georget_ -> _Georget_,
+  p. 407: vol. x. p. 341, vol -> vol.
+  p. 412: Mém. sur Marie Antoinette -> Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette
+  p. 416: _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 432: frightful desolation there. -> there.'
+  p. 440: 509, 561. _Lafuente_ -> _Lafuente_,
+  p. 445: Isabella may be -> 'Isabella may be
+  p. 446: vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857 -> 1857.
+  p. 450: vol. xxxiv, p. 273. -> vol. xxxiv. p. 273.
+  p. 453: One of the most -> [60] One of the most
+  p. 454: et action necessaire. -> necessaire,
+  p. 454: devinast le reste. -> reste,
+  p. 459: je vous l'ai déja -> déjà
+  p. 459: vous conduise, je na'i -> n'ai?
+  p. 471: tenement or pelting farm. -> farm.'
+  p. 472: _Historia de Felipe Tercero_ -> _Historia de Felipe Tercero_,
+  p. 473: desmedido.' _Lafuente_ -> _Lafuente_,
+  p. 480: _Ibid._ vol. ii, -> vol. ii.
+  p. 481: de su santo servido. -> servido,
+  p. 483: decayéron en España. -> España.'
+  p. 489: M. Janer or to M. Lafuente.' -> Lafuente.
+  p. 494: evidence, says, "Il -> says, 'Il
+  p. 496: people. It is ou -> our
+  p. 496: expectations were ulfilled -> fulfilled
+  p. 502: _Theorica de Comercio_. -> _Theorica de Comercio_,
+  p. 510: et point de frein. -> frein.'
+  p. 510: 'In 1681, the French -> In
+  p. 510: de la reine, de même. -> même.'
+  p. 512: _Historia de España_ -> _Historia de España_,
+  p. 520: a clerk under Orri -> Orry
+  p. 520: l'incapacité des sujets -> 'l'incapacité
+  p. 527: Ellis' Original Letters -> Ellis's Original Letters
+  p. 529: parce que les systémes -> systèmes
+  p. 533: London, 1831, vol -> vol.
+  p. 533: son médecin particulier, -> particulier.'
+  p. 539: Dublin, 1781, pp. 227-229 -> 227-229.
+  p. 546: ecclesiastical power[26] -> power[264]
+  p. 547: vol. v. p. 295. Paris -> 295, Paris
+  p. 553: Civilizacion, Española -> Civilizacion Española
+  p. 553: atropellada en su inmunidad. -> inmunidad.'
+  p. 556: Historia de ->  del
+  p. 560: Reinado de Carlos III -> III.
+  p. 568: the regularity of them -> their
+  p. 568: Looking at their -> them
+  p. 574: que les gouvernemens. -> gouvernemens.'
+  p. 575: Prescott's History of Ferdidinand -> Ferdinand
+  p. 587: order of people, a peace -> piece
+  p. 590: De même que le froc -> 'De même que le froc
+  p. 591: vol. ii. p. 281 -> 281.
+  p. 595: but leaving Spain unscathed -> unscathed.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England, 
+Vol. 2 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 2
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 2 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44494]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, II ***
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+
+
+<h1>HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.</h1>
+
+<p class="title">BY<br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 150%">HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.</span><br /><br /><br />
+IN THREE VOLUMES.<br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%">VOL. II.</span><br /><br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%"><i>NEW EDITION.</i></span><br /><br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 150%">TORONTO:<br />
+ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,</span><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%">60 YORK STREET.<br />
+1878.</span></p>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2>
+
+<table summary="TOC">
+  <colgroup>
+    <col width="90%" />
+    <col width="10%" />
+  </colgroup>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER I.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM
+THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="page">PAGE</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Importance of the question, as to whether the historian
+should begin with studying the normal or the abnormal
+condition of society</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_1">1&ndash;3</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Greater power of the church in France than in England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_4">4</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence in France during the sixteenth century everything
+was more theological than in England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_6">6&ndash;8</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence, too, toleration was impossible in France</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_9">9&ndash;11</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But at the end of the sixteenth century scepticism appeared
+in France, and with it toleration began, as was seen in
+the Edict of Nantes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_11">11&ndash;15</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The first sceptic was not Rabelais, but Montaigne</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_15">15&ndash;18</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Continuation of the movement by Charron</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_18">18&ndash;21</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Henry IV. encouraged the Protestants</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_23">23&ndash;24</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And they were tolerated even by the queen-regent during
+the minority of Louis XIII.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_23">24&ndash;26</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The most remarkable steps in favour of toleration were,
+however, taken by Richelieu, who effectually humbled the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_27">27&ndash;34</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He supported the new secular scheme of government
+against the old ecclesiastical scheme</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_34">34&ndash;42</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His liberal treatment of the Protestants</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_42">42&ndash;46</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">They are deserted by their temporal leaders, and the management
+of the party falls into the hands of the clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_46">46&ndash;51</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence the French Protestants, being headed by the clergy,
+become more intolerant than the French Catholics, who are headed by statesmen</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_51">51&ndash;55</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Evidence of the illiberality of the French Protestants</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_55">55&ndash;72</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">They raise a civil war, which was a struggle of classes rather than of creeds</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Richelieu put down the rebellion, but still abstained from
+persecuting the Protestants</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_73">73&ndash;76</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This liberal policy on the part of the government was only part of a much larger movement</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_76">76&ndash;77</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_77">77&ndash;92</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Analogy between Descartes and Richelieu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_92">92&ndash;93</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The same anti-ecclesiastical spirit was exhibited by their contemporaries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_93">93&ndash;95</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And by Mazarin</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_96">96&ndash;98</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">It was also seen in the wars of the Fronde</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_99">99&ndash;102</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But notwithstanding all this, there was a great difference
+between France and England; and the prevalence of the
+protective spirit prevented the French from becoming free</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_102">102&ndash;107</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER II.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT
+IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">About the eleventh century the spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_108">108&ndash;110</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Coinciding with this, the feudal system and an hereditary aristocracy appeared</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_110">110&ndash;112</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The nobles displace the clergy, and celibacy is opposed
+by the principle of hereditary rank</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In England the nobles were less powerful than in France</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_113">113&ndash;116</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And were glad to ally themselves with the people against the crown</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_116">116&ndash;118</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence a spirit of popular independence unknown in France,
+where the nobles were too powerful to need the help of the people</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_118">118&ndash;119</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Effects of this difference between the two countries in the fourteenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_119">119&ndash;122</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Centralization was in France the natural successor of feudality</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_122">122&ndash;126</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This state contrasted with that of England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_126">126&ndash;127</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Power of the French nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_128">128&ndash;131</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration from the history of chivalry</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_131">131&ndash;135</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Another illustration from the vanity of the French and
+pride of the English</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_135">135&ndash;137</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Also from the practice of duelling</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The pride of Englishmen encouraged the Reformation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_138">138</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Analogy between the Reformation and the revolutions of
+the seventeenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_138">138&ndash;139</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Both were opposed by the clergy and nobles. Natural
+alliance between these two classes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_139">139&ndash;142</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In the reign of Elizabeth both classes were weakened</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_143">143&ndash;146</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">James I. and Charles I. vainly attempted to restore their power</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER III.</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS
+THE FAILURE OF THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN
+THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH REBELLION.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_148">148&ndash;150</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The English rebellion was a war of classes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_150">150&ndash;159</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But in France the energy of the protective spirit and the
+power of the nobles made a war of classes impossible</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_160">160&ndash;162</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_162">162&ndash;170</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">As such men were the leaders of the Fronde, the rebellion
+naturally failed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_167">167&ndash;173</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the English rebellion succeeded because it was a democratic
+movement headed by popular leaders</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_174">174&ndash;175</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER IV.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE.
+EXAMINATION OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE
+INTELLECTUAL CLASSES AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The protective spirit in France, having produced these
+political evils, was carried into literature under Louis
+XIV., and caused an alliance between literature and government</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_176">176&ndash;177</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Servility in the reign of Louis XIV.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_177">177&ndash;181</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Men of letters grateful to Louis XIV.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But his system of protecting literature is injurious</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_183">183&ndash;188</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Its first effect was to stop the progress of science</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_188">188&ndash;192</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Even in mechanical arts nothing was effected</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_192">192&ndash;194</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Decline in physiology, in surgery, and in medicine</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_194">194&ndash;197</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Also in zoology and in chemistry</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_197">197</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Nor was anything done in botany</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_198">198&ndash;202</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Intellectual decay under Louis XIV. was seen in every
+department of thought, and was the natural consequence of patronage</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_202">202&ndash;205</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustrations from the history of French art</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_205">205&ndash;208</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And from every branch of literature</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_208">208&ndash;210</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Universal decline of France during the latter part of the
+reign of Louis XIV.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_210">210&ndash;212</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER V.</span><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE
+SPIRIT, AND PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">English literature unknown in France in the reign of Louis XIV.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_213">213&ndash;214</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But began to be studied after his death, when the most eminent Frenchmen
+visited England. This caused a junction of French and English intellects</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_215">215&ndash;227</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Admiration of England expressed by Frenchmen</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_228">228&ndash;229</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence liberal opinions in France, which the government attempted to stifle</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_229">229</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Consequent persecution of literary men by the French government</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_230">230&ndash;242</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Violence of the government</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_242">242&ndash;246</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In France literature was the last resource of liberty</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_246">246&ndash;247</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Reasons why literary men at first attacked the church and
+not the government</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_247">247&ndash;253</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence they were led to assail Christianity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_254">254&ndash;258</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But until the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the political institutions
+of France might have been saved; after that period all was over</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_258">258&ndash;259</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER VI.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE
+END OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_261">261&ndash;265</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Improvement in the method of writing history late in the sixteenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_266">266&ndash;267</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Still further progress early in the seventeenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_268">268&ndash;270</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Which became more marked in Mezeray's history in 1643</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_271">271&ndash;272</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Retrograde movement under Louis XIV.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_273">273&ndash;279</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration of this from the work of Audigier</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_279">279&ndash;282</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And from that of Bossuet</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_282">282&ndash;291</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Immense improvements introduced by Voltaire</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_292">292&ndash;313</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His History of Charles XII.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_292">292&ndash;295</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His Age of Louis XIV.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_296">296&ndash;297</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_298">297&ndash;298</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His views adopted by Mallet, Mably, Velly, Villaret, Duclos, and Hénault</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_299">299&ndash;300</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His habit of looking at epochs</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_301">301</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">A remark of his adopted by Constant</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He advocated free trade</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_304">304</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His anticipation of Malthus</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_304">304&ndash;305</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His attack on the Middle Ages</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_305">305&ndash;306</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And on the pedantic admirers of antiquity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_306">306&ndash;308</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He weakened the authority of mere scholars and theologians</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_308">308&ndash;309</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Who had repeated the most childish absurdities respecting
+the early history of Rome</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_309">309&ndash;310</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In attacking which Voltaire anticipated Niebuhr</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_310">310&ndash;313</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Ignorant prejudice against him in England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_313">313</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">His vast labours were aided by Montesquieu</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_314">314</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The works of Montesquieu, and value of his method</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_314">314&ndash;319</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The discourses of Turgot, and their influence</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_320">320&ndash;321</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">All this hastened the advance of the French Revolution</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_321">321&ndash;322</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER VII.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE
+MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Recapitulation of preceding views</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_323">323</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Difference between certainty and precision</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_324">324&ndash;326</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The intellect of France began to attack the state about 1750</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_326">326&ndash;327</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Rise of the political economists</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_327">327&ndash;330</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of Rousseau</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_330">330&ndash;331</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Just at the same time the government began to attack the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_332">332&ndash;334</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And to favour religious toleration</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_334">334&ndash;336</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Abolition of the Jesuits</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_336">336&ndash;346</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Calvinism is democratic; Arminianism is aristocratic</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_339">339&ndash;342</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Jansenism being allied to Calvinism, its revival in France aided the
+democratic movement, and secured the overthrow of the Jesuits, whose doctrines are Arminian</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_343">343&ndash;345</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">After the fall of the Jesuits the ruin of the French clergy was inevitable</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_347">347&ndash;348</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But was averted for a time by the most eminent Frenchmen directing their
+hostility against the state rather than against the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_349">349&ndash;351</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Connexion between this movement and the rise of atheism</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_351">351&ndash;353</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Same tendency exhibited in Helvétius</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_353">353&ndash;357</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And in Condillac</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_357">357&ndash;360</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The ablest Frenchmen concentrate their attention on the external world</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_360">360&ndash;361</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Effects of this on the sciences of heat, light, and electricity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_361">361&ndash;363</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Also on chemistry and geology</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_364">364&ndash;373</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In England during the same period there was a dearth of great thinkers</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_374">374&ndash;375</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But in France immense impetus was given to zoology by Cuvier and Bichat</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_375">375&ndash;376</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Bichat's views respecting the tissues</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_377">377&ndash;421</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Connexion between these views and subsequent discoveries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_383">383&ndash;386</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Relation between inventions, discoveries, and method;
+and immense importance of Bichat's method</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_386">386&ndash;389</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Bichat's work on life</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_390">390&ndash;395</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Great and successful efforts made by the French in Botany</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_395">395&ndash;399</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And in mineralogy by De Lisle and Haüy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_399">399&ndash;403</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Analogy between this and Pinel's work on insanity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_403">403&ndash;404</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">All these vast results were part of the causes of the French Revolution</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_405">405</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Physical science is essentially democratic</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_406">406&ndash;410</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The same democratic tendency was observable in changes of dress</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_410">410&ndash;412</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And in the establishment of clubs</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_412">412&ndash;415</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of the American Rebellion</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_415">415&ndash;418</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Summary of the causes of the French Revolution</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_418">418&ndash;420</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">General reflections</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_420">420&ndash;424</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER VIII.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT
+FROM THE FIFTH TO THE MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In the preceding Chapters four propositions have been established</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_425">425&ndash;426</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The truth of which may be further verified by studying the history of Spain</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_426">426</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In Spain, superstition is encouraged by physical phenomena</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_426">426&ndash;434</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">It was also encouraged by the great Arian war with France</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_434">434&ndash;439</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And, subsequently, by the war with the Mohammedans</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_439">439&ndash;444</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">These three causes influenced the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_444">444&ndash;446</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Continuation of the same policy by Charles V. and by Philip II.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_446">446&ndash;453</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Philip II., notwithstanding his repulsive qualities, was loved by the nation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_453">453&ndash;455</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Their affection for him was the result of general causes, which, during several
+centuries, have made the Spaniards the most loyal people in Europe</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_455">455</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Origin of Spanish loyalty, and evidence of it</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_455">455&ndash;461</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Loyalty became united with superstition, and each strengthened the other</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_461">461&ndash;462</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In consequence of this union, great foreign conquests
+were made, and a great military spirit was developed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_461">461&ndash;465</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But this sort of progress, depending too much upon individuals,
+is necessarily unstable</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_465">465&ndash;466</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The progress of England, on the other hand, depends upon the ability of the
+nation, and therefore, continues, whether individual rulers are skilful, or whether they are unskilful</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_466">466&ndash;467</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In Spain, the ruling classes were supreme; the people counted for nothing;
+and hence the grandeur of the country, which was raised up by the able princes of the sixteenth
+century, was as quickly pulled down by the weak princes of the seventeenth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_467">467&ndash;472</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The decay of Spain, in the seventeenth century, was connected
+with the increasing influence of the clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_472">472&ndash;483</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The first use which the clergy made of their power was to expel all the Moors</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_483">483&ndash;496</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Effect of this expulsion in impoverishing Spain</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_497">497&ndash;499</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">ODecline of manufactures, and of population, and increase of poverty</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_499">499&ndash;511</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1700, when affairs were at their worst, the Austrian
+dynasty was succeeded by the Bourbon</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_513">513&ndash;514</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Spain was now ruled by foreigners</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_514">514&ndash;520</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Who endeavoured to improve the country by weakening the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_521">521&ndash;525</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the authority of the church had so enfeebled the national
+intellect, that the people, immersed in ignorance, remained inert</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_525">525&ndash;543</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Government attempted to remedy this ignorance by calling in foreign aid</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_534">534&ndash;545</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The influence of foreigners in Spain was displayed in the
+expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_545">545&ndash;546</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And in the attacks made on the Inquisition</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_547">547&ndash;548</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">It was also displayed in the foreign policy of Spain</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_548">548&ndash;550</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">All this was promoted by the authority and high character of Charles III.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_552">552&ndash;554</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But it was of no avail; because politicians can do nothing,
+when the spirit of the country is against them</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_534">534&ndash;555</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Still, Charles III. effected great improvements, from which,
+on a superficial view, permanent benefit might have been expected</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_555">555&ndash;568</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Summary of what was accomplished for Spain, by the government,
+between the years 1700 and 1788</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_568">568&ndash;570</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Inasmuch, however, as these ameliorations were opposed
+to the habits of the national character, a reaction was inevitable</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_570">570&ndash;571</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In 1788, Charles III. was succeeded by Charles IV., and
+the new king, being a true Spaniard, the reaction began</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_571">571&ndash;573</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In the nineteenth century, political reformers again endeavoured
+to improve Spain</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_574">574</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">For the reasons already stated, their efforts were fruitless,
+notwithstanding the early establishment in that country
+of municipal privileges, and of popular representation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_575">575&ndash;576</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In this way, general causes always triumph over particular actions</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_577">577&ndash;578</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Those general causes predetermined the country to superstition,
+and it was impossible for individuals to make head against them</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_578">578&ndash;583</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Nothing can weaken superstition but knowledge</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_583">583</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Such failures are the more observable, because Spain
+enjoys immense natural advantages</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_583">583&ndash;585</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And has possessed great patriots and great legislators</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_585">585</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The Spaniards have, moreover, long been celebrated for
+honour, courage, temperance, humanity, and religious sincerity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_585">585&ndash;588</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">So far, however, as national progress is concerned, these
+noble qualities are useless, while ignorance is so gross and so general</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_588">588&ndash;592</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This it is, which, isolating Spain from the rest of the civilized
+world, keeps alive that spirit of superstition, that
+reverence for antiquity, and that blind and servile
+loyalty, which, as long as they last, will render improvement
+impossible; and which must last until ignorance is removed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_592">592&ndash;597</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="title"><span style="font-size: 175%;">HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.</span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE
+MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO
+POWER OF LOUIS XIV.</div>
+
+<p>The consideration of these great changes in the English
+mind, has led me into a digression, which, so far from
+being foreign to the design of this Introduction, is absolutely
+necessary for a right understanding of it. In this,
+as in many other respects, there is a marked analogy between
+investigations concerning the structure of society
+and investigations concerning the human body. Thus,
+it has been found, that the best way of arriving at a
+theory of disease is by beginning with the theory of
+health; and that the foundation of all sound pathology
+must be first sought in an observation, not of the abnormal,
+but of the normal functions of life. Just in the
+same way, it will, I believe, be found, that the best
+method of arriving at great social truths, is by first
+investigating those cases in which society has developed
+itself according to its own laws, and in which the
+governing powers have least opposed themselves to the
+spirit of their times.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is on this account that, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
+order to understand the position of France, I have
+begun by examining the position of England. In order
+to understand the way in which the diseases of the
+first country were aggravated by the quackery of ignorant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
+rulers, it was necessary to understand the way in
+which the health of the second country was preserved
+by being subjected to smaller interference, and allowed
+with greater liberty to continue its natural march.
+With the light, therefore, which we have acquired by
+a study of the normal condition of the English mind,
+we can, with the greater ease, now apply our principles
+to that abnormal condition of French society, by
+the operations of which, at the close of the eighteenth
+century, some of the dearest interests of civilization
+were imperilled.</p>
+
+<p>In France, a long train of events, which I shall hereafter
+relate, had, from an early period, given to the
+clergy a share of power larger than that which they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
+possessed in England. The results of this were for a
+time decidedly beneficial, inasmuch as the church restrained
+the lawlessness of a barbarous age, and secured
+a refuge for the weak and oppressed. But as the French
+advanced in knowledge, the spiritual authority, which
+had done so much to curb their passions, began to press
+heavily upon their genius, and impede its movements.
+That same ecclesiastical power, which to an ignorant
+age is an unmixed benefit, is to a more enlightened
+age a serious evil. The proof of this was soon apparent.
+For when the Reformation broke out, the
+church had in England been so weakened, that it fell
+almost at the first assault; its revenues were seized by
+the crown,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and its offices, after being greatly diminished
+both in authority and in wealth, were bestowed
+upon new men, who, from the uncertainty of their
+tenure, and the novelty of their doctrines, lacked that
+long-established prescription by which the claims of
+the profession are mainly supported. This, as we have
+already seen, was the beginning of an uninterrupted
+progress, in which, at every successive step, the ecclesiastical
+spirit lost some of its influence. In France, on
+the other hand, the clergy were so powerful, that they
+were able to withstand the Reformation, and thus preserve
+for themselves those exclusive privileges which
+their English brethren vainly attempted to retain.</p>
+
+<p>This was the beginning of that second marked divergence
+between French and English civilization,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> which
+had its origin, indeed, at a much earlier period, but
+which now first produced conspicuous results. Both
+countries had, in their infancy, been greatly benefited
+by the church, which always showed itself ready to
+protect the people against the oppressions of the crown<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
+and the nobles.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> But in both countries, as society advanced,
+there arose a capacity for self-protection; and
+early in the sixteenth, or probably even in the fifteenth
+century, it became urgently necessary to diminish that
+spiritual authority, which, by prejudging the opinions
+of men, has impeded the march of their knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
+It is on this account that Protestantism, so far from
+being, as its enemies have called it, an aberration
+arising from accidental causes, was essentially a normal
+movement, and was the legitimate expression of the
+wants of the European intellect. Indeed, the Reformation
+owed its success, not to a desire of purifying the
+church, but to a desire of lightening its pressure; and
+it may be broadly stated, that it was adopted in every
+civilized country, except in those where preceding
+events had increased the influence of the ecclesiastical
+order, either among the people or among their rulers.
+This was, unhappily, the case with France, where the
+clergy not only triumphed over the Protestants, but
+appeared, for a time, to have gained fresh authority by
+the defeat of such dangerous enemies.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>The consequence of all this was, that in France,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
+every thing assumed a more theological aspect than in
+England. In our country, the ecclesiastical spirit had,
+by the middle of the sixteenth century, become so
+feeble, that even intelligent foreigners were struck by
+the peculiarity.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The same nation, which, during the
+Crusades, had sacrificed innumerable lives in the hope
+of planting the Christian standard in the heart of Asia,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+was now almost indifferent to the religion even of its
+own sovereign. Henry VIII., by his sole will, regulated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
+the national creed, and fixed the formularies of
+the church, which, if the people had been in earnest,
+he could not possibly have done; for he had no means
+of compelling submission; he had no standing army;
+and even his personal guards were so scanty, that
+at any moment they could have been destroyed by a
+rising of the warlike apprentices of London.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> After
+his death, there came Edward, who, as a Protestant
+king, undid the work of his father; and, a few years
+later, there came Mary, who, as a Popish queen, undid
+the work of her brother; while she, in her turn, was
+succeeded by Elizabeth, under whom another great
+alteration was effected in the established faith.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Such
+was the indifference of the people, that these vast
+changes were accompanied without any serious risk.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>
+In France, on the other hand, at the mere name of religion,
+thousands of men were ready for the field. In
+England, our civil wars have all been secular; they
+have been waged, either for a change of dynasty, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
+for an increase of liberty. But those far more horrible
+wars, by which, in the sixteenth century, France was
+desolated, were conducted in the name of Christianity,
+and even the political struggles of the great families
+were merged in a deadly contest between Catholics and
+Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>The effect this difference produced on the intellect of
+the two countries is very obvious. The English, concentrating
+their abilities upon great secular matters,
+had, by the close of the sixteenth century, produced a
+literature which never can perish. But the French,
+down to that period, had not put forth a single work,
+the destruction of which would now be a loss to Europe.
+What makes this contrast the more remarkable is, that
+in France the civilization, such as it was, had a longer
+standing; the material resources of the country had
+been earlier developed; its geographical position made
+it the centre of European thought;<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> and it had possessed
+a literature at a time when our ancestors were
+a mere tribe of wild and ignorant barbarians.</p>
+
+<p>The simple fact is, that this is one of those innumerable
+instances which teach us that no country can rise
+to eminence so long as the ecclesiastical power possesses
+much authority. For, the predominance of the
+spiritual classes is necessarily accompanied by a corresponding
+predominance of the topics in which those
+classes delight. Whenever the ecclesiastical profession
+is very influential, ecclesiastical literature will be very
+abundant, and what is called profane literature will be
+very scanty. Hence it occurred, that the minds of the
+French, being almost entirely occupied with religious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
+disputes, had no leisure for those great inquiries into
+which we in England were beginning to enter;<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> and
+there was, as we shall presently see, an interval of a
+whole generation between the progress of the French
+and English intellects, simply because there was about
+the same interval between the progress of their scepticism.
+The theological literature, indeed, rapidly increased;<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
+but it was not until the seventeenth century
+that France produced that great secular literature, the
+counterpart of which was to be found in England before
+the sixteenth century had come to a close.</p>
+
+<p>Such was, in France, the natural consequence of the
+power of the church being prolonged beyond the period
+which the exigencies of society required. But while
+this was the intellectual result, the moral and physical
+results were still more serious. While the minds of
+men were thus heated by religious strife, it would have
+been idle to expect any of those maxims of charity to
+which theological faction is always a stranger. While
+the Protestants were murdering the Catholics,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and
+the Catholics murdering the Protestants, it was hardly
+likely that either sect should feel tolerance for the
+opinions of its enemy.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> During the sixteenth century,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
+treaties were occasionally made between the two parties;
+but they were only made to be immediately broken;<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+and, with the single exception of l'Hôpital, the bare
+idea of toleration does not seem to have entered the
+head of any statesman of the age. It was recommended
+by him;<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> but neither his splendid abilities, nor his
+unblemished integrity, could make head against the
+prevailing prejudices, and he eventually retired into
+private life without effecting any of his noble schemes.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>
+
+<p>Indeed, in the leading events of this period of French
+history, the predominance of the theological spirit was
+painfully shown. It was shown in the universal determination
+to subordinate political acts to religious
+opinions.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> It was shown in the conspiracy of Amboise,
+and in the conference of Poissy; and still more was it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
+shown in those revolting crimes so natural to superstition,
+the massacres of Vassy and of St. Bartholomew,
+the murder of Guise by Poltrot, and of Henry III. by
+Clement. These were the legitimate results of the spirit
+of religious bigotry. They were the results of that
+accursed spirit, which, whenever it has had the power,
+has punished even to the death those who dared to
+differ from it; and which, now that the power has
+passed away, still continues to dogmatize on the most
+mysterious subjects, tamper with the most sacred principles
+of the human heart, and darken with its miserable
+superstitions those sublime questions that no one
+should rudely touch, because they are for each according
+to the measure of his own soul, because they lie in
+that unknown tract which separates the Finite from the
+Infinite, and because they are as a secret and individual
+covenant between Man and his God.</p>
+
+<p>How long these sad days<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> would, in the ordinary
+course of affairs, have been prolonged in France, is a
+question which we now perhaps have no means of answering;
+though there is no doubt that the progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
+even of empirical knowledge must, according to the
+process already pointed out, have eventually sufficed to
+rescue so great a country from her degraded position.
+Fortunately, however, there now took place what we
+must be content to call an accident, but which was the
+beginning of a most important change. In the year
+1589, Henry IV. ascended the throne of France. This
+great prince, who was far superior to any of the French
+sovereigns of the sixteenth century,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> made small account
+of those theological disputes which his predecessors
+had thought to be of paramount importance.
+Before him, the kings of France, animated by the piety
+natural to the guardians of the church, had exerted all
+their authority to uphold the interests of the sacred
+profession. Francis I. said, that if his right hand were
+a heretic, he would cut it off.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Henry II., whose zeal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
+was still greater,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> ordered the judges to proceed against
+the Protestants, and publicly declared that he would
+&lsquo;make the extirpation of the heretics his principal
+business.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Charles IX., on the celebrated day of St.
+Bartholomew, attempted to relieve the church by destroying
+them at a single blow. Henry III. promised
+to &lsquo;oppose heresy even at the risk of his life;&rsquo; for he
+said, &lsquo;he could not find a prouder grave than amidst
+the ruins of heresy.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were the opinions expressed, in the sixteenth
+century, by the heads of the oldest monarchy in
+Europe.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> But with such feelings, the powerful intellect
+of Henry IV. had not the slightest sympathy. To
+suit the shifting politics of his age, he had already
+changed his religion twice; and he did not hesitate to
+change it a third time,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> when he found that by doing so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
+he could ensure tranquillity to his country. As he had
+displayed such indifference about his own creed, he
+could not with decency show much bigotry about the
+creed of his subjects.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> We find, accordingly, that he
+was the author of the first public act of toleration which
+any government promulgated in France since Christianity
+had been the religion of the country. Only five
+years after he had solemnly abjured Protestantism, he
+published the celebrated Edict of Nantes,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> by which,
+for the first time, a Catholic government granted to
+heretics a fair share of civil and religious rights. This
+was, unquestionably, the most important event that had
+yet occurred in the history of French civilization.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> If
+it is considered by itself, it is merely an evidence of the
+enlightened principles of the king; but when we look
+at its general success, and at the cessation of religious
+war which followed it, we cannot fail to perceive that
+it was part of a vast movement, in which the people
+themselves participated. Those who recognize the
+truth of the principles I have laboured to establish, will
+expect that this great step towards religious liberty
+was accompanied by that spirit of scepticism, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
+absence of which toleration has always been unknown.
+And that this was actually the case, may be easily
+proved by an examination of the transitionary state
+which France began to enter towards the end of the
+sixteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>The writings of Rabelais are often considered to afford
+the first instance of religious scepticism in the French
+language.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> But, after a tolerably intimate acquaintance
+with the works of this remarkable man, I have
+found nothing to justify such an opinion. He certainly
+treats the clergy with great disrespect, and takes every
+opportunity of covering them with ridicule.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> His attacks,
+however, are always made upon their personal
+vices, and not upon that narrow and intolerant spirit to
+which those vices were chiefly to be ascribed. In not
+a single instance does he show any thing like consistent
+scepticism;<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> nor does he appear to be aware
+that the disgraceful lives of the French clergy were but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
+the inevitable consequence of a system, which, corrupt
+as it was, still possessed every appearance of strength
+and vitality. Indeed, the immense popularity which he
+enjoyed is, almost of itself, a decisive consideration;
+since no one, who is well informed as to the condition
+of the French early in the sixteenth century, will believe
+it possible that a people, so sunk in superstition,
+should delight in a writer by whom superstition is constantly
+attacked.</p>
+
+<p>But the extension of experience, and the consequent
+increase of knowledge, were preparing the way for a
+great change in the French intellect. The process,
+which had just taken place in England, was now beginning
+to take place in France; and in both countries the
+order of events was precisely the same. The spirit
+of doubt, hitherto confined to an occasional solitary
+thinker, gradually assumed a bolder form: first it found
+a vent in the national literature, and then it influenced
+the conduct of practical statesmen. That there was,
+in France, an intimate connexion between scepticism
+and toleration, is proved, not only by those general
+arguments which make us infer that such connexion
+must always exist, but also by the circumstance, that
+only a few years before the promulgation of the Edict
+of Nantes, there appeared the first systematic sceptic
+who wrote in the French language. The Essays of
+Montaigne were published in 1588,<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> and form an epoch,
+not only in the literature, but also in the civilization, of
+France. Putting aside personal peculiarities, which have
+less weight than is commonly supposed, it will be found
+that the difference between Rabelais and Montaigne is
+a measure of the difference between 1545<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> and 1588,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
+and that it, in some degree, corresponds with the relation
+I have indicated between Jewel and Hooker, and
+between Hooker and Chillingworth. For, the law which
+governs all these relations is the law of a progressive
+scepticism. What Rabelais was to the supporters of
+theology, that was Montaigne to the theology itself.
+The writings of Rabelais were only directed against
+the clergy; but the writings of Montaigne were
+directed against the system of which the clergy were
+the offspring.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Under the guise of a mere man of
+the world, expressing natural thoughts in common
+language, Montaigne concealed a spirit of lofty and
+audacious inquiry.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Although he lacked that comprehensiveness
+which is the highest form of genius,
+he possessed other qualities essential to a great mind.
+He was very cautious, and yet he was very bold. He
+was cautious, since he would not believe strange things<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
+because they had been handed down by his forefathers;
+and he was bold, since he was undaunted by the reproaches
+with which the ignorant, who love to dogmatize,
+always cover those whose knowledge makes them
+ready to doubt.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> These peculiarities would, in any
+age, have made Montaigne a useful man: in the sixteenth
+century they made him an important one. At
+the same time, his easy and amusing style<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> increased
+the circulation of his works, and thus contributed to
+popularize those opinions which he ventured to recommend
+for general adoption.</p>
+
+<p>This, then, is the first open declaration of that scepticism,
+which, towards the end of the sixteenth century,
+publicly appeared in France.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> During nearly three
+generations, it continued its course with a constantly
+increasing activity, and developed itself in a manner
+similar to that which took place in England. It will
+not be necessary to follow all the steps of this great
+process; but I will endeavour to trace those which,
+by their prominence, seem to be the most important.</p>
+
+<p>A few years after the appearance of the Essays of
+Montaigne, there was published in France a work, which
+though now little read, possessed in the seventeenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
+century a reputation of the highest order. This was
+the celebrated <i>Treatise on Wisdom</i>, by Charron, in which
+we find, for the first time, an attempt made in a modern
+language to construct a system of morals without the
+aid of theology.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> What rendered this book, in some
+respects, even more formidable than Montaigne's, was
+the air of gravity with which it was written. Charron
+was evidently deeply impressed with the importance of
+the task he had undertaken, and he is honourably distinguished
+from his contemporaries, by a remarkable
+purity both of language and of sentiment. His work
+is almost the only one of that age in which nothing
+can be found to offend the chastest ears. Although he
+borrowed from Montaigne innumerable illustrations,<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
+he has carefully omitted those indecencies into which
+that otherwise charming writer was often betrayed.
+Besides this, there is about the work of Charron a
+systematic completeness which never fails to attract
+attention. In originality, he was, in some respects,
+inferior to Montaigne; but he had the advantage of
+coming after him, and there can be no doubt that he
+rose to an elevation which, to Montaigne, would have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
+been inaccessible. Taking his stand, as it were, on the
+summit of knowledge, he boldly attempts to enumerate
+the elements of wisdom, and the conditions under which
+those elements will work. In the scheme which he thus
+constructs, he entirely omits theological dogmas;<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> and
+he treats with undissembled scorn many of those conclusions
+which the people had hitherto universally
+received. He reminds his countrymen that their religion
+is the accidental result of their birth and education,
+and that if they had been born in a Mohammedan
+country, they would have been as firm believers in Mohammedanism
+as they then were in Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> From
+this consideration, he insists on the absurdity of their
+troubling themselves about the variety of creeds, seeing
+that such variety is the result of circumstances over
+which they have no control. Also it is to be observed,
+that each of these different religions declares itself to
+be the true one;<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> and all of them are equally based
+upon supernatural pretensions, such as mysteries, miracles,
+prophets, and the like.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> It is because men
+forget these things, that they are the slaves of that
+confidence which is the great obstacle to all real knowledge,
+and which can only be removed by taking such
+a large and comprehensive view, as will show us how
+all nations cling with equal zeal to the tenets in which
+they have been educated.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> And, says Charron, if we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
+look a little deeper, we shall see that each of the great
+religions is built upon that which preceded it. Thus,
+the religion of the Jews is founded upon that of the
+Egyptians; Christianity is the result of Judaism; and,
+from these two last, there has naturally sprung Mohammedanism.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
+We, therefore, adds this great writer,
+should rise above the pretensions of hostile sects, and,
+without being terrified by the fear of future punishment,
+or allured by the hope of future happiness,
+we should be content with such practical religion as
+consists in performing the duties of life; and, uncontrolled
+by the dogmas of any particular creed, we should
+strive to make the soul retire inward upon itself, and
+by the efforts of its own contemplation, admire the
+ineffable grandeur of the Being of beings, the supreme
+cause of all created things.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such were the sentiments which, in the year 1601,
+were for the first time laid before the French people in
+their own mother-tongue.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The sceptical and secular
+spirit, of which they were the representatives, continued
+to increase; and, as the seventeenth century
+advanced, the decline of fanaticism, so far from being
+confined to a few isolated thinkers, gradually became
+common, even among ordinary politicians.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The clergy,
+sensible of the danger, wished the government to check
+the progress of inquiry;<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> and the pope himself, in a
+formal remonstrance with Henry, urged him to remedy
+the evil, by prosecuting the heretics, from whom he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
+thought all the mischief had originally proceeded.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> But
+this the king steadily refused. He saw the immense
+advantages that would arise, if he could weaken the
+ecclesiastical power by balancing the two sects against
+each other;<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> and therefore, though he was a Catholic,
+his policy rather leaned in favour of the Protestants,
+as being the weaker party.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> He granted sums of
+money towards the support of their ministers and the
+repair of their churches;<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> he banished the Jesuits,
+who were their most dangerous enemies;<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> and he
+always had with him two representatives of the reformed
+church, whose business it was to inform him of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
+any infraction of those edicts which he had issued in
+favour of their religion.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that in France, as well as in England,
+toleration was preceded by scepticism; and thus it
+was, that out of this scepticism there arose the humane
+and enlightened measures of Henry IV. The great
+prince, by whom these things were effected, unhappily
+fell a victim to that fanatical spirit which he had
+done much to curb;<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> but the circumstances which
+occurred after his death, showed how great an impetus
+had been given to the age.</p>
+
+<p>On the murder of Henry IV., in 1610, the government
+fell into the hands of the queen, who administered
+it during the minority of her son, Louis XIII. And it
+is a remarkable evidence of the direction which the
+mind was now taking, that she, though a weak and
+bigoted woman,<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> refrained from those persecutions
+which, only one generation before, had been considered
+a necessary proof of religious sincerity. That, indeed,
+must have been a movement of no common energy,
+which could force toleration, early in the seventeenth
+century, upon a princess of the house of Medici, an
+ignorant and superstitious Catholic, who had been educated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
+in the midst of her priests, and had been accustomed
+to look for their applause as the highest object
+of earthly ambition.</p>
+
+<p>Yet this was what actually occurred. The queen
+continued the ministers of Henry IV., and announced,
+that in every thing she would follow his example.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Her
+first public act was, a declaration, that the Edict of
+Nantes should be inviolably preserved; for, she says,
+&lsquo;experience has taught our predecessors, that violence,
+so far from inducing men to return to the Catholic
+church, prevents them from doing so.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> Indeed, so
+anxious was she upon this point, that when Louis, in
+1614, attained his nominal majority, the first act of his
+government was another confirmation of the Edict of
+Nantes.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> And, in 1615, she caused the king, who still
+remained under her tutelage,<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> to issue a declaration,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
+by which all preceding measures in favour of the Protestants
+were publicly confirmed.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> In the same spirit,
+she, in 1611, wished to raise to the presidency of parliament
+the celebrated De Thou; and it was only by
+making a formal announcement of his heresy, that the
+pope succeeded in frustrating what he considered an
+impious design.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>
+
+<p>The turn which things were now taking, caused no
+little alarm to the friends of the hierarchy. The most
+zealous churchmen loudly censured the policy of the
+queen; and a great historian has observed that when,
+during the reign of Louis XIII., such alarm was caused
+in Europe by the active encroachments of the ecclesiastical
+power, France was the first country that ventured
+to oppose them.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> The nuncio openly complained to
+the queen of her conduct in favouring heretics; and he
+anxiously desired that those Protestant works should
+be suppressed, by which the consciences of true believers
+were greatly scandalized.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> But these, and
+similar representations, were no longer listened to with
+the respect they would formerly have received; and the
+affairs of the country continued to be administered with
+those purely temporal views, on which the measures of
+Henry IV. had been avowedly based.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was now the policy of the government of France;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
+a government which, not many years before, had considered
+it the great duty of a sovereign to punish heretics
+and extirpate heresy. That this continued improvement
+was merely the result of the general intellectual
+development, is evident, not only from its success, but
+also from the character of the queen-regent and the king.
+No one who has read the contemporary memoirs, can deny
+that Mary de Medici and Louis XIII. were as superstitious
+as any of their predecessors; and it is, therefore,
+evident, that this disregard of theological prejudices was
+due, not to their own personal merits, but to the advancing
+knowledge of the country, and to the pressure
+of an age which, in the rapidity of its progress, hurried
+along those who believed themselves to be its rulers.</p>
+
+<p>But these considerations, weighty as they are, will
+only slightly diminish the merit of that remarkable
+man, who now appeared on the stage of public affairs.
+During the last eighteen years of the reign of
+Louis XIII., France was entirely governed by Richelieu,<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
+one of that extremely small class of statesmen
+to whom it is given to impress their own character on
+the destiny of their country. This great ruler has, in
+his knowledge of the political art, probably never been
+surpassed, except by that prodigy of genius who, in our
+time, troubled the fortunes of Europe. But, in one
+important view, Richelieu was superior to Napoleon.
+The life of Napoleon was a constant effort to oppress
+the liberties of mankind; and his unrivalled capacity
+exhausted its resources in struggling against the tendencies
+of a great age. Richelieu, too, was a despot;
+but his despotism took a nobler turn. He displayed,
+what Napoleon never possessed, a just appreciation of
+the spirit of his own time. In one great point, indeed,
+he failed. His attempts to destroy the power of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
+French nobility were altogether futile;<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> for, owing to
+a long course of events, the authority of that insolent
+class was so deeply rooted in the popular mind, that the
+labours of another century were required to efface its
+ancient influence. But, though Richelieu could not
+diminish the social and moral weight of the French
+nobles, he curtailed their political privileges; and he
+chastised their crimes with a severity which, for a time
+at least, repressed their former license.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> So little,
+however, can even the ablest statesman effect, unless he
+is seconded by the general temper of the age in which
+he lives, that these checks, rude as they were, produced
+no permanent result. After his death, the French
+nobles, as we shall presently see, quickly rallied; and,
+in the wars of the Fronde, debased that great struggle
+into a mere contest of rival families. Nor was it until
+the close of the eighteenth century, that France was
+finally relieved from the overweening influence of that
+powerful class, whose selfishness had long retarded the
+progress of civilization, by retaining the people in a
+thraldom, from the remote effects of which they have
+not yet fully recovered.</p>
+
+<p>Although in this respect Richelieu failed in achieving
+his designs, he in other matters met with signal success.
+This was owing to the fact, that his large and comprehensive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
+views harmonized with that sceptical tendency,
+of which I have just given some account. For this
+remarkable man, though he was a bishop and a cardinal,
+never for a moment allowed the claims of his profession
+to make him forego the superior claims of his country.
+He knew, what is too often forgotten, that the governor
+of a people should measure affairs solely by a political
+standard, and should pay no regard to the pretensions
+of any sect, or the propagation of any opinions, except
+in reference to the present and practical welfare of men.
+The consequence was, that, during his administration,
+there was seen the marvellous spectacle of supreme
+authority wielded by a priest, who took no pains to increase
+the power of the spiritual classes. Indeed, so
+far from this, he often treated them with what was then
+considered unexampled rigour. The royal confessors,
+on account of the importance of their functions, had
+always been regarded with a certain veneration; they
+were supposed to be men of unspotted piety; they had
+hitherto possessed immense influence, and even the
+most powerful statesmen had thought it advisable to
+show them the deference due to their exalted position.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
+Richelieu, however, was too familiar with the arts of
+his profession, to feel much respect for these keepers of
+the consciences of kings. Caussin, the confessor of
+Louis XIII., had, it seems, followed the example of his
+predecessors, and endeavoured to instill his own views
+of policy into the mind of the royal penitent.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
+Richelieu, so soon as he heard of this, dismissed him
+from office, and sent him into exile; for, he contemptuously
+says, &lsquo;the little father Caussin&rsquo; should not interfere
+in matters of government, since he is one of
+those &lsquo;who have always been brought up in the innocence
+of a religious life.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Caussin was succeeded by
+the celebrated Sirmond; but Richelieu would not allow
+the new confessor to begin his duties, until he had
+solemnly promised never to interfere in state affairs.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p>
+
+<p>On another occasion of much more importance,
+Richelieu displayed a similar spirit. The French clergy
+were then possessed of enormous wealth; and, as they
+enjoyed the privilege of taxing themselves, they were
+careful not to make what they considered unnecessary
+contributions towards defraying the expenses of the
+state. They had cheerfully advanced money to carry
+on war against the Protestants, because they believed it
+to be their duty to assist in the extirpation of heresy.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
+But they saw no reason why their revenues should be
+wasted in effecting mere temporal benefits; they considered
+themselves as the guardians of funds set apart
+for spiritual purposes, and they thought it impious that
+wealth consecrated by the piety of their ancestors
+should fall into the profane hands of secular statesmen.
+Richelieu, who looked on these scruples as the artifices
+of interested men, had taken a very different view
+of the relation which the clergy bore to the country.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>
+So far from thinking that the interests of the church
+were superior to those of the state, he laid it down as
+a maxim of policy, that &lsquo;the reputation of the state
+was the first consideration.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> With such fearlessness
+did he carry out this principle, that having convoked
+at Nantes a great assembly of the clergy, he compelled
+them to aid the government by an extraordinary supply
+of 6,000,000 francs; and finding that some of the
+highest dignitaries had expressed their discontent at so
+unusual a step, he laid hands on them also, and to the
+amazement of the church, sent into exile not only four
+of the bishops, but likewise the two archbishops of
+Toulouse and of Sens.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>If these things had been done fifty years earlier, they
+would most assuredly have proved fatal to the minister
+who dared to attempt them. But Richelieu, in these
+and similar measures, was aided by the spirit of an age
+which was beginning to despise its ancient masters.
+For this general tendency was now becoming apparent,
+not only in literature and in politics, but even in the
+proceedings of the ordinary tribunals. The nuncio indignantly
+complained of the hostility displayed against
+ecclesiastics by the French judges; and he said that,
+among other shameful things, some clergymen had been
+hung, without being first deprived of their spiritual
+character.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> On other occasions, the increasing contempt
+showed itself in a way well suited to the coarseness
+of the prevailing manners. Sourdis, the archbishop
+of Bourdeaux, was twice ignominiously beaten; once
+by the Duke d'Epernon, and afterwards by the Maréchal
+de Vitry.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Nor did Richelieu, who usually treated
+the nobles with such severity, seem anxious to punish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
+this gross outrage. Indeed, the archbishop not only
+received no sympathy, but, a few years later, was peremptorily
+ordered by Richelieu to retire to his own
+diocese; such, however, was his alarm at the state of
+affairs, that he fled to Carpentras, and put himself under
+the protection of the pope.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> This happened in 1641
+and nine years earlier, the church had incurred a still
+greater scandal. For in 1632, serious disturbances
+having arisen in Languedoc, Richelieu did not fear to
+meet the difficulty by depriving some of the bishops, and
+seizing the temporalities of the others.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
+
+<p>The indignation of the clergy may be easily imagined.
+Such repeated injuries, even if they had proceeded from
+a layman, would have been hard to endure; but they
+were rendered doubly bitter by being the work of one
+of themselves&mdash;one who had been nurtured in the profession
+against which he turned. This it was which
+aggravated the offence, because it seemed to be adding
+treachery to insult. It was not a war from without,
+but it was a treason from within. It was a bishop
+who humbled the episcopacy, and a cardinal who
+affronted the church.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Such, however, was the general<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
+temper of men, that the clergy did not venture to strike
+an open blow; but, by means of their partisans, they
+scattered the most odious libels against the great minister.
+They said that he was unchaste, that he was
+guilty of open debauchery, and that he held incestuous
+commerce with his own niece.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> They declared that he
+had no religion; that he was only a Catholic in name;
+that he was the pontiff of the Huguenots; that he was
+the patriarch of atheists;<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> and what was worse than
+all, they even accused him of wishing to establish a
+schism in the French church.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Happily the time was
+now passing away in which the national mind could be
+moved by such artifices as these. Still the charges are
+worth recording, because they illustrate the tendency
+of public affairs, and the bitterness with which the
+spiritual classes saw the reins of power falling from
+their hands. Indeed, all this was so manifest, that in
+the last civil war raised against Richelieu, only two
+years before his death, the insurgents stated in their
+proclamation, that one of their objects was to revive the
+respect with which the clergy and nobles had formerly
+been treated.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p>
+
+<p>The more we study the career of Richelieu, the more
+prominent does this antagonism become. Every thing
+proves that he was conscious of a great struggle going
+on between the old ecclesiastical scheme of government
+and the new secular scheme; and that he was determined
+to put down the old plan, and uphold the new one.
+For, not only in his domestic administration, but also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
+in his foreign policy, do we find the same unprecedented
+disregard of theological interests. The House of Austria,
+particularly its Spanish branch, had long been respected
+by all pious men as the faithful ally of the church; it
+was looked upon as the scourge of heresy; and its proceedings
+against the heretics had won for it a great
+name in ecclesiastical history.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> When, therefore, the
+French government, in the reign of Charles IX., made
+a deliberate attempt to destroy the Protestants, France
+naturally established an intimate connexion with Spain
+as well as with Rome;<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> and these three great powers
+were firmly united, not by a community of temporal interests,
+but by the force of a religious compact. This
+theological confederacy was afterwards broken up by
+the personal character of Henry IV.,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> and by the growing
+indifference of the age; but during the minority of
+Louis XIII., the queen-regent had in some degree renewed
+it, and had attempted to revive the superstitious
+prejudices upon which it was based.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> In all her feelings,
+she was a zealous Catholic; she was warmly
+attached to Spain; and she succeeded in marrying her
+son, the young king, to a Spanish princess, and her
+daughter to a Spanish prince.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It might have been expected that when Richelieu, a
+great dignitary of the Romish church, was placed at
+the head of affairs, he would have reëstablished a connexion
+so eagerly desired by the profession to which he
+belonged.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> But his conduct was not regulated by
+such views as these. His object was, not to favour the
+opinions of a sect, but to promote the interests of a
+nation. His treaties, his diplomacy, and the schemes
+of his foreign alliances, were all directed, not against
+the enemies of the church, but against the enemies of
+France. By erecting this new standard of action,
+Richelieu took a great step towards secularizing the
+whole system of European politics. For he thus made
+the theoretical interests of men subordinate to their
+practical interests. Before his time, the rulers of
+France, in order to punish their Protestant subjects,
+had not hesitated to demand the aid of the Catholic
+troops of Spain; and in so doing, they merely acted
+upon the old opinion, that it was the chief duty of a
+government to suppress heresy. This pernicious doctrine
+was first openly repudiated by Richelieu. As early
+as 1617, and before he had established his power, he,
+in an instruction to one of the foreign ministers which is
+still extant, laid it down as a principle, that, in matters
+of state, no Catholic ought to prefer a Spaniard to a
+French Protestant.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> To us, indeed, in the progress of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
+society, such preference of the claims of our country to
+those of our creed, has become a matter of course; but
+in those days it was a startling novelty.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Richelieu,
+however, did not fear to push the paradox even to its
+remotest consequences. The Catholic church justly considered
+that its interests were bound up with those of
+the House of Austria;<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> but Richelieu, directly he was
+called to the council, determined to humble that house
+in both its branches.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> To effect this, he openly supported
+the bitterest enemies of his own religion. He
+aided the Lutherans against the Emperor of Germany; he
+aided the Calvinists against the king of Spain. During
+the eighteen years he was supreme, he steadily pursued
+the same undeviating policy.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> When Philip attempted
+to repress the Dutch Protestants, Richelieu made common
+cause with them; at first, advancing them large
+sums of money, and afterwards inducing the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
+king to sign a treaty of intimate alliance with those
+who, in the opinion of the church, he ought rather to
+have chastized as rebellious heretics.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> In the same
+way, when that great war broke out, in which the emperor
+attempted to subjugate to the true faith the consciences
+of German Protestants, Richelieu stood forward
+as their protector; he endeavoured from the beginning
+to save their leader the Palatine;<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> and, failing in that,
+he concluded in their favour an alliance with Gustavus
+Adolphus,<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> the ablest military commander the Reformers
+had then produced. Nor did he stop there.
+After the death of Gustavus, he, seeing that the Protestants
+were thus deprived of their great leader, made
+still more vigorous efforts in their favour.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> He intrigued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
+for them in foreign courts; he opened negotiations
+in their behalf; and eventually he organized for
+their protection a public confederacy, in which all
+ecclesiastical considerations were set at defiance. This
+league, which formed an important precedent in the
+international polity of Europe, was not only contracted
+by Richelieu with the two most powerful enemies of his
+own church, but it was, from its tenor, what Sismondi
+emphatically calls a &lsquo;Protestant confederation&rsquo;&mdash;a Protestant
+confederation, he says, between France, England,
+and Holland.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>
+
+<p>These things alone would have made the administration
+of Richelieu a great epoch in the history of
+European civilization. For his government affords the
+first example of an eminent Catholic statesman systematically
+disregarding ecclesiastical interests, and showing
+that disregard in the whole scheme of his foreign,
+as well as of his domestic, policy. Some instances,
+indeed, approaching to this, may be found, at an earlier
+period, among the petty rulers of Italian states; but,
+even there, such attempts have never been successful;
+they had never been continued for any length of time,
+nor had they been carried out on a scale large enough
+to raise them to the dignity of international precedents.
+The peculiar glory of Richelieu is, that his
+foreign policy was, not occasionally, but invariably,
+governed by temporal considerations; nor do I believe
+that, during the long tenure of his power, there is to
+be found the least proof of his regard for those theological
+interests, the promotion of which had long been
+looked upon as a matter of paramount importance.
+By thus steadily subordinating the church to the state;
+by enforcing the principle of this subordination, on a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
+large scale, with great ability, and with unvarying success,
+he laid the foundation of that purely secular
+polity, the consolidation of which has, since his death,
+been the aim of all the best European diplomatists.
+The result was a most salutary change, which had
+been for some time preparing, but which, under him,
+was first completed. For, by the introduction of this
+system, an end was put to religious wars; and the
+chances of peace were increased, by thus removing one
+of the causes to which the interruption of peace had
+often been owing.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> At the same time, there was prepared
+the way for that final separation of theology from
+politics, which it will be the business of future generations
+fully to achieve. How great a step had been
+taken in this direction, appears from the facility with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
+which the operations of Richelieu were continued by
+men every way his inferiors. Less than two years after
+his death, there was assembled the Congress of Westphalia;<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
+the members of which concluded that celebrated
+peace, which is remarkable, as being the first
+comprehensive attempt to adjust the conflicting interests
+of the leading European countries.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> In this
+important treaty, ecclesiastical interests were altogether
+disregarded;<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> and the contracting parties, instead of,
+as heretofore, depriving each other of their possessions,
+took the bolder course of indemnifying themselves at
+the expense of the church, and did not hesitate to seize
+her revenues, and secularize several of her bishoprics.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>
+From this grievous insult, which became a precedent
+in the public law of Europe, the spiritual power has
+never recovered; and it is remarked by a very competent
+authority that, since that period, diplomatists
+have, in their official acts, neglected religious interests,
+and have preferred the advocacy of matters relating
+to the commerce and colonies of their respective<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
+countries.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> The truth of this observation is confirmed
+by the interesting fact, that the Thirty Years' War, to
+which this same treaty put an end, is the last great religious
+war which has ever been waged;<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> no civilized
+people, during two centuries, having thought it worth
+while to peril their own safety in order to disturb the
+belief of their neighbours. This, indeed, is but a part
+of that vast secular movement, by which superstition
+has been weakened, and the civilization of Europe secured.
+Without, however, discussing that subject, I
+will now endeavour to show how the policy of Richelieu,
+in regard to the French Protestant church, corresponded
+with his policy in regard to the French Catholic church;
+so, that, in both departments, this great statesman,
+aided by that progress of knowledge for which his age
+was remarkable, was able to struggle with prejudices
+from which men, slowly and with infinite difficulty,
+were attempting to emerge.</p>
+
+<p>The treatment of the French Protestants by Richelieu
+is, undoubtedly, one of the most honourable parts of
+his system; and in it, as in other liberal measures, he
+was assisted by the course of preceding events. His administration,
+taken in connexion with that of Henry IV.
+and the queen-regent, presents the noble spectacle of
+a toleration far more complete than any which had
+then been seen in Catholic Europe. While in other Christian
+countries, men were being incessantly persecuted,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
+simply because they held opinions different from those
+professed by the established clergy, France refused to
+follow the general example, and protected those heretics
+whom the church was eager to punish. Indeed, not
+only were they protected, but, when they possessed
+abilities, they were openly rewarded. In addition to
+their appointments to civil offices, many of them were
+advanced to high military posts; and Europe beheld,
+with astonishment, the armies of the king of France
+led by heretical generals. Rohan, Lesdiguières, Chatillon,
+La Force, Bernard de Weimar, were among the
+most celebrated of the military leaders employed by
+Louis XIII.; and all of them were Protestants, as also
+were some younger, but distinguished officers, such as
+Gassion, Rantzau, Schomberg, and Turenne. For now,
+nothing was beyond the reach of men who, half a century
+earlier, would, on account of their heresies, have
+been persecuted to the death. Shortly before the accession
+of Louis XIII., Lesdiguières, the ablest general
+among the French Protestants, was made marshal of
+France.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> Fourteen years later, the same high dignity
+was conferred upon two other Protestants, Chatillon
+and La Force; the former of whom is said to have
+been the most influential of the schismatics.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Both
+these appointments were in 1622;<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> and, in 1634, still
+greater scandal was caused by the elevation of Sully,
+who, notwithstanding his notorious heresy, also received
+the staff of marshal of France.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> This was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
+work of Richelieu, and it gave serious offence to the
+friends of the church; but the great statesman paid so
+little attention to their clamour, that, after the civil
+war was concluded, he took another step equally obnoxious.
+The Duke de Rohan was the most active of
+all the enemies of the established church, and was
+looked up to by the Protestants as the main support
+of their party. He had taken up arms in their favour,
+and, declining to abandon his religion, had, by the fate
+of war, been driven from France. But Richelieu, who
+was acquainted with his ability, cared little about his
+opinions. He, therefore, recalled him from exile, employed
+him in a negotiation with Switzerland, and sent
+him on foreign service, as commander of one of the
+armies of the king of France.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the tendencies which characterized this
+new state of things. It is hardly necessary to observe
+how beneficial this great change must have been; since
+by it men were encouraged to look to their country as
+the first consideration, and, discarding their old disputes,
+Catholic soldiers were taught to obey heretical
+generals, and follow their standards to victory. In addition
+to this, the mere social amalgamation, arising
+from the professors of different creeds mixing in the
+same camp, and fighting under the same banner, must
+have still further aided to disarm the mind, partly by
+merging theological feuds in a common, and yet a temporal,
+object, and partly by showing to each sect, that
+their religious opponents were not entirely bereft of
+human virtue; that they still retained some of the
+qualities of men; and that it was even possible to combine
+the errors of heresy with all the capabilities of a
+good and competent citizen.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But, while the hateful animosities by which France
+had long been distracted, were, under the policy of Richelieu,
+gradually subsiding, it is singular to observe that,
+though the prejudices of the Catholics obviously diminished,
+those of the Protestants seemed, for a time, to
+retain all their activity. It is, indeed, a striking proof
+of the perversity and pertinacity of such feelings, that it
+was precisely in the country, and at the period, when
+the Protestants were best treated, that they displayed
+most turbulence. And in this, as in all such cases, the
+cause principally at work was the influence of that class
+to which circumstances, I will now explain, had secured
+a temporary ascendency.</p>
+
+<p>For, the diminution of the theological spirit had effected
+in the Protestants a remarkable but a very natural
+result. The increasing toleration of the French government
+had laid open to their leaders prizes which before
+they could never have obtained. As long as all offices
+were refused to the Protestant nobles, it was natural
+that they should cling with the greater zeal to their own
+party, by whom alone their virtues were acknowledged.
+But, when the principle was once recognised, that the
+state would reward men for their abilities, without regard
+to their religion, there was introduced into every
+sect a new element of discord. The leaders of the Reformers
+could not fail to feel some gratitude, or, at all
+events, some interest for the government which employed
+them; and the influence of temporal considerations
+being thus strengthened, the influence of religious
+ties must have been weakened. It is impossible
+that opposite feelings should be paramount, at the
+same moment, in the same mind. The further men
+extend their view, the less they care for each of the
+details of which the view is composed. Patriotism is
+a corrective of superstition; and the more we feel for
+our country, the less we feel for our sect. Thus it is,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
+that in the progress of civilization, the scope of the
+intellect is widened; its horizon is enlarged; its
+sympathies are multiplied; and, as the range of its
+excursions is increased, the tenacity of its grasp is
+slackened, until, at length, it begins to perceive that
+the infinite variety of circumstances necessarily causes
+an infinite variety of opinions; that a creed, which is
+good and natural for one man, may be bad and unnatural
+for another; and that, so far from interfering
+with the march of religious convictions, we should be
+content to look into ourselves, search our own hearts,
+purge our own souls, soften the evil of our own passions,
+and extirpate that insolent and intolerant spirit, which
+is at once the cause and the effect of all theological
+controversy.</p>
+
+<p>It was in this direction, that a prodigious step was
+taken by the French in the first half of the seventeenth
+century. Unfortunately, however, the advantages which
+arose were accompanied by serious drawbacks. From
+the introduction of temporal considerations among the
+Protestant leaders, there occurred two results of considerable
+importance. The first result was, that many
+of the Protestants changed their religion. Before the
+Edict of Nantes, they had been constantly persecuted,
+and had, as constantly, increased.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> But, under the
+tolerant policy of Henry IV. and Louis XIII., they continued
+to diminish.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Indeed, this was the natural
+consequence of the growth of that secular spirit which,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
+in every country, has assuaged religious animosities.
+For, by the action of that spirit, the influence of social
+and political views began to outweigh those theological
+views to which the minds of men had long been confined.
+As these temporal ties increased in strength,
+there was, of course, generated among the rival factions
+an increased tendency to assimilate; while, as the Catholics
+were not only much more numerous, but in every
+respect, more influential, than their opponents, they
+reaped the benefit of this movement, and gradually drew
+over to their side many of their former enemies. That
+this absorption of the smaller sect into the larger, is
+due to the cause I have mentioned, is rendered still
+more evident by the interesting fact, that the change
+began among the heads of the party; and that it was
+not the inferior Protestants who first abandoned their
+leaders, but it was rather the leaders who deserted their
+followers. This was because the leaders, being more
+educated than the great body of the people, were more
+susceptible to the sceptical movement, and therefore set
+the example of an indifference to disputes which still
+engrossed the popular mind. As soon as this indifference
+had reached a certain point, the attractions offered
+by the conciliating policy of Louis XIII. became irresistible;
+and the Protestant nobles, in particular, being
+most exposed to political temptations, began to alienate
+themselves from their own party, in order to form an
+alliance with a court which showed itself ready to reward
+their merits.</p>
+
+<p>It is, of course, impossible to fix the exact period at
+which this important change took place.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> But we
+may say with certainty, that very early in the reign of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
+Louis XIII. many of the Protestant nobles cared nothing
+for their religion, while the remainder of them ceased
+to feel that interest in it which they had formerly expressed.
+Indeed, some of the most eminent of them
+openly abandoned their creed, and joined that very
+church which they had been taught to abhor as the man
+of sin, and the whore of Babylon. The Duke de Lesdiguières,
+the greatest of all the Protestant generals,<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
+became a Catholic, and, as a reward for his conversion,
+was made constable of France.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> The Duke de la
+Tremouille adopted the same course;<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> as also did the
+Duke de la Meilleraye,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> the Duke de Bouillon,<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> and
+a few years later the Marquis de Montausier.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> These
+illustrious nobles were among the most powerful of the
+members of the Reformed communion; but they quitted
+it without compunction, sacrificing their old associations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
+in favour of the opinions professed by the state. Among
+the other men of high rank, who still remained nominally
+connected with the French Protestants, we find a
+similar spirit. We find them lukewarm respecting
+matters, for which, if they had been born fifty years
+earlier, they would have laid down their lives. The
+Maréchal de Bouillon, who professed himself to be a
+Protestant, was unwilling to change his religion; but
+he so comported himself as to show that he considered
+its interests as subordinate to political considerations.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
+A similar remark has been made by the French
+historians concerning the Duke de Sully and the
+Marquis de Chatillon, both of whom, though they were
+members of the Reformed church, displayed a marked
+indifference to those theological interests which had
+formerly been objects of supreme importance.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> The
+result was, that when, in 1621, the Protestants began
+their civil war against the government, it was found
+that of all their great leaders, two only, Rohan and his
+brother Soubise, were prepared to risk their lives in
+support of their religion.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that the first great consequence of the
+tolerating policy of the French government was to deprive
+the Protestants of the support of their former leaders,
+and, in several instances, even to turn their sympathies
+on the side of the Catholic church. But the other
+consequence, to which I have alluded, was one of far
+greater moment. The growing indifference of the
+higher classes of Protestants threw the management
+of their party into the hands of the clergy. The post,
+which was deserted by the secular leaders, was naturally
+seized by the spiritual leaders. And as, in every sect,
+the clergy, as a body, have always been remarkable for
+their intolerance of opinions different to their own, it
+followed, that this change infused into the now mutilated
+ranks of the Protestants an acrimony not inferior to
+that of the worst times of the sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
+Hence it was, that by a singular, but perfectly natural
+combination, the Protestants, who professed to take
+their stand on the right of private judgment, became,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
+early in the seventeenth century, more intolerant than
+the Catholics, who based their religion on the dictates
+of an infallible church.</p>
+
+<p>This is one of the many instances which show how
+superficial is the opinion of those speculative writers,
+who believe that the Protestant religion is necessarily
+more liberal than the Catholic. If those who adopt
+this view had taken the pains to study the history of
+Europe in its original sources, they would have learned,
+that the liberality of every sect depends, not at all on
+its avowed tenets, but on the circumstances in which it
+is placed, and on the amount of authority possessed by
+its priesthood. The Protestant religion is, for the most
+part, more tolerant than the Catholic, simply because
+the events which have given rise to Protestantism have
+at the same time increased the play of the intellect, and
+therefore lessened the power of the clergy. But whoever
+has read the works of the great Calvinist divines,
+and above all, whoever has studied their history, must
+know, that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
+the desire of persecuting their opponents burnt as hotly
+among them, as it did among any of the Catholics even
+in the worst days of the papal dominion. This is a mere
+matter of fact, of which any one may satisfy himself, by
+consulting the original documents of those times. And
+even now, there is more superstition, more bigotry, and
+less of the charity of real religion, among the lower
+order of Scotch Protestants, than there is among the
+lower order of French Catholics. Yet for one intolerant
+passage in Protestant theology, it would be easy to
+point out twenty in Catholic theology. The truth, however,
+is, that the actions of men are governed, not by
+dogmas, and text-books, and rubrics, but by the
+opinions and habits of their contemporaries, by the
+general spirit of their age, and by the character of those
+classes who are in the ascendant. This seems to be the
+origin of that difference between religious theory and
+religious practice, of which theologians greatly complain
+as a stumbling-block and an evil. For, religious theories
+being preserved in books, in a doctrinal and dogmatic
+form, remain a perpetual witness, and, therefore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
+cannot be changed without incurring the obvious charge
+of inconsistency, or of heresy. But the practical part
+of every religion, its moral, political, and social workings,
+embrace such an immense variety of interests, and
+have to do with such complicated and shifting agencies,
+that it is hopeless to fix them by formularies: they,
+even in the most rigid systems, are left, in a great measure,
+to private discretion; and, being almost entirely
+unwritten, they lack those precautions by which the
+permanence of dogmas is effectually secured.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Hence
+it is, that while the religious doctrines professed by a
+people in their national creed are no criterion of their
+civilization, their religious practice is, on the other
+hand, so pliant and so capable of adaptation to social
+wants, that it forms one of the best standards by which
+the spirit of any age can be measured.</p>
+
+<p>It is on account of these things, that we ought not
+to be surprised that, during many years, the French
+Protestants, who affected to appeal to the right of
+private judgment, were more intolerant of the exercise
+of that judgment by their adversaries than were the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
+Catholics; although the Catholics, by recognising an
+infallible church, ought, in consistency, to be superstitious,
+and may be said to inherit intolerance as their
+natural birthright.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> Thus, while the Catholics were
+theoretically more bigoted than the Protestants, the
+Protestants became practically more bigoted than the
+Catholics. The Protestants continued to insist upon
+that right of private judgment in religion, which
+the Catholics continued to deny. Yet, such was the
+force of circumstances, that each sect, in its practice,
+contradicted its own dogma, and acted as if it had embraced
+the dogma of its opponents. The cause of this
+change was very simple. Among the French, the theological
+spirit, as we have already seen, was decaying;
+and the decline of the influence of the clergy was, as
+invariably happens, accompanied by an increase of
+toleration. But, among the French Protestants, this
+partial diminution of the theological spirit had produced
+different consequences; because it had brought
+about a change of leaders, which threw the command into
+the hands of the clergy, and, by increasing their power,
+provoked a reaction, and revived those very feelings to
+the decay of which the reaction owed its origin. This
+seems to explain how it is, that a religion, which is
+not protected by the government, usually displays
+greater energy and greater vitality than one which is
+so protected. In the progress of society, the theological
+spirit first declines among the most educated
+classes; and then it is that the government can step
+in, as it does in England, and, controlling the clergy,
+make the church a creature of the state; thus weakening
+the ecclesiastical element by tempering it with
+secular considerations. But, when the state refuses to
+do this, the reins of power, as they fall from the hands
+of the upper classes, are seized by the clergy, and there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
+arises a state of things of which the French Protestants
+in the seventeenth century, and the Irish Catholics in
+our own time, form the best illustration. In such cases,
+it will always happen, that the religion which is tolerated
+by the government, though not fully recognised
+by it, will the longest retain its vitality; because its
+priesthood, neglected by the state, must cling closer to
+the people, in whom alone is the source of their power.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>
+On the other hand, in a religion which is favoured and
+richly endowed by the state, the union between the
+priesthood and inferior laity will be less intimate; the
+clergy will look to the government as well as to the
+people; and the interference of political views, of considerations
+of temporal expediency, and, if it may be
+added without irreverence, the hopes of promotion
+will secularize the ecclesiastical spirit,<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> and, according
+to the process I have already traced, will thus hasten
+the march of toleration.</p>
+
+<p>These generalizations, which account for a great
+part of the present superstition of the Irish Catholics,
+will also account for the former superstition of the
+French Protestants. In both cases, the government
+disdaining the supervision of an heretical religion,
+allowed supreme authority to fall into the hands of the
+priesthood, who stimulated the bigotry of men, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
+encouraged them in a hatred of their opponents. What
+the results of this are in Ireland, is best known to those
+of our statesmen, who, with unusual candour, have declared
+Ireland to be their greatest difficulty. What
+the results were in France, we will now endeavour to
+ascertain.</p>
+
+<p>The conciliating spirit of the French government
+having drawn over to its side some of the most eminent
+of the French Protestants, and having disarmed
+the hostility of others, the leadership of the party fell,
+as we have already seen, into the hands of those inferior
+men, who displayed in their new position the intolerance
+characteristic of their order. Without pretending
+to write a history of the odious feuds that now arose,
+I will lay before the reader some evidence of their increasing
+bitterness; and I will point out a few of the
+steps by which the angry feelings of religious controversy
+became so inflamed, that at length they kindled
+a civil war, which nothing but the improved temper
+of the Catholics prevented from being as sanguinary
+as were the horrible struggles of the sixteenth century.
+For, when the French Protestants became governed
+by men whose professional habits made them consider
+heresy to be the greatest of crimes, there naturally
+sprung up a missionary and proselytizing spirit, which
+induced them to interfere with the religion of the Catholics,
+and, under the old pretence of turning them
+from the error of their ways, revived those animosities
+which the progress of knowledge tended to appease.
+And as, under such guidance, these feelings quickly
+increased, the Protestants soon learned to despise that
+great Edict of Nantes, by which their liberties were
+secured; and they embarked in a dangerous contest,
+in which their object was, not to protect their own
+religion, but to weaken the religion of that very party
+to whom they owed a toleration, which had been reluctantly
+conceded by the prejudices of the age.</p>
+
+<p>It was stipulated, in the Edict of Nantes, that the
+Protestants should enjoy the full exercise of their religion;
+and this right they continued to possess until the
+reign of Louis XIV. To this there were added several<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
+other privileges, such as no Catholic Government, except
+that of France, would then have granted to its
+heretical subjects. But these things did not satisfy the
+desires of the Protestant clergy. They were not content
+to exercise their own religion, unless they could
+also trouble the religion of others. Their first step was,
+to call upon the government to limit the performance
+of those rites which the French Catholics had long
+revered as emblems of the national faith. For this purpose,
+directly after the death of Henry IV. they held
+a great assembly at Saumur, in which they formally
+demanded that no Catholic processions should be
+allowed in any town, place, or castle occupied by the
+Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> As the government did not seem inclined
+to countenance this monstrous pretension, these
+intolerant sectaries took the law into their own hands.
+They not only attacked the Catholic processions
+wherever they met them, but they subjected the priests
+to personal insults, and even endeavoured to prevent
+them from administering the sacrament to the sick. If
+a Catholic clergyman was engaged in burying the dead,
+the Protestants were sure to be present, interrupting
+the funeral, turning the ceremonies into ridicule, and
+attempting, by their clamour, to deaden the voice of the
+minister, so that the service performed in the church
+should not be heard.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> Nor did they always confine
+themselves even to such demonstrations as these. For,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
+certain towns having been, perhaps imprudently, placed
+under their control, they exercised their authority in
+them with the most wanton insolence. At La Rochelle,
+which for importance was the second city in the kingdom,
+they would not permit the Catholics to have even
+a single church in which to celebrate what for centuries
+had been the sole religion of France, and was still the
+religion of an enormous majority of Frenchmen.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>
+This, however, only formed part of a system, by which
+the Protestant clergy hoped to trample on the rights of
+their fellow-subjects. In 1619, they ordered in their
+general assembly at Loudun, that in none of the Protestant
+towns should there be a sermon preached by a
+Jesuit, or indeed by any ecclesiastical person commissioned
+by a bishop.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> In another assembly, they forbade
+any Protestant even to be present at a baptism,
+or at a marriage, or at a funeral, if the ceremony was
+performed by a Catholic priest.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> And, as if to cut off
+all hope of reconciliation, they not only vehemently
+opposed those intermarriages between the two parties,
+by which, in every Christian country, religious animosities
+have been softened, but they publicly declared, that
+they would withhold the sacrament from any parents
+whose children were married into a Catholic family.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>
+Not, however, to accumulate unnecessary evidence,
+there is one other circumstance worth relating, as a
+proof of the spirit with which these and similar regulations
+were enforced. When Louis XIII., in 1620,
+visited Pau, he was not only treated with indignity, as
+being an heretical prince, but he found that the Protestants
+had not left him a single church, not one place,
+in which the king of France, in his own territory, could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
+perform those devotions which he believed necessary
+for his future salvation.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p>
+
+<p>This was the way in which the French Protestants,
+influenced by their new leaders, treated the first Catholic
+government which abstained from persecuting them;
+the first which not only allowed them the free exercise
+of their religion, but even advanced many of them to
+offices of trust and of honour.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> All this, however, was
+only of a piece with the rest of their conduct. They,
+who in numbers and in intellect formed a miserable
+minority of the French nation, claimed a power which
+the majority had abandoned, and refused to concede to
+others the toleration they themselves enjoyed. Several
+persons, who had joined their party, now quitted it,
+and returned to the Catholic church; but for exercising
+this undoubted right, they were insulted by the Protestant
+clergy in the grossest manner, with every term
+of opprobrium and abuse.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> For those who resisted their
+authority, no treatment was considered too severe. In
+1612, Ferrier, a man of some reputation in his own day,
+having disobeyed their injunctions, was ordered to appear
+before one of their synods. The gist of his offence
+was, that he had spoken contemptuously of ecclesiastical
+assemblies; and to this there were, of course, added
+those accusations against his moral conduct, with which
+theologians often attempt to blacken the character of
+their opponents.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> Readers of ecclesiastical history
+are too familiar with such charges to attach any importance
+to them; but as, in this case, the accused was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
+tried by men who were at once his prosecutors, his
+enemies, and his judges, the result was easy to anticipate.
+In 1613 Ferrier was excommunicated, and the excommunication
+was publicly proclaimed in the church of
+Nîmes. In this sentence, which is still extant, he is
+declared by the clergy to be &lsquo;a scandalous man, a person
+incorrigible, impenitent and ungovernable.&rsquo; We,
+therefore, they add, &lsquo;in the name and power of our Lord
+Jesus Christ, by the conduct of the Holy Ghost, and
+with authority from the church, have cast, and do now
+cast and throw him out of the society of the faithful,
+that he may be delivered up unto Satan.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p>
+
+<p>That he may be delivered up unto Satan! This was
+the penalty which a handful of clergymen, in a corner
+of France, thought they could inflict on a man who
+dared to despise their authority. In our time such an
+anathema would only excite derision;<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> but, early in
+the seventeenth century, the open promulgation of it
+was enough to ruin any private person against whom it
+might be directed. And they whose studies have enabled
+them to take the measure of the ecclesiastical
+spirit will easily believe that, in that age, the threat did
+not remain a dead letter. The people, inflamed by their
+clergy, rose against Ferrier, attacked his family, destroyed
+his property, sacked and gutted his houses, and
+demanded with loud cries, that the &lsquo;traitor Judas&rsquo;
+should be given up to them. The unhappy man, with
+the greatest difficulty, effected his escape; but though
+he saved his life by flying in the dead of the night, he
+was obliged to abandon for ever his native town, as he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
+dared not return to a place where he had provoked so
+active and so implacable a party.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p>
+
+<p>Into other matters, and even into those connected
+with the ordinary functions of government, the Protestants
+carried the same spirit. Although they formed
+so small a section of the people, they attempted to control
+the administration of the crown, and, by the use
+of threats, turn all its acts to their own favour. They
+would not allow the state to determine what ecclesiastical
+councils it should recognize; they would not even
+permit the king to choose his own wife. In 1615,
+without the least pretence of complaint, they assembled
+in large numbers at Grenoble and at Nîmes.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> The
+deputies of Grenoble insisted that government should
+refuse to acknowledge the Council of Trent;<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> and
+both assemblies ordered that the Protestants should
+prevent the marriage of Louis XIII. with a Spanish
+princess.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> They laid similar claims to interfere with
+the disposal of civil and military offices. Shortly after
+the death of Henry IV., they, in an assembly at Saumur,
+insisted that Sully should be restored to some
+posts from which, in their opinion, he had been unjustly
+removed.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> In 1619, another of their assemblies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
+at London declared, that as one of the Protestant
+councillors of the Parliament of Paris had become a
+Catholic, he must be dismissed; and they demanded
+that, for the same reason, the government of Lectoure
+should be taken from Fontrailles, he also having
+adopted the not infrequent example of abandoning his
+sect in order to adopt a creed sanctioned by the state.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p>
+
+<p>By way of aiding all this, and with the view of exasperating
+still further religious animosities, the principal
+Protestant clergy put forth a series of works,
+which, for bitterness of feeling, have hardly ever been
+equalled, and which it would certainly be impossible to
+surpass. The intense hatred with which they regarded
+their Catholic countrymen can only be fully estimated
+by those who have looked into the pamphlets written
+by the French Protestants during the first half of the
+seventeenth century, or who have read the laboured
+and formal treatises of such men as Chamier, Drelincourt,
+Moulin, Thomson, and Vignier. Without, however,
+pausing on these, it will perhaps be thought sufficient
+if, for the sake of brevity, I follow the mere
+outline of political events. Great numbers of the Protestants
+had joined in the rebellion which, in 1615,
+was raised by Condé;<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> and, although they were then
+easily defeated, they seemed bent on trying the issue
+of a fresh struggle. In Béarn, where they were unusually
+numerous,<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> they, even during the reign of
+Henry IV., had refused to tolerate the Catholic religion;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
+&lsquo;their fanatical clergy,&rsquo; says the historian of
+France, &lsquo;declaring that it would be a crime to permit
+the idolatry of the mass.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> This charitable maxim
+they for many years actively enforced, seizing the
+property of the Catholic clergy, and employing it in
+support of their own churches;<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> so that, while in one
+part of the dominions of the king of France the Protestants
+were allowed to exercise their religion, they,
+in another part of his dominions, prevented the Catholics
+from exercising theirs. It was hardly to be
+expected that any government would suffer such an
+anomaly as this; and, in 1618, it was ordered that the
+Protestants should restore the plunder, and reinstate
+the Catholics in their former possessions. But the reformed
+clergy, alarmed at so sacrilegious a proposal,
+appointed a public fast, and inspiriting the people to
+resistance, forced the royal commissioner to fly from
+Pau, where he had arrived in the hope of effecting a
+peaceful adjustment of the claims of the rival parties.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p>
+
+<p>The rebellion thus raised by the zeal of the Protestants,
+was soon put down; but, according to the confession
+of Rohan, one of the ablest of their leaders, it
+was the beginning of all their misfortunes.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> The
+sword had now been drawn; and the only question to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
+be decided was, whether France should be governed
+according to the principles of toleration recently established,
+or according to the maxims of a despotic sect,
+which, while professing to advocate the right of private
+judgment, was acting in a way that rendered all private
+judgment impossible.</p>
+
+<p>Scarcely was the war in Béarn brought to an end,
+when the Protestants determined on making a great
+effort in the west of France.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> The seat of this new
+struggle was Rochelle, which was one of the strongest
+fortresses in Europe, and was entirely in the hands of
+the Protestants,<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> who had grown wealthy, partly by
+their own industry and partly by following the occupation
+of public pirates.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> In this city, which they
+believed to be impregnable,<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> they, in December, 1620,
+held a Great Assembly, to which their spiritual chiefs
+flocked from all parts of France. It was soon evident
+that their party was now governed by men who were
+bent on the most violent measures. Their great secular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
+leaders were, as we have already seen, gradually falling
+off; and, by this time, there only remained two of much
+ability, Rohan and Mornay, both of whom saw the inexpediency
+of their proceedings, and desired that the
+assembly should peaceably separate.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> But the authority
+of the clergy was irresistible; and, by their prayers
+and exhortations, they easily gained over the ordinary
+citizens, who were then a gross and uneducated body.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>
+Under their influence, the Assembly adopted a course
+which rendered civil war inevitable. Their first act
+was an edict, by which they at once confiscated all the
+property belonging to Catholic churches.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> They then
+caused a great seal to be struck; under the authority
+of which they ordered that the people should be armed,
+and taxes collected from them for the purpose of
+defending their religion.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> Finally, they drew up the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
+regulations, and organized the establishment of what
+they called the Reformed Churches of France and of
+Béarn; and, with a view to facilitate the exercise of
+their spiritual jurisdiction, they parcelled out France
+into eight circles, to each of which there was allotted
+a separate general, who, however, was to be accompanied
+by a clergyman, since the administration, in all
+its parts, was held responsible to that ecclesiastical
+assembly which called it into existence.<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the forms and pomp of authority assumed
+by the spiritual leaders of the French Protestants; men
+by nature destined to obscurity, and whose abilities were
+so despicable, that, notwithstanding their temporary
+importance, they have left no name in history. These
+insignificant priests, who, at the best, were only fit to
+mount the pulpit of a country village, now arrogated to
+themselves the right of ordering the affairs of France,
+imposing taxes upon Frenchmen, confiscating property,
+raising troops, levying war; and all this for the sake of
+propagating a creed, which was scouted by the country
+at large as a foul and mischievous heresy.</p>
+
+<p>In the face of these inordinate pretensions, it was
+evident that the French government had no choice, except
+to abdicate its functions, or else take arms in its
+own defence.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Whatever may be the popular notion
+respecting the necessary intolerance of the Catholics, it
+is an indisputable fact, that, early in the seventeenth
+century, they displayed in France a spirit of forbearance,
+and a Christian charity, to which the Protestants
+could make no pretence. During the twenty-two
+years which elapsed between the Edict of Nantes and
+the Assembly of Rochelle, the government, notwithstanding
+repeated provocations, never attacked the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
+Protestants;<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> nor did they make any attempt to destroy
+the privileges of a sect, which they were bound to
+consider heretical, and the extirpation of which had
+been deemed by their fathers to be one of the first
+duties of a Christian statesman.</p>
+
+<p>The war that now broke out lasted seven years, and
+was uninterrupted, except by the short peace, first of
+Montpelier, and afterwards of Rochelle; neither of
+which, however, was very strictly preserved. But the
+difference in the views and intentions of the two parties
+corresponded to the difference between the classes which
+governed them. The Protestants, being influenced
+mainly by the clergy, made their object religious domination.
+The Catholics being led by statesmen, aimed
+at temporal advantages. Thus it was, that circumstances
+had in France so completely obliterated the
+original tendency of these two great sects, that, by a
+singular metamorphosis, the secular principle was now
+represented by the Catholics, and the theological principle
+by the Protestants. The authority of the clergy,
+and therefore the interests of superstition, were upheld
+by that very party which owed its origin to the
+diminution of both; they were, on the other hand, attacked
+by a party whose success had hitherto depended
+on the increase of both. If the Catholics triumphed,
+the ecclesiastical power would be weakened; if the
+Protestants triumphed, it would be strengthened. Of
+this fact, so far as the Protestants are concerned, I have
+just given ample proof, collected from their proceedings,
+and from the language of their own synods. And that
+the opposite, or secular principle, predominated among
+the Catholics, is evident, not only from their undeviating
+policy in the reigns of Henry IV. and Louis XIII.,
+but also from another circumstance worthy of note. For,
+their motives were so obvious, and gave such scandal
+to the church, that the pope, as the great protector of
+religion, thought himself bound to reprehend that disregard
+of theological interests which they displayed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
+and which he considered to be a crying and unpardonable
+offence. In 1622, only one year after the struggle
+between the Protestants and Catholics had begun, he
+strongly remonstrated with the French government
+upon the notorious indecency of which they were guilty,
+in carrying on war against heretics, not for the purpose
+of suppressing the heresy, but merely with a view of
+procuring for the state those temporal advantages which,
+in the opinion of all pious men, ought to be regarded
+as of subordinate importance.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p>
+
+<p>If, at this juncture, the Protestants had carried the
+day, the loss to France would have been immense, perhaps
+irreparable. For no one, who is acquainted with
+the temper and character of the French Calvinists,
+can doubt, that if they had obtained possession of the
+government, they would have revived those religious
+persecutions which, so far as their power extended, they
+had already attempted to enforce. Not only in their
+writings, but even in the edicts of their assemblies, we
+find ample proof of that meddling and intolerant spirit
+which, in every age, has characterized ecclesiastical
+legislation. Indeed, such a spirit is the legitimate consequence
+of the fundamental assumption from which
+theological lawgivers usually start. The clergy are
+taught to consider that their paramount duty is to preserve
+the purity of the faith, and guard it against the
+invasions of heresy. Whenever, therefore, they rise to
+power, it almost invariably happens, that they carry
+into politics the habits they have contracted in their
+profession; and having long been accustomed to consider
+religious error as criminal, they now naturally
+attempt to make it penal. And as all the European<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
+countries have, in the period of their ignorance, been
+once ruled by the clergy, just so do we find in the law-books
+of every land those traces of their power which
+the progress of knowledge is gradually effacing. We
+find the professors of the dominant creed enacting laws
+against the professors of other creeds: laws sometimes
+to burn them, sometimes to exile them, sometimes to
+take away their civil rights, sometimes only to take
+away their political rights. These are the different gradations
+through which persecution passes; and by observing
+which, we may measure, in any country, the
+energy of the ecclesiastical spirit. At the same time,
+the theory by which such measures are supported
+generally gives rise to other measures of a somewhat
+different, though of an analogous character. For, by
+extending the authority of law to opinions as well as
+to acts, the basis of legislation becomes dangerously
+enlarged; the individuality and independence of each
+man are invaded; and encouragement is given to the
+enactment of intrusive and vexatious regulations, which
+are supposed to perform for morals the service that the
+other class of laws performs for religion. Under pretence
+of favouring the practice of virtue, and maintaining
+the purity of society, men are troubled in their most
+ordinary pursuits, in the commonest occurrences of life,
+in their amusements, nay, even in the very dress they
+may be inclined to wear. That this is what has actually
+been done, must be known to whoever has looked into
+the writings of the fathers, into the canons of Christian
+councils, into the different systems of ecclesiastical law,
+or into the sermons of the earlier clergy. Indeed, all
+this is so natural, that regulations, conceived in the same
+spirit, were drawn up for the government of Geneva by
+the Calvinist clergy, and for the government of England
+by Archbishop Cranmer and his coadjutors; while a
+tendency, precisely identical, may be observed in the
+legislation of the Puritans, and to give a still later instance,
+in that of the Methodists. It is, therefore, not
+surprising that, in France, the Protestant clergy, having
+great power among their own party, should enforce a
+similar discipline. Thus, to mention only a few examples,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
+they forbade any one to go to a theatre, or even
+to witness the performance of private theatricals.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>
+They looked upon dancing as an ungodly amusement,
+and, therefore, they not only strictly prohibited it, but
+they ordered that all dancing-masters should be admonished
+by the spiritual power, and desired to abandon
+so unchristian a profession. If, however, the admonition
+failed in effecting its purpose, the dancing-masters,
+thus remaining obdurate, were to be excommunicated.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>
+With the same pious care did the clergy superintend
+other matters equally important. In one of their
+synods, they ordered that all persons should abstain
+from wearing gay apparel, and should arrange
+their hair with becoming modesty.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> In another
+synod, they forbade women to paint; and they
+declared that if, after this injunction, any woman
+persisted in painting, she should not be allowed to receive
+the sacrament.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> To their own clergy, as the
+instructors and shepherds of the flock, there was paid
+an attention still more scrupulous. The ministers of
+the Word were permitted to teach Hebrew, because Hebrew
+is a sacred dialect, uncontaminated by profane
+writers. But the Greek language, which contains all
+the philosophy and nearly all the wisdom of antiquity,
+was to be discouraged, its study laid aside, its
+professorship suppressed.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> And, in order that the
+mind might not be distracted from spiritual things, the
+study of chemistry was likewise forbidden; such a mere
+earthly pursuit being incompatible with the habits of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
+the sacred profession.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> Lest, however, in spite of
+these precautions, knowledge should still creep in among
+the Protestants, other measures were taken to prevent
+even its earliest approach. The clergy, entirely forgetting
+that right of private judgment upon which their
+sect was founded, became so anxious to protect the unwary
+from error, that they forbade any person to print
+or publish a work without the sanction of the church;
+in other words, without the sanction of the clergy themselves.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>
+When, by these means, they had destroyed
+the possibility of free inquiry, and, so far as they were
+able, had put a stop to the acquisition of all real knowledge,
+they proceeded to guard against another circumstance
+to which their measures had given rise. For,
+several of the Protestants, seeing that under such a
+system, it was impossible to educate their families with
+advantage, sent their children to some of those celebrated
+Catholic colleges, where alone a sound education
+could then be obtained. But the clergy, so soon as they
+heard of this practice, put an end to it, by excommunicating
+the offending parents;<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> and to this there was
+added an order forbidding them to admit into their own
+private houses any tutor who professed the Catholic
+religion.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> Such was the way in which the French
+Protestants were watched over and protected by their
+spiritual masters. Even the minutest matters were not
+beneath the notice of these great legislators. They
+ordered that no person should go to a ball or masquerade;<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>
+nor ought any Christian to look at the tricks
+of conjurors, or at the famous game of goblets, or at
+the puppet-show; neither was he to be present at morris-dances;
+for all such amusements should be suppressed
+by the magistrates, because they excite curiosity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
+cause expense, waste time.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> Another thing to be attended
+to, is the names that are bestowed in baptism.
+A child may have two christian names, though one is
+preferable.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> Great care, however, is to be observed
+in their selection. They ought to be taken from the
+Bible, but they ought not to be Baptist or Angel;
+neither should any infant receive a name which has
+been formerly used by the Pagans.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> When the children
+are grown up, there are other regulations to which
+they must be subject. The clergy declared that the
+faithful must by no means let their hair grow long, lest
+by so doing they indulge in the luxury of &lsquo;lascivious
+curls.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> They are to make their garments in such a
+manner as to avoid &lsquo;the new-fangled fashions of the
+world:&rsquo; they are to have no tassels to their dress: their
+gloves must be without silk and ribbons: they are to
+abstain from fardingales: they are to beware of wide
+sleeves.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p>
+
+<p>Those readers who have not studied the history of
+ecclesiastical legislation, will perhaps be surprised to
+find, that men of gravity, men who had reached
+the years of discretion, and were assembled together
+in solemn council, should evince such a prying and
+puerile spirit; that they should display such miserable
+and childish imbecility. But, whoever will take
+a wider survey of human affairs, will be inclined to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
+blame, not so much the legislators, as the system of
+which the legislators formed a part. For as to the
+men themselves, they merely acted after their kind.
+They only followed the traditions in which they were
+bred. By virtue of their profession, they had been
+accustomed to hold certain views, and, when they rose
+to power, it was natural that they should carry those
+views into effect; thus transplanting into the law-book
+the maxims they had already preached in the pulpit.
+Whenever, therefore, we read of meddling, inquisitive,
+and vexatious regulations imposed by ecclesiastical authority,
+we should remember, that they are but the
+legitimate result of the ecclesiastical spirit; and that
+the way to remedy such grievances, or to prevent their
+occurrence, is not by vainly labouring to change the
+tendencies of that class from whence they proceed,
+but rather by confining the class within its proper
+limits, by jealously guarding against its earliest encroachments,
+by taking every opportunity of lessening
+its influence, and finally, when the progress of society
+will justify so great a step, by depriving it of that political
+and legislative power which, though gradually
+falling from its hands, it is, even in the most civilized
+countries, still allowed in some degree to retain.</p>
+
+<p>But, setting aside these general considerations, it
+will, at all events, be admitted, that I have collected
+sufficient evidence to indicate what would have happened
+to France, if the Protestants had obtained the
+upper hand. After the facts which I have brought
+forward, no one can possibly doubt, that if such a
+misfortune had occurred, the liberal, and, considering
+the age, the enlightened policy of Henry IV. and
+Louis XIII. would have been destroyed, in order to
+make way for that gloomy and austere system, which,
+in every age and in every country, has been found
+to be the natural fruit of ecclesiastical power. To
+put, therefore, the question in its proper form, instead
+of saying that there was a war between hostile
+creeds, we should rather say that there was a war
+between rival classes. It was a contest, not so much
+between the Catholic religion and the Protestant religion,
+as between Catholic laymen and Protestant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
+clergy. It was a struggle between temporal interests
+and theological interests,&mdash;between the spirit of the
+present and the spirit of the past. And the point now
+at issue was, whether France should be governed by
+the civil power or by the spiritual power,&mdash;whether
+she should be ruled according to the large views of
+secular statesmen, or according to the narrow notions
+of a factious and intolerant priesthood.</p>
+
+<p>The Protestants having the great advantage of being
+the aggressive party, and being, moreover, inflamed by
+a religious zeal unknown to their opponents, might,
+under ordinary circumstances, have succeeded in their
+hazardous attempt; or, at all events, they might have
+protracted the struggle for an indefinite period. But, fortunately
+for France, in 1624, only three years after the
+war began, Richelieu assumed the direction of the government.
+He had for some years been the secret adviser
+of the queen-mother, into whose mind he had always
+inculcated the necessity of complete toleration.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> When
+placed at the head of affairs, he pursued the same
+policy, and attempted in every way to conciliate the
+Protestants. The clergy of his own party were constantly
+urging him to exterminate the heretics, whose
+presence they thought polluted France.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> But Richelieu,
+having only secular objects, refused to embitter
+the contest by turning it into a religious war. He was
+determined to chastise the rebellion, but he would not
+punish the heresy. Even while the war was raging,
+he would not revoke those edicts of toleration by
+which the full liberty of religious worship was granted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
+to the Protestants. And when they, in 1626, showed
+signs of compunction, or at all events of fear, he publicly
+confirmed the Edict of Nantes,<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> and he granted
+them peace; although, as he says, he knew that by
+doing so he should fall under the suspicion of those &lsquo;who
+so greatly affected the name of zealous Catholics.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>
+A few months afterwards, war again broke out; and
+then it was that Richelieu determined on that celebrated
+siege of Rochelle, which, if brought to a successful
+issue, was sure to be a decisive blow against
+the French Protestants. That he was moved to this
+hazardous undertaking solely by secular considerations
+is evident, not only from the general spirit of his preceding
+policy, but also from his subsequent conduct.
+With the details of this famous siege history is not
+concerned, as such matters have no value except to military
+readers. It is enough to say that, in 1628, Rochelle
+was taken; and the Protestants, who had been induced
+by their clergy<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> to continue to resist long after relief
+was hopeless, and who, in consequence, had suffered the
+most dreadful hardships, were obliged to surrender at
+discretion.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> The privileges of the town were revoked,
+and its magistrates removed; but the great minister
+by whom these things were effected, still abstained from
+that religious persecution to which he was urged.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
+He granted to the Protestants the toleration which he
+had offered at an earlier period, and he formally conceded
+the free exercise of their public worship.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> But,
+such was their infatuation, that because he likewise
+restored the exercise of the Catholic religion, and thus
+gave to the conquerors the same liberty that he had
+granted to the conquered, the Protestants murmured
+at the indulgence; they could not bear the idea that
+their eyes should be offended by the performance of
+Popish rites.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> And their indignation waxed so high,
+that in the next year they, in another part of France,
+again rose in arms. As, however, they were now
+stripped of their principal resources, they were easily
+defeated; and, their existence as a political faction
+being destroyed, they were, in reference to their religion,
+treated by Richelieu in the same manner as
+before.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> To the Protestants generally, he confirmed
+the privilege of preaching and of performing the other
+ceremonies of their creed.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> To their leader, Rohan,
+he granted an amnesty, and, a few years afterwards,
+employed him in important public services. After this,
+the hopes of the party were destroyed; they never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
+again rose in arms, nor do we find any mention of them
+until a much later period, when they were barbarously
+persecuted by Louis XIV.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> But from all such intolerance
+Richelieu sedulously abstained; and having
+now cleared the land from rebellion, he embarked in
+that vast scheme of foreign policy, of which I have
+already given some account, and in which he clearly
+showed that his proceedings against the Protestants
+had not been caused by hatred of their religious tenets.
+For, the same party which he attacked at home, he
+supported abroad. He put down the French Protestants,
+because they were a turbulent faction that troubled
+the state, and wished to suppress the exercise of all
+opinions unfavourable to themselves. But so far from
+carrying on a crusade against their religion, he, as I
+have already observed, encouraged it in other countries;
+and, though a bishop of the Catholic church, he did
+not hesitate, by treaties, by money, and by force of
+arms, to support the Protestants against the House
+of Austria, maintain the Lutherans against the Emperor
+of Germany, and uphold the Calvinists against the
+King of Spain.</p>
+
+<p>I have thus endeavoured to draw a slight, though, I
+trust, a clear outline, of the events which took place in
+France during the reign of Louis XIII., and particularly
+during that part of it which included the administration
+of Richelieu. But such occurrences, important as they
+are, only formed a single phase of that larger development
+which was now displaying itself in nearly every
+branch of the national intellect. They were the mere
+political expression of that bold and sceptical spirit
+which cried havoc to the prejudices and superstitions of
+men. For, the government of Richelieu was successful,
+as well as progressive; and no government can unite
+these two qualities, unless its measures harmonize with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
+the feelings and temper of the age. Such an administration,
+though it facilitates progress, is not the cause
+of it, but is rather its measure and symptom. The cause
+of the progress lies far deeper, and is governed by the
+general tendency of the time. And as the different
+tendencies observable in successive generations depend
+on the difference in their knowledge, it is evident, that
+we can only understand the working of the tendencies,
+by taking a wide view of the amount and character of
+the knowledge. To comprehend, therefore, the real
+nature of the great advance made during the reign of
+Louis XIII., it becomes necessary that I should lay before
+the reader some evidence respecting those higher
+and more important facts, which historians are apt to
+neglect, but without which the study of the past is an
+idle and trivial pursuit, and history itself a barren field,
+which, bearing no fruit, is unworthy of the labour that
+is wasted on the cultivation of so ungrateful a soil.</p>
+
+<p>It is, indeed, a very observable fact, that while Richelieu,
+with such extraordinary boldness, was secularizing
+the whole system of French politics, and by his disregard
+of ancient interests, was setting at naught the most
+ancient traditions, a course precisely similar was being
+pursued, in a still higher department, by a man greater
+than he; by one, who, if I may express my own opinion,
+is the most profound among the many eminent thinkers
+France has produced. I speak of Réné Descartes, of
+whom the least that can be said is, that he effected a
+revolution more decisive than has ever been brought
+about by any other single mind. With his mere physical
+discoveries we are not now concerned, because in
+this Introduction I do not pretend to trace the progress
+of science, except in those epochs which indicate a new
+turn in the habits of national thought. But I may
+remind the reader, that he was the first who successfully
+applied algebra to geometry;<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> that he pointed out the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
+important law of the sines;<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> that in an age in which
+optical instruments were extremely imperfect, he discovered
+the changes to which light is subjected in the
+eye by the crystalline lens;<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> that he directed attention
+to the consequences resulting from the weight of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
+atmosphere;<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> and that he, moreover, detected the
+causes of the rainbow,<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> that singular phenomenon, with
+which, in the eyes of the vulgar, some theological superstitions
+are still connected.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> At the same time, and
+as if to combine the most varied forms of excellence,
+he is not only allowed to be the first geometrician of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
+age,<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> but by the clearness and admirable precision of
+his style, he became one of the founders of French
+prose.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> And although he was constantly engaged in
+those lofty inquiries into the nature of the human mind,
+which can never be studied without wonder, I had
+almost said can never be read without awe, he combined
+with them a long course of laborious experiment upon
+the animal frame, which raised him to the highest rank
+among the anatomists of his time.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> The great discovery
+made by Harvey of the circulation of the blood,
+was neglected by most of his contemporaries;<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> but it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
+was at once recognized by Descartes, who made it the
+basis of the physiological part of his work on Man.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>
+He likewise adopted the discovery of the lacteals by
+Aselli,<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> which, like every great truth yet laid before
+the world, was, at its first appearance, not only disbelieved,
+but covered with ridicule.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p>
+
+<p>These things might have been sufficient to rescue
+even the physical labours of Descartes from the attacks
+constantly made on them by men who either have not
+studied his works, or else, having studied them, are
+unable to understand their merit. But the glory of
+Descartes, and the influence he exercised over his age,
+do not depend even on such claims as these. Putting
+them aside, he is the author of what is emphatically
+called Modern Philosophy.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> He is the originator of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
+that great system and method of metaphysics, which,
+notwithstanding its errors, has the undoubted merit of
+having given a wonderful impulse to the European
+mind, and communicated to it an activity which has
+been made available for other purposes of a different
+character. Besides this, and superior to it, there is
+another obligation which we are under to the memory
+of Descartes. He deserves the gratitude of posterity,
+not so much on account of what he built up, as on
+account of what he pulled down. His life was one great
+and successful warfare against the prejudices and traditions
+of men. He was great as a creator, but he was
+far greater as a destroyer. In this respect he was the
+true successor of Luther, to whose labours his own were
+the fitting supplement. He completed what the great
+German reformer had left undone.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> He bore to the old
+systems of philosophy precisely the same relation that
+Luther bore to the old systems of religion. He was
+the great reformer and liberator of the European intellect.
+To prefer, therefore, even the most successful
+discoverers of physical laws to this great innovator and
+disturber of tradition, is just as if we should prefer
+knowledge to freedom, and believe that science is better
+than liberty. We must, indeed, always be grateful to
+those eminent thinkers, to whose labours we are indebted
+for that vast body of physical truths which we
+now possess. But, let us reserve the full measure of
+our homage for those far greater men, who have not
+hesitated to attack and destroy the most inveterate
+prejudices: men who, by removing the pressure of tradition,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
+have purified the very source and fountain of
+our knowledge, and secured its future progress, by
+casting off obstacles in the presence of which progress
+was impossible.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>
+
+<p>It will not be expected, perhaps it will hardly be
+desired, that I should enter into a complete detail of the
+philosophy of Descartes: a philosophy which, in England
+at least, is rarely studied, and therefore, is often
+attacked. But it will be necessary to give such an
+account of it as will show its analogy with the anti-theological
+policy of Richelieu, and will thus enable us to
+see the full extent of that vast movement which took
+place in France before the accession of Louis XIV. By
+this means, we shall be able to understand how the
+daring innovations of the great minister were so successful,
+since they were accompanied and reinforced by
+corresponding innovations in the national intellect;
+thus affording an additional instance of the way in
+which the political history of every country is to be
+explained by the history of its intellectual progress.</p>
+
+<p>In 1637, when Richelieu was at the height of his
+power, Descartes published that great work which he
+had long been meditating, and which was the first open
+announcement of the new tendencies of the French
+mind. To this work he gave the name of a &lsquo;Method;&rsquo;
+and, assuredly, the method is the most alien to what is
+commonly called theology that can possibly be conceived.
+Indeed, so far from being theological, it is essentially
+and exclusively psychological. The theological method
+rests on ancient records, on tradition, on the voice of
+antiquity. The method of Descartes rests solely on the
+consciousness each man has of the operations of his own
+mind, and lest anyone should mistake the meaning of
+this, he, in subsequent works, developed it at great
+length, and with unrivalled clearness. For his main
+object was to popularize the views which he put forward.
+Therefore, says Descartes, &lsquo;I write in French rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
+than in Latin, because I trust that they who only employ
+their simple and native reason will estimate my opinions
+more fairly than they who only believe in ancient
+books.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> So strongly does he insist upon this, that,
+almost at the beginning of his first work, he cautions
+his readers against the common error of looking to
+antiquity for knowledge; and he reminds them that
+&lsquo;when men are too curious to know the practices of past
+ages, they generally remain very ignorant of their
+own.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p>
+
+<p>Indeed, so far from following the old plan of searching
+for truths in the records of the past, the great
+essential of this new philosophy is to wean ourselves
+from all such associations, and, beginning the acquisition
+of knowledge by the work of destruction, first pull
+down, in order that afterwards we may build up.<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>
+When I, says Descartes, set forth in the pursuit of truth,
+I found that the best way was to reject every thing I had
+hitherto received, and pluck out all my old opinions, in
+order that I might lay the foundation of them afresh:
+believing that, by this means, I should more easily
+accomplish the great scheme of life, than by building on
+an old basis, and supporting myself by principles which
+I had learned in my youth, without examining if they
+were really true.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> &lsquo;I, therefore, will occupy myself
+freely and earnestly in effecting a general destruction of
+all my old opinions.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> For, if we would know all the
+truths that can be known, we must, in the first place,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
+free ourselves from our prejudices, and make a point
+of rejecting those things which we have received, until
+we have subjected them to a new examination.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> We,
+therefore, must derive our opinions, not from tradition,
+but from ourselves. We must not pass judgment upon
+any subject which we do not clearly and distinctly
+understand; for, even if such a judgment is correct, it
+can only be so by accident, not having solid ground on
+which to support itself.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> But, so far are we from this
+state of indifference, that our memory is full of prejudices:<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>
+we pay attention to words rather than to
+things;<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> and being thus slaves to form, there are too
+many of us &lsquo;who believe themselves religious, when, in
+fact, they are bigoted and superstitious; who think
+themselves perfect because they go much to church,
+because they often repeat prayers, because they wear
+short hair, because they fast, because they give alms.
+These are the men who imagine themselves such friends
+of God, that nothing they do displeases Him; men who,
+under pretence of zeal, gratify their passions by committing
+the greatest crimes, such as betraying towns,
+killing princes, exterminating nations: and all this they
+do to those who will not change their opinions.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These were the words of wisdom which this great
+teacher addressed to his countrymen only a few years
+after they had brought to a close the last religious war
+that has ever been waged in France. The similarity of
+those views to those which, about the same time, were
+put forth by Chillingworth, must strike every reader,
+but ought not to excite surprise; for they were but the
+natural products of a state of society in which the right
+of private judgment, and the independence of the
+human reason, were first solidly established. If we
+examine this matter a little closer, we shall find still
+further proof of the analogy between France and England.
+So identical are the steps of the progress, that
+the relation which Montaigne bears to Descartes is just
+the same as that which Hooker bears to Chillingworth;
+the same in reference to the difference of time, and
+also in reference to the difference of opinions. The
+mind of Hooker was essentially sceptical; but his
+genius was so restrained by the prejudices of his age,
+that, unable to discern the supreme authority of private
+judgment, he hampered it by appeals to councils and
+to the general voice of ecclesiastical antiquity: impediments
+which Chillingworth, thirty years later, effectually
+removed. In precisely the same way, Montaigne, like
+Hooker, was sceptical; but, like him, he lived at a
+period when the spirit of doubt was yet young, and
+when the mind still trembled before the authority of
+the Church. It is, therefore, no wonder that even Montaigne,
+who did so much for his age, should have hesitated
+respecting the capacity of men to work out for
+themselves great truths; and that, pausing in the
+course that lay before him, his scepticism should often
+have assumed the form of a distrust of the human
+faculties.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> Such shortcomings, and such imperfections,
+are merely an evidence of the slow growth of
+society, and of the impossibility for even the greatest
+thinkers to outstrip their contemporaries beyond a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
+certain point. But, with the advance of knowledge,
+this deficiency was at length supplied; and, as the
+generation after Hooker brought forth Chillingworth,
+just so did the generation after Montaigne bring forth
+Descartes. Both Chillingworth and Descartes were
+eminently sceptical; but their scepticism was directed,
+not against the human intellect, but against those
+appeals to authority and tradition without which it had
+hitherto been supposed that the intellect could not
+safely proceed. That this was the case with Chillingworth,
+we have already seen. That it was likewise the
+case with Descartes, is, if possible, still more apparent;
+for that profound thinker believed, not only that the
+mind, by its own efforts, could root out its most ancient
+opinions, but that it could, without fresh aid, build up
+a new and solid system in place of the one which it had
+thrown down.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is this extraordinary confidence in the power of
+the human intellect, which eminently characterizes
+Descartes, and has given to his philosophy that peculiar
+sublimity which distinguishes it from all other systems.
+So far from thinking that a knowledge of the external
+world is essential to the discovery of truth, he laid it
+down as a fundamental principle, that we must begin
+by ignoring such knowledge;<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> that the first step is to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
+separate ourselves from the delusions of nature, and
+reject the evidence presented to our senses.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> For,
+says Descartes, nothing is certain but thought; nor are
+there any truths except those which necessarily follow
+from the operation of our own consciousness. We
+have no knowledge of our soul except as a thinking
+substance:<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> and it were easier for us to believe that
+the soul should cease to exist, than that it should cease
+to think.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> And, as to man himself, what is he but
+the incarnation of thought? For that which constitutes
+the man, is not his bones, nor his flesh, nor his
+blood. These are the accidents, the incumbrances, the
+impediments of his nature. But the man himself is the
+thought. The invisible me, the ultimate fact of existence,
+the mystery of life, is this: &lsquo;I am a thing that
+thinks.&rsquo; This, therefore, is the beginning and the
+basis of our knowledge. The thought of each man is
+the last element to which analysis can carry us; it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
+the supreme judge of every doubt; it is the starting-point
+for all wisdom.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></p>
+
+<p>Taking our stand on this ground, we rise, says Descartes,
+to the perception of the existence of the Deity.
+For, our belief in His existence is an irrefragable proof
+that He exists. Otherwise, whence does the belief arise?
+Since nothing can come out of nothing, and since no effect
+can be without a cause, it follows that the idea we have
+of God must have an origin; and this origin, whatever
+name we give it, is no other than God.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> Thus, the
+ultimate proof of His existence is our idea of it. Instead,
+therefore, of saying that we know ourselves
+because we believe in God, we should rather say that
+we believe in God because we know ourselves.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> This
+is the order and precedence of things. The thought of
+each man is sufficient to prove His existence, and it is
+the only proof we can ever possess. Such, therefore,
+is the dignity and supremacy of the human intellect,
+that even this, the highest of all matters, flows from it,
+as from its sole source.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> Hence, our religion should
+not be acquired by the teaching of others, but should
+be worked out by ourselves: it is not to be borrowed
+from antiquity, but it is to be discovered by each man's
+mind; it is not traditional, but personal. It is because
+this great truth has been neglected, that impiety has
+arisen. If each man were to content himself with that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
+idea of God which is suggested by his own mind, he
+would attain to a true knowledge of the Divine Nature.
+But when, instead of confining himself to this, he
+mixes up with it the notions of others, his ideas become
+perplexed; they contradict themselves; and the composition
+being thus confused, he often ends by denying
+the existence, not, indeed, of God, but of such a God
+as that in whom he has been taught to believe.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p>
+
+<p>The mischief which these principles must have done
+to the old theology is very obvious.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> Not only were
+they fatal, in the minds of those who received them, to
+many of the common dogmas&mdash;such, for instance, as
+that of transubstantiation,<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>&mdash;but they were likewise
+directly opposed to other opinions, equally indefensible,
+and far more dangerous. For Descartes, by founding
+a philosophy which rejected all authority except that of
+the human reason,<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> was, of course, led to abandon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
+study of final causes,<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>&mdash;an old and natural superstition,
+by which, as we shall hereafter see, the German
+philosophers were long impeded, and which still hangs,
+though somewhat loosely, about the minds of men.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>
+At the same time, by superseding the geometry of the
+ancients, he aided in weakening that inordinate respect
+with which antiquity was then regarded. In another
+matter, still more important, he displayed the same
+spirit, and met with the same success. With such
+energy did he attack the influence, or rather the
+tyranny of Aristotle, that although the opinions of that
+philosopher were intimately interwoven with the Christian
+theology,<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> his authority was entirely overthrown<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
+by Descartes; and with it there perished those scholastic
+prejudices, for which Aristotle, indeed, was not
+responsible, but which, under the shelter of his mighty
+name, had, during several centuries, perplexed the understandings
+of men, and retarded the progress of their
+knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were the principal services rendered to civilization
+by one of the greatest men Europe has ever produced.
+The analogy between him and Richelieu is very
+striking, and is as complete as their relative positions
+would allow. The same disregard of ancient notions,
+the same contempt for theological interests, the same
+indifference to tradition, the same determination to
+prefer the present to the past: in a word, the same
+essentially modern spirit, is seen alike in the writings
+of Descartes, and in the actions of Richelieu. What
+the first was to philosophy, that was the other to
+politics. But, while acknowledging the merits of these
+eminent men, it behoves us to remember that their
+success was the result, not only of their own abilities,
+but likewise of the general temper of their time. The
+nature of their labours depended on themselves; the
+way in which their labours were received, depended on
+their contemporaries. Had they lived in a more superstitious
+age, their views would have been disregarded,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
+or, if noticed, would have been execrated as impious
+novelties. In the fifteenth, or early in the sixteenth
+century, the genius of Descartes and of Richelieu would
+have lacked the materials necessary to their work; their
+comprehensive minds would, in that state of society,
+have found no play; they would have awakened no
+sympathies; their bread would have been cast upon
+those waters which return it not again. And it would
+have been well for them if, in such a case, indifference
+were the only penalty with which they would be visited.
+It would have been well if they had not paid the forfeit
+incurred by many of those illustrious thinkers who
+have vainly attempted to stem the torrent of human
+credulity. It would have been well if the church had
+not risen in her wrath&mdash;if Richelieu had not been
+executed as a traitor, and Descartes burned as a heretic.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, the mere fact that two such men, occupying so
+conspicuous a place before the public eye, and enforcing
+views so obnoxious to the interests of superstition,
+should have lived without serious danger, and then
+have died peaceably in their beds&mdash;the mere fact that
+this should have happened, is a decisive proof of the
+progress which, during fifty years, had been made by
+the French nation. With such rapidity were the prejudices
+of that great people dying away, that opinions
+utterly subversive of theological traditions, and fatal to
+the whole scheme of ecclesiastical power, were with impunity
+advocated by Descartes, and put in practice by
+Richelieu. It was now clearly seen, that the two foremost
+men of their time could, with little or no risk,
+openly propagate ideas which, half a century before,
+it would have been accounted dangerous even for the
+most obscure man to whisper in the privacy of his own
+chamber.</p>
+
+<p>Nor are the causes of this impunity difficult to understand.
+They are to be found in the diffusion of that
+sceptical spirit, by which, in France as well as in England,
+toleration was preceded. For, without entering
+into details which would be too long for the limits of
+this Introduction, it is enough to say, that French
+literature generally was, at this period, distinguished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
+by a freedom and a boldness of inquiry, of which, England
+alone excepted, no example had then been seen
+in Europe. The generation which had listened to the
+teachings of Montaigne and of Charron, was now succeeded
+by another generation, the disciples, indeed, of
+those eminent men, but disciples who far outstripped
+their masters. The result was, that, during the thirty
+or forty years which preceded the power of Louis
+XIV.,<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> there was not to be found a single Frenchman
+of note who did not share in the general feeling&mdash;not
+one who did not attack some ancient dogma, or sap
+the foundation of some old opinion. This fearless
+temper was the characteristic of the ablest writers of
+that time;<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> but what is still more observable is, that
+the movement spread with such rapidity as to include
+in its action even those parts of society which are invariably
+the last to be affected by it. That spirit of
+doubt, which is the necessary precursor of all inquiry,
+and therefore of all solid improvement, owes its origin
+to the most thinking and intellectual parts of
+society, and is naturally opposed by the other parts:
+opposed by the nobles, because it is dangerous to their
+interests; opposed by the uneducated, because it
+attacks their prejudices. This is one of the reasons
+why neither the highest nor the lowest ranks are
+fit to conduct the government of a civilized country;
+since both of them, notwithstanding individual
+exceptions, are, in the aggregate, averse to those
+reforms which the exigencies of an advancing nation
+constantly require. But, in France, before the middle
+of the seventeenth century, even these classes began<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
+to participate in the great progress; so that, not
+only among thoughtful men, but likewise among the
+ignorant and the frivolous, there was seen that inquisitive
+and incredulous disposition, which, whatever
+may be said against it, has at least this peculiarity,
+that, in its absence, there is no instance to be found of
+the establishment of those principles of toleration and
+of liberty, which have only been recognized with infinite
+difficulty, and after many a hard-fought battle
+against prejudices whose inveterate tenacity might
+almost cause them to be deemed a part of the original
+constitution of the human mind.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is no wonder if, under these circumstances, the
+speculations of Descartes and the actions of Richelieu
+should have met with great success. The system of
+Descartes exercised immense influence, and soon pervaded
+nearly every branch of knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> The policy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
+of Richelieu was so firmly established, that it was continued
+without the slightest difficulty by his immediate
+successor: nor was any attempt made to reverse it
+until that forcible and artificial reaction which, under
+Louis XIV., was fatal, for a time, to every sort of civil
+and religious liberty. The history of that reaction,
+and the way in which, by a counter-reaction, the French
+Revolution was prepared, will be related in the subsequent
+chapters of this volume; at present we will
+resume the thread of those events which took place in
+France before Louis XIV. assumed the government.</p>
+
+<p>A few months after the death of Richelieu, Louis
+XIII. also died, and the crown was inherited by Louis
+XIV., who was then a child, and who for many years
+had no influence in public affairs. During his minority,
+the government was administered, avowedly by his
+mother, but in reality by Mazarin: a man who, though
+in every point inferior to Richelieu, had imbibed something
+of his spirit, and who, so far as he was able,
+adopted the policy of that great statesman, to whom he
+owed his promotion.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> He, influenced partly by the
+example of his predecessor, partly by his own character,
+and partly by the spirit of his age, showed no
+desire to persecute the Protestants, or to disturb them
+in any of the rights they then exercised.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> His first
+act was to confirm the Edict of Nantes;<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> and, towards
+the close of his life, he even allowed the Protestants
+again to hold those synods which their own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
+violence had been the means of interrupting.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Between
+the death of Richelieu and the accession to
+power of Louis XIV., there elapsed a period of nearly
+twenty years, during which Mazarin, with the exception
+of a few intervals, was at the head of the state;
+and in the whole of that time, I have found no instance
+of any Frenchman being punished for his religion.
+Indeed, the new government, so far from protecting the
+church by repressing heresy, displayed that indifference
+to ecclesiastical interests which was now becoming
+a settled maxim of French policy. Richelieu,
+as we have already seen, had taken the bold step of
+placing Protestants at the head of the royal armies;
+and this he had done upon the simple principle, that
+one of the first duties of a statesman is to employ for
+the benefit of the country the ablest men he can find,
+without regard to their theological opinions, with which,
+as he well knew, no government has any concern. But
+Louis XIII., whose personal feelings were always opposed
+to the enlightened measures of his great minister,
+was offended by this magnanimous disregard of ancient
+prejudices; his piety was shocked at the idea of Catholic
+soldiers being commanded by heretics; and, as
+we are assured by a well-informed contemporary, he
+determined to put an end to this scandal to the church,
+and, for the future, allow no Protestant to receive
+the staff of marshal of France.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> Whether the king, if
+he had lived, would have carried his point, is doubtful;<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>
+but what is certain is, that, only four months after his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
+death, this appointment of marshal was bestowed upon
+Turenne, the most able of all the Protestant generals.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>
+And in the very next year, Gassion, another Protestant,
+was raised to the same dignity; thus affording the
+strange spectacle of the highest military power in a
+great Catholic country wielded by two men against
+whose religion the church was never weary of directing
+her anathemas.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> In a similar spirit, Mazarin, on
+mere grounds of political expediency, concluded an
+intimate alliance with Cromwell; an usurper who, in
+the opinion of the theologians, was doomed to perdition,
+since he was soiled by the triple crime of rebellion,
+of heresy, and of regicide.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> Finally, one of the
+last acts of this pupil of Richelieu's<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> was to sign the
+celebrated treaty of the Pyrenees, by which ecclesiastical
+interests were seriously weakened, and great injury
+inflicted on him who was still considered to be the
+head of the church.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But, the circumstance for which the administration
+of Mazarin is most remarkable, is the breaking out of
+that great civil war called the Fronde, in which the
+people attempted to carry into politics the insubordinate
+spirit which had already displayed itself in
+literature and in religion. Here we cannot fail to note
+the similarity between this struggle and that which, at
+the same time, was taking place in England. It would,
+indeed, be far from accurate to say that the two events
+were the counterpart of each other; but there can be
+no doubt that the analogy between them is very striking.
+In both countries, the civil war was the first
+popular expression of what had hitherto been rather
+a speculative, and, so to say, a literary scepticism. In
+both countries, incredulity was followed by rebellion,
+and the abasement of the clergy preceded the humiliation
+of the crown; for Richelieu was to the French
+church what Elizabeth had been to the English church.
+In both countries there now first arose that great product
+of civilization, a free press, which showed its
+liberty by pouring forth those fearless and innumerable
+works which mark the activity of the age.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> In both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
+countries, the struggle was between retrogression and
+progress; between those who clung to tradition, and
+those who longed for innovation; while, in both, the
+contest assumed the external form of a war between
+king and parliament, the king being the organ of the
+past, the parliament the representative of the present.
+And, not to mention inferior similarities, there was one
+other point of vast importance in which these two
+great events coincide. This is, that both of them were
+eminently secular, and arose from the desire, not of
+propagating religious opinions, but of securing civil
+liberty. The temporal character of the English rebellion
+I have already noticed, and, indeed, it must be
+obvious to whoever has studied the evidence in its
+original sources. In France, not only do we find the
+same result, but we can even mark the stages of the
+progress. In the middle of the sixteenth century, and
+immediately after the death of Henry III., the French
+civil wars were caused by religious disputes, and were
+carried on with the fervour of a crusade. Early in
+the seventeenth century, hostilities again broke out;
+but though the efforts of the government were directed
+against the Protestants, this was not because
+they were heretics, but because they were rebels: the
+object being, not to punish an opinion, but to control a
+faction. This was the first great stage in the history
+of toleration; and it was accomplished, as we have
+already seen, during the reign of Louis XIII. That
+generation passing away, there arose, in the next age,
+the wars of the Fronde; and in this, which may be
+called the second stage of the French intellect, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
+alteration was still more remarkable. For, in the mean
+time, the principles of the great sceptical thinkers,
+from Montaigne to Descartes, had produced their natural
+fruit, and, becoming diffused among the educated
+classes, had influenced, as they always will do, not only
+those by whom they were received, but also those by
+whom they were rejected. Indeed, a mere knowledge
+of the fact, that the most eminent men have thrown
+doubt on the popular opinions of an age, can never
+fail, in some degree, to disturb the convictions even of
+those by whom the doubts are ridiculed.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> In such
+cases, none are entirely safe: the firmest belief is apt
+to become slightly unsettled; those who outwardly preserve
+the appearance of orthodoxy, often unconsciously
+waver; they cannot entirely resist the influence of superior
+minds, nor can they always avoid an unwelcome
+suspicion, that when ability is on one side, and ignorance
+on the other, it is barely possible that the ability
+may be right, and the ignorance may be wrong.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it fell out in France. In that country, as in
+every other, when theological convictions diminished,
+theological animosities subsided. Formerly religion had
+been the cause of war, and had also been the pretext
+under which it was conducted. Then there came a
+time when it ceased to be the cause: but so slow is the
+progress of society, that it was still found necessary to
+set it up as the pretext.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> Finally, there came the
+great days of the Fronde, in which it was neither cause<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
+nor pretext,<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> and in which there was seen, for the
+first time in France, an arduous struggle by human
+beings avowedly for human purposes: a war waged
+by men who sought, not to enforce their opinions, but
+to increase their liberty. And, as if to make this
+change still more striking, the most eminent leader of
+the insurgents was the Cardinal de Retz; a man of
+vast ability, but whose contempt for his profession was
+notorious,<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> and of whom a great historian has said,
+&lsquo;he is the first bishop in France who carried on a civil
+war without making religion the pretence.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p>
+
+<p>We have thus seen that, during the seventy years
+which succeeded the accession of Henry IV., the
+French intellect developed itself in a manner remarkably
+similar to that which took place in England. We
+have seen that, in both countries, the mind, according<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
+to the natural conditions of its growth, first doubted
+what it had long believed, and then tolerated what it
+had long hated. That this was by no means an accidental
+or capricious combination, is evident, not only
+from general arguments, and from the analogy of the
+two countries, but also from another circumstance of
+great interest. This is, that the order of events, and as
+it were their relative proportions, were the same, not
+only in reference to the increase of toleration, but also
+in reference to the increase of literature and science.
+In both countries, the progress of knowledge bore
+the same ratio to the decline of ecclesiastical influence,
+although they manifested that ratio at different periods.
+We had begun to throw off our superstitions somewhat
+earlier than the French were able to do; and thus,
+being the first in the field, we anticipated that great
+people in producing a secular literature. Whoever will
+take the pains to compare the growth of the French
+and English minds, will see that, in all the most important
+departments, we were the first, I do not say in
+merit, but in the order of time. In prose, in poetry,
+and in every branch of intellectual excellence, it will
+be found, on comparison, that we were before the
+French nearly a whole generation; and that, chronologically,
+the same proportion was preserved as that
+between Bacon and Descartes, Hooker and Pascal,<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>
+Shakespeare and Corneille, Massinger and Racine, Ben
+Jonson and Molière, Harvey and Pecquet. These eminent
+men were all justly celebrated in their respective
+countries; and it would perhaps be invidious to institute
+a comparison between them. But what we have
+here to observe is, that among those who cultivated the
+same department, the greatest Englishman, in every
+instance, preceded the greatest Frenchman by many
+years. The difference, running as it does, through all
+the leading topics, is far too regular to be considered
+accidental. And as few Englishmen of the present day<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
+will be so presumptuous as to suppose that we possess
+any native and inherent superiority over the French,
+it is evident that there must be some marked peculiarity
+in which the two countries differed, and which
+has produced this difference, not in their knowledge,
+but in the time at which their knowledge appeared.
+Nor does the discovery of this peculiarity require
+much penetration. For, notwithstanding that the
+French were more tardy than the English, still, when
+the development had fairly begun, the antecedents
+of its success were among both people precisely the
+same. It is, therefore, clear, according to the commonest
+principles of inductive reasoning, that the lateness
+of the development must be owing to the lateness
+of the antecedent. It is clear that the French
+knew less because they believed more.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> It is clear
+that their progress was checked by the prevalence of
+those feelings which are fatal to all knowledge, because,
+looking on antiquity as the sole receptacle of wisdom,
+they degrade the present in order that they may exaggerate
+the past: feelings which destroy the prospects
+of man, stifle his hopes, damp his curiosity, chill his
+energies, impair his judgment, and, under pretence of
+humbling the pride of his reason, seek to throw him
+back into that more than midnight darkness from which
+his reason alone has enabled him to emerge.</p>
+
+<p>The analogy thus existing between France and England,
+is, indeed, very striking, and, so far as we have
+yet considered it, seems complete in all its parts. To
+sum up the similarities in a few words, it may be
+said, that both countries followed the same order of
+development in their scepticism, in their knowledge,
+in their literature, and in their toleration. In both
+countries, there broke out a civil war at the same
+time, for the same object, and, in many respects, under
+the same circumstances. In both, the insurgents, at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
+first triumphant, were afterwards defeated; and the
+rebellion being put down, the governments of the two
+nations were fully restored almost at the same moment:
+in 1660 by Charles II.; in 1661, by Louis XIV.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> But
+there the similarity stopped. At this point there began
+a marked divergence between the two countries;<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>
+which continued to increase for more than a century,
+until it ended in England by the consolidation of the
+national prosperity, in France by a revolution more
+sanguinary, more complete, and more destructive, than
+any the world has ever seen. This difference between
+the fortunes of such great and civilized nations is so
+remarkable, that a knowledge of its causes becomes
+essential to a right understanding of European history,
+and will be found to throw considerable light on other
+events not immediately connected with it. Besides
+this, such an inquiry, independently of its scientific
+interest, will have a high practical value. It will show,
+what men seem only recently to have begun to understand,
+that, in politics, no certain principles having
+yet been discovered, the first conditions of success are
+compromise, barter, expediency, and concession. It
+will show the utter helplessness even of the ablest
+rulers, when they try to meet new emergencies by old
+maxims. It will show the intimate connexion between
+knowledge and liberty; between an increasing civilization
+and an advancing democracy. It will show
+that, for a progressive nation, there is required a progressive
+polity; that within certain limits, innovation
+is the sole ground of security; that no institution can
+withstand the flux and movements of society, unless it
+not only repairs its structure, but also widens its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
+entrance; and that, even in a material point of view,
+no country can long remain either prosperous or safe,
+in which the people are not gradually extending their
+power, enlarging their privileges, and, so to say, incorporating
+themselves with the functions of the state.</p>
+
+<p>The tranquillity of England, and her freedom from
+civil war, are to be ascribed to the recognition of these
+great truths;<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> while the neglect of them has entailed
+upon other countries the most woful calamities. On
+this account, therefore, if on no other, it becomes interesting
+to ascertain how it was that the two nations
+we have been comparing should, in regard to these
+truths, have adopted views diametrically opposite, although,
+in other matters, their opinions, as we have
+already seen, were very similar. Or, to state the question
+in other words, we have to inquire how it was that
+the French, after pursuing precisely the same course
+as the English, in their knowledge, in their scepticism,
+and in their toleration, should have stopped short in
+their politics; how it was that their minds, which had
+effected such great things, should, nevertheless, have
+been so unprepared for liberty, that, in spite of the
+heroic efforts of the Fronde, they not only fell under
+the despotism of Louis XIV., but never cared to resist
+it; and, at length, becoming slaves in their souls as
+well as in their bodies, they grew proud of a condition
+which the meanest Englishman would have spurned as
+an intolerable bondage.</p>
+
+<p>The cause of this difference is to be sought in the
+existence of that spirit of protection which is so dangerous
+and yet so plausible, that it forms the most serious
+obstacle with which advancing civilization has to contend.
+This, which may truly be called an evil spirit,
+has always been far stronger in France than in England.
+Indeed, among the French, it continues, even
+to the present day, to produce the most mischievous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
+results. It is, as I shall hereafter point out, intimately
+connected with that love of centralization which
+appears in the machinery of their government, and in
+the spirit of their literature. It is this which induces
+them to retain restrictions by which their trade has
+long been troubled, and to preserve monopolies which,
+in our country, a freer system has effectually destroyed.
+It is this which causes them to interfere with the
+natural relation between producers and consumers; to
+force into existence manufactures which otherwise
+would never arise, and which, for that very reason, are
+not required; to disturb the ordinary march of industry,
+and, under pretence of protecting their native
+labourers, diminish the produce of labour by diverting
+it from those profitable channels into which its own
+instincts always compel it to flow.</p>
+
+<p>When the protective principle is carried into trade,
+these are its inevitable results. When it is carried into
+politics, there is formed what is called a paternal government,
+in which supreme power is vested in the
+sovereign, or in a few privileged classes. When it is
+carried into theology, it produces a powerful church,
+and a numerous clergy, who are supposed to be the necessary
+guardians of religion, and every opposition to
+whom is resented as an insult to the public morals.
+These are the marks by which protection may be recognized;
+and from a very early period they have displayed
+themselves in France much more clearly than in England.
+Without pretending to discover their precise origin, I
+will, in the next chapter, endeavour to trace them back
+to a time sufficiently remote to explain some of the discrepancies
+which, in this respect existed between the
+two countries.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p><i>Note to p</i>. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.<span style="font-size: 0.9em;">Descartes died in Sweden on a visit to Christina;
+so that, strictly speaking, there is an error in the text. But this
+does not affect the argument; because the works of Descartes, being
+eagerly read in France, and not being prohibited, we must suppose
+that his person would have been safe, had he remained in his own
+country. To burn a heretic is a more decisive step than to suppress
+a book; and as the French clergy were not strong enough to effect
+the latter, it is hardly likely that they could have accomplished the
+former.</span></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The question as to whether the study of normal phenomena
+should or should not precede the study of abnormal ones, is of the
+greatest importance; and a neglect of it has introduced confusion into
+every work I have seen on general or comparative history. For this
+preliminary being unsettled, there has been no recognized principle of
+arrangement; and historians, instead of following a scientific method
+suited to the actual exigencies of our knowledge, have adopted an
+empirical method suited to their own exigencies; and have given priority
+to different countries, sometimes according to their size, sometimes
+according to their antiquity, sometimes according to their geographical
+position, sometimes according to their wealth, sometimes according to
+their religion, sometimes according to the brilliancy of their
+literature, and sometimes according to the facilities which the
+historian himself possessed for collecting materials. All these are
+factitious considerations; and, in a philosophic view, it is evident
+that precedence should be given to countries by the historian solely in
+reference to the ease with which their history can be generalized;
+following in this respect the scientific plan of proceeding from the
+simple to the complex. This leads us to the conclusion that, in the
+study of Man, as in the study of Nature, the question of priority
+resolves itself into a question of aberration; and that the more
+aberrant any people have been, that is to say, the more they have been
+interfered with, the lower they must be placed in an arrangement of the
+history of various countries. Coleridge (<i>Lit. Remains</i>, vol. i. p. 326,
+and elsewhere in his works) seems to suppose that the order should be
+the reverse of what I have stated, and that the laws both of mind and
+body can be generalized from pathological data. Without wishing to
+express myself too positively in opposition to so profound a thinker as
+Coleridge, I cannot help saying that this is contradicted by an immense
+amount of evidence, and, so far as I am aware, is supported by none. It
+is contradicted by the fact, that those branches of inquiry which deal
+with phenomena little affected by foreign causes, have been raised to
+sciences sooner than those which deal with phenomena greatly affected by
+foreign causes. The organic world, for example, is more perturbed by the
+inorganic world, than the inorganic world is perturbed by it. Hence we
+find that the inorganic sciences have always been cultivated before the
+organic ones, and at the present moment are far more advanced than they.
+In the same way, human physiology is older than human pathology; and
+while the physiology of the vegetable kingdom has been successfully
+prosecuted since the latter half of the seventeenth century, the
+pathology of the vegetable kingdom can scarcely be said to exist, since
+none of its laws have been generalized, and no systematic researches, on
+a large scale, have yet been made into the morbid anatomy of plants. It
+appears, therefore, that different ages and different sciences bear
+unconscious testimony to the uselessness of paying much attention to the
+abnormal, until considerable progress has been made in the study of the
+normal; and this conclusion might be confirmed by innumerable
+authorities, who, differing from Coleridge, hold that physiology is the
+basis of pathology, and that the laws of disease are to be raised, not
+from the phenomena presented in disease, but from those presented in
+health; in other words, that pathology should be investigated
+deductively rather than inductively, and that morbid anatomy and
+clinical observations may verify the conclusions of science, but can
+never supply the means of creating the science itself. On this extremely
+interesting question, compare <i>Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, 127; <i>Bowman's
+Surgery</i>, in <i>Encyclop. of the Medical Sciences</i>, p. 824; <i>Bichat</i>,
+<i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol. i. p. 20; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 424;
+<i>Comte</i>, <i>Philos. Positive</i>, vol. iii. pp. 334, 335; <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>,
+<i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, vol. i. p. 68; <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>,
+vol. i. p. 111; <i>Georget</i>, <i>de la Folie</i>, pp. 2, 391, 392; <i>Brodie's
+Pathology and Surgery</i>, p. 3; <i>Blainville</i>, <i>Physiologie comparée</i>, vol.
+i. p. 20; <i>Feuchtersleben's Medical Psychology</i>, p. 200; <i>Lawrence's
+Lectures on Man</i>, 1844, p. 45; <i>Simon's Pathology</i>, p. 5.</p>
+
+<p>Another confirmation of the accuracy of this view is, that pathological
+investigations of the nervous system, numerous as they have been, have
+effected scarcely anything; the reason evidently being, that the
+preliminary knowledge of the normal state is not sufficiently advanced.
+See <i>Noble on the Brain</i>, pp. 76&ndash;92, 337, 338; <i>Henry on the Nervous
+System</i>, in <i>Third Report of Brit. Assoc.</i> p. 78; <i>Holland's Medical
+Notes</i>, p. 608; <i>Jones and Sieveking's Patholog. Anat.</i> p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> A circumstance which Harris relates with evident delight,
+and goes out of his way to mention it. <i>Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 300. On the amount of loss the church thus sustained, see <i>Sinclair's
+Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. i. pp. 181&ndash;184, and <i>Eccleston's English
+Antiquities</i>, p. 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The first divergence arose from the influence of the
+protective spirit, as I shall endeavour to explain in the next chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> On the obligations Europe is under to the Catholic clergy,
+see some liberal and very just remarks in <i>Kemble's Saxons in England</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 374, 375; and in <i>Guizot's Civilisation en France</i>. See
+also <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. iii. pp. 199&ndash;206, 255&ndash;257,
+vol. v. p. 138, vol. vi. pp. 406, 407; <i>Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon
+Commonwealth</i>, vol. i. p. 655; <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. p.
+44; <i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Travaux sur l'Hist. du droit</i>, vol. i. p. 394;
+<i>Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, vol. i. p. 157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The way in which this acted is concisely stated by
+Tennemann: &lsquo;Wenn sich nun auch ein freierer Geist der Forschung regte,
+so fand er sich gleich durch zwei Grundsätze, welche aus jenem Supremat
+der Theologie flossen, beengt und gehemmt. Der erste war: die
+menschliche Vernunft kann nicht über die Offenbarung hinausgehen&hellip;. Der
+zweite: die Vernunft kann nichts als wahr erkennen, was dem Inhalte der
+Offenbarung widerspricht, und nichts für falsch erkennen, was derselben
+angemessen ist,&mdash;folgte aus dem ersten.&rsquo; <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. viii.
+part i. p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> As to the influence of the Reformation generally, in
+increasing the power of the Catholic clergy, see M. Ranke's important
+work on the <i>History of the Popes</i>; and as to the result in France, see
+<i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. v. pp. 233&ndash;235. Corero, who
+was ambassador in France in 1569, writes, &lsquo;Il papa può dire a mio
+giudizio, d'aver in questi romori piuttosto guadagnato che perduto,
+perciochè tanta era la licenza del vivere, secondo che ho inteso, prima
+che quel regno si dividesse in due parti, era tanta poca la devozione
+che avevano in Roma e in quei che vi abitavano, che il papa era più
+considerato come principe grande in Italia, che come capo della chiesa e
+pastore universale. Ma scoperti che si furono gli ugonotti, cominciarono
+i cattolici a riverire il suo nome, e riconoscerlo per vero vicario di
+Cristo, confirmandosi tanto più in opinione di doverlo tener per tale,
+quanto più lo sentivano sprezzare e negare da essi ugonotti.&rsquo; <i>Relations
+des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</i>, vol. ii. p. 162. This interesting passage
+is one of many proofs that the immediate advantages derived from the
+Reformation have been overrated; though the remote advantages were
+undoubtedly immense.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> The indifference of the English to theological disputes,
+and the facility with which they changed their religion, caused many
+foreigners to censure their fickleness. See, for instance, <i>Essais de
+Montaigne</i>, livre ii. chap. xii. p. 365. Perlin, who travelled in
+England in the middle of the sixteenth century, says, &lsquo;The people are
+reprobates, and thorough enemies to good manners and letters; for they
+don't know whether they belong to God or the devil, which St. Paul has
+reprehended in many people, saying, Be not transported with divers sorts
+of winds, but be constant and steady to your belief.&rsquo; <i>Antiquarian
+Repertory</i>, vol. iv. p. 511, 4to, 1809. See also the remarks of Michele
+in 1557, and of Crespet in 1590; <i>Ellis's Original Letters</i>, 2nd series,
+vol. ii. p. 239; <i>Hallam's Constitutional History</i>, vol. i. p. 102;
+<i>Southey's Commonplace Book</i>, 3rd series, p. 408.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> An historian of the thirteenth century strikingly expresses
+the theological feelings of the English crusaders, and the complete
+subordination of the political ones: &lsquo;Indignum quippe judicabant
+animarum suarum salutem omittere, et obsequium c&oelig;lestis Regis,
+clientelæ regis alicujus terreni postponere; constituerunt igitur
+terminum, videlicet festum nativitatis beati Johannis Baptistæ.&rsquo;
+<i>Matthæi Paris Historia Major</i>, p. 671. It is said, that the first tax
+ever imposed in England on personal property was in 1166, and was for
+the purpose of crusading. <i>Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. i. p.
+88: &lsquo;It would not probably have been easily submitted to, had it not
+been appropriated for so popular a purpose.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Henry VIII. had, at one time, fifty horse-guards, but they
+being expensive, were soon given up; and his only protection consisted
+of &lsquo;the yeomen of the guard, fifty in number, and the common servants of
+the king's household.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 46. These
+&lsquo;yeomen of the guard were raised by Henry VII. in 1485.&rsquo; <i>Grose's
+Military Antiquities</i>, vol. i. p. 167. Compare <i>Turner's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. vii. p. 54; and <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Locke, in his first Letter on Toleration, has made some
+pungent, and, I should suppose, very offensive, observations on these
+rapid changes. <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. v. p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> But, although Mary easily effected a change of religion,
+the anti-ecclesiastical spirit was far too strong to allow her to
+restore to the church its property. &lsquo;In Mary's reign, accordingly, her
+parliament, so obsequious in all matters of religion, adhered with a
+firm grasp to the possession of church-lands.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i>
+vol. i. p. 77. See also <i>Short's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, p.
+213; <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iv. pp. 339, 340; <i>Butler's Mem.
+of the Catholics</i>, vol. i. p. 253; and <i>Carwithen's Hist. of the Church
+of England</i>, vol. i. p. 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> &lsquo;Quand éclata la guerre des opinions religieuses, les
+antiques rivalités des barons se transformèrent en haîne du prêche ou de
+la messe.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme et de la Ligue</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 32. Compare <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et Correspond.</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+422, 563; and <i>Boullier</i>, <i>Maison Militaire des Rois de France</i>, p. 25,
+&lsquo;des querelles d'autant plus vives, qu'elles avoient la religion pour
+base.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The intellectual advantages of France, arising from its
+position between Italy, Germany, and England, are very fairly stated by
+M. Lerminier (<i>Philosophie du Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 9).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Just in the same way, the religious disputes in Alexandria
+injured the interests of knowledge. See the instructive remarks of M.
+Matter (<i>Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. ii. p. 131).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. vi. p. 136.
+Indeed, the theological spirit seized the theatre, and the different
+sectarians ridiculed each other's principles on the stage. See a curious
+passage at p. 182 of the same learned work.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> The crimes of the French Protestants, though hardly
+noticed in <i>Felice's History of the Protestants of France</i>, pp. 138&ndash;143,
+were as revolting as those of the Catholics, and quite as numerous
+relatively to the numbers and power of the two parties. Compare
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xviii. pp. 516, 517, with
+<i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. ii. p. 173, vol. vi. p. 54; and
+<i>Smedley</i>, <i>Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol. i. pp. 199,
+200, 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> In 1569 Corero writes: &lsquo;Ritrovai quel regno, certo, posto
+in grandissima confusione; perchè, stante quella divisione di religione
+(convertita quasi in due fazioni e inimicizie particolari), era causa
+ch' ognuno, senza che amicizia o parentela potesse aver luoco, stava con
+l'orecchie attente; e pieno disospetto ascoltava da che parte nasceva
+qualche romore,&rsquo; <i>Relat. des Ambassad. Vénitiens</i>, vol. ii. p. 106. He
+emphatically adds, &lsquo;Temevano gl' ugonotti, temevano li cattolici,
+tenieva il prencipe, temevano li sudditi.&rsquo; See also, on this horrible
+state of opinions, <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xviii. pp. 21,
+22, 118&ndash;120, 296, 430. On both sides, the grossest calumnies were
+propagated and believed; and one of the charges brought against
+Catherine de Medici was, that she caused the Cesarean operation to be
+performed on the wives of Protestants, in order that no new heretics
+might be born. <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. vii. p. 294.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations sur l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 149. In the reign of Charles IX. alone, there were no less than five
+of these religious wars, each of which was concluded by a treaty. See
+<i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie Française</i>, vol. ii. p. 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> For which l'Hôpital was accused of atheism: &lsquo;Homo doctus,
+sed verus atheus.&rsquo; <i>Dict. Philos.</i> article <i>Athéisme</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. xxxvii. pp. 181, 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> I have not been able to meet with any good life of this
+great man: that by Charles Butler is very superficial, and so is that by
+Bernardi, in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiv. pp. 412&ndash;424. My own information
+respecting l'Hôpital is from <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol.
+xviii. pp. 431&ndash;436; <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+135&ndash;137, 168&ndash;170; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. iii. pp. 519&ndash;523, vol.
+iv. pp. 2&ndash;8, 152&ndash;159, vol. v. pp. 180&ndash;182, 520, 521, 535, vol. vi. pp.
+703, 704; <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. i. p. 234. Duvernet
+(<i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i>, vol. i. pp. 215&ndash;218) is unsatisfactory, though
+fully recognizing his merit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> &lsquo;Ce fut alors que la nation ne prit conseil que de son
+fanatisme. Les esprits, de jour en jour plus échauffés, ne virent plus
+d'autre objet que celui de la religion, et par piété se firent les
+injures les plus atroces.&rsquo; <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations sur l'Hist. de
+France</i>, vol. iii. p. 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> The 19th and 20th volumes of <i>Sismondi's Histoire des
+Français</i> contain painful evidence of the internal condition of France
+before the accession of Henry IV. Indeed, as Sismondi says (vol. xx. pp.
+11&ndash;16), it seemed at one time as if the only prospect was a relapse into
+feudalism. See also <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. v. pp.
+242&ndash;249: &lsquo;plus de trois cent mille maisons détruites.&rsquo; De Thou, in the
+memoirs of his own life, says, &lsquo;Les loix furent méprisées, et l'honneur
+de la France fut presque anéanti &hellip; et sous le voile de la religion, on
+ne respiroit que la haîne, la vengeance, le massacre et l'incendie,&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de la Vie</i>, in <i>Histoire Univ.</i> vol. i. p. 120; and the same
+writer, in his great history, gives almost innumerable instances of the
+crimes and persecutions constantly occurring. See, for some of the most
+striking cases, vol. ii. p. 383, vol. iv. pp. 378, 380, 387, 495, 496,
+539, vol. v. pp. 189, 518, 561, 647, vol. vi. pp. 421, 422, 424, 426,
+427, 430, 469. Compare <i>Duplessis</i>, <i>Mém. et Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp.
+41, 42, 322, 335, 611, 612, vol. iii. pp. 344, 445, vol. iv. pp.
+112&ndash;114; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. pp. 307, 308;
+<i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i>, vol. i. p. 217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> This, indeed, is not saying much; and far higher praise
+might be justly bestowed. As to his domestic policy, there can be only
+one opinion; and M. Flassan speaks in the most favourable terms of his
+management of foreign affairs. <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie
+Franç.</i> vol. ii. pp. 191, 192, 294&ndash;297, vol. iii. p. 243. And see, to
+the same effect, the testimony of M. Capefigue, an unfriendly judge.
+<i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. vii. p. xiv. vol. viii. p. 156. Fontenay
+Mareuil, who was a contemporary of Henry IV., though he wrote many years
+after the king was murdered, says, &lsquo;Ce grand roy, qui estoit en plus de
+considération dans le monde que pas un de ses prédécesseurs n'avoit esté
+depuis Charlesmagne.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Fontenay</i>, vol. i. p. 46. Duplessis
+Mornay calls him &lsquo;le plus grand roy que la chrestienté ait porté depuis
+cinq cens ans;&rsquo; and Sully pronounces him to be &lsquo;le plus grand de nos
+rois.&rsquo; <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et Correspond.</i> vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131;
+<i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. vii. p. 15. Compare vol. vi. pp.
+397, 398, vol. ix. pp. 35, 242, with some sensible remarks in <i>Mém. de
+Genlis</i>, Paris, 1825, vol. ix. p. 299.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> So it is generally related: but there is a slightly
+different version of this orthodox declaration in <i>Smedley's Hist. of
+the Reformation in France</i>, vol. i. p. 30. Compare <i>Maclaine's note</i> in
+<i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 24, with <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. xvi. pp. 453, 454, and <i>Relat. des Ambassad.
+Vénitiens</i>, vol. i. p. 50, vol. ii. p. 48. It was also Francis I. who
+advised Charles V. to expel all the Mohammedans from Spain, <i>Llorente</i>,
+<i>Hist. de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i. p. 429.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The historian of the French Protestants says, in 1548, &lsquo;le
+nouveau roi Henry II. fut encore plus rigoureux que son père.&rsquo;
+<i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> M. Ranke (<i>Civil Wars in France</i>, vol. i. pp. 240, 241)
+says, that he issued a circular &lsquo;addressed to the parliaments and to the
+judicial tribunals, in which they were urged to proceed against the
+Lutherans with the greatest severity, and the judges informed that they
+would be held responsible, should they neglect these orders; and in
+which he declared plainly, that as soon as the peace with Spain was
+concluded, he was determined to make the extirpation of the heretics his
+principal business.&rsquo; See also, on Henry II., in connexion with the
+Protestants, <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observ. sur l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+133, 134; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. i. pp. 334, 335, 387, vol. ii.
+p. 640, vol. iii. pp. 365, 366; <i>Felice's Hist. of the French
+Protestants</i>, p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> He said this to the Estates of Blois in 1588. <i>Ranke's
+Civil Wars in France</i>, vol. ii. p. 202. Compare his edict, in 1585, in
+<i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. iv. pp. 244, 245, and his
+speech in vol. v. p. 122; and see <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de
+Nantes</i>, vol. i. p. 328; <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et Corresp.</i> vol. i.
+p. 110; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. i. p. 250, vol. viii. p. 651, vol.
+x, pp. 294, 589, 674, 675.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> With what zeal these opinions were enforced, appears,
+besides many other authorities, from Marino Cavalli, who writes in 1546,
+&lsquo;Li maestri di Sorbona hanno autorità estrema di castigare li eretici,
+il che fanno con il fuoco, brustolandoli vivi a poco a poco.&rsquo; <i>Relat.
+des Ambassad. Vénitiens</i>, vol. i. 262; and see vol. ii. p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Indeed, Clement VIII. was afterwards apprehensive of a
+fourth apostasy: &lsquo;Er meinte noch immer, Heinrich IV. werde zuletzt
+vielleicht wieder zum Protestantismus zurückkehren, wie er es schon
+einmal gethan.&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p. 246. M. Ranke, from
+his great knowledge of Italian manuscripts, has thrown more light on
+these transactions than the French historians have been able to do.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> On his conversion, the character of which was as obvious
+then as it is now, compare <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et Correspond.</i>
+vol. i. p. 257, with <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. ii. p. 126.
+See also <i>Howell's Letters</i>, book i. p. 42; and a letter from Sir H.
+Wotton in 1593, printed in <i>Reliquiæ Wottonianæ</i>, p. 711. See also
+<i>Ranke</i>, <i>Civil Wars in France</i>, vol. ii. pp. 257, 355; <i>Capefigue</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. vi. pp. 305, 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> The edict of Nantes was in 1598; the abjuration in 1593.
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxi. pp. 202, 486. But in 1590 it
+was intimated to the pope as probable, if not certain, that Henry would
+&lsquo;in den Schooss der katholischen Kirche zurückkehren.&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die
+Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p. 210.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Of this edict, Sismondi says, &lsquo;Aucune époque dans
+l'histoire de France ne marque mieux peut-être la fin d'un monde ancien,
+le commencement d'un monde nouveau.&rsquo; <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxi. p.
+489</p></div>.
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> On Rabelais, as the supposed founder of French scepticism,
+compare <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. ii. p. 306; <i>Stephen's
+Lectures on the History of France</i>, vol. ii. p. 242; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist.
+des Français</i>, vol. xvi. p. 376.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Particularly the monks. See, among numerous other
+instances, vol. i. pp. 278, 282, vol. ii. pp. 284, 285, of <i>&#338;uvres de
+Rabelais</i>, edit. Amsterdam, 1725. However, the high dignitaries of the
+church are not spared; for he says that Gargantua &lsquo;se morvoit en
+archidiacre,&rsquo; vol. i. p. 132; and on two occasions (vol. iii. p. 65,
+vol. iv. pp. 199, 200) he makes a very indecent allusion to the pope. In
+vol. i. pp. 260, 261, he satirically notices the way in which the
+services of the church were performed: &lsquo;Dont luy dist le moyne: Je ne
+dors jamais à mon aise, sinon quand je suis au sermon, ou quand je prie
+Dieu.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> His joke on the strength of Samson (<i>&#338;uvres de
+Rabelais</i>, vol. ii. pp. 29, 30), and his ridicule of one of the Mosaic
+laws (vol. iii. p. 34), are so unconnected with other parts of his work,
+as to have no appearance of belonging to a general scheme. The
+commentators, who find a hidden meaning in every author they annotate,
+have represented Rabelais as aiming at the highest objects, and seeking
+to effect the most extensive social and religious reforms. This I
+greatly doubt, at all events I have seen no proof of it; and I cannot
+help thinking that Rabelais owes a large share of his reputation to the
+obscurity of his language. On the other side of the question, and in
+favour of his comprehensiveness, see a bold passage in <i>Coleridge's Lit.
+Remains</i>, vol. i. pp. 138, 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> The two first books in 1580; the third in 1588, with
+additions to the first two. See <i>Niceron</i>, <i>Mém. pour servir à l'Hist.
+des Hommes illustres</i>, vol. xvi. p. 210, Paris, 1731.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> The first impression of the Pantagruel of Rabelais has no
+date on the title-page; but it is known that the third book was printed
+in 1545, and the fourth book in 1546. See <i>Brunet</i>, <i>Manuel du
+Libraire</i>, vol. iv. pp. 4&ndash;6, Paris, 1843. The statement in <i>Biog. Univ.</i>
+vol. xxxvi. pp. 482, 483, is rather confused.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Mr. Hallam (<i>Lit. of Europe</i>, vol. ii. p. 29) says, that
+his scepticism &lsquo;is not displayed in religion.&rsquo; But if we use the word
+&lsquo;religion&rsquo; in its ordinary sense, as connected with dogma, it is
+evident, from Montaigne's language, that he was a sceptic, and an
+unflinching one too. Indeed, he goes so far as to say that all religious
+opinions are the result of custom: &lsquo;Comme de vray nous n'avons aultre
+mire de la vérité et de la raison, que l'exemple et idée des opinions et
+usances du païs où nous sommes: <i>là est tousiours la parfaicte
+religion</i>, la parfaicte police, parfaict et accomply usage de toutes
+choses.&rsquo; <i>Essais de Montaigne</i>, p. 121, livre i. chap. xxx. As a natural
+consequence, he lays down that religious error is not criminal, p. 53;
+compare p. 28. See also how he notices the usurpations of the
+theological spirit, pp. 116, 508, 528. The fact seems to be, that
+Montaigne, while recognizing abstractedly the existence of religious
+truths, doubted our capacity for knowing them; that is to say, he
+doubted if, out of the immense number of religious opinions, there were
+any means of ascertaining which were accurate. His observations on
+miracles (pp. 541, 653, 654, 675) illustrate the character of his mind;
+and what he says on prophetic visions is quoted and confirmed by Pinel,
+in his profound work <i>Aliénation Mentale</i>, p. 256. Compare <i>Maury</i>,
+<i>Légendes Pieuses</i>, p. 268 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> His friend, the celebrated De Thou, calls him &lsquo;homme
+franc, ennemi de toute contrainte.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires</i>, in <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist.
+Univ.</i> vol. i. p. 59: see also vol. xi. p. 590. And M. Lamartine classes
+him with Montesquieu, as &lsquo;ces deux grands républicains de la pensée
+française.&rsquo; <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. i. p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> He says (<i>Essais</i>, p. 97), &lsquo;Ce n'est pas à l'adventure
+sans raison que nous attribuons à simplesse et ignorance la facilité de
+croire et de se laisser persuader.&rsquo; Compare two striking passages, pp.
+199 and 685. Nothing of this sort had ever appeared before in the French
+language.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Dugald Stewart, whose turn of mind was very different from
+that of Montaigne, calls him &lsquo;this most amusing author.&rsquo; <i>Stewart's
+Philos. of the Mind</i>, vol. i. p. 468. But Rousseau, in every respect a
+more competent judge, enthusiastically praises &lsquo;la naïveté, la grâce et
+l'énergie de son style inimitable.&rsquo; <i>Musset Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseau</i>,
+vol. i. p. 185. Compare <i>Lettres de Sévigné</i>, vol. iii. p. 491, edit.
+Paris, 1843, and <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, vol. i. p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> &lsquo;Mais celui qui a répandu et popularisé en France le
+scepticisme, c'est Montaigne.&rsquo; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos.</i>, II.
+série, vol. ii. pp. 288, 289. &lsquo;Die erste Regung des skeptischen Geistes
+finden wir in den Versuchen des Michael von Montaigne.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>,
+<i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. ix. p. 443. On the immense influence of
+Montaigne, compare <i>Tennemann</i>, vol. ix. p. 458; <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers
+Etats</i>, vol. v. pp. 263&ndash;265; <i>Sorel</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Françoise</i>, pp.
+80&ndash;91; <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique</i>, vol. iv. p. 527.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Compare the remarks on Charron in <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Geschichte
+der Philosophie</i>, vol. ix. p. 527, with two insidious passages in
+<i>Charron</i>, <i>De la Sagesse</i>, vol. i. pp. 4, 366.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> The obligations of Charron to Montaigne were very
+considerable, but are stated too strongly by many writers. <i>Sorel</i>,
+<i>Bibliothèque Françoise</i>, p. 93; and <i>Hallam's Literature of Europe</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 362, 509. On the most important subjects, Charron was a
+bolder and deeper thinker than Montaigne; though he is now so little
+read, that the only tolerably complete account I have seen of his system
+is in <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philosophie</i>, vol. ix. pp. 458&ndash;487. Buhle
+(<i>Geschichte der neuern Philosophie</i>, vol. ii. pp. 918&ndash;925) and Cousin
+(<i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> II. série, vol. ii. p. 289) are short and
+unsatisfactory. Even Dr. Parr, who was extensively read in this sort of
+literature, appears only to have known Charron through Bayle (see notes
+on the Spital Sermon, in <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. ii. pp. 520, 521); while
+Dugald Stewart, with suspicious tautology, quotes, in three different
+places, the same passage from Charron. <i>Stewart's Philosophy of the
+Mind</i>, vol. ii. p. 233, vol. iii. pp. 365, 393. Singularly enough,
+Talleyrand was a great admirer of <i>De la Sagesse</i>, and presented his
+favourite copy of it to Madame de Genlis! See her own account, in <i>Mém.
+de Genlis</i>, vol. iv. pp. 352, 353.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> See his definition, or rather description, of wisdom, in
+Charron, <i>De la Sagesse</i>, vol. i. p. 295, vol. ii. pp. 113, 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>De la Sagesse</i>, vol. i. pp. 63, 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> &lsquo;Chacune se préfère aux autres, et se confie d'être la
+meilleure et plus vraie que les autres, et s'entre-reprochent aussi les
+unes aux autres quelque chose, et par-là s'entre-condamnent et
+rejettent.&rsquo; <i>De la Sagesse</i>, vol. i. p. 348; see also vol. i. pp. 144,
+304, 305, 306, vol. ii. p. 116. Expressions almost identical are used by
+M. Charles Compte, <i>Traité de Législation</i>, vol. i. p. 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> &lsquo;Toutes trouvent et fournissent miracles, prodiges,
+oracles, mystères sacrés, saints prophètes, fêtes, certains articles de
+foy et créance nécessaires au salut.&rsquo; <i>De la Sagesse</i>, vol. i. p. 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Hence he opposes proselytism, and takes up the philosophic
+ground, that religious opinions, being governed by undeviating laws, owe
+their variations to variations in their antecedents, and are always, if
+left to themselves, suited to the existing state of things: &lsquo;Et de ces
+conclusions, nous apprendrons à n'épouser rien, ne jurer à rien,
+n'admirer rien, ne se troubler de rien, mais quoi qu'il advienne, que
+l'on crie, tempête, se resoudre à ce point, que c'est le cours du monde,
+<i>c'est nature qui fait des siennes</i>.&rsquo; <i>Dela Sagesse</i>, vol. i. p. 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> &lsquo;Mais comme elles naissent l'une après l'autre, la plus
+jeune bâtit toujours sur son aînée et prochaine précédente, laquelle
+elle n'improuve, ni ne condamne de fond en comble, autrement elle ne
+seroit pas ouïe, et ne pourroit prendre pied; mais seulement l'accuse ou
+d'imperfection, ou de son terme fini, et qu'à cette occasion elle vient
+pour lui succéder et la parfaire, et ainsi la ruine peu-à-peu, et
+s'enrichit de ses dépouilles, comme la Judaïque a fait à la Gentille et
+Egyptienne, la Chrétienne à la Judaïque, la Mahometane à la Judaïque et
+Chrétienne ensemble: mais les vieilles condamnent bien tout-à-fait et
+entièrement les jeunes, et les tiennent pour ennemies capables.&rsquo; <i>De la
+Sagesse</i>, vol. i. p. 349. This, I believe, is the first instance in any
+modern language of the doctrine of religious development; a doctrine
+which, since Charron, has been steadily advancing, particularly among
+men whose knowledge is extensive enough to enable them to compare the
+different religions which have prevailed at different times. In this, as
+in other subjects, they who are unable to compare, suppose that
+everything is isolated, simply because to them the continuity is
+invisible. As to the Alexandrian doctrine of development, found
+particularly in Clement and Origen, see <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 234&ndash;257; and in particular pp. 241, 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>De la Sagesse</i>, vol. i. pp. 356, 365; two magnificent
+passages. But the whole chapter ought to be read, livre ii. chap. v. In
+it there is an occasional ambiguity. Tennemann, however, in the most
+important point, understands Charron as I do in regard to the doctrine
+of future punishments. <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. ix. p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> The first edition of <i>La Sagesse</i> was published at
+Bourdeaux in 1601. <i>Niceron</i>, <i>Hommes illustres</i>, vol. xvi. p. 224;
+<i>Hallam's Lit. of Europe</i>, vol. ii. p. 509; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. viii. p.
+250. Two editions were susequently published in Paris, in 1604 and 1607.
+<i>Brunet</i>, <i>Manuel du Libraire</i>, vol. i. p. 639.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Sismondi (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 86) and
+Lavallée (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 84) have noticed the
+diminution of religious zeal early in the seventeenth century; and some
+curious evidence will also be found in the correspondence of Duplessis
+Mornay. See, for instance, a letter he wrote to Diodati, in 1609: &lsquo;A
+beaucoup aujourd'hui il fault commencer par là, qu'il y a une religion,
+premier que de leur dire quelle.&rsquo; <i>Duplessis</i>, <i>Mém. et Corresp.</i> vol.
+x. p. 415. This middle, or secular party, received the name of
+&lsquo;Politiques,&rsquo; and began to be powerful in 1592 or 1593. Benoist (<i>Hist.
+de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. p. 113), under the year 1593,
+contemptuously says: &lsquo;Il s'éleva une foule de conciliateurs de
+religion;&rsquo; see also pp. 201, 273. In 1590, and in 1594, the &lsquo;Politiques&rsquo;
+are noticed by De Thou (<i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. xi. p. 171, vol. xii. p.
+134); and on the increase, in 1593, of &lsquo;le tiers parti politique et
+négociateur,&rsquo; see <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. vi. p. 235.
+See also, respecting &lsquo;les politiques,&rsquo; a letter from the Spanish
+ambassador to his own court, in 1615, in <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol.
+i. p. 93; and for the rise in Paris, in 1592, of a &lsquo;politisch und
+kirchlich gemässigte Gesinnung,&rsquo; see <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p.
+243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> The Sorbonne went so far as to condemn Charron's great
+work, but could not succeed in having it prohibited. Compare <i>Duvernet</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i>, vol. ii. p. 139, with <i>Bayle</i>, article Charron,
+note F.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> In the appendix to Ranke (<i>Die Römischen Päpste</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 141, 142), there will be found the instructions which were
+given to the nuncio, in 1603, when he was sent to the French court; and
+which should be compared with a letter, written in 1604, in <i>Sully</i>,
+<i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. v. p. 122, edit. 1820.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> &lsquo;Sein Sinn war im Allgemeinen, ohne Zweifel, das
+Gleichgewicht zwischen ihnen zu erhalten.&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 430, 431. &lsquo;Henri IV,
+l'expression de l'indifférentisme religieux, se posa comme une
+transaction entre ces deux systèmes.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Réforme</i>, vol. vi. p. 358. &lsquo;Henry IV. endeavoured to adjust the balance
+evenly,&rsquo; <i>Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 19. See also <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. p. 136.
+Hence, of course, neither party was quite satisfied. <i>Mably's
+Observations</i>, vol. iii. p. 220; <i>Mezeray</i>, <i>Histoire de France</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 959.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Compare <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. viii. p.
+61, with <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See also,
+on his inclination towards the Protestants, <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>,
+vol. i. p. 91. Fontenay, p. 94, mentions, as a singular instance, that
+&lsquo;il se vist de son temps des huguenots avoir des abbayes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. iv. p. 134, vol. vi.
+p. 233; <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et Corresp.</i> vol. xi. p. 242;
+<i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 68, 205. These
+grants were annual, and were apportioned by the Protestants themselves.
+See their own account, in <i>Quick's Synodicon in Gallia</i>, vol. i. pp.
+198, 222, 246, 247, 249, 275&ndash;277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Henry IV. banished the Jesuits in 1594; but they were
+allowed, later in his reign, to make fresh settlements in France.
+<i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie</i>, vol. vi. p. 485; <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de
+Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 106; <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers Etats</i>, vol. v. p. 192
+note; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. xiv. p. 298. Compare the notices of
+them in <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies</i>, vol. ii. p. 234, vol. iv. pp. 200, 235,
+245. But there can be little doubt that they owed their recall to the
+dread entertained of their intrigues (<i>Grégoire</i>, <i>Hist. des Confesseurs</i>,
+p. 316); and Henry evidently disliked as well as feared them. See two
+letters from him in <i>Duplessis</i>, <i>Mém. et Corresp.</i> vol. vi. pp. 129, 151.
+It would appear, from the <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. v. p. 350, Paris,
+1823, that the king never restored to them their former authority in
+regard to education.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. pp. 142, 143; <i>Le
+Vassor</i>, vol. i. p. 156; <i>Sismondi</i>, vol. xxii. p. 116; <i>Duplessis
+Mornay</i>, vol. i. p. 389; <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies</i>, vol. vii. pp. 105, 432,
+442.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> When Ravaillac was examined, he said, &lsquo;qu'il y avait été
+excité par l'intérêt de la religion, et par une impulsion irrésistible.&rsquo;
+<i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 38. This work contains the
+fullest account I have met with of Ravaillac; of whom there is,
+moreover, a description in <i>Les Historiettes de Tallemant des Réaux</i>,
+vol. i. p. 85, Paris, 1840, a very curious book.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Le Vassor (<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 279) calls
+her &lsquo;superstitieuse au dernier point;&rsquo; and, in vol. v. p. 481, &lsquo;femme
+crédule et superstitieuse.&rsquo; See also vol. iii. p. 250, vol. vi. p. 628;
+and <i>Grégoire</i>, <i>Hist. des Confesseurs</i>, p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> &lsquo;Elle annonça qu'elle vouloit suivre en tout l'exemple du
+feu roi&hellip;. Le ministère de Henri IV, que la reine continuoit.&rsquo;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. pp. 206, 210; and see two
+letters from her, in <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et Corresp.</i> vol. xi. p.
+282, vol. xii. p. 428. Sully had feared that the death of Henry IV. would
+cause a change of policy: &lsquo;que l'on s'alloit jeter dans des desseins
+tous contraires aux règles, ordres et maximes du feu roy.&rsquo; <i>&#338;conomies
+Royales</i>, vol. viii. p. 401.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> See the declaration in Bazin, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 74, 75; and notices of it in <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 58;
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 27; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de
+Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 7; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 58.
+But none of these writers, nor Sismondi (vol. xxii. p. 221), appear to
+be aware that the issuing of this declaration was determined on, in
+council, as early as the 17th of May; that is, only three days after the
+death of Henry IV. This is mentioned by Pontchartrain, who was then one
+of the ministers. See <i>Mém. de Pontchartrain</i>, edit. Petitot, 1822, vol.
+i. p. 409; a book little known, but well worthy of being read.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 262; <i>Benoist</i>,
+<i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 140; <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>,
+vol. i. p. 257; <i>Le Vassor</i>, vol. i. p. 604.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> &lsquo;Laissant néanmoins l'administration du royaume à la reine
+sa mère.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Bassompierre</i>, vol. ii. p. 52. Compare <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies</i>, vol. ix. p. 177.
+She possessed complete authority over the king till 1617. See <i>Mémoires
+de Montglat</i>, vol. i. p. 24: &lsquo;avoit été tenu fort bas par la reine sa
+mère.&rsquo; See also <i>Le Vassor, Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. pp. 640, 677,
+716, 764.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. pp. 381, 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> In 1611, &lsquo;le pape le rejeta formellement comme hérétique.&rsquo;
+<i>Bazin</i>, vol. i. p. 174. This is glossed over by Pontchartrain
+(<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. p. 450); but the statement of M. Bazin is confirmed
+in the preface to <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Histoire Universelle</i>, vol. i. p. xvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> &lsquo;Der erste Einhalt den die kirchliche Restauration erfuhr,
+geschah in Frankreich,&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Römischen Päpste</i>, vol. iii. p.
+160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> This desire was expressed several times, but in vain:
+&lsquo;Gern hätten die Nuntien Werke wie von Thou und Richer verboten, aber es
+war ihnen nicht möglich,&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. iii. p. 181,
+Anhang. Compare <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 68; <i>Mém. de
+Pontchartrain</i>, vol. i. p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> This decline of the ecclesiastical power is noticed by
+many writers of the time; but it is sufficient to refer to the very
+curious remonstrance of the French clergy, in 1605, in <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist.
+Univ.</i> vol. xiv. pp. 446, 447.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> As M. Monteil says (<i>Hist. des Français des divers Etats</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 114), &lsquo;Richelieu tint le sceptre; Louis XIII. porta la
+couronne.&rsquo; And Campion (<i>Mémoires</i>, p. 37) calls him &lsquo;plutôt le maître
+que le ministre;&rsquo; and adds, pp. 218, 219, that he &lsquo;avoit gouverné
+dix-huit ans la France avec un pouvoir absolu et une gloire sans
+pareille.&rsquo; Compare <i>Mém. du Cardinal de Retz</i>, vol. i p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> The common opinion, put forth in <i>Alison's Hist. of
+Europe</i>, vol. i. pp. 101&ndash;104, and in many other books, is that Richelieu
+did destroy their influence; but this error arises from confusing
+political influence with social influence. What is termed the political
+power of a class, is merely the symptom and manifestation of its real
+power; and it is no use to attack the first, unless you can also weaken
+the second. The real power of the nobles was social, and that neither
+Richelieu nor Louis XIV. could impair; and it remained intact until the
+middle of the eighteenth century, when the intellect of France rebelled
+against it, overthrew it, and finally effected the French Revolution.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Richelieu appears to have formed the design of humbling
+the nobles, at least as early as 1624. See a characteristic passage in
+his <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. ii. p. 340. In <i>Swinburne's Courts of Europe</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 63&ndash;65, there is a curious traditional anecdote, which, though
+probably false, shows, at all events, the fear and hatred with which the
+French nobles regarded the memory of Richelieu more than a century after
+his death.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> On their influence, see <i>Grégoire</i>, <i>Histoire des
+Confesseurs</i>; and compare the remarks of Mr. Grote, a great writer,
+whose mind is always ready with historical analogies. <i>Grote's Hist. of
+Greece</i>, vol. vi. p. 393, 2nd edit. 1851. Many of the French kings had a
+strong natural affection for monks; but the most singular instance I
+have found of this sort of love is mentioned by no less a man than De
+Thou, respecting Henry III. De Thou (<i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. x. pp. 666, 667)
+says of that prince: &lsquo;Soit tempérament, soit éducation, la présence d'un
+moine faisait toujours plaisir à Henri; et je lui ai moi-même souvent
+entendu dire, que leur vue produisoit le même effet sur son âme, que le
+chatouillement le plus délicat sur le corps.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> One of his suggestions was, &lsquo;sur les dangers que couroit
+le catholicisme en Allemagne, par ses liaisons avec les puissances
+protestantes.&rsquo; <i>Grégoire</i>, <i>Histoire des Confesseurs</i>, p. 342. The fullest
+account of Caussin is in <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ix. pp.
+287&ndash;299; to which, however, Grégoire never refers. As I shall have
+frequent occasion to quote Le Vassor, I may observe, that he is far more
+accurate than is generally supposed, and that he has been very unfairly
+treated by the majority of French writers, among whom he is unpopular,
+on account of his constant attacks on Louis XIV. Sismondi (<i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. xxii. pp. 188, 189) speaks highly of his <i>Hist. of Louis
+XIII</i>; and so far as my own reading extends, I can confirm his
+favourable opinion.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> &lsquo;Le petit père Caussin.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. x. p.
+206; and at p. 217, he is classed among the &lsquo;personnes qui avoient
+toujours été nourries dans l'innocence d'une vie religieuse;&rsquo; see also
+p. 215, on his &lsquo;simplicité et ignorance.&rsquo; Respecting Richelieu's
+treatment of Caussin, see <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. i. pp. 173&ndash;175;
+<i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. i. p. 49; <i>Des Réaux, Historiettes</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> <i>Sismondi, Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 332;
+<i>Tallemant des Réaux, Historiettes</i>, vol. iii. p. 78 note. Le Vassor
+(<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. x. part ii. p. 761) says, that Sirmond &lsquo;se
+soutint à la cour sous le ministère de Richelieu, parce qu'il ne se
+mêloit point des affaires d'état.&rsquo; According to the same writer (vol.
+viii. p. 156), Richelieu thought at one time of depriving the Jesuits of
+their post of confessor to the king.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 87; <i>Le
+Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iv. p. 208; <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis
+XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 144; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 337, 338. Benoist says: &lsquo;Le clergé de France, ignorant et corrompu,
+croyoit tout son devoir compris dans l'extirpation des hérétiques; et
+même il offroit de grandes sommes, à condition qu'on les employât à
+cette guerre.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> In which he is fully borne out by the high authority of
+Vattel, whose words I shall quote, for the sake of those politicians who
+still cleave to the superannuated theory of the sacredness of
+church-property: &lsquo;Loin que l'exemption appartienne aux biens d'église
+parce qu'ils sont consacrés à Dieu, c'est au contraire par cette raison
+même, qu'ils doivent être pris les premiers pour le salut de l'état; car
+il n'y a rien de plus agréable au Père commun des hommes, que de
+garantir une nation de sa ruine. Dieu n'ayant besoin de rien, lui
+consacrer des biens, c'est les destiner à des usages qui lui soient
+agréables. De plus, les biens de l'église, de l'aveu du clergé lui-même,
+sont en grande partie destinés aux pauvres. Quand l'état est dans le
+besoin, il est sans doute le premier pauvre, et le plus digne de
+secours.&rsquo; <i>Vattel</i>, <i>le Droit des Gens</i>, vol. i. pp. 176, 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> &lsquo;Que la réputation de l'état est préférable à toutes
+choses.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 482. This was in 1625, and by
+way of refuting the legate.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. pp. 477,
+478; <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iv. pp. 325, 326. The Cardinal
+de Retz, who knew Richelieu personally, says: &lsquo;M. le cardinal de
+Richelieu avoit donné une atteinte cruelle à la dignité et à la liberté
+du clergé dans l'assemblée de Mante, et il avoit exilé, avec des
+circonstances atroces, six de ses prélats les plus considérables.&rsquo; <i>Mém.
+de Retz</i>, vol. i. p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> &lsquo;Die Nuntien finden kein Ende der Beschwerden die sie
+machen zu müssen glauben, vorzüglich über die Beschränkungen welche die
+geistliche Jurisdiction erfahre&hellip;. Zuweilen werde ein Geistlicher
+hingerichtet ohne erst degradirt zu seyn.&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 157: a summary, in 1641, of the complaints of the then nuncio,
+and of those of his predecessors. Le Vassor (<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol.
+v. pp. 51 seq.) has given some curious details respecting the animosity
+between the clergy and the secular tribunals of France in 1624.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 301;
+<i>Mém. de Bassompierre</i>, vol. iii. pp. 302, 353. Bazin, who notices this
+disgraceful affair, simply says (<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iii. p.
+453): &lsquo;Le maréchal de Vitry, suivant l'exemple qui lui en avoit donné le
+duc d'Epernon, s'emporta jusqu'à le frapper de son bâton.&rsquo; In regard to
+Epernon, the best account is in <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, where it is stated
+(vol. viii. p. 194) that the duke, just before flogging the archbishop,
+&lsquo;disoit au peuple, &ldquo;Rangez-vous, vous verrez comme j'étrillerai votre archevêque.&rdquo;&rsquo; This was
+stated by a witness, who heard the duke utter the words. Compare, for
+further information, <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. x. part
+ii. p. 97, with <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iii. p. 116.
+Des Réaux, who, in his own way, was somewhat of a philosopher,
+contentedly says: &lsquo;Cet archevêque se pouvoit vanter d'être le prélat du
+monde qui avoit été le plus battu.&rsquo; His brother was Cardinal Sourdis; a
+man of some little reputation in his own time, and concerning whom a
+curious anecdote is related in <i>Mém. de Conrart</i>, pp. 231&ndash;234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 470. Le
+Vassor (<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. x. part ii. p. 149) says: &lsquo;Il
+s'enfuit donc honteusement à Carpentras sous la protection du pape.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> &lsquo;Les évêques furent punis par la saisie de leur temporel;
+Alby, Nimes, Uzés, furent privées de leurs prélats.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's
+Richelieu</i>, Paris, 1844, vol. ii. p. 24. The Protestants were greatly
+delighted at the punishment of the bishops of Alby and Nimes, which &lsquo;les
+ministres regardoient comme une vengeance divine.&rsquo; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de
+l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 528, 529.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> In a short account of Richelieu, which was published
+immediately after his death, the writer indignantly says, that &lsquo;being a
+cardinal, he afflicted the church.&rsquo; <i>Somers Tracts</i>. vol. v. p. 540.
+Compare <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iv. p. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> This scandalous charge in regard to his niece was a
+favourite one with the clergy; and among many other instances, the
+accusation was brought by the Cardinal de Valençay in the grossest
+manner. See <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iii. p. 201.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> &lsquo;De là ces petits écrits qui le dénonçaient comme le
+&ldquo;pontife des huguenots&rdquo; ou &ldquo;le patriarche des athées.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's
+Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Compare <i>Des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. ii. p. 233, with
+<i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. viii. part ii. pp. 177, 178,
+vol. ix. p. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> See the manifesto in <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>,
+vol. xxiii. pp. 452, 453.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Late in the sixteenth century, &lsquo;fils aîné de l'Eglise&rsquo; was
+the recognized and well-merited title of the kings of Spain. <i>De Thou</i>,
+<i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. xi. p. 280. Compare <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mém. et
+Correspond.</i> vol. xi. p. 21. And on the opinions which the Catholics,
+early in the seventeenth century, generally held respecting Spain, see
+<i>Mém. de Fontenay</i>, <i>Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 189; <i>Mém. de Bassompierre</i>,
+vol. i. p. 424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> As to the connexion between this foreign policy and the
+massacre of Saint Bartholomew, see <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 253, 268, 269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> On the policy, and still more on the feelings, of Henry
+IV. towards the House of Austria, see <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 291, vol. iii. pp. 162, 166, vol. iv. pp. 289, 290, 321,
+343, 344, 364, vol. v. p. 123, vol. vi. p. 293, vol. vii. p. 303, vol.
+viii. pp. 195, 202, 348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. pp. 26, 369; <i>Mém. de
+Montglat</i>, vol. i. pp. 16, 17; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol
+i. p. 268, vol. vi. p. 349; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii.
+p. 227. Her husband, Henry IV., said that she had &lsquo;the soul of a
+Spaniard.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. viii. p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> This was, in her opinion, a master-stroke of policy:
+&lsquo;Entêtée du double mariage avec l'Espagne qu'elle
+avoit ménagé avec tant d'application, et qu'elle regardoit comme le plus
+ferme appui de son autorité.&rsquo; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 453, 454.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> So late as 1656, the French clergy wished &lsquo;to hasten a
+peace with Spain, and to curb the heretics in France,&rsquo; <i>Letter from Pell
+to Thurloe</i>, written in 1656, and printed in <i>Vaughan's Protectorate of
+Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 436, 8vo, 1839. During the minority of Louis XIII.
+we hear of &lsquo;les zéléz catholiques, et ceux qui désiroient, à quelque
+prix que ce fut, l'union des deux roys, et des deux couronnes de France
+et d'Espagne, comme le seul moyen propre, selon leur advis, pour
+l'extirpation des hérésies dans la chrestienté.&rsquo; <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;con.
+Royales</i>, vol. ix. p. 181: compare vol. vii. p. 248, on &lsquo;les zéléz
+catholiques espagnolisez de France.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> See <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. pp. 387&ndash;389,
+where the importance of this document is noticed, and it is said that
+Richelieu had drawn it up &lsquo;avec beaucoup de soin.&rsquo; The language of it is
+very peremptory: &lsquo;Que nul catholique n'est si aveugle d'estimer en
+matière d'état un Espagnol meilleur qu'un Français huguenot.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Even in the reign of Henry IV. the French Protestants were
+not considered to be Frenchmen: &lsquo;The intolerant dogmas of Roman
+Catholicism did not recognize them as Frenchmen. They were looked upon
+as foreigners, or rather as enemies; and were treated as such.&rsquo; <i>Felice's
+Hist. of the Protestants of France</i>, p. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Sismondi says, under the year 1610, &lsquo;Toute l'église
+catholique croyoit son sort lié à celui de la maison d'Autriche,&rsquo; <i>Hist.
+des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> &lsquo;Sa vue dominante fut l'abaissement de la maison
+d'Autriche.&rsquo; <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie Française</i>, vol. iii. p. 81.
+And, on the early formation of this scheme, see <i>Mém. de la
+Rochefoucauld</i>, vol. i. p. 350. De Retz says, that before Richelieu, no
+one had even thought of such a step: &lsquo;Celui d'attaquer la formidable
+maison d'Autriche n'avoit été imaginé de personne.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Retz</i>, vol.
+i. p. 45. This is rather too strongly expressed; but the whole paragraph
+is curious, as written by a man who possessed great ability, which De
+Retz undoubtedly did, and who, though hating Richelieu, could not
+refrain from bearing testimony to his immense services.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> &lsquo;Obwohl Cardinal der römischen Kirche, trug Richelieu
+kein Bedenken, mit den Protestanten selbst unverhohlen in Bund zu
+treten,&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p. 510. Compare, in <i>Mém. de
+Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29, the reproach which the nuncio
+Spada addressed to Richelieu for treating with the Protestants, &lsquo;de la
+paix qui se traitoit avec les huguenots.&rsquo; See also <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist.
+de Louis XIII</i>, vol. v. pp. 236, 354&ndash;356, 567; and a good passage in
+<i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 90,&mdash;an able little work,
+and perhaps the best small history ever published of a great country.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> De Retz mentions a curious illustration of the feelings
+of the ecclesiastical party respecting this treaty. He says, that the
+Bishop of Beauvais, who, the year after the death of Richelieu, was for
+a moment at the head of affairs, began his administration by giving to
+the Dutch their choice, either to abandon their religion, or else
+forfeit their alliance with France: &lsquo;Et il demanda dès le premier jour
+aux Hollandois qu'ils se convertissent à la religion catholique, s'ils
+vouloient demeurer dans l'alliance de France.&rsquo; <i>Mém. du Cardinal de
+Retz</i>, vol. i. p. 39. This, I suppose, is the original authority for the
+statement in the <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xiv. p. 440; though, as is too often
+the case in that otherwise valuable work, the writer has omitted to
+indicate the source of his information.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> In 1626, he attempted to form a league &lsquo;en faveur du
+Palatin,&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 576. Sismondi
+seems not quite certain as to the sincerity of his proposal; but as to
+this there can, I think, be little doubt; for it appears from his own
+memoirs, that even in 1624 he had in view the recovery of the
+Palatinate. <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 405; and again in 1625, p.
+468.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 173; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>,
+vol. i. p. 415; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. vi. pp. 12,
+600; and at p. 489: &lsquo;Le roi de Suède qui comptoit uniquement sur le
+cardinal.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Compare <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. i. pp. 74, 75, vol. ii.
+pp. 92, 93, with <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. ii. p. 198; and
+<i>Howell's Letters</i>, p. 247. The different views which occurred to his
+fertile mind in consequence of the death of Gustavus, are strikingly
+summed up in <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. vii. pp. 272&ndash;277. On his
+subsequent pecuniary advances, see vol. ix. p. 395.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> In 1633, &lsquo;les ambassadeurs de France, d'Angleterre et de
+Hollande mirent à profit le repos de l'hiver pour resserrer la
+confédération protestante,&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol.
+xxiii. p. 221. Compare, in <i>Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy</i>, vol. i. p.
+275, the remark made twenty years later by Christina, daughter of
+Gustavus, on the union with &lsquo;papists.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> This change may be illustrated by comparing the work of
+Grotius with that of Vattel. These two eminent men are still respected
+as the most authoritative expounders of international law; but there is
+this important difference between them, that Vattel wrote more than a
+century after Grotius, and when the secular principles enforced by
+Richelieu had penetrated the minds even of common politicians.
+Therefore, Vattel says (<i>Le Droit des Gens</i>, vol. i. pp. 379, 380): &lsquo;On
+demande s'il est permis de faire alliance avec une nation qui ne
+professe pas la même religion? Si les traités faits avec les ennemis de
+la foi sont valides? Grotius a traité la question assez au long. Cette
+discussion pouvait être nécessaire dans un temps où la fureur des partis
+obscurcissait encore des principes qu'elle avait long-temps fait
+oublier, osons croire qu'elle serait superflue dans notre siècle. La loi
+naturelle seule régit les traités des nations; la différence de religion
+y est absolument étrangère.&rsquo; See also p. 318, and vol. ii. p. 151. On
+the other hand, Grotius opposes alliances between nations of different
+religion, and says, that nothing can justify them except &lsquo;une extrême
+nécessité&hellip;. Car il faut chercher premièrement le règne céleste, c'est
+à dire penser avant toutes choses à la propagation de l'évangile.&rsquo; And
+he further recommends that princes should follow the advice given on
+this subject by Foulques, Archbishop of Rheims! <i>Grotius</i>, <i>le Droit de
+la Guerre et de la Paix</i>, livre ii. chap xv. sec. xi. vol. i. pp. 485,
+486, edit. Barbeyrac, Amsterdam, 1724, 4to; a passage the more
+instructive, because Grotius was a man of great genius and great
+humanity. On religious wars, as naturally recognized in barbarous times,
+see the curious and important work, <i>Institutes of Timour</i>, pp. 141,
+333, 335.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> &lsquo;Le Congrès de Westphalie s'ouvrit le 10 avril 1643.&rsquo;
+<i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 156. Its two great
+divisions at Munster and Osnabruck were formed in March 1644. <i>Flassan</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Diplomatie</i>, vol. iii. p. 110. Richelieu died in December,
+1642. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxviii. p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> &lsquo;Les règnes de Charles-Quint et de Henri IV font
+époque pour certaines parties du droit international; mais le
+point de départ le plus saillant, c'est la paix de Westphalie.&rsquo;
+<i>Eschbach</i>, <i>Introduc. à l'Etude du Droit</i>, Paris, 1846, p. 92.
+Compare the remarks on Mably, in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 7, and
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiv. p. 179: &lsquo;base au droit
+public de l'Europe.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Compare the indignation of the pope at this treaty
+(<i>Vattel</i>, <i>le Droit des Gens</i>, vol. ii. p. 28), with <i>Ranke's Päpste</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 576: &lsquo;Das religiöse Element ist zurückgetreten; die
+politischen Rücksichten beherrschen die Welt:&rsquo; a summary of the general
+state of affairs.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> &lsquo;La France obtint par ce traité, en indemnité, la
+souveraineté des trois évêchés, Metz, Toul et Verdun, ainsi que celle
+d'Alsace. La satisfaction ou indemnité des autres parties intéressées
+fut convenue, en grande partie, aux dépens de l'église, et moyennant la
+sécularisation de plusieurs évêchés et bénéfices ecclésiastiques.&rsquo;
+<i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol. i. p. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Dr. Vaughan (<i>Protectorate of Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. civ.)
+says: &lsquo;It is a leading fact, also, in the history of modern Europe,
+that, from the peace of Westphalia, in 1648, religion, as the great
+object of negotiation, began everywhere to give place to questions
+relating to colonies and commerce.&rsquo; Charles Butler observed, that this
+treaty &lsquo;considerably lessened the influence of religion on politics.&rsquo;
+<i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> The fact of the Thirty Years' War being a religious
+contest, formed the basis of one of the charges which the church party
+brought against Richelieu: and an author, who wrote in 1634, &lsquo;montroit
+bien au long que l'alliance du roy de France avec les protestantes étoit
+contraire aux intérêts de la religion catholique; parce que la guerre
+des Provinces Unies, et celle d'Allemagne étoient des guerres de
+religion.&rsquo; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 536.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> According to a contemporary, he received this appointment
+without having asked for it: &lsquo;sans être à la cour ni l'avoir demandé.&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de Fontenay</i>, <i>Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 70. In 1622, even the
+lieutenants of Lesdiguières were Protestants: &lsquo;ses lieutenants, qui
+estant tous huguenots.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 538. These memoirs are very
+valuable in regard to political and military matters; their author
+having played a conspicuous part in the transactions which he
+describes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> &lsquo;Il n'y avoit personne dans le parti huguenot si
+considérable que lui.&rsquo; <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. v. p.
+204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xv. p. 247; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de
+l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 400.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Additions to <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. viii.
+p. 496; <i>Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 57; <i>Mém. de Rohan</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 66, 69; <i>Mém. de Bassompierre</i>, vol. iii. pp. 324, 348;
+<i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. i. p. 86; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 157, vol. viii. p. 284. This great rise in the fortunes of
+Rohan took place at different times between 1632 and 1635.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Late in the sixteenth century, Duplessis Mornay had to
+state what was then considered by the majority of men an incredible
+paradox, &lsquo;que ce n'estoit pas chose incompatible d'estre bon huguenot et
+bon Françoys tout ensemble.&rsquo; <i>Duplessis</i>, <i>Mém. et Correspond.</i> vol. i.
+p. 146. Compare p. 213, vol. ii. pp. 45, 46, 77, 677, vol. vii. p. 294,
+vol. xi. pp. 31, 68; interesting passages for the history of opinions in
+France.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> See <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. pp.
+10, 14, 18; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. iii. pp. 181, 242, 357, 358,
+543, 558, vol. iv. p. 155; <i>Relat. des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 412, 536, vol. ii. pp. 66, 74; <i>Ranke's Civil Wars in France</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 279, 280, vol. ii. p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Compare <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 173, with
+<i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Römischen Päpste</i>, vol. ii. pp. 477&ndash;479. In spite of the
+increase of population, the Protestants diminished absolutely, as well
+as relatively, to the Catholics. In 1598 they had 760 churches; in 1619
+only 700. <i>Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 46, 145. De Thou, in the preface to his History (vol. i. p.
+320), observes, that the Protestants had increased during the wars
+carried on against them, but &lsquo;diminuoient en nombre et en crédit pendant
+la paix.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> M. Ranke has noticed how the French Protestant nobles
+fell off from their party; but he does not seem aware of the remote
+causes of what he deems a sudden apostasy: &lsquo;In dem nämlichen Momente
+trat nun auch die grosse Wendung der Dinge in Frankreich ein. Fragen
+wir, woher im Jahr 1621 die Verluste des Protestantismus hauptsächlich
+kamen, so war es die Entzweiung derselben, der Abfall des Adels.&rsquo;
+<i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p. 476. Compare a curious passage in
+<i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 33, from which it
+appears that in 1611 the French Protestants were breaking into three
+parties, one of which consisted of &lsquo;les seigneurs d'éminente qualité.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> &lsquo;Le plus illustre guerrier du parti protestant.&rsquo;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 505. In the contemporary
+despatches of the Spanish ambassador, he is called &lsquo;l'un des huguenots
+les plus marquans, homme d'un grand poids, et d'un grand crédit.&rsquo;
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 60. His principal influence was in
+Dauphiné. <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiv. p. 293; and a dry remark on his
+&lsquo;conversion&rsquo; in <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 215, which may be
+compared with <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xviii. p. 132, and <i>Bazin</i>,
+<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. pp. 195&ndash;197. Rohan (<i>Mém.</i> vol. i. p.
+228) plainly says, &lsquo;le duc de Lesdiguières, ayant hardé sa religion pour
+la charge de connétable de France.&rsquo; See also p. 91, and <i>Mém. de
+Montglat</i>, vol. i. p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 67; <i>Le
+Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. v. pp. 809, 810, 865.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iii. p. 43.
+La Meilleraye was also a duke; and what is far more in his favour, he
+was a friend of Descartes. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxviii. pp. 152, 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Sismondi (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 27) says,
+&lsquo;il abjura en 1637;&rsquo; but according to Benoist (<i>Hist. de l'Edit de
+Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 550) it was in 1635.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iii. p. 245.
+Des Réaux, who saw these changes constantly happening, simply observes,
+&lsquo;notre marquis, voyant que sa religion étoit un obstacle à son dessein,
+en change.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> &lsquo;Mettoit la politique avant la religion.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 264. This was Henry Bouillon, whom
+some writers have confused with Frederick Bouillon. Both of them were
+dukes; but Henry, who was the father, and who did not actually change
+his religion, was the marshal. The following notices of him will more
+than confirm the remark made by Sismondi; <i>Mém. de Bassompierre</i>, vol.
+i. p. 455; <i>Smedley's Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol. iii. p. 99;
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 107; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis
+XIII</i>, vol. ii. pp. 420, 467, 664, vol. iv. p. 519; <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>,
+vol. i. p. 104, vol. ii. p. 259; <i>Mém. de Duplessis Mornay</i>, vol. xi. p.
+450, vol. xii. pp. 79, 182, 263, 287, 345, 361, 412, 505.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. i. pp. 121,
+298, vol. ii. pp. 5, 180, 267, 341; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p.
+267; <i>Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France</i>, p. 206. Sully
+advised Henry IV., on mere political considerations, to become a
+Catholic; and there were strong, but I believe unfounded rumours, that
+he himself intended taking the same course. See <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies
+Royales</i>, vol. ii. p. 81, vol. vii. pp. 362, 363.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> &lsquo;There were, among all the leaders, but the Duke de Rohan
+and his brother the Duke de Soubise, who showed themselves disposed to
+throw their whole fortunes into the new wars of religion.&rsquo; <i>Felice's
+Hist. of the Protestants of France</i>, p. 241. For this, M. Felice, as
+usual, quotes no authority; but Rohan himself says: &lsquo;C'est ce qui s'est
+passé en cette seconde guerre (1626), où Rohan et Soubise ont eu pour
+contraires tous les grands de la religion de France.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Rohan</i>,
+vol. i. p. 278. Rohan claims great merit for his religious sincerity;
+though, from a passage in <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 418,
+and another in <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 173,
+one may be allowed to doubt if he were so single-minded as is commonly
+supposed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Sismondi notices this remarkable change; though he places
+it a few years earlier than the contemporary writers do: &lsquo;Depuis que les
+grands seigneurs s'étoient éloignés deg églises, c'étoient les ministres
+qui étoient devenus les chefs, les représentans et les démagogues des
+huguenots; et ils apportoient dans leurs délibérations cette âpreté et
+cette inflexibilité théologiques qui semblent caractériser les prêtres
+de toutes les religions, et qui donnent à leurs haines une amertume plus
+offensante.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 87. Compare
+p. 478. In 1621, &lsquo;Rohan lui&ndash;même voyait continuellement ses opérations
+contrariées par le conseil&ndash;général des églises.&rsquo; <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 88. In the same year, M. Capefigue (<i>Richelieu</i>,
+vol. i. p. 271) says, &lsquo;Le parti modéré cessa d'avoir action sur le
+prêche; la direction des forces huguenotes, était passée dans les mains
+des ardents, conduits par les ministres.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> The church of Rome has always seen this, and on that
+account has been, and still is, very pliant in regard to morals, and
+very inflexible in regard to dogmas; a striking proof of the great
+sagacity with which her affairs are administered. In <i>Blanco White's
+Evidence against Catholicism</i>, p. 48, and in <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. vii.
+pp. 454, 455, there is an unfavourable and, indeed, an unjust notice of
+this peculiarity, which, though strongly marked in the Romish church, is
+by no means confined to it, but is found in every religious sect which
+is regularly organized. Locke, in his <i>Letters on Toleration</i>, observes,
+that the clergy are naturally more eager against error than against vice
+(<i>Works</i>, vol. v. pp. 6, 7, 241); and their preference of dogmas to
+moral truths is also mentioned by M. C. Comte, <i>Traité de Législat.</i>
+vol. i. p. 245; and is alluded to by Kant in his comparison of &lsquo;ein
+moralischer Katechismus&rsquo; with a &lsquo;Religionskatechismus.&rsquo; <i>Die Metaphysik
+der Sitten</i> (<i>Ethische Methodenlehre</i>), in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. v. p.
+321. Compare <i>Temple's Observations upon the United Provinces</i>, in
+<i>Works of Sir W. Temple</i>, vol. i. p. 154, with the strict adhesion to
+formularies noticed in <i>Ward's Ideal Church</i>, p. 358; and analogous
+cases in <i>Mill's Hist. of India</i>, vol. i. pp. 399, 400, and in
+<i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. iii. p. 87; also <i>Combe's Notes on
+the United States</i>, vol. iii. pp. 256, 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Blanco White (<i>Evidence against Catholicism</i>, p. vi.)
+harshly says, &lsquo;<i>sincere</i> Roman Catholics cannot conscientiously be
+tolerant.&rsquo; But he is certainly
+mistaken; for the question is one, not of sincerity, but of consistency.
+A sincere Roman Catholic may be, and often is, conscientiously tolerant;
+a consistent Roman Catholic, never.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> We also see this very clearly in England, where the
+dissenting clergy have much more influence among their hearers than the
+clergy of the Establishment have among theirs. This has often been
+noticed by impartial observers, and we are now possessed of statistical
+proof that &lsquo;the great body of Protestant dissenters are more assiduous&rsquo;
+in attending religious worship than churchmen are. See a valuable essay
+by Mr. Mann <i>On the Statistical Position of Religious Bodies in England
+and Wales</i>, in <i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol. xviii. p. 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Respecting the working of this in England, there are some
+shrewd remarks made by Le Blanc in his <i>Lettres d'un François</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 267, 268; which may be compared with <i>Lord Holland's Mem. of the
+Whig Party</i>, vol. ii. p. 253, where it is suggested, that in the case of
+complete emancipation of the Catholics, &lsquo;eligibility to worldly honours
+and profits would somewhat abate the fever of religious zeal.&rsquo; On this,
+there are observations worth attending to in <i>Lord Cloncurry's
+Recollections</i>, Dublin, 1849, pp. 342, 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> &lsquo;Les processions catholiques seraient interdites dans
+toutes les places, villes et châteaux occupés par ceux de la religion.&rsquo;
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Of these facts we have the most unequivocal proof; for
+they were not only stated by the Catholics in 1623, but they are
+recorded, without being denied, by the Protestant historian Benoist: &lsquo;On
+y accusoit les Réformez d'injurier les prêtres, quand ils les voyoient
+passer; d'empêcher les processions des Catholiques; l'administration des
+sacremens aux malades; l'enterrement des morts avec les cérémonies
+accoutumées; &hellip; que les Réformez s'étoient emparez des cloches en
+quelques lieux, et en d'autres se serroient de celles des Catholiques
+pour avertir de l'heure du prêche; qu'ils affectoient de faire du bruit
+autour des églises pendant le service; qu'ils tournoient en dérision les
+cérémonies de l'église romaine.&rsquo; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 433, 434; see also pp. 149, 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> &lsquo;On pouvait dire que La Rochelle était la capitale, le
+saint temple du calvinisme; car on ne voyait là aucune église, aucune
+cérémonie papiste.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 100. For other and
+similar evidence, see <i>Duplessis Mornay</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. xi. p. 244;
+<i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. vii. p. 164; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de
+l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 70, 233, 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> <i>Quick's Synodicon in Gallia</i>, vol. ii. p. 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> For a striking instance of the actual enforcement of this
+intolerant regulation, see <i>Quick's Synodicon in Gallia</i>, vol. ii. p.
+344.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 124; <i>Mém. de
+Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. pp. 109, 110; <i>Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of
+France</i>, p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> In 1625, Howell writes that the Protestants had put up an
+inscription on the gates of Montauban, &lsquo;Roy sans foy, ville sans peur.&rsquo;
+<i>Howell's Letters</i>, p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Sometimes they were called dogs returning to the vomit of
+popery; sometimes they were swine wallowing in the mire of idolatry.
+<i>Quick's Synodicon in Gallia</i>, vol. i. pp. 385, 398.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> It is observable, that on the first occasion (<i>Quick's
+Synodicon</i>, vol. i. p. 362) nothing is said of Ferrier's immorality; and
+on the next occasion (p. 449) the synod complains, among other things,
+that &lsquo;he hath most licentiously inveighed against, and satirically
+lampooned, the ecclesiastical assemblies.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> See this frightful and impious document, in <i>Quick's
+Synodicon</i>, vol. i. pp. 448, 450.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> The notion of theologians respecting excommunication may
+be seen in Mr. Palmer's entertaining book, <i>Treatise on the Church</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 64, 67, vol. ii. pp. 299, 300; but the opinions of this
+engaging writer should be contrasted with the indignant language of
+Vattel, <i>Le Droit des Gens</i>, vol. i. pp. 177, 178. In England, the
+terrors of excommunication fell into contempt towards the end of the
+seventeenth century. See <i>Life of Archbishop Sharpe</i>, edited by Newcome,
+vol. i. p. 216: compare p. 363; and see the mournful remarks of Dr.
+Mosheim, in his <i>Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 79; and <i>Sir Philip
+Warwick's Memoirs</i>, pp. 175, 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> On the treatment of Ferrier, which excited great
+attention as indicating the extreme lengths to which the Protestants
+were prepared to go, see <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 177; <i>Mém. de
+Pontchartrain</i>, vol. ii. pp. 5, 6, 12, 29, 32; <i>Mém. de Duplessis
+Mornay</i>, vol. xii. pp. 317, 333, 341, 350, 389, 399, 430; <i>Felice's
+Hist. of the Protestants of France</i>, p. 235; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xiv. p.
+440; <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. v. pp. 48-54. Mr.
+Smedley, who refers to none of these authorities, except two passages in
+Duplessis, has given a garbled account of this riot. See his <i>History of
+the Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol. iii. pp. 119, 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> <i>Capefigue</i>, vol. i. p. 123; <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis
+XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 364; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 183; <i>Mém. de Rohan</i>, vol. i. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 124; <i>Mém. de
+Pontchartrain</i>, vol. ii. p. 100; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 333, 334. The consequence was, that the king was obliged to
+send a powerful escort to protect his bride against his Protestant
+subjects. <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 38; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist.
+de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29, 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 450; <i>Mém. de
+Bassompierre</i>, vol. ii. p. 161. See a similar instance, in the case of
+Berger, in <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 136, whom
+the Protestants sought to deprive because &lsquo;il avoit quitté leur
+religion.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. i. p. 381. Sismondi
+(<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 349) says that they had no good
+reason for this; and it is certain that their privileges, so far from
+being diminished since the Edict of Nantes, had been confirmed and
+extended.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> M. Felice (<i>Hist. of the Protestants of France</i>, p. 237)
+says of Lower Navarre and Béarn, in 1617: &lsquo;Three-fourths of the
+population, some say nine-tenths, belonged to the reformed communion.&rsquo;
+This is perhaps overestimated; but we know, from De Thou, that they
+formed a majority in Béarn in 1566: &lsquo;Les Protestans y fussent en plus
+grand nombre que les Catholiques.&rsquo; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. v. p.
+187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> &lsquo;Les ministres fanatiques déclaroient qu'ils ne pouvaient
+sans crime souffrir dans ce pays régénéré l'idolâtrie de la messe.&rsquo;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Notice sur les Mémoires de Rohan</i>, vol. i. p. 26.
+Compare the account given by Pontchartrain, who was one of the ministers
+of Louis XIII. <i>Mém. de Pontchartrain</i>, vol. ii. pp. 248, 264; and see
+<i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 443.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de France sous Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+62&ndash;64. The pith of the question was, that &lsquo;l'édit de Nantes ayant donné
+pouvoir, tant aux catholiques qu'aux huguenots, de rentrer partout dans
+leurs biens, les ecclésiastiques de Béarn démanderent aussytôt les
+leurs.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 392.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> &lsquo;L'affaire de Béarn, source de tous nos maux.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Rohan</i>, vol. i. p. 156; see also p. 183. And the Protestant Le Vassor
+says (<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iii. p. 634): &lsquo;L'affaire du Béarn et
+l'assemblée qui se convoqua ensuite à la Rochelle, sont la source
+véritable des malheurs des églises réformées de France sous le règne
+dont j'écris l'histoire.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> On the connexion between the proceedings of Béarn and
+those of Rochelle, compare <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. i. p. 33,
+with <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 113, and <i>Mém. de Rohan</i>, vol. i.
+p. 446.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Their first church was established in 1556 (<i>Ranke's
+Civil Wars in France</i>, vol. i. p. 360); but, by the reign of Charles IX.
+the majority of the inhabitants were Protestants. See <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist.
+Univ.</i> vol. iv. p. 263, vol. v. p. 379, ad. ann. 1562 and 1567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Or, as M. Capefigue courteously puts it, &lsquo;les Rochelois
+ne respectaient pas toujours les pavillons amis.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's
+Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 332. A delicate circumlocution, unknown to
+Mezeray who says (<i>Hist. de France</i>, vol. iii. p. 426) in 1587: &lsquo;et les
+Rochelois, qui par le moyen du commerce et de la <i>piraterie</i>,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> &lsquo;Ceste place, que les huguenots tenoient quasy pour
+imprenable.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 512. &lsquo;Cette
+orgueilleuse cité, qui se croyoit imprenable.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>,
+vol. i. p. 45. Howell, who visited Rochelle in 1620 and 1622, was
+greatly struck by its strength. <i>Howell's Letters</i>, pp. 46, 47, 108. At
+p. 204, he calls it, in his barbarous style, &lsquo;the chiefest propugnacle
+of the Protestants there.&rsquo; For a description of the defences of
+Rochelle, see <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. vi. pp. 615&ndash;617; and some
+details worth consulting in <i>Mezeray</i>, <i>Hist. de France</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+977&ndash;980.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 139;
+<i>Sismondi, Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. pp. 480, 481. Rohan himself
+says (<i>Mém.</i> vol. i. p. 446): &lsquo;je m'efforçai de la séparer.&rsquo; In a
+remarkable letter, which Mornay wrote ten years before this, he shows
+his apprehensions of the evil that would result from the increasing
+violence of his party; and he advises, &lsquo;que nostre zèle soit tempéré de
+prudence.&rsquo; <i>Mém. et Correspond.</i> vol. xi. p. 122; and as to the
+divisions this caused among the Protestants, see pp. 154, 510, vol. xii.
+pp. 82, 255; and <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. ix. pp. 350,
+435.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> &lsquo;Les seigneurs du parti, et surtout le sage Duplessis
+Mornay, firent ce qu'ils purent pour engager les réformés à ne pas
+provoquer l'autorité royale pour des causes qui ne pouvoient justifier
+une guerre civile; mais le pouvoir dans le parti avoit passé presque
+absolument aux bourgeois des villes et aux ministres qui se livroient
+aveuglement à leur fanatisme, et à leur orgueil, et qui étoient d'autant
+plus applaudis qu'ils montroient plus de violence.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist.
+des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> &lsquo;On confisqua les biens des églises catholiques.&rsquo;
+<i>Lavallée des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 85: and see
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> &lsquo;Ils donnent des commissions d'armer et de faire des
+impositions sur le peuple, et ce sous leur grand sceau, qui étoit une
+Religion appuyée sur une croix, ayant en la main un livre de l'évangile,
+foulant aux pieds un vieux squelette, qu'ils disoient être l'église
+romaine.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. p. 120. M. Capefigue
+(<i>Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 259) says that this seal still exists; but it
+is not even alluded to by a late writer (<i>Felice</i>, <i>Hist. of the
+Protestants of France</i>, p. 240), who systematically suppresses every
+fact unfavourable to his own party.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iv. p. 157;
+<i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 145; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de
+l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 353&ndash;355; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol.
+i. p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Even Mosheim, who, as a Protestant, was naturally
+prejudiced in favour of the Huguenots, says, that they had established
+&lsquo;imperium in imperio;&rsquo; and he ascribes to the violence of their rulers
+the war of 1621. <i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 237, 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Compare <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. ii. p. 88, with
+<i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie Française</i>, vol. ii. p. 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> See the paper of instructions from Pope Gregory XV. in
+the appendix to <i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Röm. Päpste</i>, vol. iii. pp. 173, 174: &lsquo;Die
+Hauptsache aber ist was er dem Könige von Frankreich vorstellen soll: 1,
+dass er ja nicht den Verdacht auf sich laden werde als verfolge er die
+Protestanten bloss aus Staatsinteresse.&rsquo; Bazin (<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 320) says, that Richelieu attacked the Huguenots &lsquo;sans
+aucune idée de persécution religieuse.&rsquo; See, to the same effect,
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 274; and the candid admissions of
+the Protestant Le Vassor, in his <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. v. p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> <i>Quick's Synodicon in Gallia</i>, vol. i. p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. pp. lvii. 17, 131, vol. ii. p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> &lsquo;And both sexes are required to keep modesty in their
+hair,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> <i>Quick's Synodicon</i>, vol. i. p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> The synod of Alez, in 1620, says, &lsquo;A minister may at the
+same time be professor in divinity and of the Hebrew tongue. But it is
+not seemly for him to profess the Greek also, because the most of his
+employment will be taken up in the exposition of Pagan and profane
+authors, unless he be discharged from the ministry.&rsquo; <i>Quick's
+Synodicon</i>, vol. ii. p. 57. Three years later, the synod of Charenton
+suppressed altogether the Greek professorships, &lsquo;as being superfluous
+and of small profit.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> The synod of St. Maixant, in 1609, orders that
+&lsquo;colloquies and synods shall have a watchful eye over those ministers
+who study chemistry, and grievously reprove and censure them.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. i. p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. pp. 140, 194, vol. ii. p. 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> <i>Quick's Synodicon</i>, vol. i. pp. lv. 235, 419, vol. ii.
+pp. 201, 509, 515. Compare <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> <i>Quick's Synodicon</i>, vol. ii. p. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> &lsquo;All Christian magistrates are advised not in the least
+to suffer them, because it feeds foolish curiosity, puts upon
+unnecessary expenses, and wastes time,&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> This was a very knotty question for the theologians; but
+it was at length decided in the affirmative by the synod of Saumur: &lsquo;On
+the 13th article of the same chapter, the deputies of Poicton demanded,
+whether two names might be given a child at baptism? To which it was
+replied: The thing was indifferent; however, parents were advised to
+observe herein Christian simplicity.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. pp. xlvi. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> I quote the language of the synod of Castres, in 1626.
+<i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> <i>Quick's Synodicon</i>, vol. i. p. 165, vol. ii. pp. 7, 174,
+574, 583. In the same way, the Spanish clergy, early in the present
+century, attempted to regulate the dress of women. See <i>Doblado's
+Letters from Spain</i>, pp. 202&ndash;205: a good illustration of the identity of
+the ecclesiastical spirit, whether it be Catholic or Protestant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> On his influence over her in and after 1616, see <i>Le
+Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 508; <i>Mém. de
+Pontchartrain</i>, vol. ii. p. 240; <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. i. p. 23; and
+compare, in <i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. ii. pp. 198&ndash;200, the curious
+arguments which he put in her mouth respecting the impolicy of making
+war on the Protestants.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> In 1625, the Archbishop of Lyons wrote to Richelieu,
+urging him &lsquo;assiéger la Rochelle, et châtier ou, pour mieux dire,
+exterminer les huguenots, toute autre affaire cessante.&rsquo; <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist.
+de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 276. See also, on the anxiety of the clergy
+in the reign of Louis XIII. to destroy the Protestants, <i>Benoist</i>,
+<i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 155, 166, 232, 245, 338, 378,
+379, 427; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 485.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> He confirmed it in March 1626; <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Diplomatie Française</i>, vol. ii. p. 399; and also in the preceding
+January. See <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. appendix,
+pp. 77, 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> &lsquo;Ceux qui affectent autant le nom de zélés catholiques.&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de Richelieu</i>, vol. iii. p. 16; and at p. 2, he, in the same year
+(1626), says, that he was opposed by those who had &lsquo;un trop ardent et
+précipité désir de ruiner les huguenots.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> On the sufferings of the inhabitants, see extract from
+the Dupuis Mss., in <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 351. Fontenay
+Mareuil, who was an eye-witness, says, that the besieged, in some
+instances, ate their own children; and that the burial-grounds were
+guarded, to prevent the corpses from being dug up and turned into food.
+<i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. ii. p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> And in which he would most assuredly have been supported
+by Louis XIII.; of whom an intelligent writer says &lsquo;Il étoit plein de
+piété et de zèle pour le service de Dieu et pour la grandeur de
+l'église; et sa plus sensible joie, en prenant La Rochelle et les autres
+places qu'il prit, fut de penser qu'il chasseroit de son royaume les
+hérétiques, et qu'il le purgeroit par cette voie des différentes
+religions qui gâtent et infectent l'église de Dieu.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Motteville</i>, vol. i. p. 425, edit. Petitot, 1824.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 423;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 77; <i>Capefigue's
+Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 357; <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. ii. p.
+122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> &lsquo;Les huguenots murmuraient de voir le rétablissement de
+l'église romaine au sein de leur ville.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol.
+i. p. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> &lsquo;Dès qu'il ne s'agit plus d'un parti politique, il
+concéda, comme à la Rochelle, la liberté de conscience et la faculté de
+prêche.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 381. Compare <i>Smedley's
+Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France</i>, vol. iii. p. 201, with
+<i>Mémoires de Richelieu</i>, vol. iv. p. 484.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> The Edict of Nismes, in 1629, an important document,
+will be found in <i>Quick's Synodicon</i>, vol. i. pp. xcvi.&ndash;ciii., and in
+<i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. appendix, pp. 92&ndash;98;
+and a commentary on it in <i>Bazin</i>, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+36&ndash;38. M. Bazin, unfortunately for the reputation of this otherwise
+valuable work, never quotes his authorities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> In 1633, their own historian says: &lsquo;les Réformez ne
+faisoient plus de party.&rsquo; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 532. Compare Sir Thomas Hanmer's account of France in 1648, in
+<i>Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer</i>, p. 309, Lond. 1838.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Thomas (<i>Eloge</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. p.
+32) says, &lsquo;cet instrument, c'est Descartes qui l'a créé; c'est
+l'application de l'algèbre à la géométrie.&rsquo; And this, in the highest
+sense, is strictly true; for although Vieta and two or three others in
+the sixteenth century had anticipated this step, we owe entirely to
+Descartes the magnificent discovery of the possibility of applying
+algebra to the geometry of curves, he being undoubtedly the first who
+expressed them by algebraic equations. See <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Mathémat.</i> vol. i. pp. 704, 705, vol. ii. p. 120, vol. iii. p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> The statements of Huygens and of Isaac Vossius to the
+effect that Descartes had seen the papers of Snell before publishing his
+discovery, are unsupported by any direct evidence; at least none of the
+historians of science, so far as I am aware, have brought forward any.
+So strong, however, is the disposition of mankind at large to depreciate
+great men, and so general is the desire to convict them of plagiarism,
+that this charge, improbable in itself, and only resting on the
+testimony of two envious rivals, has been not only revived by modern
+writers, but has been, even in our own time, spoken of as a
+well-established and notorious fact! The flimsy basis of this accusation
+is clearly exposed by M. Bordas Demoulin, in his valuable work <i>Le
+Cartesianisme</i>, Paris, 1843, vol. ii. pp. 9&ndash;12; while, on the other side
+of the question, I refer with regret to <i>Sir D. Brewster on the Progress
+of Optics, Second Report of British Association</i>, pp. 309, 310; and to
+<i>Whewell's Hist. of the Inductive Sciences</i>, vol. ii. pp. 379, 502,
+503.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> See the interesting remarks of Sprengel (<i>Hist. de la
+Médecine</i>, vol. iv. pp. 271, 272), and <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol.
+iv. pp. 371 seq. What makes this the more observable is this: that the
+study of the crystalline lens was neglected long after the death of
+Descartes, and no attempt made for more than a hundred years to complete
+his views by ascertaining its intimate structure. Indeed, it is said
+(<i>Thomson's Animal Chemistry</i>, p. 512) that the crystalline lens and the
+two humours were first analyzed in 1802. Compare <i>Simon's Animal
+Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. pp. 419&ndash;421; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Traité d'Anatomie</i>, vol.
+i. p. 357; <i>Lepelletier</i>, <i>Physiologie Médicale</i>, vol. iii. p. 160;
+<i>Mayo's Human Physiol.</i>, p. 279; <i>Blainville</i>, <i>Physiol. comparée</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 325&ndash;328; none of whom refer to any analysis earlier than the
+nineteenth century. I notice this partly as a contribution to the
+history of our knowledge, and partly as proving how slow men have been
+in following Descartes, and in completing his views; for, as M.
+Blanville justly observes, the chemical laws of the lens must be
+understood, before we can exhaustively generalize the optical laws of
+its refraction; so that, in fact, the researches of Berzelius on the eye
+are complemental to those of Descartes. The theory of the limitation of
+the crystalline lens according to the descending scale of the animal
+kingdom, and the connexion between its development and a general
+increase of sensuous perception, seem to have been little studied; but
+Dr. Grant (<i>Comparative Anatomy</i>, p. 252) thinks that the lens exists in
+some of the rotifera; while in regard to its origin, I find a curious
+statement in <i>Müller's Physiology</i>, vol. i. p. 450, that after its
+removal in mammals, it has been reproduced by its matrix, the capsule.
+(If this can be relied on, it will tell against the suggestion of
+Schwann, who supposes, in his <i>Microscopical Researches</i>, 1847, pp. 87,
+88, that its mode of life is vegetable, and that it is not &lsquo;a secretion
+of its capsule&rsquo;). As to its probable existence in the hydrozoa, see
+<i>Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom</i>, 1855, p. 96, &lsquo;regarded either as a
+crystalline lens, or an otolithe;&rsquo; and as to its embryonic development,
+see <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. iii. pp. 435&ndash;438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Torricelli first weighed the air in 1643. <i>Brande's
+Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 360; <i>Leslie's Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 419: but
+there is a letter from Descartes, written as early as 1631, &lsquo;où il
+explique le phénomène de la suspension du mercure dans un tuyau fermé
+par en haut, en l'attribuant au poids de la colonne d'air élevée
+jusqu'au delà des nues.&rsquo; <i>Bordas Demoulin</i>, <i>le Cartésianisme</i>, vol. i.
+p. 311. And Montucla (<i>Hist. des Mathémat.</i> vol. ii. p. 205) says of
+Descartes, &lsquo;nous avons des preuves que ce philosophe reconnut avant
+Torricelli la pesanteur de l'air.&rsquo; Descartes himself says, that he
+suggested the subsequent experiment of Pascal. <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>,
+vol. x. pp. 344, 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Dr. Whewell, who has treated Descartes with marked
+injustice, does nevertheless allow that he is &lsquo;the genuine author of the
+explanation of the rainbow.&rsquo; <i>Hist. of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 380, 384. See also <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 189; <i>Thomson's
+Hist. of the Royal Society</i>, p. 364; <i>Hallam's Lit. of Europe</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 205; <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp. 47, 48, vol. v. pp.
+265&ndash;284. On the theory of the rainbow as known in the present century,
+see <i>Kaemtz</i>, <i>Course of Meteorology</i>, pp. 440&ndash;445; and <i>Forbes on
+Meteorology</i>, pp. 125&ndash;130, in <i>Report of British Association</i> for 1840.
+Compare <i>Leslie's Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 531; <i>Pouillet</i>, <i>Elémens de
+Physique</i>, vol. ii. p. 788.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> The Hebrew notion of the rainbow is well known; and for
+the ideas of other nations on this subject, see <i>Prichard's Physical
+History of Mankind</i>, vol. v. pp. 154, 176; <i>Kame's Sketches of the
+History of Man</i>, vol. iv. p. 252, Edinb. 1788; and <i>Burdache's
+Physiologie</i>, vol. v. pp. 546, 547, Paris, 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Thomas calls him &lsquo;le plus grand géomètre de son siècle.&rsquo;
+<i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. p. 89. Sir W. Hamilton (<i>Discussions
+on Philosophy</i>, p. 271) says, &lsquo;the greatest
+mathematician of the age;&rsquo; and Montucla can find no
+one but Plato to compare with him: &lsquo;On ne sauroit donner une idée plus
+juste de ce qu'a été l'époque de Descartes dans la géométrie
+ancienne&hellip;. De même enfin que Platon prépara par sa découverte celles
+des Archimède, des Apollonius, &amp;c., on peut dire que Descartes a jetté
+les fondemens de celles qui illustrent aujourd'hui les Newton, les
+Leibnitz, &amp;c.&rsquo; <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des Mathémat.</i> vol. ii. p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> &lsquo;Descartes joint encore à ses autres titres, celui
+d'avoir été un des créateurs de notre langue.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xi. p.
+154. Sir James Mackintosh (<i>Dissert. on Ethical Philos.</i> p. 186) has
+also noticed the influence of Descartes in forming the style of French
+writers; and I think that M. Cousin has somewhere made a similar
+remark.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Thomas says, &lsquo;Descartes eut aussi la gloire d'être un des
+premiers anatomistes de son siècle.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i.
+p. 55; see also p. 101. In 1639, Descartes writes to Mersenne
+(<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. viii. p. 100) that he had been engaged &lsquo;depuis onze
+ans&rsquo; in studying comparative anatomy by dissection. Compare p. 174, and
+vol. i. pp. 175&ndash;184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Dr. Whewell (<i>Hist. of the Inductive Sciences</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 440) says: &lsquo;It was for the most part readily accepted by his
+countrymen; but that abroad it had to encounter considerable
+opposition.&rsquo; For this no authority is quoted; and yet one would be glad
+to know who told Dr. Whewell that the discovery was readily accepted. So
+far from meeting in England with ready acceptance, it was during many
+years most universally denied. Aubrey was assured by Harvey that, in
+consequence of his book on the Circulation of the Blood, he lost much of
+his practice, was believed to be crackbrained, and was opposed by &lsquo;all
+the physicians.&rsquo; <i>Aubrey's Letters and Lives</i>, vol. ii. p. 383. Dr.
+Willis (<i>Life of Harvey</i>, p. xli., in <i>Harvey's Works</i>, edit. Sydenham
+Society, 1847) says &lsquo;Harvey's views were at first rejected almost
+universally.&rsquo; Dr. Elliotson (<i>Human Physiology</i>, p. 194) says, &lsquo;His
+immediate reward was general ridicule and abuse, and a great diminution
+of his practice.&rsquo; Broussais (<i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. i.
+p. vii.) says, &lsquo;Harvey passa pour fou quand il annonça la découverte de
+la circulation.&rsquo; Finally, Sir William Temple, who belongs to the
+generation subsequent to Harvey, and who, indeed, was not born until
+some years after the discovery was made, mentions it in his works in
+such a manner as to show that even then it was not universally received
+by educated men. See two curious passages, which have escaped the notice
+of the historians of physiology, in <i>Works of Sir W. Temple</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 293, 469, 8vo., 1814.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> &lsquo;Taken by Descartes as the basis of his physiology, in
+his work on Man.&rsquo; <i>Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. iii. p.
+441. &lsquo;Réné Descartes se déclara un des premiers en faveur de la doctrine
+de la circulation.&rsquo; <i>Renourd</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 163.
+See also <i>Bordas Demoulin</i>, <i>le Cartésianisme</i>, vol. ii. p. 324; and
+<i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp. 68, 179, vol. iv. pp. 42, 449,
+vol. ix. pp. 159, 332. Compare <i>Willis's Life of Harvey</i>, p. xlv., in
+<i>Harvey's Works</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> &lsquo;Les veines blanches, dites lactées, qu'Asellius a
+découvertes depuis peu dans le mésentère.&rsquo; <i>De la Formation du
+F&oelig;tus</i>, sec. 49, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. iv. p. 483.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Even Harvey denied it to the last. <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de
+la Méd.</i> vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. Compare <i>Harvey's Works</i>, edit. Sydenham
+Soc. pp. 605, 614.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> M. Cousin (<i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> II. série, vol. i. p.
+39) says of Descartes, &lsquo;Son premier ouvrage écrit en français est de
+1637. C'est donc de 1637 que date la philosophie moderne.&rsquo; See the same
+work, I. série, vol. iii. p. 77; and compare <i>Stewart's Philos. of the
+Mind</i>, vol. i. pp. 14, 529, with <i>Eloge de Parent</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Fontenelle</i>, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 444, and vol. vi. p. 318:
+&lsquo;Cartésien, ou, si l'on veut, philosophe moderne.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> &lsquo;Descartes avait établi dans le domaine de la pensée
+l'indépendance absolue de la raison; il avait déclaré à la scholastique
+et à la théologie que l'esprit de l'homme ne pouvait plus relever que de
+l'évidence qu'il aurait obtenue par lui-même. Ce que Luther avait
+commencé dans la religion, le génie français si actif et si prompt
+l'importait dans la philosophie, et l'on peut dire à la double gloire de
+l'Allemagne et de la France que Descartes est le fils aîné de Luther.&rsquo;
+<i>Lerminier</i>, <i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 141. See also, on the
+philosophy of Descartes as a product of the Reformation. <i>Ward's Ideal
+of a Christian Church</i>, p. 498.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> For, as Turgot finely says, &lsquo;ce n'est pas l'erreur qui
+s'oppose aux progrès de la vérité. Ce sont la mollesse, l'entêtement,
+l'esprit de routine, tout ce qui porte à
+l'inaction,&rsquo; <i>Pensées</i> in <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. ii. p. 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> &lsquo;Et si j'écris en français, qui est la langue de mon
+pays, plutôt qu'en latin, qui est celle de mes précepteurs, c'est à
+cause que j'espère que ceux qui ne se servent que de leur raison
+naturelle toute pure, jugeront mieux de mes opinions que ceux qui ne
+croient qu'aux livres anciens.&rsquo; <i>Discours de la Méthode</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres
+de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp. 210, 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> &lsquo;Er fing also vom Zweifel an, und ging durch denselben
+zur Gewissheit über.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. x. p. 218.
+Compare <i>Second Discours en Sorbonne</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Disc. de la Méthode</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol.
+i. p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> &lsquo;Je m'appliquerai sérieusement et avec liberté à détruire
+généralement toutes mes anciennes opinions.&rsquo; <i>Méditations</i> in <i>&#338;uvres
+de Descartes</i>, vol. i. p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> <i>Principes de la Philosophie</i>, part i. sec. 75, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. iii. pp. 117, 118; and compare vol. ii.
+p. 417, where he gives a striking illustration of this view.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> <i>Méditations</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp.
+303, 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> &lsquo;Nous avons rempli notre mémoire de beaucoup de
+préjugés.&rsquo; <i>Principes de la Philos.</i> part i. sec. 47, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. iii. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> &lsquo;Ce qu'on peut particulièrement remarquer en ceux qui,
+croyant être dévots, sont seulement bigots et superstitieux, c'est à
+dire qui, sous ombre qu'ils vont souvent à l'église, qu'ils récitent
+force prières, qu'ils portent les cheveux courts, qu'ils jeûnent, qu'ils
+donnent l'aumône, pensent être entièrement parfaits, et s'imaginent
+qu'ils sont si grands amis de Dieu, qu'ils ne sauroient rien faire qui
+lui déplaise, et que tout ce que leur dicte leur passion est un bon
+zèle, bien qu'elle leur dicte quelquefois les plus grands crimes qui
+puissent être commis par des hommes, comme de trahir des villes, de tuer
+des princes, d'exterminer des peuples entiers, pour cela seul qu'ils ne
+suivent pas leurs opinions.&rsquo; <i>Les Passions de l'Ame</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Descartes</i>, vol. iv. pp. 194, 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> As is particularly evident in his long chapter, headed
+&lsquo;Apologie de Raimond Sebond.&rsquo; <i>Essais de Montaigne</i>, livre ii. chap.
+xii. Paris, 1843, pp. 270&ndash;382, and see <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i>
+vol. ix. p. 455.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> He very clearly separates himself from men like
+Montaigne: &lsquo;Non que j'imitasse pour cela les sceptiques, qui ne doutent
+que pour douter, et affectent d'être toujours irrésolus; car, au
+contraire, tout mon dessein ne tendoit qu'à m'assurer, et à rejeter la
+terre mouvante et le sable pour trouver le roc ou l'argile.&rsquo; <i>Discours
+de la Méthode</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp. 153, 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> According to the view of Descartes, it was to be ignored,
+not denied. There is no instance to be found in his works of a denial of
+the existence of the external world; nor does the passage quoted from
+him by Mr. Jobert (<i>New System of Philos.</i> vol. ii. pp. 161, 162, Lond.
+1849) at all justify the interpretation of that ingenious writer, who
+confuses certainty in the ordinary sense of the word with certainty in
+the Cartesian sense. A similar error is made by those who suppose that
+his &lsquo;Je pense, donc je suis,&rsquo; is an enthymeme; and having taken this for
+granted, they turn on the great philosopher, and accuse him of begging
+the question! Such critics overlook the difference between a logical
+process and a psychological one; and therefore they do not see that this
+famous sentence was the description of a mental fact, and not the
+statement of a mutilated syllogism. The student of the philosophy of
+Descartes must always distinguish between these two processes, and
+remember that each process has an order of proof peculiar to itself; or
+at all events he must remember that such was the opinion of Descartes.
+Compare, on the Cartesian enthymeme, <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> I.
+série, vol. iv. pp. 512, 513, with a note
+in <i>Kritik der reinen Vernunft, Kant's Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 323, 324.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> <i>Méditations</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp.
+220, 226; and again in the <i>Objections et Réponses</i>, <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 245, 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> &lsquo;Au lieu que, lorsque nous tâchons à connoître plus
+distinctement notre nature, nous pouvons voir que notre âme, en tant
+qu'elle est une substance distincte du corps, ne nous est connue que par
+cela seul qu'elle pense.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. iv. p. 432.
+Compare vol. iii. p. 96, <i>Principes de la Philosophie</i>,
+part i. sec. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> &lsquo;En sorte qu'il me seroit bien plus aisé de croire que
+l'âme cesseroit d'être quand on dit qu'elle cesse de penser, que non pas
+de concevoir qu'elle soit sans pensée.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol.
+viii. p. 574. That &lsquo;the soul always thinks,&rsquo; is a conclusion also
+arrived at by Berkeley by a different process. See his subtle argument,
+<i>Principles of Human Knowledge</i>, part i. sec. 98, in <i>Berkeley's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 123; and for a curious application of this
+to the theory of dreaming, see <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Physiologie comme Science
+d'Observation</i>, vol. v. pp. 205, 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp. 251, 252, 279, 293,
+vol. ii. pp. 252, 283.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 419; and at p. 420: &lsquo;Or de tout cela
+on conclut très-manifestement que Dieu existe.&rsquo; See also pp. 159&ndash;162,
+280, 290, 291. But the simplest statement is in a letter to Mersenne
+(vol. viii. p. 529): &lsquo;J'ai tiré la preuve de l'existence de Dieu de
+l'idée que je trouve en moi d'un être souverainement parfait.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> &lsquo;Ainsi, quoique, de ce que je suis, je conclue avec
+certitude que Dieu est, je ne puis réciproquement affirmer, de ce que
+Dieu est, que j'existe.&rsquo; <i>Règles pour la Direction de l'Esprit</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xi. p. 274. See also <i>Principes de la Philosophie</i>,
+part i. sec. 7, vol. iii. p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> On this famous argument, which it is said was also
+broached by Anselm, see <i>King's Life of Locke</i>, vol. ii. p. 133; the
+Benedictine <i>Hist. Lit. de la France</i>, vol. ix. pp. 417, 418; <i>Mosheim's
+Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 239; and <i>Cudworth's Intellect. Syst.</i> vol.
+iii. p. 383.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> &lsquo;Et certes jamais les hommes ne pourroient s'éloigner de
+la vraie connoissance de cette nature divine, s'ils vouloient seulement
+porter leur attention sur l'idée qu'ils ont de l'être souverainement
+parfait. Mais ceux qui mêlent quelques autres idées avec celle-là
+composent par ce moyen un dieu chimérique, en la nature duquel il y a
+des choses qui se contrarient; et, après l'avoir ainsi composé, ce n'est
+pas merveille s'ils nient qu'un tel dieu, qui leur est représenté par
+une fausse idée, existe.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. pp. 423,
+424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> This is delicately but clearly indicated in an able
+letter from Arnaud, printed in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 1&ndash;36: see in particular pp. 31, 34. And Duclos bluntly says: &lsquo;Si,
+depuis la révolution que Descartes a commencée, les théologiens se sont
+éloignés des philosophes, c'est que ceux-ci ont paru ne pas respecter
+infiniment les théologiens. Une philosophie qui prenoit pour base le
+doute et l'examen devoit les effaroucher.&rsquo; <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i.
+p. 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> On the relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the
+doctrine of transubstantiation, compare <i>Palmer's Treatise on the
+Church</i>, vol. ii. pp. 169, 170, with <i>Hallam's Lit. of Europe</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 453; and the remark ascribed to Hobbes, in <i>Aubrey's Letters and
+Lives</i>, vol. ii. p. 626. But Hobbes, if he really made this observation,
+had no right to expect Descartes to become a martyr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> &lsquo;Le caractère de la philosophie du moyen âge est la
+soumission à une autorité autre que la raison. La philosophie moderne ne
+reconnaît que l'autorité de la raison. C'est le cartésianisme qui a
+opéré cette révolution décisive.&rsquo; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> II.
+série, vol. i. pp. 258, 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> &lsquo;Nous rejetterons entièrement de notre philosophie la
+recherche des causes finales.&rsquo; <i>Principes de la Philos.</i>, part i. sec.
+28, in <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. iii. p. 81. See also part iii.
+sec. 3, p. 182; and his reply to Gassendi, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 280, 281. Compare <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II. série,
+vol. ii. p. 71, with <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. v. p.
+203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Dr. Whewell, for instance, says, that we must reject
+final causes in the inorganic sciences, but must recognize them in the
+organic ones; which, in other words, simply means, that we know less of
+the organic world than of the inorganic, and that because we know less,
+we are to believe more; for here, as everywhere else, the smaller the
+science the greater the superstition. <i>Whewell's Philos. of the
+Inductive Sciences</i>, 8vo., 1847, vol. i. pp. 620, 627, 628; and his <i>Hist.
+of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. iii. pp. 430, 431. If the question were to
+be decided by authority, it would be enough to appeal to Bacon and
+Descartes, the two greatest writers on the philosophy of method in the
+seventeenth century; and to Auguste Comte, who is admitted by the few
+persons who have mastered his <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, to be the greatest
+in our own time. These profound and comprehensive thinkers have all
+rejected the study of final causes, which, as they have clearly seen, is
+a theological invasion of scientific rights. On the injury which this
+study has wrought, and on the check it has given to the advance of our
+knowledge, see <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anat.</i> Paris, 1853, vol. i.
+pp. 489, 493, 494, vol. ii. p. 555; <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 232, 237; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 220; <i>Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire</i>, <i>Hist. des Anomalies de
+l'Organisation</i>, vol. iii. pp. 435, 436; <i>Herder</i>, <i>Ideen zur Gesch. der
+Menschheit</i>, vol. iii. p. 270; <i>Lawrence's Lectures on Man</i>, p. 36; and
+<i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. i. p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> &lsquo;Auf das innigste verbunden mit der Theologie, nicht
+allein in den katholischen, sondern selbst auch in den protestantischen
+Ländern.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. ix. p. 516. Descartes,
+in a letter to Mersenne (<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. vi. p. 73), writes, in 1629,
+&lsquo;La théologie, laquelle on a tellement assujettie à Aristote, qu'il est
+impossible d'expliquer une autre philosophie qu'il ne semble d'abord
+qu'elle soit contre la foi.&rsquo; Compare vol. vii. p. 344, vol. viii. pp.
+281, 497.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Dr. Brown (<i>Philosophy of the Mind</i>, Edinburgh, 1838, p.
+172) calls Descartes &lsquo;that illustrious rebel, who, in overthrowing the
+authority of Aristotle,&rsquo; &amp;c. See also <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Sorbonne</i>, vol. ii. p. 192; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. p.
+532; and <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 48. This, I need hardly say,
+refers to the habit of appealing to Aristotle, as if he were infallible,
+and is very different from that respect which is naturally felt for a
+man who was probably the greatest of all the ancient thinkers. The
+difference between the Aristotelian and Cartesian systems is touched on
+rather hastily in <i>Cudworth's Intellect. Syst.</i> vol. i. pp. 170, 171.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> That is in 1661, when Louis XIV. first assumed the
+government.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> M. Barante (<i>Tableau de la Littérature Française</i>, pp.
+26, 27) notices &lsquo;cette indépendance dans les idées, ce jugement
+audacieux de toutes choses, qu'on remarque dans Corneille, dans Mézéray,
+dans Balzac, dans Saint-Réal, dans Lamothe-Levayer.&rsquo; To these may be
+added Naudé, Patin, and probably Gassendi. Compare <i>Hallam's Literat. of
+Europe</i>, vol. ii. pp. 364, 365, with <i>Mackintosh's Ethical Philos.</i> p.
+116, and <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. i. p. 297, vol. ii. pp. 33, 186, 191,
+242, 342, 498, 508, vol. iii. p. 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> The increase of incredulity was so remarkable, as to give
+rise to a ridiculous assertion, &lsquo;qu'il y avoit plus de 50,000 athées
+dans Paris vers l'an 1623.&rsquo; <i>Baillet</i>, <i>Jugemens des Savans</i>, Paris,
+1722, 4to. vol. i. p. 185. Baillet has no difficulty in rejecting this
+preposterous statement (which is also noticed in <i>Coleridge's Literary
+Remains</i>, vol. i. p. 305; where, however, there is apparently a
+confusion between two different periods); but the spread of scepticism
+among the upper ranks and courtiers, during the reign of Louis XIII. and
+the minority of Louis XIV., is attested by a great variety of evidence.
+See <i>Mém. de Madame de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. p. 52; <i>Mém. de Retz</i>,
+vol. i. p. 266; <i>Conrart</i>, <i>Mém.</i> p. 235 note; <i>Des Réaux</i>,
+<i>Historiettes</i>, vol. vii. p. 143; <i>Mém. de Brienne</i>, vol. ii. p. 107
+note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Volumes might be written on the influence of Descartes,
+which was seen, not only in subjects immediately connected with his
+philosophy, but even in those apparently remote from it. Compare
+<i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. ii. pp. 55 seq.;
+<i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. p. 153; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Médecine</i>, vol. iv. p. 238; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. pp.
+327, 332, 352, 363; <i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Geschichte der theologischen
+Wissenschaften</i>, vol. i. p. 263; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol.
+x. pp. 285 seq.; <i>Huetius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus</i>, pp. 35, 295,
+296, 385&ndash;389; <i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 258; <i>Dacier</i>,
+<i>Rapport Historique</i>, p. 334; <i>Leslie's Nat. Philos.</i> p. 121; <i>Eloges</i>,
+in <i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, Paris, 1766, vol. v. pp. 94, 106, 137,
+197, 234, 392, vol. vi. pp. 157, 318, 449; <i>Thomson's Hist. of
+Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 195; <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i> vol. iii. p. 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> On the connexion between Richelieu and Mazarin, see
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiii. pp. 400, 530; and a
+curious, though perhaps apocryphal anecdote in <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>,
+<i>Historiettes</i>, vol. ii. pp. 231, 232. In 1636 there was noticed
+&lsquo;l'étroite union&rsquo; between Richelieu and Mazarin. <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de
+Louis XIII</i>, vol. viii. part ii. p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> &lsquo;Mazarin n'avoit ni fanatisme ni esprit persécuteur,&rsquo;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiv. p. 531. That he did not
+persecute the Protestants is grudgingly confessed in <i>Felice's Hist. of
+the Protestants of France</i>, p. 292. See also <i>Smedley's Reformed
+Religion in France</i>, vol. iii. p. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> He confirmed it in July, 1643. See <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de
+l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. iii. appendix, p. 3; and <i>Quick's Synodicon in
+Gallia</i>, vol. i. p. ciii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> In 1659, there was assembled the Synod of Loudon, the
+moderator of which said, &lsquo;It is now fifteen years since we had a
+national synod.&rsquo; <i>Quick's Synodicon in Gallia</i>, vol. ii. p. 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Brienne records the determination of the king, &lsquo;que cette
+dignité ne seroit plus accordée à des Protestans.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Histoire
+des Français</i>, vol. xxiv. p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> He was so uneasy about the sin he had committed, that
+before his death he intreated the Protestant marshals to change their
+creed: &lsquo;Il ne voulut pas mourir sans avoir exhorté de sa propre bouche
+les maréchaux de la Force et de Chatillon à se faire Catholiques.&rsquo;
+<i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. ii. p. 612. The same
+circumstance is mentioned by Le Vassor, <i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. x.
+part ii. p. 785.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Louis XIII. died in May 1643; and Turenne was made
+marshal in the September following. <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 148, 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Sismondi (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxiv. p. 65) makes
+the appointment of Gassion in 1644; according to Montglat (<i>Mémoires</i>,
+vol. i. p. 437) it was at the end of 1643. There are some singular
+anecdotes of Gassion in <i>Les Historiettes de Tallemant des Réaux</i>, vol.
+v. pp. 167&ndash;180; and an account of his death in <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 290, from which it appears that he remained a Protestant to
+the last.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> The Pope especially was offended by this alliance
+(<i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. iii. p. 158, compared with <i>Vaughan's
+Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 343, vol. ii. p. 124); and, judging from the
+language of Clarendon, the orthodox party in England was irritated by
+it. <i>Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, pp. 699, 700. Contemporary
+notices of this union between the cardinal and the regicide, will be
+found in <i>Mém. de Retz</i>, vol. i. p. 349; <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. ii. p.
+478, vol. iii. p. 23; <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. ii. pp. 183, 302, 426;
+<i>Marchand</i>, <i>Dict. Historique</i>, vol. ii. p. 56; <i>Mem. of Sir Philip
+Warwick</i>, p. 377; <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. iii. p. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> De Retz (<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. p. 59), who knew Richelieu,
+calls Mazarin &lsquo;son disciple.&rsquo; And at p. 65 he adds, &lsquo;comme il marchoit
+sur les pas du cardinal de Richelieu, qui avoit achevé de détruire
+toutes les anciennes maximes de l'état.&rsquo; Compare <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 18; and <i>Mém. de la Rochefoucauld</i>, vol. i. p. 444.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> On the open affront to the Pope by this treaty, see
+<i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. iii. p. 159: &lsquo;An dem pyrenäischen Frieden
+nahm er auch nicht einmal mehr einen scheinbaren Antheil: man vermied es
+seine Abgeordneten zuzulassen: kaum wurde seiner noch darin gedacht.&rsquo;
+The consequences and the meaning of all this are well noticed by M.
+Ranke.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> &lsquo;La presse jouissait d'une entière liberté pendant les
+troubles de la Fronde, et le public prenait un tel intérêt aux débats
+politiques, que les pamphlets se débitaient quelquefois au nombre de
+huit et dix mille exemplaires.&rsquo; <i>Sainte&ndash;Aulaire</i>, <i>Hist. de la Fronde</i>,
+vol. i. p. 299. Tallemant des Réaux, who wrote immediately after the
+Fronde, says (<i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iv. p. 74), &lsquo;Durant la Fronde, qu'on
+imprimoit tout.&rsquo; And Omer Talon, with the indignation natural to a
+magistrate, mentions, that in 1649, &lsquo;toutes sortes de libelles et de
+diffamations se publioient hautement par la ville sans permission du
+magistrat.&rsquo; <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. ii. p. 466. For further evidence
+of the great importance of the press in France in the middle of the
+seventeenth century, see <i>Mém. de Lenet</i>, vol. i. p. 162; <i>Mém. de
+Motteville</i>, vol. iii. pp. 288, 289; <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. i. p. 432,
+vol. ii. p. 517; <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. vii. p. 175.</p>
+
+<p>In England, the Long Parliament succeeded to the licensing authority of
+the Star-chamber (<i>Blackstone's Commentaries</i>, vol. iv. p. 152); but it
+is evident from the literature of that time, that for a considerable
+period the power was in reality in abeyance. Both parties attacked each
+other freely through the press; and it is said that between the breaking
+out of the civil war and the restoration, there were published from
+30,000 to 50,000 pamphlets. <i>Morgan's Ph&oelig;nix Britannicus</i>, 1731, 4to.
+pp. iii. 557; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 4; <i>Southey's Commonplace
+Book</i>, third series, p. 449. See also on this great movement of the
+press, <i>Bates's Account of the Late Troubles</i>, part i. p. 78;
+<i>Bulstrode's Memoirs</i>, p. 4; <i>Howell's Letters</i>, p. 354; <i>Hunt's Hist.
+of Newspapers</i>, vol. i. p. 45; <i>Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, p.
+81; <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iv. pp. 86, 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Dugald Stewart (<i>Philos. of the Mind</i>, vol. i. p. 357)
+says, &lsquo;Nothing can be more just than the observation of Fontenelle, that
+&ldquo;the number of those who believe in a system already established in the
+world, does not, in the least, add to its credibility; but that the
+number of those who doubt of it, has a tendency to diminish it.&rdquo;&rsquo;
+Compare with this <i>Newman on Development</i>, Lond. 1845, p. 31; and the
+remark of Hylas in <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, edit. 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152,
+first dialogue.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Compare <i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 293, with a
+remarkable passage in <i>Mém. de Rohan</i>, vol. i. p. 317; where Rohan
+contrasts the religious wars he was engaged in during the administration
+of Richelieu, with those very different wars which had been waged in
+France a little earlier.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> &lsquo;L'esprit religieux ne s'était mêlé en aucune manière aux
+querelles de la Fronde.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue</i>, vol. ii. p. 434. Lenet, who had
+great influence with what was called the party of the princes, says that
+he always avoided any attempt &lsquo;à faire aboutir notre parti à une guerre
+de religion.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Lenet</i>, vol. i. p. 619. Even the people said that
+it was unimportant whether or not a man died a Protestant; but that if
+he were a partizan of Mazarin he was sure to be damned: &lsquo;Ils disoient
+qu'étant mazarin, il falloit qu'il fût damné.&rsquo; <i>Lenet</i>, vol. i. p. 434.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Indeed he does not conceal this even in his memoirs. He
+says (<i>Mém.</i> vol. i. p. 3), he had &lsquo;l'âme peut-être la moins
+ecclésiastique qui fût dans l'univers.&rsquo; At p. 13, &lsquo;le chagrin que ma
+profession ne laissoit pas de nourrir toujours dans le fonds de mon
+âme.&rsquo; At p. 21, &lsquo;je haïssois ma profession plus que jamais.&rsquo; At p. 48,
+&lsquo;le clergé, qui donne toujours l'exemple de la servitude, la prêchoit
+aux autres sous le titre d'obéissance.&rsquo; See also the remark of his great
+friend Joly (<i>Mém. de Joly</i>, p. 209, edit. Petitot, 1825); and the
+account given by Tallemant des Réaux, who knew De Retz well, and had
+travelled with him, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. vii. pp. 18-30. The same
+tendency is illustrated, though in a much smaller degree, by a
+conversation which Charles II., when in exile, held with De Retz, and
+which is preserved in <i>Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, p. 806, and
+is worth consulting merely as an instance of the purely secular view
+that De Retz always took of political affairs.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> &lsquo;Cet homme singulier est le premier évêque en France qui
+ait fait une guerre civile sans avoir la religion pour prétexte.&rsquo;
+<i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xix. p. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Hooker and Pascal may properly be classed together, as
+the two most sublime theological writers either country has produced;
+for Bossuet is as inferior to Pascal as Jeremy Taylor is inferior to
+Hooker.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> One of the most remarkable men they have ever possessed
+notices this connexion, which he expresses conversely, but with equal
+truth: &lsquo;moins on sait, moins on doute; moins on a découvert, moins on
+voit ce qui reste à découvrir&hellip;. Quand les hommes sont ignorans, il
+est aisé de tout savoir.&rsquo; <i>Discours en Sorbonne</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Turgot</i>, vol. ii. pp. 65, 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Mazarin, until his death in 1661, exercised complete
+authority over Louis. See <i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. xix. pp. 318, 319; and <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 195; so that, as Montglat says (<i>Mém.</i> vol. iii. p. 111),
+&lsquo;On doit appeler ce temps-là le commencement du règne de Louis XIV.&rsquo; The
+pompous manner in which, directly after the death of Mazarin, the king
+assumed the government, is related by Brienne, who was present. <i>Mém. de
+Brienne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 154&ndash;158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> By this I mean, that the divergence now first became
+clear to every observer; but the origin of the divergence dates from a
+much earlier period, as we shall see in the next chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> That is to say, their practical recognition;
+theoretically, they are still denied by innumerable politicians, who,
+nevertheless, assist in carrying them into effect, fondly hoping that
+each innovation will be the last, and enticing men into reform under the
+pretext that by each change they are returning to the spirit of the
+ancient British constitution.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN
+FRANCE AND ENGLAND.</div>
+
+<p>When, towards the end of the fifth century, the Roman
+empire was broken up, there followed, as is well known,
+a long period of ignorance and of crime, in which even
+the ablest minds were immersed in the grossest superstitions.
+During these, which are rightly called the
+Dark Ages, the clergy were supreme: they ruled the
+consciences of the most despotic sovereigns, and they
+were respected as men of vast learning, because they
+alone were able to read and write; because they were
+the sole depositaries of those idle conceits of which
+European science then consisted; and because they
+preserved the legends of the saints and the lives of the
+fathers, from which, as it was believed, the teachings of
+divine wisdom might easily be gathered.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the degradation of the European intellect
+for about five hundred years, during which the credulity
+of men reached a height unparalleled in the annals of
+ignorance. But at length the human reason, that divine
+spark which even the most corrupt society is unable to
+extinguish, began to display its power, and disperse the
+mists by which it was surrounded. Various circumstances,
+which it would be tedious here to discuss,
+caused this dispersion to take place at different times in
+different countries. However, speaking generally, we
+may say that it occurred in the tenth and eleventh centuries,
+and that by the twelfth century there was no
+nation now called civilized, upon whom the light had
+not begun to dawn.</p>
+
+<p>It is from this point that the first great divergence
+between the European nations took its rise. Before this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
+time their superstition was so great and universal, that
+it would avail little to measure the degree of their relative
+darkness. Indeed, so low had they fallen, that,
+during the earlier period, the authority of the clergy
+was in many respects an advantage, as forming a barrier
+between the people and their rulers, and as supplying
+the sole instance of a class that even made an approach
+to intellectual pursuits. But when the great
+movement took place, when the human reason began to
+rebel, the position of the clergy was suddenly changed.
+They had been friendly to reasoning as long as the reasoning
+was on their side.<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> While they were the only
+guardians of knowledge, they were eager to promote its
+interests. Now, however, it was falling from their
+hands: it was becoming possessed by laymen: it was
+growing dangerous: it must be reduced to its proper
+dimensions. Then it was that there first became general
+the inquisitions, the imprisonments, the torturings, the
+burnings, and all the other contrivances by which the
+church vainly endeavoured to stem the tide that had
+turned against her.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> From that moment there has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
+an unceasing struggle between these two great parties,&mdash;the
+advocates of inquiry, and the advocates of belief:
+a struggle which, however it may be disguised, and
+under whatever forms it may appear, is at bottom
+always the same, and represents the opposite interests
+of reason and faith, of scepticism and credulity, of progress
+and reaction, of those who hope for the future,
+and of those who cling to the past.</p>
+
+<p>This, then, is the great starting point of modern civilization.
+From the moment that reason began, however
+faintly, to assert its supremacy, the improvement
+of every people has depended upon their obedience to
+its dictates, and upon the success with which they have
+reduced to its standard the whole of their actions. To
+understand, therefore, the original divergence of France
+and England, we must seek it in the circumstances
+that took place when this, which may be called the
+great rebellion of the intellect, was first clearly seen.</p>
+
+<p>If now, with a view to such inquiry, we examine the
+history of Europe, we shall find that just at this period
+there sprung up the feudal system: a vast scheme of
+polity, which, clumsy and imperfect as it was, supplied
+many of the wants of the rude people among whom it
+arose.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> The connexion between it and the decline of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
+the ecclesiastical spirit is very obvious. For the feudal
+system was the first great secular plan that had been
+seen in Europe since the formation of the civil law: it
+was the first comprehensive attempt which had been
+made, during more than four hundred years, to organize
+society according to temporal, not according to spiritual
+circumstances, the basis of the whole arrangement being
+merely the possession of land, and the performance of
+certain military and pecuniary services.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p>
+
+<p>This was, no doubt, a great step in European civilization,
+because it set the first example of a large public
+polity in which the spiritual classes as such had no recognized
+place;<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> and hence there followed that struggle
+between feudality and the church, which has been observed
+by several writers, but the origin of which has
+been strangely overlooked. What, however, we have
+now to notice is, that by the establishment of the feudal
+system, the spirit of protection, far from being destroyed,
+was probably not even weakened, but only assumed a
+new form. Instead of being spiritual, it became temporal.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
+Instead of men looking up to the church, they
+looked up to the nobles. For, as a necessary consequence
+of this vast movement, or rather as a part of it,
+the great possessors of land were now being organized
+into an hereditary aristocracy.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> In the tenth century,
+we find the first surnames:<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> by the eleventh century
+most of the great offices had become hereditary in the
+leading families:<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> and in the twelfth century armorial
+bearings were invented, as well as other heraldic devices,
+which long nourished the conceit of the nobles, and
+were valued by their descendants as marks of that superiority
+of birth to which, during many ages, all other
+superiority was considered subordinate.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the beginning of the European aristocracy,
+in the sense in which that word is commonly used.
+With the consolidation of its power, feudality was made,
+in reference to the organization of society, the successor
+of the church;<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> and the nobles, becoming hereditary,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
+gradually displaced in government, and in the general
+functions of authority, the clergy, among whom the
+opposite principle of celibacy was now firmly established.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>
+It is, therefore, evident, that an inquiry into
+the origin of the modern protective spirit does, in a
+great measure, resolve itself into an inquiry into the
+origin of the aristocratic power; since that power was
+the exponent, and, as it were, the cover under which the
+spirit displayed itself. This, as we shall hereafter see,
+is likewise connected with the great religious rebellion
+of the sixteenth century; the success of which mainly
+depended on the weakness of the protective principle
+that opposed it. But, reserving this for future consideration,
+I will now endeavour to trace a few of the
+circumstances which gave the aristocracy more power
+in France than in England, and thus accustomed the
+French to a closer and more constant obedience, and
+infused into them a more reverential spirit than that
+which was usual in our country.</p>
+
+<p>Soon after the middle of the eleventh century, and
+therefore while the aristocracy was in the process of formation,
+England was conquered by the Duke of Normandy,
+who naturally introduced the polity existing in his own
+country.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> But, in his hands, it underwent a modification<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
+suitable to the new circumstances in which he was
+placed. He, being in a foreign country, the general of
+a successful army composed partly of mercenaries,<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> was
+able to dispense with some of those feudal usages which
+were customary in France. The great Norman lords,
+thrown as strangers into the midst of a hostile population,
+were glad to accept estates from the crown on
+almost any terms that would guarantee their own security.
+Of this, William naturally availed himself. For,
+by granting baronies on conditions favourable to the
+crown, he prevented the barons<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> from possessing that
+power which they exercised in France, and which, but
+for this, they would have exercised in England. The
+result was, that the most powerful of our nobles became
+amenable to the law, or, at all events, to the authority
+of the king.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> Indeed, to such an extent was this carried,
+that William, shortly before his death, obliged all
+the landowners to render their fealty to him; thus entirely
+neglecting that peculiarity of feudalism, according
+to which each vassal was separately dependent on his
+own lord.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a></p>
+
+<p>But in France, the course of affairs was very different.
+In that country the great nobles held their lands, not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
+so much by grant, as by prescription.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> A character of
+antiquity was thus thrown over their rights; which,
+when added to the weakness of the crown, enabled
+them to exercise on their own estates, all the functions
+of independent sovereigns.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> Even when they received
+their first great check, under Philip Augustus,<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> they,
+in his reign, and indeed long after, wielded a power
+quite unknown in England. Thus, to give only two
+instances: the right of coining money, which has always
+been regarded as an attribute of sovereignty, was never
+allowed in England, even to the greatest nobles.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> But
+in France it was exercised by many persons independently
+of the crown, and was not abrogated until the
+sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> A similar remark holds good of
+what was called the right of private war; by virtue of
+which the nobles were allowed to attack each other, and
+disturb the peace of the country with the prosecution
+of their private feuds. In England the aristocracy were
+never strong enough to have this admitted as a right,<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>
+though they too often exercised it as a practice. But in
+France it became a part of the established law; it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
+incorporated into the text-books of feudalism, and it is
+distinctly recognized by Louis IX. and Philip the Fair,&mdash;two
+kings of considerable energy, who did every thing
+in their power to curtail the enormous authority of the
+nobles.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a></p>
+
+<p>Out of this difference between the aristocratic power
+of France and England, there followed many consequences
+of great importance. In our country the nobles,
+being too feeble to contend with the crown, were compelled,
+in self-defence, to ally themselves with the people.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>
+About a hundred years after the Conquest, the
+Normans and Saxons amalgamated; and both parties
+united against the king in order to uphold their common
+rights.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> The Magna Charta, which John was forced to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
+yield contained concessions to the aristocracy; but its
+most important stipulations were those in favour of &lsquo;all
+classes of freemen.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> Within half a century, fresh contests
+broke out; the barons were again associated with
+the people, and again there followed the same results,&mdash;the
+extension of popular privileges being each time
+the condition and the consequence of this singular
+alliance. In the same way, when the Earl of Leicester
+raised a rebellion against Henry III., he found his own
+party too weak to make head against the crown. He,
+therefore, applied to the people:<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> and it is to him that
+our House of Commons owes its origin; since he, in
+1264, set the first example of issuing writs to cities and
+boroughs; thus calling upon citizens and burgesses to
+take their place in what had hitherto been a parliament
+composed entirely of priests and nobles.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The English aristocracy being thus forced, by their
+own weakness, to rely on the people,<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> it naturally followed,
+that the people imbibed that tone of independence,
+and that lofty bearing, of which our civil and
+political institutions are the consequence, rather than
+the cause. It is to this, and not to any fanciful peculiarity
+of race, that we owe the sturdy and enterprising
+spirit for which the inhabitants of this island have long
+been remarkable. It is this which has enabled us to
+baffle all the arts of oppression, and to maintain for
+centuries liberties which no other nation has ever
+possessed. And it is this which has fostered and upheld
+those great municipal privileges, which, whatever
+be their faults, have, at least, the invaluable merit of
+accustoming free men to the exercise of power, giving
+to citizens the management of their own city, and perpetuating
+the idea of independence, by preserving it
+in a living type, and by enlisting in its support the interests
+and affections of individual men.</p>
+
+<p>But the habits of self-government which, under these
+circumstances, were cultivated in England, were, under
+opposite circumstances, neglected in France. The great
+French lords being too powerful to need the people,
+were unwilling to seek their alliance.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> The result
+was, that, amid a great variety of forms and names,
+society was, in reality, only divided into two classes&mdash;the
+upper and the lower, the protectors and the protected.
+And, looking at the ferocity of the prevailing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
+manners, it is not too much to say, that in France,
+under the feudal system, every man was either a tyrant
+or a slave. Indeed, in most instances, the two characters
+were combined in the same person. For, the
+practice of subinfeudation, which in our country was
+actively checked, became in France almost universal.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>
+By this, the great lords having granted lands on condition
+of fealty and other services to certain persons,
+these last subgranted them; that is, made them over
+on similar conditions to other persons, who had likewise
+the power of bestowing them on a fourth party,
+and so on in an endless series;<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> thus forming a long
+chain of dependence, and, as it were, organizing submission
+into a system.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> In England, on the other
+hand, such arrangements were so unsuited to the
+general state of affairs, that it is doubtful if they were
+ever carried on to any extent; and, at all events, it
+is certain that, in the reign of Edward I., they were
+finally stopped by the statute known to lawyers as
+<i>Quia emptores</i>.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus early was there a great social divergence between
+France and England. The consequences of this
+were still more obvious when, in the fourteenth century,
+the feudal system rapidly decayed in both countries.
+For in England, the principle of protection
+being feeble, men were in some degree accustomed to
+self-government; and they were able to hold fast by
+those great institutions which would have been ill
+adapted to the more obedient habits of the French
+people. Our municipal privileges, the rights of our
+yeomanry, and the security of our copyholders, were,
+from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
+three most important guarantees for the liberties of
+England.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> In France such guarantees were impossible.
+The real division being between those who were noble,
+and those who were not noble, no room was left for
+the establishment of intervening classes; but all were
+compelled to fall into one of these two great ranks.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>
+The French have never had any thing answering to our
+yeomanry; nor were copyholders recognized by their
+laws. And, although they attempted to introduce into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
+their country municipal institutions, all such efforts
+were futile; for, while they copied the forms of liberty,
+they lacked that bold and sturdy spirit by which alone
+liberty can be secured. They had, indeed, its image
+and superscription; but they wanted the sacred fire
+that warms the image into life. Every thing else they
+possessed. The show and appliances of freedom were
+there. Charters were granted to their towns, and privileges
+conceded to their magistrates. All, however,
+was useless. For it is not by the wax and parchment
+of lawyers that the independence of men can be preserved.
+Such things are the mere externals; they set
+off liberty to advantage; they are as its dress and paraphernalia,
+its holiday-suit in times of peace and quiet.
+But, when the evil days set in, when the invasions of
+despotism have begun, liberty will be retained, not by
+those who can show the oldest deeds and the largest
+charters, but by those who have been most inured to
+habits of independence, most accustomed to think and
+act for themselves, and most regardless of that insidious
+protection which the upper classes have always been so
+ready to bestow, that, in many countries, they have now
+left nothing worth the trouble to protect.</p>
+
+<p>And so it was in France. The towns, with few exceptions,
+fell at the first shock; and the citizens lost
+those municipal privileges which, not being grafted
+on the national character, it was found impossible to
+preserve. In the same way, in our country, power naturally,
+and by the mere force of the democratic movement,
+fell into the hands of the House of Commons;
+whose authority has ever since, notwithstanding occasional
+checks, continued to increase at the expense
+of the more aristocratic parts of the legislature. The
+only institution answering to this in France was the
+States-General; which, however, had so little influence,
+that, in the opinion of native historians, it
+was hardly to be called an institution at all.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> Indeed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
+the French were, by this time, so accustomed to the
+idea of protection, and to the subordination which that
+idea involves, that they were little inclined to uphold
+an establishment which, in their constitution, was the
+sole representative of the popular element. The result
+was, that, by the fourteenth century, the liberties of
+Englishmen were secured;<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> and, since then, their only
+concern has been to increase what they have already
+obtained. But in that same century, in France, the
+protective spirit assumed a new form; the power of the
+aristocracy was, in a great measure, succeeded by the
+power of the crown; and there began that tendency to
+centralization which, having been pushed still further,
+first under Louis XIV., and afterwards under Napoleon,
+has become the bane of the French people.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> For by it
+the feudal ideas of superiority and submission have long
+survived that barbarous age to which alone they were
+suited. Indeed, by their transmigration, they seemed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
+to have gained fresh strength. In France, every thing
+is referred to one common centre, in which all civil
+functions are absorbed. All improvements of any importance,
+all schemes for bettering even the material condition
+of the people must receive the sanction of government;
+the local authorities not being considered equal
+to such arduous tasks. In order that inferior magistrates
+may not abuse their power, no power is conferred upon
+them. The exercise of independent jurisdiction is
+almost unknown. Every thing that is done must be
+done at head quarters.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> The government is believed
+to see every thing, know every thing, and provide for
+every thing. To enforce this monstrous monopoly there
+has been contrived a machinery well worthy of the
+design. The entire country is covered by an immense
+array of officials;<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> who, in the regularity of their hierarchy,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
+and in the order of their descending series, form
+an admirable emblem of that feudal principle, which
+ceasing to be territorial, has now become personal. In
+fact, the whole business of the state is conducted on
+the supposition that no man either knows his own interest,
+or is fit to take care of himself. So paternal are
+the feelings of government, so eager for the welfare of
+its subjects, that it has drawn within its jurisdiction the
+most rare, as well as the most ordinary, actions of life.
+In order that the French may not make imprudent
+wills, it has limited the right of bequest; and, for fear
+that they should bequeath their property wrongly, it
+prevents them from bequeathing the greater part of it
+at all. In order that society may be protected by its
+police, it has directed that no one shall travel without
+a passport. And when men are actually travelling, they
+are met at every turn by the same interfering spirit,
+which, under pretence of protecting their persons,
+shackles their liberty. Into another matter, far more
+serious, the French have carried the same principle.
+Such is their anxiety to protect society against criminals,
+that, when an offender is placed at the bar of one of
+their courts, there is exhibited a spectacle which is no
+idle boast to say we, in England, could not tolerate for
+a single hour. There is seen a great public magistrate,
+by whom the prisoner is about to be tried, examining
+him in order to ascertain his supposed guilt, re-examining
+him, cross-examining him, performing the duties,
+not of a judge, but of a prosecutor, and bringing to bear
+against the unhappy man all the authority of his judicial
+position, all his professional subtlety, all his experience,
+all the dexterity of his practised understanding. This
+is, perhaps, the most alarming of the many instances
+in which the tendencies of the French intellect are
+shown; because it supplies a machinery ready for the
+purposes of absolute power; because it brings the administration
+of justice into disrepute, by associating with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
+it an idea of unfairness; and because it injures that
+calm and equable temper, which it is impossible fully to
+maintain under a system that makes a magistrate an
+advocate, and turns the judge into a partizan. But this,
+mischievous as it is, only forms part of a far larger
+scheme. For, to the method by which criminals are
+discovered, there is added an analogous method, by
+which crime is prevented. With this view, the people,
+even in their ordinary amusements, are watched and
+carefully superintended. Lest they should harm each
+other by some sudden indiscretion, precautions are
+taken similar to those with which a father might surround
+his children. In their fairs, at their theatres,
+their concerts, and their other places of public resort,
+there are always present soldiers, who are sent to see
+that no mischief is done, that there is no unnecessary
+crowding, that no one uses harsh language, that no one
+quarrels with his neighbour. Nor does the vigilance
+of the government stop there. Even the education of
+children is brought under the control of the state, instead
+of being regulated by the judgment of masters
+or parents.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> And the whole plan is executed with such
+energy, that, as the French while men are never let
+alone, just so while children they are never left alone.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>
+At the same time, it being reasonably supposed that the
+adults thus kept in pupilage cannot be proper judges of
+their own food, the government has provided for this
+also. Its prying eye follows the butcher to the shambles,
+and the baker to the oven. By its paternal hand, meat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
+is examined lest it should be bad, and bread is weighed
+lest it should be light. In short, without multiplying
+instances, with which most readers must be familiar,
+it is enough to say that in France, as in every country
+where the protective principle is active, the government
+has established a monopoly of the worst kind; a
+monopoly which comes home to the business and
+bosoms of men, follows them in their daily avocations,
+troubles them with its petty, meddling spirit, and, what
+is worse than all, diminishes their responsibility to
+themselves; thus depriving them of what is the only
+real education that most minds receive,&mdash;the constant
+necessity of providing for future contingencies, and the
+habit of grappling with the difficulties of life.</p>
+
+<p>The consequence of all this has been, that the French,
+though a great and splendid people,&mdash;a people full of
+mettle, high-spirited, abounding in knowledge, and
+perhaps less oppressed by superstition than any other
+in Europe,&mdash;have always been found unfit to exercise
+political power. Even when they have possessed it,
+they have never been able to combine permanence with
+liberty. One of these two elements has always been
+wanting. They have had free governments, which have
+not been stable. They have had stable governments,
+which have not been free. Owing to their fearless
+temper, they have rebelled, and no doubt will continue
+to rebel, against so evil a condition.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> But it does not
+need the tongue of a prophet to tell that, for at least
+some generations, all such efforts must be unsuccessful.
+For men can never be free, unless they are
+educated to freedom. And this is not the education
+which is to be found in schools, or gained from books;
+but it is that which consists in self-discipline, in self-reliance,
+and in self-government. These, in England,
+are matters of hereditary descent&mdash;traditional
+habits, which we imbibe in our youth, and which regulate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
+us in the conduct of life. The old associations
+of the French all point in another direction. At
+the slightest difficulty, they call on the government for
+support. What with us is competition, with them is
+monopoly. That which we effect by private companies,
+they effect by public boards. They cannot cut
+a canal, or lay down a railroad, without appealing to
+the government for aid. With them, the people look
+to the rulers; with us, the rulers look to the people.
+With them, the executive is the centre from which
+society radiates;<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> with us, society is the instigator,
+and the executive the organ. The difference in the
+result has corresponded with the difference in the process.
+We have been made fit for political power, by
+the long exercise of civil rights; they, neglecting the
+exercise, think they can at once begin with the power.
+We have always shown a determination to uphold our
+liberties, and, when the times are fitting, to increase
+them; and this we have done with a decency and a
+gravity natural to men to whom such subjects have
+long been familiar. But the French, always treated
+as children, are, in political matters, children still.
+And as they have handled the most weighty concerns
+in that gay and volatile spirit which adorns
+their lighter literature, it is no wonder that they have
+failed in matters where the first condition of success
+is, that men should have been long accustomed to rely
+upon their own energies, and that before they try their
+skill in a political struggle, their resources should have
+been sharpened by that preliminary discipline, which
+a contest with the difficulties of civil life can never fail
+to impart.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These are among the considerations by which we
+must be guided, in estimating the probable destinies of
+the great countries of Europe. But what we are now
+rather concerned with is, to notice how the opposite
+tendencies of France and England long continued to be
+displayed in the condition and treatment of their aristocracy;
+and how from this there naturally followed
+some striking differences between the war conducted
+by the Fronde, and that waged by the Long Parliament.</p>
+
+<p>When, in the fourteenth century, the authority of
+the French kings began rapidly to increase, the political
+influence of the nobility was, of course, correspondingly
+diminished. What, however, proves the
+extent to which their power had taken root, is the undoubted
+fact, that, notwithstanding this to them unfavourable
+circumstance, the people were never able to
+emancipate themselves from their control.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> The relation
+the nobles bore to the throne became entirely
+changed; that which they bore to the people remained
+almost the same. In England, slavery, or villenage,
+as it is mildly termed, quickly diminished, and was
+extinct by the end of the sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
+France, it lingered on two hundred years later, and
+was only destroyed in that great Revolution by which
+the possessors of ill-gotten power were called to so
+sharp an account.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> Thus, too, until the last seventy
+years, the nobles were in France exempt from those
+onerous taxes which oppressed the people. The taille
+and corvée were heavy and grievous exactions, but
+they fell solely on men of ignoble birth;<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> for the
+French aristocracy, being a high and chivalrous race,
+would have deemed it an insult to their illustrious
+descent, if they had been taxed to the same amount as
+those whom they despised as their inferiors.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> Indeed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
+every thing tended to nurture this general contempt.
+Every thing was contrived to humble one class, and
+exalt the other. For the nobles there were reserved
+the best appointments in the church, and also the most
+important military posts.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> The privilege of entering the
+army as officers was confined to them;<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> and they alone
+possessed a prescriptive right to belong to the cavalry.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>
+At the same time, and to avoid the least chance of confusion,
+an equal vigilance was displayed in the most
+trifling matters, and care was taken to prevent any
+similarity, even in the amusements of the two classes.
+To such a pitch was this brought, that, in many parts
+of France, the right of having an aviary or a dovecote
+depended entirely on a man's rank; and no Frenchman,
+whatever his wealth might be, could keep pigeons,
+unless he were a noble; it being considered that these
+recreations were too elevated for persons of plebeian
+origin.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Circumstances like these are valuable, as evidence
+of the state of society to which they belong; and
+their importance will become peculiarly obvious, when
+we compare them with the opposite condition of England.</p>
+
+<p>For in England, neither these nor any similar distinctions
+have ever been known. The spirit of which
+our yeomanry, copyholders, and free burgesses were
+the representatives, proved far too strong for those protective
+and monopolizing principles of which the aristocracy
+are the guardians in politics, and the clergy in
+religion. And it is to the successful opposition made
+by these feelings of individual independence that we owe
+our two greatest national acts&mdash;our Reformation in the
+sixteenth, and our Rebellion in the seventeenth century.
+Before, however, tracing the steps taken in these matters,
+there is one other point of view to which I wish to call
+attention, as a further illustration of the early and radical
+difference between France and England.</p>
+
+<p>In the eleventh century there arose the celebrated
+institution of chivalry,<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> which was to manners what
+feudalism was to politics. This connexion is clear, not
+only from the testimony of contemporaries, but also
+from two general considerations. In the first place,
+chivalry was so highly aristocratic, that no one could
+even receive knighthood unless he were of noble birth;<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>
+and the preliminary education which was held to be
+necessary was carried on either in schools appointed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
+the nobles, or else in their own baronial castles.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> In
+the second place, it was essentially a protective, and
+not at all a reforming institution. It was contrived
+with a view to remedy certain oppressions as they successively
+arose; opposed in this respect to the reforming
+spirit, which, being remedial rather than palliative,
+strikes at the root of an evil by humbling the class from
+which the evil proceeds, passing over individual cases
+in order to direct its attention to general causes. But
+chivalry, so far from doing this, was in fact a fusion of
+the aristocratic and the ecclesiastical forms of the protective
+spirit.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> For, by introducing among the nobles
+the principle of knighthood, which, being personal, could
+never be bequeathed, it presented a point at which the
+ecclesiastical doctrine of celibacy could coalesce with the
+aristocratic doctrine of hereditary descent.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> Out of this
+coalition sprung results of great moment. It is to this
+that Europe owes those orders, half aristocratic half religious,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>
+the Knights Templars, the Knights of St. James,
+the Knights of St. John, the Knights of St. Michael:
+establishments which inflicted the greatest evils on society;
+and whose members, combining analogous vices,
+enlivened the superstition of monks with the debauchery
+of soldiers. As a natural consequence, an immense
+number of noble knights were solemnly pledged to
+&lsquo;defend the church;&rsquo; an ominous expression, the meaning
+of which is too well known to the readers of ecclesiastical
+history.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> Thus it was that chivalry, uniting
+the hostile principles of celibacy and noble birth, became
+the incarnation of the spirit of the two classes to which
+those principles belonged. Whatever benefit, therefore,
+this institution may have conferred upon manners,<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>
+there can be no doubt that it actively contributed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
+keep men in a state of pupilage, and stopped the march
+of society by prolonging the term of its infancy.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p>
+
+<p>On this account, it is evident that, whether we look
+at the immediate or at the remote tendency of chivalry,
+its strength and duration become a measure of the predominance
+of the protective spirit. If, with this view,
+we compare France and England, we shall find fresh
+proof of the early divergence of those countries. Tournaments,
+the first open expression of chivalry, are of
+French origin.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> The greatest and, indeed, the only
+two great describers of chivalry are Joinville and Froissart,
+both of whom were Frenchmen. Bayard, that
+famous chevalier, who is always considered as the last
+representative of chivalry, was a Frenchman, and was
+killed when fighting for Francis I. Nor was it until
+nearly forty years after his death that tournaments were
+finally abolished in France, the last one having been
+held in 1560.<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a></p>
+
+<p>But in England, the protective spirit being much less
+active than in France, we should expect to find that
+chivalry, as its offspring, had less influence. And such
+was really the case. The honours that were paid to
+knights, and the social distinctions by which they were
+separated from the other classes, were never so great in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
+our country as in France.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> As men became more free,
+the little respect they had for such matters still further
+diminished. In the thirteenth century, and indeed in
+the very reign in which burgesses were first returned
+to parliament, the leading symbol of chivalry fell into
+such disrepute, that a law was passed obliging certain
+persons to accept that rank of knighthood which in
+other nations was one of the highest objects of ambition.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>
+In the fourteenth century, this was followed by
+another blow, which deprived knighthood of its exclusively
+military character; the custom having grown up
+in the reign of Edward III. of conferring it on the
+judges in the courts of law, thus turning a warlike title
+into a civil honour.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> Finally, before the end of the
+fifteenth century, the spirit of chivalry, in France still
+at its height, was in our country extinct, and this mischievous
+institution had become a subject for ridicule
+even among the people themselves.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> To these circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
+we may add two others, which seem worthy of
+observation. The first is, that the French, notwithstanding
+their many admirable qualities, have always
+been more remarkable for personal vanity than the
+English;<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> a peculiarity partly referable to those chivalric
+traditions which even their occasional republics
+have been unable to destroy, and which makes them
+attach undue importance to external distinctions, by
+which I mean, not only dress and manners, but also
+medals, ribbons, stars, crosses, and the like, which we,
+a prouder people, have never held in such high estimation.
+The other circumstance is, that duelling has
+from the beginning been more popular in France than in
+England; and as this is a custom which we owe to chivalry,
+the difference in this respect between the two countries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
+supplies another link in that long chain of evidence
+by which we must estimate their national tendencies.<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a></p>
+
+<p>The old associations, of which these facts are but the
+external expression, now continued to act with increasing
+vigour. In France, the protective spirit, carried
+into religion, was strong enough to resist the Reformation,
+and preserve to the clergy the forms, at least, of
+their ancient supremacy. In England, the pride of men,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
+and their habits of self-reliance, enabled them to mature
+into a system what is called the right of private judgment,
+by which some of the most cherished traditions
+were eradicated; and this, as we have already seen, being
+quickly succeeded, first by scepticism, and then by
+toleration, prepared the way for that subordination of
+the church to the state, for which we are pre-eminent,
+and without a rival, among the nations of Europe.
+The very same tendency, acting in politics, displayed
+analogous results. Our ancestors found no difficulty
+in humbling the nobles, and reducing them to comparative
+insignificance. The wars of the Roses, by breaking
+up the leading families into two hostile factions,
+aided this movement;<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> and, after the reign of Edward
+IV., there is no instance of any Englishman, even of
+the highest rank, venturing to carry on those private
+wars, by which, in other countries, the great lords still
+disturbed the peace of society.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> When the civil contests
+subsided, the same spirit displayed itself in the
+policy of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. For, those
+princes, despots as they were, mainly oppressed the
+highest classes; and even Henry VIII., notwithstanding
+his barbarous cruelties, was loved by the people, to
+whom his reign was, on the whole, decidedly beneficial.
+Then there came the Reformation; which, being an uprising
+of the human mind, was essentially a rebellious
+movement, and thus increasing the insubordination of
+men, sowed, in the sixteenth century, the seeds of those
+great political revolutions which, in the seventeenth century,
+broke out in nearly every part of Europe. The connexion
+between these two revolutionary epochs is a subject
+full of interest; but, for the purpose of the present
+chapter, it will be sufficient to notice such events,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
+during the latter half of the sixteenth century, as explain
+the sympathy between the ecclesiastical and aristocratic
+classes, and prove how the same circumstances
+that were fatal to the one, also prepared the way for
+the downfall of the other.</p>
+
+<p>When Elizabeth ascended the throne of England, a
+large majority of the nobility were opposed to the Protestant
+religion. This we know from the most decisive
+evidence; and, even if we had no such evidence, a general
+acquaintance with human nature would induce us
+to suspect that such was the case. For, the aristocracy,
+by the very conditions of their existence, must, as
+a body, always be averse to innovation. And this, not
+only because by a change they have much to lose and
+little to gain, but because some of their most pleasurable
+emotions are connected with the past rather than
+with the present. In the collision of actual life, their
+vanity is sometimes offended by the assumptions of inferior
+men; it is frequently wounded by the successful
+competition of able men. These are mortifications to
+which, in the progress of society, their liability is constantly
+increasing. But the moment they turn to the
+past, they see in those good old times which are now
+gone by, many sources of consolation. There they find
+a period in which their glory is without a rival. When
+they look at their pedigrees, their quarterings, their
+escutcheons; when they think of the purity of their
+blood, and the antiquity of their ancestors&mdash;they experience
+a comfort which ought amply to atone for any
+present inconvenience. The tendency of this is very
+obvious, and has shown itself in the history of every
+aristocracy the world has yet seen. Men who have
+worked themselves to so extravagant a pitch as to believe
+that it is an honour to have had one ancestor who
+came over with the Normans, and another ancestor who
+was present at the first invasion of Ireland&mdash;men who
+have reached this ecstacy of the fancy are not disposed
+to stop there, but, by a process with which most minds
+are familiar, they generalize their view; and, even on
+matters not immediately connected with their fame,
+they acquire a habit of associating grandeur with antiquity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
+and of measuring value by age; thus transferring
+to the past an admiration which otherwise they might
+reserve for the present.</p>
+
+<p>The connexion between these feelings and those which
+animate the clergy is very evident. What the nobles
+are to politics, that are the priests to religion. Both
+classes, constantly appealing to the voice of antiquity,
+rely much on tradition, and make great account of upholding
+established customs. Both take for granted
+that what is old is better than what is new; and that
+in former times there were means of discovering truths
+respecting government and theology which we, in these
+degenerate ages, no longer possess. And it may be
+added, that the similarity of their functions follows from
+the similarity of their principles. Both are eminently
+protective, stationary, or, as they are sometimes called,
+conservative. It is believed that the aristocracy guard
+the state against revolution, and that the clergy keep
+the church from error. The first are the enemies of
+reformers; the others are the scourge of heretics.</p>
+
+<p>It does not enter into the province of this Introduction
+to examine how far these principles are reasonable,
+or to inquire into the propriety of notions which suppose
+that, on certain subjects of immense importance, men
+are to remain stationary, while on all other subjects they
+are constantly advancing. But what I now rather wish
+to point out, is the manner in which, in the reign of
+Elizabeth, the two great conservative and protective
+classes were weakened by that vast movement, the Reformation,
+which, though completed in the sixteenth
+century, had been prepared by a long chain of intellectual
+antecedents.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever the prejudices of some may suggest, it will
+be admitted, by all unbiassed judges, that the Protestant
+Reformation was neither more nor less than an
+open rebellion. Indeed, the mere mention of private
+judgment, on which it was avowedly based, is enough
+to substantiate this fact. To establish the right of private
+judgment, was to appeal from the church to individuals;
+it was to increase the play of each man's intellect;
+it was to test the opinions of the priesthood by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
+the opinions of laymen; it was, in fact, a rising of the
+scholars against their teachers, of the ruled against
+their rulers. And although the reformed clergy, as
+soon as they had organised themselves into a hierarchy,
+did undoubtedly abandon the great principle with which
+they started, and attempt to impose articles and canons
+of their own contrivance, still, this ought not to blind
+us to the merits of the Reformation itself. The tyranny
+of the Church of England, during the reign of Elizabeth,
+and still more during the reigns of her two successors,
+was but the natural consequence of that corruption
+which power always begets in those who wield it, and
+does not lessen the importance of the movement by
+which the power was originally obtained. For men
+could not forget that, tried by the old theological theory,
+the church of England was a schismatic establishment,
+and could only defend itself from the charge of heresy
+by appealing to that private judgment, to the exercise
+of which it owed its existence, but of the rights of which
+its own proceedings were a constant infraction. It was
+evident that if, in religious matters, private judgment
+were supreme, it became a high spiritual crime to issue
+any articles, or to take any measure, by which that
+judgment could be tied up; while, on the other hand,
+if the right of private judgment were not supreme, the
+church of England was guilty of apostacy, inasmuch as
+its founders did, by virtue of the interpretation which
+their own private judgment made of the Bible, abandon
+tenets which they had hitherto held, stigmatize those
+tenets as idolatrous, and openly renounce their allegiance
+to what had for centuries been venerated as the
+catholic and apostolic church.</p>
+
+<p>This was a simple alternative; which might, indeed,
+be kept out of sight, but could not be refined away, and
+most assuredly has never been forgotten. The memory
+of the great truth it conveys was preserved by the
+writings and teachings of the Puritans, and by those
+habits of thought natural to an inquisitive age. And
+when the fulness of time had come, it did not fail to
+bear its fruit. It continued slowly to fructify; and
+before the middle of the seventeenth century, its seed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
+had quickened into a life, the energy of which nothing
+could withstand. That same right of private judgment
+which the early Reformers had loudly proclaimed, was
+now pushed to an extent fatal to those who opposed it.
+This it was which, carried into politics, overturned the
+government, and, carried into religion, upset the
+church.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> For, rebellion and heresy are but different
+forms of the same disregard of tradition, the same bold
+and independent spirit. Both are of the nature of a
+protest made by modern ideas against old associations.
+They are as a struggle between the feelings of the present
+and the memory of the past. Without the exercise
+of private judgment, such a contest could never
+take place; the mere conception of it could not enter
+the minds of men, nor would they even dream of controlling,
+by their individual energy, those abuses to
+which all great societies are liable. It is, therefore, in
+the highest degree natural that the exercise of this
+judgment should be opposed by those two powerful
+classes who, from their position, their interests, and the
+habits of their mind, are more prone than any other to
+cherish antiquity, cleave to superannuated customs, and
+uphold institutions which, to use their favourite language,
+have been consecrated by the wisdom of their
+fathers.</p>
+
+<p>From this point of view we are able to see with great
+clearness the intimate connexion which, at the accession
+of Elizabeth, existed between the English nobles
+and the Catholic clergy. Notwithstanding many exceptions,
+an immense majority of both classes opposed
+the Reformation, because it was based on that right of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
+private judgment of which they, as the protectors of old
+opinions, were the natural antagonists. All this can
+excite no surprise; it was in the order of things, and
+strictly accordant with the spirit of those two great
+sections of society. Fortunately, however, for our
+country, the throne was now occupied by a sovereign
+who was equal to the emergency, and who, instead of
+yielding to the two classes, availed herself of the temper
+of the age to humble them. The manner in which this
+was effected by Elizabeth, in respect, first to the Catholic
+clergy, and afterwards to the Protestant clergy,<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>
+forms one of the most interesting parts of our history;
+and in an account of the reign of the great queen, I
+hope to examine it at considerable length. At present,
+it will be sufficient to glance at her policy towards the
+nobles&mdash;that other class with which the priesthood, by
+their interests, opinions, and associations, have always
+much in common.</p>
+
+<p>Elizabeth, at her accession to the throne, finding that
+the ancient families adhered to the ancient religion, naturally
+called to her councils advisers who were more
+likely to uphold the novelties on which the age was
+bent. She selected men who, being little burdened by
+past associations, were more inclined to favour present
+interests. The two Bacons, the two Cecils, Knollys,
+Sadler, Smith, Throgmorton, Walsingham, were the
+most eminent statesmen and diplomatists in her reign;
+but all of them were commoners; only one did she raise
+to the peerage; and they were certainly nowise remarkable,
+either for the rank of their immediate connexions,
+or for the celebrity of their remote ancestors.
+They, however, were recommended to Elizabeth by
+their great abilities, and by their determination to uphold
+a religion which the ancient aristocracy naturally
+opposed. And it is observable that, among the accusations
+which the Catholics brought against the queen,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
+they taunted her, not only with forsaking the old religion,
+but also with neglecting the old nobility.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor does it require much acquaintance with the history
+of the time to see the justice of this charge. Whatever
+explanation we may choose to give of the fact, it
+cannot be denied that, during the reign of Elizabeth,
+there was an open and constant opposition between the
+nobles and the executive government. The rebellion
+of 1569 was essentially an aristocratic movement;
+it was a rising of the great families of the north
+against what they considered the upstart and plebeian
+administration of the queen.<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> The bitterest enemy of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
+Elizabeth was certainly Mary of Scotland; and the interests
+of Mary were publicly defended by the Duke of
+Norfolk, the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Westmoreland,
+and the Earl of Arundel; while there is
+reason to believe that her cause was secretly favoured
+by the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Pembroke,
+the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Cumberland, the Earl of
+Shrewsbury, and the Earl of Sussex.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a></p>
+
+<p>The existence of this antagonism of interests could
+not escape the sagacity of the English government.
+Cecil, who was the most powerful of the ministers of
+Elizabeth, and who was at the head of affairs for forty
+years, made it part of his business to study the genealogies
+and material resources of the great families; and
+this he did, not out of idle curiosity, but in order to increase
+his control over them, or, as a great historian
+says, to let them know &lsquo;that his eye was upon them.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>
+The queen herself, though too fond of power, was by no
+means of a cruel disposition; but she seemed to delight
+in humbling the nobles. On them her hand fell heavily;
+and there is hardly to be found a single instance of her
+pardoning their offences, while she punished several of
+them for acts which would now be considered no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
+offences at all. She was always unwilling to admit
+them to authority; and it is unquestionably true that,
+taking them as a class, they were, during her long and
+prosperous reign, treated with unusual disrespect.
+Indeed, so clearly marked was her policy, that when
+the ducal order became extinct, she refused to renew
+it; and a whole generation passed away to whom the
+name of duke was a mere matter of history, a point
+to be mooted by antiquaries, but with which the business
+of practical life had no concern.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> Whatever
+may be her other faults, she was on this subject always
+consistent. Although she evinced the greatest anxiety
+to surround the throne with men of ability, she cared
+little for those conventional distinctions by which the
+minds of ordinary sovereigns are greatly moved. She
+made no account of dignity of rank; she did not even
+care for purity of blood. She valued men neither for the
+splendour of their ancestry, nor for the length of their
+pedigrees, nor for the grandeur of their titles. Such
+questions she left for her degenerate successors, to the
+size of whose understandings they were admirably fitted.
+Our great queen regulated her conduct by another standard.
+Her large and powerful intellect, cultivated to
+its highest point by reflection and study, taught her the
+true measure of affairs, and enabled her to see, that to
+make a government flourish, its councillors must be men
+of ability and of virtue; but that if these two conditions
+are fulfilled, the nobles may be left to repose in the enjoyment
+of their leisure, unoppressed by those cares of
+the state for which, with a few brilliant exceptions, they
+are naturally disqualified by the number of their prejudices
+and by the frivolity of their pursuits.</p>
+
+<p>After the death of Elizabeth, an attempt was made,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
+first by James, and then by Charles, to revive the power
+of the two great protective classes, the nobles and the
+clergy. But so admirably had the policy of Elizabeth
+been supported by the general temper of the age, that
+it was found impossible for the Stuarts to execute their
+mischievous plans. The exercise of private judgment,
+both in religion and in politics, had become so habitual,
+that these princes were unable to subjugate it to their
+will. And as Charles I., with inconceivable blindness,
+and with an obstinacy even greater than that of his
+father, persisted in adopting in their worst forms the
+superannuated theories of protection, and attempted
+to enforce a scheme of government which men from
+their increasing independence were determined to reject,
+there inevitably arose that memorable collision
+which is well termed The Great Rebellion of England.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>
+The analogy between this and the Protestant Reformation,
+I have already noticed; but what we have now
+to consider, and what, in the next chapter, I will endeavour
+to trace, is the nature of the difference between
+our Rebellion, and those contemporary wars of the
+Fronde, to which it was in some respects very similar.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> &lsquo;Toute influence qu'on accordait à la science ne pouvait,
+dans les premiers temps, qu'être favorable au clergé.&rsquo; <i>Meyer</i>,
+<i>Institut. Judic.</i> vol. i. p. 498.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Early in the eleventh century the clergy first began
+systematically to repress independent inquiries by punishing men who
+attempted to think for themselves. Compare <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. iv. pp. 145, 146; <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol.
+vi. pp. 365, 366; <i>Prescott's Hist. of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i.
+p. 261 note. Before this, such a policy, as Sismondi justly observes,
+was not required: &lsquo;Pendant plusieurs siècles, l'église n'avoit été
+troublée par aucune hérésie; l'ignorance étoit trop complète la
+soumission trop servile, la foi trop aveugle, pour que les questions qui
+avoient si long-temps exercé la subtilité des Grecs fussent seulement
+comprises par les Latins.&rsquo; As knowledge advanced, the opposition between
+inquiry and belief became more marked: the church redoubled her efforts,
+and at the end of the twelfth century the popes first formally called on
+the secular power to punish heretics; and the earliest constitution
+addressed &lsquo;inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis&rsquo; is one by Alexander IV.
+<i>Meyer</i>, <i>Inst. Jud.</i> vol. ii. pp. 554, 556. See also on this movement,
+<i>Llorente</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i. p. 125, vol. iv. p. 284.
+In 1222 a synod assembled at Oxford caused an apostate to be burned; and
+this, says Lingard (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 148), &lsquo;is, I
+believe, the first instance of capital punishment in England on the
+ground of religion.&rsquo; Compare <i>Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit.</i> vol. ii. p.
+444.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Sir F. Palgrave (<i>English Commonwealth</i>, vol. ii. p. ccvi.)
+says, &lsquo;it is generally admitted, by the best authorities, that from
+about the eleventh century benefices acquired the name of fiefs or
+feuds;&rsquo; and Robertson (<i>State of Europe</i>, note viii. in <i>Works</i>, p. 393)
+supposes that the word <i>feudum</i> does not occur before 1008. But
+according to M. Guizot (<i>Civilisation en France</i>, vol. iii. p. 238), &lsquo;il
+apparaît, pour la première fois, dans une charte de Charles le Gros en
+884.&rsquo; This is a question more curious than important; since whatever the
+origin of the word may be, it is certain that the thing did not, and
+could not, exist before the tenth century at the earliest: inasmuch as
+the extreme disorganisation of society rendered so coercive an
+institution impossible. M. Guizot, in another work (<i>Essais sur l'Hist.
+de France</i>, p. 239), rightly says, &lsquo;Au X<sup>e</sup> siècle seulement, les
+rapports et les pouvoirs sociaux acquirent quelque fixité.&rsquo; See also his
+<i>Civilisation en Europe</i>, p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> &lsquo;La terre est tout dans ce système&hellip;. Le système féodal
+est comme une religion de la terre.&rsquo; <i>Origines du Droit</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres
+de Michelet</i>, vol. ii. p. 302. &lsquo;Le caractère de la féodalité, c'était la
+prédominance de la <i>réalité</i> sur la <i>personnalité</i>, de la terre sur
+l'homme.&rsquo; <i>Eschbach</i>, <i>Etude du Droit</i>, p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> According to the social and political arrangements from the
+fourth to the tenth century, the clergy were so eminently a class apart,
+that they were freed from &lsquo;burdens of the state,&rsquo; and were not obliged
+to engage in military services unless they thought proper to do so. See
+<i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. iii. p. 195, vol. v. pp. 133, 140;
+and <i>Petrie's Ecclesiast. Archit.</i> p. 382. But under the feudal system
+this immunity was lost; and in regard to performing services no
+separation of classes was admitted. &lsquo;After the feudal polity became
+established, we do not find that there was any dispensation for
+ecclesiastical fiefs.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Supplemental Notes</i>, p. 120; and for
+further proof of the loss of the old privileges, compare <i>Grose's
+Military Antiquities</i>, vol. i. pp. 5, 64; <i>Meyer</i>,
+<i>Instit. Judic.</i> vol. i. p. 257; <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 462; and <i>Mably's Observations</i>, vol. i. pp. 434, 435: so that, as
+this writer says, p. 215, &lsquo;Chaque seigneur laïc avait gagné
+personnellement à la révolution qui forma le gouvernement féodal; mais
+les évêques et les abbés, en devenant souverains dans leurs terres,
+perdirent au contraire beaucoup de leur pouvoir et de leur dignité.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> The great change of turning life-possessions of land into
+hereditary possessions, began late in the ninth century, being initiated
+in France by a capitulary of Charles the Bald, in 877. See <i>Allen on the
+Prerogative</i>, p. 210; <i>Spence's Origin of the Laws of Europe</i>, pp. 282,
+301; <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Instit. Judiciaires</i>, vol. i. p. 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> That surnames first arose in the tenth century is stated by
+the most competent authorities. See <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. de Français</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 452-455; <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 138;
+<i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. iii. p. 268; <i>Petrie's
+Ecclesiast. Archit.</i> pp. 277, 342. Koch (<i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol.
+i. p. 138) erroneously says, &lsquo;c'est pareillement aux croisades que
+l'Europe doit l'usage des surnoms de famille;&rsquo; a double mistake, both as
+to the date and the cause, since the introduction of surnames being part
+of a large social movement, can under no circumstances be ascribed to a
+single event.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> On this process from the end of the ninth to the twelfth
+century, compare <i>Hallam's Supplemental Notes</i>, pp. 97, 98; <i>Dalrymple's
+Hist. of Feudal Property</i>, p. 21; <i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Hist. du Droit</i>, vol. i.
+p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> As to the origin of armorial bearings, which cannot be
+traced higher than the twelfth century, see <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 138, 139; <i>Ledwich</i>, <i>Antiquities of Ireland</i>, pp. 231, 232;
+<i>Origines du Droit</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Michelet</i>, vol. ii. p. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> For, as Lerminia says (<i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 17),
+&lsquo;la loi féodale n'est autre chose que la terre élevée à la
+souveraineté.&rsquo; On the decline of the church in consequence of the
+increased feudal and secular spirit, see <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 440, vol. iv. p. 88. In our own country, one
+fact may be mentioned illustrative of the earliest encroachments of
+laymen: namely, that, before the twelfth century, we find no instance in
+England of the great seal being entrusted &lsquo;to the keeping of a layman.&rsquo;
+<i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. i. p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Celibacy, on account of its supposed ascetic tendency, was
+advocated and in some countries was enforced, at an early period; but
+the first general and decisive movement in its favour was in the middle
+of the eleventh century, before which time it was a speculative
+doctrine, constantly disobeyed. See <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>,
+vol. vi. pp. 52, 61, 62, 72, 93, 94 note, vol. vii. pp. 127&ndash;131;
+<i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 248, 249; <i>Eccleston's English
+Antiq.</i> p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Where it was particularly flourishing: &lsquo;la féodalité fut
+organisée en Normandie plus fortement et plus systématiquement que
+partout ailleurs en France.&rsquo; <i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Travaux sur l'Hist. du Droit</i>,
+vol. i. p. 130. The &lsquo;coutume de Normandie&rsquo; was, at a much later period,
+only to be found in the old &lsquo;grand coutumier.&rsquo; <i>Klimrath</i>, vol. ii. p.
+160. On the peculiar tenacity with which the Normans clung to it, see
+<i>Lettres d'Aguesseau</i>, vol. ii. pp. 225, 226: &lsquo;accoutumés à respecter
+leur coutume comme l'évangile.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> <i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. i. p. 387; <i>Turner's
+Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 390, vol. iv. p. 76. Mercenary troops
+were also employed by his immediate successors. <i>Grose's Military
+Antiq.</i> vol. i. p. 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> On the different meanings attached to the word &lsquo;baron,&rsquo;
+compare <i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Hist. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 40, with <i>Meyer</i>,
+<i>Instit. Judiciaires</i>, vol. i. p. 105. But M. Guizot says, what seems
+most likely, &lsquo;il est probable que ce nom fut commun
+originairement à tous les vassaux immédiats de la couronne, liés au roi
+<i>per servitium militare</i>, par le service de chevalier.&rsquo; <i>Essais</i>, p.
+265.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Instit. Judic.</i> vol. i. p. 242; <i>Turner's Hist.
+of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 220. The same policy of reducing the nobles
+was followed up by Henry II., who destroyed the baronial castles.
+<i>Turner</i>, vol. iv. p. 223. Compare <i>Lingard</i>, vol. i. pp. 315, 371.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> &lsquo;Deinde c&oelig;pit homagia hominum totius Angliæ, et
+juramentum fidelitatis cujuscumque essent feodi vel tenementi.&rsquo; <i>Matthæi
+Westmonast. Flores Historiarum</i>, vol. ii. p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> See some good remarks on this difference between the
+French and English nobles, in <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. ii. pp. 99,
+100. Mably (<i>Observations</i>, vol. i. p. 60) says: &lsquo;en effet, on négligea,
+sur la fin de la première race, de conserver les titres primordiaux de
+ses possessions.&rsquo; As to the old customary French law of prescription,
+see <i>Giraud</i>, <i>Précis de l'Ancien Droit</i>, pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations sur l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. i. pp.
+70, 162, 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> On the policy of Philip Augustus in regard to the nobles,
+see <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations</i>, vol. i. p. 246; <i>Lerminier</i>, <i>Philos. du
+Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 265; <i>Boulainvilliers</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Ancien
+Gouvernement</i>, vol. iii. pp. 147&ndash;150; <i>Guizot</i>, <i>Civilisation en
+France</i>, vol. iv. pp. 134, 135; <i>Courson</i>, <i>Hist. des Peuples Brétons</i>,
+Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> &lsquo;No subjects ever enjoyed the right of coining silver in
+England without the royal stamp and superintendence; a remarkable proof
+of the restraint in which the feudal aristocracy was always held in this
+country.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> <i>Brougham's Polit. Philos.</i> 1849, vol. i. p. 446. In
+addition to the evidence there given on the right of coinage, see
+<i>Mably's Observations</i>, vol. i. p. 424, vol. ii. pp. 296, 297; and
+<i>Turner's Normandy</i>, vol. ii. p. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> <i>Hallam's Supplemental Notes</i>, pp. 304, 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> &lsquo;Saint-Louis consacra le droit de guerre&hellip;. Philippe le
+Bel, qui voulut l'abolir, finit par le rétablir.&rsquo; <i>Montlosier</i>,
+<i>Monarchie Française</i>, vol. i. pp. 127, 202: see also pp. 434, 435, and
+vol. ii. pp. 435, 436. Mably (<i>Observations</i>, vol. ii. p. 338) mentions
+&lsquo;lettres-patentes de Philippe-de-Valois du 8 février 1330, pour
+permettre dans le duché d'Aquitaine les guerres privées,&rsquo; &amp;c.; and he
+adds, &lsquo;le 9 avril 1353 le roi Jean renouvelle l'ordonnance de S. Louis,
+nommée la quarantaine du roi, touchant les guerres privées.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Sir Francis Palgrave (in his <i>Rise and Progress of the
+English Commonwealth</i>, vol. i. pp. 51&ndash;55) has attempted to estimate the
+results produced by the Norman Conquest; but he omits to notice this,
+which was the most important consequence of all.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> On this political union between Norman barons and Saxon
+citizens, of which the first clear indication is at the end of the
+twelfth century, compare <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. i. p. 113, with
+<i>Brougham's Polit. Philos.</i> vol. i. p. 339, vol. iii. p. 222.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the general question of the amalgamation of races, we have
+three distinct kinds of evidence:</p>
+
+<p>1st. Towards the end of the twelfth century, a new language began to be
+formed by blending Norman with Saxon; and English literature, properly
+so called, dates from the commencement of the thirteenth century.
+Compare <i>Madden's Preface to Layamon</i>, 1847, vol. i. pp. xx. xxi., with
+<i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. viii. pp. 214, 217, 436, 437.</p>
+
+<p>2nd. We have the specific statement of a writer in the reign of Henry
+II., that &lsquo;sic permixtæ sunt nationes ut vix discerni possit hodie, de
+liberis loquor, quis Anglicus, quis Normannus sit genere.&rsquo; <i>Note in
+Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. ii. p. 106.</p>
+
+<p>3rd. Before the thirteenth century had passed away, the difference of
+dress, which in that state of society would survive many other
+differences, was no longer observed, and the distinctive peculiarities
+of Norman and Saxon attire had disappeared. See <i>Strutt's View of the
+Dress and Habits of the People of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 67, edit.
+Planché, 1842, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> &lsquo;An equal distribution of civil rights to all classes of
+freemen forms the peculiar beauty of the charter.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Middle
+Ages</i>, vol. ii. p. 108. This is very finely noticed in one of Lord
+Chatham's great speeches. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvi. p. 662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Compare <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Instit. Judic.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 39, with <i>Lingard's England</i>, vol. ii. p. 127, and <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. vi. p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> &lsquo;He is to be honoured as the founder of a representative
+system of government in this country.&rsquo; <i>Campbell's Chief-Justices</i>, vol.
+i. p. 61. Some writers (see, for instance, <i>Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal
+Property</i>, p. 332) suppose that burgesses were summoned before the reign
+of Henry III.: but this assertion is not only unsupported by evidence,
+but is in itself improbable; because at an early period the citizens,
+though rapidly increasing in power, were hardly important enough to
+warrant such a step being taken. The best authorities are now agreed to
+refer the origin of the House of Commons to the period mentioned in the
+text. See <i>Hallam's Supplement</i>, <i>Notes</i>, pp. 335&ndash;339; <i>Spence's Origin
+of the Laws of Europe</i>, p. 512; <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. i. p.
+155; <i>Lingard's England</i>, vol. ii. p. 138; <i>Guizot's Essais</i>, p. 319.
+The notion of tracing this to the wittenagemot is as absurd as finding
+the origin of juries in the system of compurgators; both of which were
+favourite errors in the seventeenth, and even in the eighteenth century.
+In regard to the wittenagemot, this idea still lingers among
+antiquaries: but, in regard to compurgators, even they have abandoned
+their old ground, and it is now well understood that trial by jury did
+not exist till long after the Conquest. Compare <i>Palgrave's English
+Commonwealth</i>, part i. pp. 243 seq., with <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Instit. Judic.</i> vol.
+ii. pp. 152&ndash;173. There are few things in our history so irrational as
+the admiration expressed by a certain class of writers for the
+institutions of our barbarous Anglo-Saxon ancestors.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Montlosier, with the fine spirit of a French noble, taunts
+the English aristocracy with this: &lsquo;En France la noblesse, attaquée sans
+cesse, s'est défendue sans cesse. Elle a subi l'oppression; elle ne l'a
+point acceptée. En Angleterre, elle a couru dès la première commotion,
+se réfugier dans les rangs des bourgeois, et sous leur protection. Elle
+a abdiqué ainsi son existence.&rsquo; <i>Montlosier</i>, <i>Monarchie Française</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 162. Compare an instructive passage in <i>De Staël</i>, <i>Consid.
+sur la Révolution</i>, vol. i. p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> See some good remarks in <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations sur
+l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. iii. pp. 114, 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> &lsquo;Originally there was no limit to subinfeudation.&rsquo;
+<i>Brougham's Polit. Philos.</i> vol. i. p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> A living French historian boasts that, in his own country,
+&lsquo;toute la société féodale formait ainsi une échelle de clientelle et de
+patronage.&rsquo; <i>Cassagnac</i>, <i>Révolution Française</i>, vol. i. p. 459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> This is 18 Edw. I. c. 1; respecting which, see
+<i>Blackstone's Comment.</i> vol. ii. p. 91, vol. iv. p. 425; <i>Reeve's Hist.
+of English Law</i>, vol. ii. p. 223; <i>Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal
+Property</i>, pp. 102, 243, 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> The history of the decay of that once most important
+class, the English yeomanry, is an interesting subject, and one for
+which I have collected considerable materials; at present, I will only
+say, that its decline was first distinctly perceptible in the latter
+half of the seventeenth century, and was consummated by the
+rapidly-increasing power of the commercial and manufacturing classes
+early in the eighteenth century. After losing their influence, their
+numbers naturally diminished, and they made way for other bodies of men,
+whose habits of mind were less prejudiced, and therefore better suited
+to that new state which society assumed in the last age. I mention this,
+because some writers regret the almost total destruction of the yeoman
+freeholders; overlooking the fact, that they are disappearing, not in
+consequence of any violent revolution or stretch of arbitrary power, but
+simply by the general march of affairs; society doing away with what it
+no longer requires. Compare <i>Kay's Social Condition of the People</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 43, 602, with a letter from Wordsworth in <i>Bunbury's Correspond.
+of Hanmer</i>, p. 440; a note in <i>Mill's Polit. Econ.</i> vol. i. pp. 311,
+312; another in <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. v. p. 323; and <i>Sinclair's
+Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> This is stated as an admitted fact by French writers
+living in different periods and holding different opinions; but all
+agreed as to there being only two divisions: &lsquo;comme en France on est
+toujours ou noble, ou roturier, et qu'il n'y a pas de milieu.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Rivarol</i>, p. 7. &lsquo;La grande distinction des nobles et des roturiers.&rsquo;
+<i>Giraud</i>, <i>Précis de l'Ancien Droit</i>, p. 10. Indeed, according to the
+Coutumes, the nobles and roturiers attained their majority at different
+ages. <i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Hist. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 249 (erroneously stated
+in <i>Story's Conflict of Laws</i>, pp. 56, 79, 114). See further respecting
+this capital distinction, <i>Mém. de Duplessis Mornay</i>, vol. ii. p. 230
+(&lsquo;agréable à la noblesse et au peuple&rsquo;); <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol.
+viii. pp. 222, 232, 237; <i>Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer</i>, p. 256;
+<i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations</i>, vol. iii. p. 263; and <i>Mercier sur Rousseau</i>,
+vol. i. p. 38: &lsquo;On étoit roturier, vilain, homme de néant, canaille, dès
+qu'on ne s'appelloit plus marquis, baron,
+comte, chevalier, etc.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> &lsquo;Les états-généraux sont portés dans la liste de nos
+institutions. Je ne sais cependant s'il est permis de donner ce nom à
+des rassemblemens aussi irréguliers.&rsquo; <i>Montlosier</i>, <i>Monarchie
+Française</i>, vol. i. p. 266. &lsquo;En France, les états-généraux, au moment
+même de leur plus grand éclat, c'est à dire dans le cours du xiv<sup>e</sup>
+siècle, n'ont guère été que des accidents, un pouvoir national et
+souvent invoqué, mais non un établissement constitutionnel.&rsquo; <i>Guizot</i>,
+<i>Essais</i>, p. 253. See also <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations</i>, vol. iii. p. 147;
+and <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xiv. p. 642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> This is frankly admitted by one of the most candid and
+enlightened of all the foreign writers on our history, <i>Guizot</i>,
+<i>Essais</i>, p. 297: &lsquo;En 1307, les droits qui devaient enfanter en
+Angleterre un gouvernement libre étaient définitivement reconnus.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> See an account of the policy of Philip the Fair, in
+<i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations</i>, vol. ii. pp. 25&ndash;44; in <i>Boulainvilliers</i>,
+<i>Ancien Gouvernement</i>, vol. i. pp. 292, 314, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38; and in
+<i>Guizot</i>, <i>Civilisation en France</i>, vol. iv. pp. 170&ndash;192. M. Guizot
+says, perhaps too strongly, that his reign was &lsquo;la métamorphose de la
+royauté en despotisme,&rsquo; On the connexion of this with the centralizing
+movement, see <i>Tocqueville's Démocratie</i>, vol. i. p. 307: &lsquo;Le goût de la
+centralisation et la manie réglementaire remontent, en France, à
+l'époque où les légistes sont entrés dans le gouvernement; ce qui nous
+reporte au temps de Philippe le Bel.&rsquo; Tennemann also notices, that in
+his reign the &lsquo;Rechtstheorie&rsquo; began to exercise influence;
+but this learned writer takes a purely metaphysical view, and has
+therefore misunderstood the more general social tendency. <i>Gesch. der
+Philos.</i> vol. viii. p. 823.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> As several writers on law notice this system with a
+lenient eye <i>Origines du Droit Français</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Michelet</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 321; and <i>Eschbach</i>, <i>Etude du Droit</i>, p. 129: &lsquo;le système
+énergique de la centralisation&rsquo;, it may be well to state how it
+actually works.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Bulwer, writing twenty years ago, says: &lsquo;Not only cannot a commune
+determine its own expenses without the consent of the minister or one of
+his deputed functionaries, it cannot even erect a building, the cost of
+which shall have been sanctioned, without the plan being adopted by a
+board of public works attached to the central authority, and having the
+supervision and direction of every public building throughout the
+Kingdom.&rsquo; <i>Bulwer's Monarchy of the Middle Classes</i>, 1836, vol. ii. p. 262.</p>
+
+<p>M. Tocqueville, writing in the present year (1856), says, &lsquo;Sous l'ancien
+régime, <i>comme de nos jours</i>, il n'y avait ville, bourg, village, ni si
+petit hameau en France, hôpital, fabrique, couvent ni
+collège, qui pût avoir une volonté indépendante dans ses
+affaires particulières, ni administrer à sa volonté ses propres biens.
+Alors, <i>comme aujourd'hui</i>, l'administration tenait donc tous les
+Français en tutelle, et si l'insolence du mot ne s'était pas encore
+produite, on avait du moins déjà la chose.&rsquo; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>l'Ancien
+Régime</i>, 1856, pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> The number of civil functionaries in France, who are paid
+by the government to trouble the people, passes all belief, being
+estimated, at different periods during the present century, at from
+138,000 to upwards of 800,000. <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>de la Démocratie</i>, vol.
+i. p. 220; <i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. xiv. pp. 127, 140; <i>Kay's Condition of
+the People</i>, vol. i. p. 272; <i>Laing's Notes</i>, 2d series, p. 185. Mr.
+Laing, writing in 1850, says: &lsquo;In France, at the expulsion of Louis
+Philippe, the civil functionaries were stated to amount to 807,030
+individuals.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> &lsquo;The government in France possesses control over all the
+education of the country, with the exception of the colleges for the
+education of the clergy, which are termed seminaries, and their
+subordinate institutions.&rsquo; <i>Report on the State of Superior Education in
+France in</i> 1843, in <i>Journal of Statist.
+Soc.</i> vol. vi. p. 304. On the steps taken during the power of Napoleon,
+see <i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. viii. p. 203: &lsquo;Nearly the whole education of
+the empire was brought effectually under the direction and appointment
+of government.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Much attention is paid to the <i>surveillance</i> of pupils; it
+being a fundamental principle of French education, that children should
+never be left alone. <i>Report on General Education in France in</i> 1842, in
+<i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol. v. p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> A distinguished French author says: &lsquo;La France souffre du
+mal du siècle; elle en est plus malade qu'aucun autre pays; ce mal c'est
+la haine de l'autorité.&rsquo; <i>Custine</i>, <i>Russie</i>, vol. ii. p. 136. Compare,
+<i>Rey</i>, <i>Science Sociale</i>, vol. ii. p. 86 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> It is to the activity of this protective and centralizing
+spirit that we must ascribe, what a very great authority noticed thirty
+years ago, as &lsquo;le défaut de spontanéité, qui caractérise les
+institutions de la France moderne.&rsquo; <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Instit. Judic.</i> vol. iv.
+p. 536. It is also this which, in literature and in science, makes them
+favour the establishment of academies; and it is probably to the same
+principle that their jurists owe their love of codification. All these
+are manifestations of an unwillingness to rely on the general march of
+affairs, and show an undue contempt for the unaided conclusions of
+private men.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Mably (<i>Observations</i>, vol. iii. pp. 154, 155, 352&ndash;362)
+has collected some striking evidence of the tyranny of the French nobles
+in the sixteenth century; and as to the wanton cruelty with which they
+exercised their power in the seventeenth century, see <i>Des Réaux</i>,
+<i>Historiettes</i>, vol. vii. p. 155, vol. viii. p. 79, vol. ix. pp. 40, 61,
+62, vol. x. pp. 255&ndash;257. In the eighteenth century, matters were
+somewhat better; but still the subordination was excessive, and the
+people were poor, ill-treated, and miserable. Compare <i>&#338;uvres de
+Turgot</i>, vol. iv. p. 139; <i>Letter from the Earl of Cork</i>, dated Lyons,
+1754, in <i>Burton's Diary</i>, vol. iv. p. 80; the statement of Fox, in
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxi. p. 406; <i>Jefferson's Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p.
+45; and <i>Smith's Tour on the Continent</i>, edit. 1793, vol. iii. pp. 201,
+202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Mr. Eccleston (<i>English Antiq.</i> p. 138) says, that in 1450
+&lsquo;villenage had almost passed away;&rsquo; and according to Mr. Thornton
+(<i>Over-Population</i>, p. 182), &lsquo;Sir Thomas Smith, who wrote about the year
+1550, declares that he had never met with any personal or domestic
+slaves; and that the villains, or predial slaves, still to be found,
+were so few, as to be scarcely worth mentioning.&rsquo; Mr. Hallam can find no
+&lsquo;unequivocal testimony to the existence of villenage&rsquo; later than 1574.
+<i>Middle Ages</i>, vol. ii. p. 312; see, to the same effect, <i>Barrington on
+the Statutes</i>, pp. 308, 309. If, however, my memory does not deceive me,
+I have met with evidence of it in the reign of James I., but I cannot
+recall the passage.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> M. Cassagnac (<i>Causes de la Révolution</i>, vol. iii. p. 11)
+says: &lsquo;Chose surprenante, il y avait encore, au 4 août 1789, <i>un million
+cinq cent mille serfs de corps</i>;&rsquo; and M. Giraud (<i>Précis de l'Ancien
+Droit</i>, Paris, 1852, p. 3), &lsquo;jusqu'à la révolution une division
+fondamentale partageait les personnes en personnes libres et personnes
+sujettes à condition servile.&rsquo; A few years before the Revolution, this
+shameful distinction was abolished by Louis XVI. in his own domains.
+Compare <i>Eschbach</i>, <i>Etude du Droit</i>, pp. 271, 272, with <i>Du Mesnil</i>,
+<i>Mém. sur le Prince le Brun</i>, p. 94. I notice this particularly, because
+M. Monteil, a learned and generally accurate writer, supposes that the
+abolition took place earlier than it really did. <i>Hist. des divers
+Etats</i>, vol. vi. p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> <i>Cassagnac</i>, <i>de la Révolution</i>, vol. i. pp. 122, 173;
+<i>Giraud</i>, <i>Ancien Droit</i>, p. 11; <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Mém. de Louis XVI</i>, vol.
+vi. p. 156; <i>Mém. au Roi sur les Municipalités</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Turgot</i>, vol. vii. p. 423; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. i. p. 200.</p>
+
+<p>Further information respecting the amount and nature of these vexatious
+impositions will be found in <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. xiii. p. 24,
+vol. xiv. p. 118; <i>Saint-Aulaire</i>, <i>Hist. de la Fronde</i>, vol.
+i. p. 125; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Ancien Régime</i>, pp. 135, 191, 420, 440;
+<i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol. ii. p. 412, vol. iii. p. 226, vol.
+iv. p. 199, vol. v. pp. 339, 410, vol. vi. p. 94; <i>Relat. des Ambassad.
+Vénit.</i> vol. i. p. 96; <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observations</i>, vol. iii. pp. 355, 356;
+<i>Boulainvilliers</i>, <i>Ancien Gouvernement</i>, vol. iii. p. 109; <i>Le Vassor</i>,
+<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. ii. p. 29; <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+103, 369; <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>, vol. i. p. 82; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de
+Louis XV</i>, vol. i. pp. 87, 332; <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. i. p. 372,
+vol. iv. pp. 58, 59, 74, 75, 242, 278, vol. v. pp. 226, 242, vol. vi. p.
+144, vol. viii. pp. 152, 280.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> So deeply rooted were these feelings, that, even in 1789,
+the very year the Revolution broke out, it was deemed a great concession
+that the nobles &lsquo;will consent, indeed, to equal taxation.&rsquo; See a letter
+from Jefferson to Jay, dated Paris, May 9th, 1789, in <i>Jefferson's
+Corresp.</i> vol. ii. pp. 462, 463. Compare <i>Mercier sur Rousseau</i>, vol. i.
+p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> &lsquo;Les nobles, qui avaient le privilége exclusif des grandes
+dignités et des gros bénéfices.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Rivarol</i>, p. 97: see also
+<i>Mém. de Bouillé</i>, vol. i. p. 56; <i>Lemontey</i>, <i>Etablissement
+Monarchique</i>, p. 337; <i>Daniel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Milice Françoise</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 556; <i>Campan</i>, <i>Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette</i>, vol. i. pp. 238, 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> &lsquo;L'ancien régime n'avait admis que des nobles pour
+officiers.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Roland</i>, vol. i. p. 398. Ségur mentions that, early
+in the reign of Louis XVI., &lsquo;les nobles seuls avaient le droit d'entrer
+au service comme sous-lieutenans.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 65.
+Compare pp. 117, 265&ndash;271, with <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. iii. p. 74, and
+<i>De Staël</i>, <i>Consid. sur la Rév.</i> vol. i. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Thus, De Thou says of Henry III., &lsquo;il remet sous l'ancien
+pied la cavalerie ordinaire, qui n'étoit composée que de la noblesse.&rsquo;
+<i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. ix. pp. 202, 203; and see vol. x. pp. 504, 505, vol.
+xiii. p. 22; and an imperfect statement of the same fact in <i>Boullier</i>,
+<i>Hist. des divers Corps de la Maison Militaire des Rois de France</i>,
+Paris, 1818, p. 58, a superficial work on an uninteresting subject.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> M. Tocqueville (<i>L'Ancien Régime</i>, p. 448) mentions, among
+other regulations still in force late in the eighteenth century, that
+&lsquo;en Dauphiné, en Bretagne, en Normandie, il est prohibé à tout roturier
+d'avoir des colombiers, fuies et volière; il n'y a que les nobles qui
+puissent avoir des pigeons.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> &lsquo;Dès la fin du onzième siècle, à l'époque même où
+commencèrent les croisades, on trouve la chevalerie établie.&rsquo; <i>Koch</i>,
+<i>Tab. des Révolutions</i>, vol. i. p. 143; see also <i>Sainte-Palaye</i>, <i>Mém.
+sur la Chevalerie</i>, vol. i. pp. 42, 68. M. Guizot (<i>Civilis. en France</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 349&ndash;354) has attempted to trace it back to an earlier
+period; but he appears to have failed, though of course its germs may be
+easily found. According to some writers it originated in northern
+Europe; according to others in Arabia! <i>Mallet's Northern Antiquities</i>,
+p. 202; <i>Journal of Asiat. Soc.</i> vol. ii. p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> &lsquo;L'ordre de chevalerie n'étoit accordé qu'aux hommes d'un
+sang noble.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iv. p. 204. Compare
+<i>Daniel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Milice</i>, vol. i. p. 97, and <i>Mills' Hist. of
+Chivalry</i>, vol. i. p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> &lsquo;In some places there were schools appointed by the nobles
+of the country, but most frequently their own castles served.&rsquo; <i>Mills'
+Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. i. p. 31; and see <i>Sainte-Palaye</i>, <i>Mém. sur
+l'Anc. Chevalerie</i>, vol. i. pp. 30, 56, 57, on this education.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> This combination of knighthood and religious rites is
+often ascribed to the crusades; but there is good evidence that it took
+place a little earlier, and must be referred to the latter half of the
+eleventh century. Compare <i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. i. pp. 10,
+11; <i>Daniel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Milice</i>, vol. i. pp. 101, 102, 108;
+<i>Boulainvilliers</i>, <i>Ancien Gouv.</i> vol. i. p. 326. Sainte-Palaye (<i>Mém.
+sur la Chevalerie</i>, vol. i. pp. 119&ndash;123), who has collected some
+illustrations of the relation between chivalry and the church, says, p.
+119, &lsquo;enfin la chevalerie étoit regardée comme une ordination, un
+sacerdoce.&rsquo; The superior clergy possessed the right of conferring
+knighthood, and William Rufus was actually knighted by Archbishop
+Lanfranc: &lsquo;Archiepiscopus Lanfrancus, eo quòd eum
+nutrierat, et militem fecerat.&rsquo; <i>Will. Malmes.</i> lib. iv., in <i>Scriptores
+post Bedam</i>, p. 67. Compare <i>Fosbroke's British Monachism</i>, 1843, p.
+101, on knighting by abbots.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> The influence of this on the nobles is rather exaggerated
+by Mr. Mills; who, on the other hand, has not noticed how the
+unhereditary element was favourable to the ecclesiastical spirit.
+<i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. i. pp. 15, 389, vol. ii. p. 169; a work
+interesting as an assemblage of facts, but almost useless as a
+philosophic estimate.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> &lsquo;In their origin all the military orders, and most of the
+religious ones, were entirely aristocratic.&rsquo; <i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>,
+vol. i. p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> <i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. i. pp. 148, 338. About
+the year 1127, St. Bernard wrote a discourse in favour of the Knights
+Templars, in which &lsquo;he extols this order as a combination of monasticism
+and knighthood&hellip;. He describes the design of it as being to give the
+military order and knighthood a serious Christian direction, and to
+convert war into something that God might approve.&rsquo; <i>Neander's Hist. of
+the Church</i>, vol. vii. p. 358. To this may be added, that, early in the
+thirteenth century, a chivalric association was formed, and afterwards
+merged in the Dominican order, called the Militia of Christ: &lsquo;un nouvel
+ordre de chevalerie destiné à poursuivre les hérétiques, sur le modèle
+de celui des Templiers, et sous le nom de Milice de Christ.&rsquo; <i>Llorente</i>,
+<i>Hist. de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i. pp. 52, 133, 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Several writers ascribe to chivalry the merit of softening
+manners, and of increasing the influence of women. <i>Sainte-Palaye</i>,
+<i>Mém. sur la Chevalerie</i>, vol. i. pp. 220&ndash;223, 282, 284, vol. iii. pp.
+vi. vii. 159&ndash;161; <i>Helvétius de l'Esprit</i>, vol. ii. pp. 50, 51;
+<i>Schlegel's Lectures</i>, vol. i. p. 209. That there was such a tendency
+is, I think, indisputable; but it has been greatly exaggerated; and an
+author of considerable reading on these subjects says, &lsquo;The rigid
+treatment shown to prisoners of war in ancient times strongly marks the
+ferocity and uncultivated manners of our ancestors, and that even to
+ladies of high rank; notwithstanding the homage said to have been paid
+to the fair sex in those days of chivalry.&rsquo; <i>Grose's Military
+Antiquities</i>, vol. ii. p. 114. Compare <i>Manning on the Law of Nations</i>,
+1839, pp. 145, 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Mr. Hallam (<i>Middle Ages</i>, vol. ii. p. 464) says, &lsquo;A third
+reproach may be made to the character of knighthood, that it widened the
+separation between the different classes of society, and confirmed that
+aristocratical spirit of high birth, by which the large mass of mankind
+were kept in unjust degradation.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iv. pp. 370, 371,
+377; <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iv. p. 478; <i>Foncemagne</i>, <i>De
+l'Origine des Armoiries</i>, in <i>Mém. de l'Académie des Inscriptions</i>, vol.
+xx. p. 580. Koch also says (<i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol. i. p. 139),
+&lsquo;c'est de la France que l'usage des tournois se répandit chez les autres
+nations de l'Europe.&rsquo; They were first introduced into England in the
+reign of Stephen. <i>Lingard's England</i>, vol. ii. p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Mr. Hallam (<i>Middle Ages</i>, vol. ii. p. 470) says they were
+&lsquo;entirely discontinued in France&rsquo; in consequence of the death of Henry
+II.; but according to <i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. ii. p. 226, they
+lasted the next year; when another fatal accident occurred, and
+&lsquo;tournaments ceased for ever.&rsquo; Compare <i>Sainte-Palaye sur la
+Chevalerie</i>, vol. ii. pp. 39, 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Mr. Hallam (<i>Middle Ages</i>, vol. ii. p. 467) observes, that
+the knight, as compared with other classes, &lsquo;was addressed by titles of
+more respect. <i>There was not, however, so much distinction in England as
+in France.</i>&rsquo; The great honour paid to knights in France is noticed by
+Daniel (<i>Milice Française</i>, vol. i. pp. 128, 129) and Herder (Ideen zur
+Geschichte, vol. iv. pp. 226, 267) says, that in France chivalry
+flourished more than in any other country. The same remark is made by
+Sismondi (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iv. p. 198).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> The <i>Statutum de Militibus</i>, in 1307, was perhaps the
+first recognition of this. Compare <i>Blackstone's Comment.</i> vol. ii. p.
+69; <i>Barrington on the Statutes</i>, pp. 192, 193. But we have positive
+evidence that compulsory knighthood existed in the reign of Henry III.;
+or at least that those who refused it were obliged to pay a fine. See
+<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 421, and <i>Lyttleton's Hist. of Henry
+II.</i> vol. ii. pp. 238, 239, 2nd edit. 4to. 1767. Lord Lyttleton,
+evidently puzzled, says, &lsquo;Indeed it seems a deviation from the original
+principle of this institution. For one cannot but think it a very great
+inconsistency, that a dignity, which was deemed an accession of honour
+to kings themselves, should be forced upon any.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> In <i>Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. ii. p. 154, it is
+said, that &lsquo;the judges of the courts of law&rsquo; were first knighted in the
+reign of Edward III.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Mr. Mills (<i>Hist. of Chivalry</i>, vol. ii. pp. 99, 100) has
+printed a curious extract from a lamentation over the destruction of
+chivalry, written in the reign of Edward IV.; but he has overlooked a
+still more singular instance. This is a popular ballad, written in the
+middle of the fifteenth century, and called the Turnament of Tottenham,
+in which the follies of chivalry are admirably ridiculed. See <i>Warton's
+Hist. of English Poetry</i>, edit. 1840, vol. iii. pp. 98&ndash;101; and <i>Percy's
+Reliques of Ancient Poetry</i>, edit. 1845, pp. 92&ndash;95. According to Turner
+(<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. vi. p. 363), &lsquo;the ancient books of chivalry
+were laid aside&rsquo; about the reign of Henry VI.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> This is not a mere popular opinion, but rests upon a large
+amount of evidence, supplied by competent and impartial observers.
+Addison, who was a lenient as well as an able judge, and who had lived
+much among the French, calls them &lsquo;the vainest nation in the world.&rsquo;
+<i>Letter to Bishop Hough</i>, in <i>Aikin's Life of Addison</i>, vol. i. p. 90.
+Napoleon says, &lsquo;vanity is the ruling principle of the French.&rsquo; <i>Alison's
+Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. vi. p. 25. Dumont (<i>Souvenirs sur Mirabeau</i>, p.
+111) declares, that &lsquo;le trait le plus dominant dans le caractère
+français, c'est l'amour propre;&rsquo; and Ségur (<i>Souvenirs</i>, vol. i. pp. 73,
+74), &lsquo;car en France l'amour propre, ou, si on le veut, la vanité, est de
+toutes les passions la plus irritable.&rsquo; It is moreover stated, that
+phrenological observations prove that the French are vainer than the
+English. <i>Combe's Elements of Phrenology</i>, 6th edit. Edinb. 1845, p. 90;
+and a partial recognition of the same fact in <i>Broussais</i>, <i>Cours de
+Phrénologie</i>, p. 297. For other instances of writers who have noticed
+the vanity of the French, see <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>l'Ancien Régime</i>, p. 148;
+<i>Barante</i>, <i>Lit. Franç. au XVIII<sup>e</sup>. Siècle</i>, p. 80; <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>,
+vol. i. p. 272; <i>Mézéray</i>, <i>Hist. de France</i>, vol. ii. p. 933;
+<i>Lemontey</i>, <i>Etablissement Monarchique</i>, p. 418; <i>Voltaire</i>, <i>Lettres
+inédites</i>, vol. ii. p. 282; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XV</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 358; <i>De Staël sur la Révolution</i>, vol. i. p. 260, vol. ii. p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> The relation between chivalry and duelling has been
+noticed by several writers; and in France, where the chivalric spirit
+was not completely destroyed until the Revolution, we find occasional
+traces of this connexion even in the reign of Louis XVI. See, for
+instance, in <i>Mém. de Lafayette</i>, vol. i. p. 86, a curious letter in
+regard to chivalry and duelling in 1778. In England there is, I believe,
+no evidence of even a single private duel being fought earlier than the
+sixteenth century, and there were not many till the latter half of
+Elizabeth's reign; but in France the custom arose early in the fifteenth
+century, and in the sixteenth it became usual for the seconds to fight
+as well as the principals. Compare <i>Montlosier</i>, <i>Monarc. Franç.</i> vol.
+ii. p. 436, with <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. vi. p. 48.
+From that time the love of the French for duelling became quite a
+passion until the end of the eighteenth century, when the Revolution, or
+rather the circumstances which led to the Revolution, caused its
+comparative cessation. Some idea may be formed of the enormous extent of
+this practice formerly in France, by comparing the following passages,
+which I have the more pleasure in bringing together, as no one has
+written even a tolerable history of duelling, notwithstanding the great
+part it once played in European society. <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol.
+ix. pp. 592, 593, vol. xv. p. 57; <i>Daniel</i>, <i>Milice Française</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 582; <i>Sully, &#338;conomies</i>, vol. i. p. 301, vol. iii. p. 406, vol. vi.
+p. 122, vol. viii. p. 41, vol. ix. p. 408; <i>Carew's State of France
+under Henry IV.</i>, in <i>Birch's Historical Negotiations</i>, p. 467; <i>Ben
+Jonson's Works</i>, edit. Gifford, vol. vi. p. 69; <i>Dulaure</i>, <i>Hist. de
+Paris</i> (1825 3rd edit.), vol. iv. p. 567, vol. v. pp. 300, 301; <i>Le
+Clerc</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Univ.</i> vol. xx. p. 242; <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 536; <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. viii. p. 98;
+<i>Capefigue's Richelieu</i>, vol. i. p. 63; <i>Des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>,
+vol. x. p. 13; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. ii. p. 191, vol. vii. p. 215, vol.
+ix. p. 351; <i>Mem. of the Baroness d'Oberkirch</i>, vol. i. p. 71, edit.
+Lond. 1852; <i>Lettres inédites d'Aguesseau</i>, vol. i. p. 211; <i>Lettres de
+Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, vol. iii. p. 249, vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152;
+<i>Boullier</i>, <i>Maison Militaire des Rois de France</i>, pp. 87, 88; <i>Biog.
+Univ.</i> vol. v. pp. 402, 403, vol. xxiii. p. 411, vol. xliv. pp. 127,
+401, vol. xlviii. p. 522, vol. xlix. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> On the effect of the wars of the Roses upon the nobles,
+compare <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 10; <i>Lingard's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. iii. p. 340; <i>Eccleston's English Antiq.</i> pp. 224,
+320: and on their immense pecuniary, or rather
+territorial, losses, <i>Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. i. p. 155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> &lsquo;The last instance of a pitched battle between two
+powerful noblemen in England occurs in the reign of Edward IV.&rsquo; <i>Allen
+on the Prerogative</i>, p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> Clarendon (<i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, p. 80), in
+a very angry spirit, but with perfect truth, notices (under the year
+1640) the connexion between &lsquo;a proud and venomous dislike against the
+discipline of the church of England, and so by degrees (as the progress
+is very natural) an equal irreverence to the government of the state
+too.&rsquo; The Spanish government, perhaps more than any other in Europe, has
+understood this relation; and even so late as 1789, an edict of Charles
+IV. declared, &lsquo;qu'il y a crime d'hérésie dans tout ce qui tend, ou
+contribue, à propager les idées révolutionnaires.&rsquo; <i>Llorente</i>, <i>Hist. de
+l'Inquisition</i>, vol. ii. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> The general character of her policy towards the Protestant
+English bishops is summed up very fairly by Collier; though he, as a
+professional writer, is naturally displeased with her disregard for the
+heads of the church. <i>Collier's Eccles. Hist. of Great Britain</i>,
+vol. vii. pp. 257, 258, edit. Barham, 1840.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> One of the charges which, in 1588, Sixtus V. publicly
+brought against Elizabeth, was, that &lsquo;she hath rejected and excluded the
+ancient nobility, and promoted to honour obscure people.&rsquo; <i>Butler's Mem.
+of the Catholics</i>, vol. ii. p. 4. Persons also reproaches her with her
+low-born ministers, and says that she was influenced &lsquo;by five persons in
+particular&mdash;all of them sprung from the earth&mdash;Bacon, Cecil, Dudley,
+Hatton, and Walsingham.&rsquo; <i>Butler</i>, vol. ii. p. 31. Cardinal Allen
+taunted her with &lsquo;disgracing the ancient nobility, erecting base and
+unworthy persons to all the civil and ecclesiastical dignities.&rsquo; <i>Dodd's
+Church History</i>, edit. Tierney, 1840, vol. iii. appendix no. xii. p.
+xlvi. The same influential writer, in his <i>Admonition</i>, said that she
+had injured England, &lsquo;by great contempt and abasing of the ancient
+nobility, repelling them from due government, offices, and places of
+honour.&rsquo; <i>Allen's Admonition to the Nobility and People of England and
+Ireland</i>, 1588 (reprinted London, 1842), p. xv. Compare the account
+of the Bull of 1588, in <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. x. p. 175: &lsquo;On
+accusoit Elisabeth d'avoir au préjudice de la noblesse angloise élevé
+aux dignités, tant civiles qu'ecclésiastiques, des hommes nouveaux, sans
+naissance, et indignes de les posséder.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> To the philosophic historian this rebellion, though not
+sufficiently appreciated by ordinary writers, is a very important study,
+because it is the last attempt ever made by the great English families
+to establish their authority by force of arms. Mr. Wright says, that
+probably all those who took a leading part in it &lsquo;were allied by blood
+or intermarriage with the two families of the Percies and Neviles.&rsquo;
+<i>Wright's Elizabeth</i>, 1838, vol. i. p. xxxiv.; a valuable work. See
+also, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 730, a list of some of those who, in
+1571, were attainted on account of this rebellion, and who are said to
+be &lsquo;all of the best families in the north of England.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>But the most complete evidence we have respecting this struggle,
+consists of the collection of original documents published in 1840 by
+Sir C. Sharpe, under the title of <i>Memorials of the Rebellion of 1569</i>.
+They show very clearly the real nature of the outbreak. On 17th November
+1569, Sir George Bowes writes, that the complaint of the insurgents was
+that &lsquo;there was certaine counsellors cropen&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> crept) &lsquo;in aboute
+the prince, which had excluded the nobility from the prince,&rsquo; &amp;c.,
+<i>Memorials</i>, p. 42; and the editor's note says that this is one of the
+charges made in all the proclamations by the earls. Perhaps the most
+curious proof of how notorious the policy of Elizabeth had become, is
+contained in a friendly letter from Sussex to Cecil, dated 5th January
+1569 (<i>Memorials</i>, p. 137), one paragraph of which begins, &lsquo;Of late
+years few young noblemen have been employed in service.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> <i>Hallam</i>, i. p. 130; <i>Lingard</i>, v. pp. 97, 102; <i>Turner</i>,
+xii. pp. 245, 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 241; an interesting
+passage. Turner (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. xii. p. 237) says, that Cecil
+&lsquo;knew the tendency of the great lords to combine against the crown, that
+they might reinstate the peerage in the power from which the house of
+Tudor had depressed it.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> In 1572 the order of dukes became extinct; and was not
+revived till fifty years afterwards, when James I. made the miserable
+Villiers, duke of Buckingham. <i>Blackstone's Commentaries</i>, vol. i. p.
+397. This evidently attracted attention; for Ben Jonson, in one of his
+comedies in 1616, mentions &lsquo;the received heresy that England bears no
+dukes.&rsquo; <i>Jonson's Works</i>, edit. Gifford, 1816, vol. v. p. 47, where
+Gifford, not being aware of the extinction in 1572, has made an
+unsatisfactory note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Clarendon (<i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, p. 216) truly calls
+it &lsquo;the most prodigious and the boldest rebellion, that any age or
+country ever brought forth.&rsquo; See also some striking remarks in
+<i>Warwick's Memoirs</i>, p. 207.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span></p></div>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE
+FAILURE OF THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE
+AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH REBELLION.</div>
+
+<p>The object of the last chapter was to enquire into the
+origin of the protective spirit. From the evidence there
+collected, it appears that this spirit was first organized
+into a distinct secular form at the close of the dark ages;
+but that, owing to circumstances which then arose, it
+was, from the beginning, much less powerful in England
+than in France. It has likewise appeared that, in our
+country, it continued to lose ground; while in France,
+it early in the fourteenth century assumed a new shape,
+and gave rise to a centralizing movement, manifested
+not only in the civil and political institutions, but also
+in the social and literary habits of the French nation.
+Thus far we seem to have cleared the way for a proper
+understanding of the history of the two countries; and
+I now purpose to follow this up a little further, and
+point out how this difference explains the discrepancy
+between the civil wars of England, and those which at
+the same time broke out in France.</p>
+
+<p>Among the obvious circumstances connected with
+the Great English Rebellion, the most remarkable is,
+that it was a war of classes as well as of factions.
+From the beginning of the contest, the yeomanry and
+traders adhered to the parliament;<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> the nobles and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
+clergy rallied round the throne.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> And the name given
+to the two parties, of Roundheads<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> and Cavaliers,<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>
+proves that the true nature of this opposition was
+generally known. It proves that men were aware that
+a question was at issue, upon which England was
+divided, not so much by the particular interests of individuals,
+as by the general interests of the classes to
+which those individuals belonged.</p>
+
+<p>But in the history of the French rebellion, there is
+no trace of so large a division. The objects of the war
+were in both countries precisely the same: the machinery
+by which those objects were attained was very
+different. The Fronde was like our Rebellion, insomuch
+that it was a struggle of the parliament against the
+crown; an attempt to secure liberty, and raise up a
+barrier against the despotism of government.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> So far,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
+and so long, as we merely take a view of political objects,
+the parallel is complete. But the social and intellectual
+antecedents of the French being very different from
+those of the English, it necessarily followed that the
+shape which the rebellion took should likewise be different,
+even though the motives were the same. If we
+examine this divergence a little nearer, we shall find
+that it is connected with the circumstance I have
+already noticed&mdash;namely, that in England a war for
+liberty was accompanied by a war of classes, while in
+France there was no war of classes at all. From this
+it resulted, that in France the rebellion, being merely
+political, and not, as with us, also social, took less hold
+of the public mind: it was unaccompanied by those
+feelings of insubordination, in the absence of which
+freedom has always been impossible; and, striking no
+root into the national character, it could not save the
+country from that servile state into which, a few years
+later, it, under the government of Louis XIV. rapidly
+fell.</p>
+
+<p>That our Great Rebellion was, in its external form, a
+war of classes, is one of those palpable facts which lie
+on the surface of history. At first, the parliament<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> did
+indeed attempt to draw over to their side some of the
+nobles; and in this they for a time succeeded. But as
+the struggle advanced, the futility of this policy became
+evident. In the natural order of the great movement,
+the nobles grew more loyal;<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> the parliament grew more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
+democratic.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> And when it was clearly seen that both
+parties were determined either to conquer or to die, this
+antagonism of classes was too clearly marked to be misunderstood;
+the perception which each had of its own
+interests being sharpened by the magnitude of the stake
+for which they contended.</p>
+
+<p>For, without burdening this Introduction with what
+may be read in our common histories, it will be sufficient
+to remind the reader of a few of the conspicuous events
+of that time. Just before the war began, the Earl of
+Essex was appointed general of the parliamentary forces,
+with the Earl of Bedford as his lieutenant. A commission
+to raise troops was likewise given to the Earl of
+Manchester,<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> the only man of high rank against whom
+Charles had displayed open enmity.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> Notwithstanding
+these marks of confidence, the nobles, in whom parliament
+was at first disposed to trust, could not avoid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
+showing the old leaven of their order.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> The Earl of
+Essex so conducted himself, as to inspire the popular
+party with the greatest apprehensions of his treachery;<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>
+and when the defence of London was intrusted to Waller,
+he so obstinately refused to enter the name of that able
+officer in the commission, that the Commons were
+obliged to insert it by virtue of their own authority, and
+in spite of their own general.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> The Earl of Bedford,
+though he had received a military command, did not
+hesitate to abandon those who conferred it. This apostate
+noble fled from Westminster to Oxford: but finding
+that the king, who never forgave his enemies, did not
+receive him with the favour he expected, he returned
+to London; where, though he was allowed to remain
+in safety, it could not be supposed that he should again
+experience the confidence of parliament.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such examples as these were not likely to lessen the
+distrust which both parties felt for each other. It soon
+became evident that a war of classes was unavoidable,
+and that the rebellion of the parliament against the
+king must be reinforced by a rebellion of the people
+against the nobles.<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> To this the popular party, whatever
+may have been their first intention, now willingly
+agreed. In 1645 they enacted a law, by which not
+only the Earl of Essex and the Earl of Manchester lost
+their command, but all members of either house were
+made incapable of military service.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> And, only a week
+after the execution of the king, they formally took away
+the legislative power of the peers; putting at the same
+time on record their memorable opinion, that the House
+of Lords is &lsquo;useless, dangerous, and ought to be
+abolished.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p>
+
+<p>But we may find proofs still more convincing of the
+true character of the English rebellion, if we consider
+who those were by whom it was accomplished. This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
+will show us the democratic nature of a movement which
+lawyers and antiquaries have vainly attempted to shelter
+under the form of constitutional precedent. Our great
+rebellion was the work, not of men who looked behind,
+but of men who looked before. To attempt to trace it
+to personal and temporary causes; to ascribe this unparalleled
+outbreak to a dispute respecting ship-money,
+or to a quarrel about the privileges of parliament, can
+only suit the habits of those historians who see no
+further than the preamble of a statute, or the decision
+of a judge. Such writers forget that the trial of Hampden,
+and the impeachment of the five members, could
+have produced no effect on the country, unless the
+people had already been prepared, and unless the spirit
+of inquiry and insubordination had so increased the
+discontents of men, as to put them in a state, where,
+the train being laid, the slightest spark sufficed to kindle
+a conflagration.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that the rebellion was an outbreak of
+the democratic spirit. It was the political form of a
+movement, of which the Reformation was the religious
+form. As the Reformation was aided, not by men in
+high ecclesiastical offices, not by great cardinals or
+wealthy bishops, but by men filling the lowest and most
+subordinate posts, just so was the English rebellion a
+movement from below, an uprising from the foundations,
+or as some will have it, the dregs of society. The
+few persons of high rank who adhered to the popular
+cause were quickly discarded, and the ease and rapidity
+with which they fell off was a clear indication of the
+turn that things were taking. Directly the army was
+freed from its noble leaders, and supplied with officers
+drawn from the lower classes, the fortune of war
+changed, the royalists were every where defeated, and
+the king made prisoner by his own subjects. Between
+his capture and execution, the two most important political
+events were his abduction by Joyce, and the forcible
+expulsion from the House of Commons of those members
+who were thought likely to interfere in his favour.
+Both these decisive steps were taken, and indeed only
+could have been taken, by men of great personal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
+influence, and of a bold and resolute spirit. Joyce, who
+carried off the king, and who was highly respected in
+the army, had, however, been recently a common
+working tailor;<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> while Colonel Pride, whose name is
+preserved in history as having purged the House of
+Commons of the malignants, was about on a level with
+Joyce, since his original occupation was that of a drayman.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>
+The tailor and the drayman were, in that age,
+strong enough to direct the course of public affairs, and
+to win for themselves a conspicuous position in the
+state. After the execution of Charles, the same tendency
+was displayed, the old monarchy being destroyed,
+that small but active party known as the fifth-monarchy
+men increased in importance, and for a time exercised
+considerable influence. Their three principal and most
+distinguished members were Venner, Tuffnel, and Okey.
+Venner, who was the leader, was a wine-cooper;<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>
+Tuffnel, who was second in command, was a carpenter;<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a>
+and Okey, though he became a colonel, had filled the
+menial office of stoker in an Islington brewery.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor are these to be regarded as exceptional cases. In
+that period, promotion depended solely on merit; and
+if a man had ability he was sure to rise, no matter what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
+his birth or former avocations might have been. Cromwell
+himself was a brewer;<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> and Colonel Jones, his
+brother-in-law, had been servant to a private gentleman.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a>
+Deane was the servant of a tradesman; but he
+became an admiral, and was made one of the commissioners
+of the navy.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> Colonel Goffe had been apprentice
+to a drysalter;<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> Major-general Whalley had been
+apprentice to a draper.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> Skippon, a common soldier
+who had received no education,<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> was appointed commander
+of the London militia; he was raised to the
+office of sergeant-major-general of the army; he was
+declared commander-in-chief in Ireland; and he became
+one of the fourteen members of Cromwell's council.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>
+Two of the lieutenants of the Tower were Berkstead<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
+and Tichborne. Berkstead was a pedlar, or at all events
+a hawker of small wares;<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> and Tichborne, who was a
+linendraper, not only received the lieutenancy of the
+Tower, but became a colonel, and a member of the
+committee of state in 1655, and of the council of state
+in 1659.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> Other trades were equally successful; the
+highest prizes being open to all men, provided they
+displayed the requisite capacity. Colonel Harvey was
+a silk-mercer;<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> so was Colonel Rowe;<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> so also was
+Colonel Venn.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> Salway had been apprentice to a
+grocer, but, being an able man, he rose to the rank of
+major in the army; he received the king's remembrancer's
+office; and in 1659 he was appointed by
+parliament a member of the council of state.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> Around
+that council-board were also gathered Bond the draper,<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a>
+and Cawley the brewer;<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> while by their side we find
+John Berners, who is said to have been a private servant,<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>
+and Cornelius Holland, who is known to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
+been a servant, and who was, indeed, formerly a link-boy.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>
+Among others who were now favoured and
+promoted to offices of trust, were Packe the woollen-draper,<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>
+Pury the weaver,<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> and Pemble the tailor.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>
+The parliament which was summoned in 1653 is still
+remembered as Barebone's parliament, being so called
+after one of its most active members, whose name was
+Barebone, and who was a leather-seller in Fleet Street.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>
+Thus too, Downing, though a poor charity-boy,<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> became
+teller of the exchequer, and representative of
+England at the Hague.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> To these we may add, that
+Colonel Horton had been a gentleman's servant;<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a>
+Colonel Berry had been a woodmonger;<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> Colonel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
+Cooper a haberdasher;<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> Major Rolfe a shoemaker;<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>
+Colonel Fox a tinker;<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> and Colonel Hewson a cobbler.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the leaders of the English rebellion, or to
+speak more properly, such were the instruments by
+which the rebellion was consummated.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> If we now
+turn to France, we shall clearly see the difference
+between the feelings and temper of the two nations. In
+that country, the old protective spirit still retained its
+activity; and the people, being kept in a state of pupilage,
+had not acquired those habits of self-command and
+self-reliance, by which alone great things can be effected.
+They had been so long accustomed to look with timid
+reverence to the upper classes, that, even when they
+rose in arms, they could not throw off the ideas of submission
+which were quickly discarded by our ancestors.
+The influence of the higher ranks was, in England,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
+constantly diminishing; in France, it was scarcely
+impaired. Hence it happened that, although the
+English and French rebellions were contemporary, and,
+in their origin, aimed at precisely the same objects,
+they were distinguished by one most important difference.
+This was, that the English rebels were headed
+by popular leaders; the French rebels by noble leaders.
+The bold and sturdy habits which had long been cultivated
+in England, enabled the middle and lower classes
+to supply their own chiefs out of their own ranks. In
+France such chiefs were not to be found; simply because,
+owing to the protective spirit, such habits had
+not been cultivated. While, therefore, in our island,
+the functions of civil government, and of war, were
+conducted with conspicuous ability, and complete success,
+by butchers, by bakers, by brewers, by cobblers,
+and by tinkers, the struggle which, at the same moment,
+was going on in France, presented an appearance
+totally different. In that country, the rebellion was
+headed by men of a far higher standing; men, indeed,
+of the longest and most illustrious lineage. There, to
+be sure, was a display of unexampled splendour; a
+galaxy of rank, a noble assemblage of aristocratic insurgents
+and titled demagogues. There was the Prince
+de Condé, the Prince de Conti, the Prince de Marsillac,
+the Duke de Bouillon, the Duke de Beaufort, the Duke
+de Longueville, the Duke de Chevreuse, the Duke de
+Nemours, the Duke de Luynes, the Duke de Brissac,
+the Duke d'Elb&oelig;uf, the Duke de Candale, the Duke de
+la Tremouille, the Marquis de la Boulaye, the Marquis
+de Laigues, the Marquis de Noirmoutier, the Marquis
+de Vitry, the Marquis de Fosseuse, the Marquis de
+Sillery, the Marquis d'Estissac, the Marquis d'Hocquincourt,
+the Count de Rantzau, the Count de Montresor.</p>
+
+<p>These were the leaders of the Fronde;<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> and the
+mere announcement of their names indicate the difference<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
+between the French and English rebellions. And,
+in consequence of this difference, there followed some
+results, which are well worth the attention of those
+writers who, in their ignorance of the progress of human
+affairs, seek to uphold that aristocratic power, which,
+fortunately for the interests of mankind, has long been
+waning; and which, during the last seventy years has,
+in the most civilized countries, received such severe and
+repeated shocks, that its ultimate fate is hardly a matter
+respecting which much doubt can now be entertained.</p>
+
+<p>The English rebellion was headed by men, whose
+tastes, habits, and associations, being altogether popular,
+formed a bond of sympathy between them and the
+people, and preserved the union of the whole party. In
+France the sympathy was very weak, and therefore, the
+union was very precarious. What sort of sympathy
+could there be between the mechanic and the peasant,
+toiling for their daily bread, and the rich and dissolute
+noble, whose life was passed in those idle and frivolous
+pursuits which debased his mind, and made his order a
+byword and a reproach among the nations? To talk
+of sympathy existing between the two classes is a manifest
+absurdity, and most assuredly would have been
+deemed an insult by those high-born men, who treated
+their inferiors with habitual and insolent contempt. It
+is true, that, from causes which have been already
+stated, the people did, unhappily for themselves, look
+up to those above them with the greatest veneration;<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>
+but every page of French history proves how unworthily
+this feeling was reciprocated, and in how complete a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
+thraldom the lower classes were kept. While, therefore,
+the French, from their long-established habits of
+dependence, were become incapable of conducting their
+own rebellion, and, on that account, were obliged to
+place themselves under the command of their nobles,
+this very necessity confirmed the servility which caused
+it; and thus stunting the growth of freedom, prevented
+the nation from effecting, by their civil wars, those
+great things which we, in England, were able to bring
+about by ours.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, it is only necessary to read the French literature
+of the seventeenth century, to see the incompatibility
+of the two classes, and the utter hopelessness of
+fusing into one party the popular and aristocratic spirit.
+While the object of the people was to free themselves
+from the yoke, the object of the nobles was merely to
+find new sources of excitement,<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> and minister to that
+personal vanity for which, as a body, they have always
+been notorious. As this is a department of history that
+has been little studied, it will be interesting to collect a
+few instances, which will illustrate the temper of the
+French aristocracy, and will show what sort of honours,
+and what manner of distinctions, those were which this
+powerful class was most anxious to obtain.</p>
+
+<p>That the objects chiefly coveted were of a very trifling
+description, will be anticipated by whoever has studied
+the effect which, in an immense majority of minds,
+hereditary distinctions produce upon personal character.
+How pernicious such distinctions are, may be clearly
+seen in the history of all the European aristocracies;
+and in the notorious fact, that none of them have preserved
+even a mediocrity of talent, except in countries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
+where they are frequently invigorated by the infusion
+of plebeian blood, and their order strengthened by the
+accession of those masculine energies which are natural
+to men who make their own position, but cannot be
+looked for in men whose position is made for them.
+For, when the notion is once firmly implanted in the
+mind, that the source of honour is from without, rather
+than from within, it must invariably happen that the
+possession of external distinction will be preferred to
+the sense of internal power. In such cases, the majesty
+of the human intellect, and the dignity of human knowledge,
+are considered subordinate to those mock and
+spurious gradations by which weak men measure the
+degrees of their own littleness. Hence it is, that the
+real precedence of things becomes altogether reversed;
+that which is trifling is valued more than that which is
+great; and the mind is enervated by conforming to a
+false standard of merit, which its own prejudices have
+raised. On this account, they are evidently in the wrong
+who reproach the nobles with their pride, as if it were
+a characteristic of their order. The truth is, that if
+pride were once established among them, their extinction
+would rapidly follow. To talk of the pride of
+hereditary rank, is a contradiction in terms. Pride
+depends on the consciousness of self-applause; vanity
+is fed by the applause of others. Pride is a reserved
+and lofty passion, which disdains those external distinctions
+that vanity eagerly grasps. The proud man
+sees in his own mind, the source of his own dignity;
+which, as he well knows, can be neither increased or
+diminished by any acts except those which proceed
+solely from himself. The vain man, restless, insatiable,
+and always craving after the admiration of his contemporaries,
+must naturally make great account of those
+external marks, those visible tokens, which, whether
+they be decorations or titles, strike directly on the
+senses, and thus captivate the vulgar, to whose understandings
+they are immediately obvious. This, therefore,
+being the great distinction, that pride looks within,
+while vanity looks without, it is clear that when a man
+values himself for a rank which he inherited by chance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
+without exertion, and without merit, it is a proof, not
+of pride, but of vanity, and of vanity of the most despicable
+kind. It is a proof that such a man has no
+sense of real dignity, no idea of what that is in which
+alone all greatness consists. What marvel if, to minds
+of this sort, the most insignificant trifles should swell into
+matters of the highest importance? What marvel if such
+empty understandings should be busied with ribbons,
+and stars, and crosses; if this noble should yearn after
+the Garter, and that noble pine for the Golden Fleece;
+if one man should long to carry a wand in the precincts
+of the court, and another man to fill an office in the
+royal household; while the ambition of a third is to
+make his daughter a maid-of-honour, or to raise his
+wife to be mistress of the robes?</p>
+
+<p>We, seeing these things, ought not to be surprised
+that the French nobles, in the seventeenth century,
+displayed, in their intrigues and disputes, a frivolity,
+which, though redeemed by occasional exceptions, is the
+natural characteristic of every hereditary aristocracy.
+A few examples of this will suffice to give the reader
+some idea of the tastes and temper of that powerful
+class which, during several centuries, retarded the progress
+of French civilization.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the questions on which the French nobles were
+divided, the most important was that touching the right
+of sitting in the royal presence. This was considered to
+be a matter of such gravity, that, in comparison with it,
+a mere struggle for liberty faded into insignificance.
+And what made it still more exciting to the minds of the
+nobles was, the extreme difficulty with which this great
+social problem was beset. According to the ancient
+etiquette of the French court, if a man were a duke, his
+wife might sit in the presence of the queen; but if his
+rank were inferior, even if he were a marquis, no such
+liberty could be allowed.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> So far, the rule was very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
+simple, and, to the duchesses themselves, highly agreeable.
+But the marquises, the counts, and the other
+illustrious nobles, were uneasy at this invidious distinction,
+and exerted all their energies to procure for
+their own wives the same honour. This the dukes
+strenuously resisted; but, owing to circumstances which
+unfortunately are not fully understood, an innovation
+was made in the reign of Louis XIII., and the privilege
+of sitting in the same room with the queen was conceded
+to the female members of the Bouillon family.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> In consequence
+of this evil precedent, the question became
+seriously complicated, since other members of the aristocracy
+considered that the purity of their descent gave
+them claims nowise inferior to those of the house of
+Bouillon, whose antiquity, they said, had been grossly
+exaggerated. The contest which ensued, had the effect
+of breaking up the nobles into two hostile parties, one of
+which sought to preserve that exclusive privilege in
+which the other wished to participate. To reconcile
+these rival pretensions, various expedients were suggested;
+but all were in vain, and the court, during the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
+administration of Mazarin, being pressed by the fear of
+a rebellion, showed symptoms of giving way, and of
+yielding to the inferior nobles the point they so ardently
+desired. In 1648 and 1649, the queen-regent, acting
+under the advice of her council, formally conceded the
+right of sitting in the royal presence to the three most
+distinguished members of the lower aristocracy, namely,
+the Countess de Fleix, Madame de Pons, and the Princess
+de Marsillac.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> Scarcely had this decision been
+promulgated, when the princes of the blood and the
+peers of the realm were thrown into the greatest agitation.<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>
+They immediately summoned to the capital those
+members of their own order who were interested in repelling
+this daring aggression, and, forming themselves
+into an assembly, they at once adopted measures to
+vindicate their ancient rights.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> On the other hand, the
+inferior nobles, flushed by their recent success, insisted
+that the concession just made should be raised into a
+precedent; and that, as the honour of being seated in
+the presence of majesty had been conceded to the house
+of Foix, in the person of the Countess de Fleix, it should
+likewise be granted to all those who could prove that
+their ancestry was equally illustrious.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> The greatest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
+confusion now arose; and both sides urgently insisting
+on their own claims, there was, for many months, imminent
+danger lest the question should be decided by an
+appeal to the sword.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> But as the higher nobles, though
+less numerous than their opponents, were more powerful,
+the dispute was finally settled in their favour. The
+queen sent to their assembly a formal message, which
+was conveyed by four of the marshals of France, and in
+which she promised to revoke those privileges, the concession
+of which had given such offence to the most
+illustrious members of the French aristocracy. At the
+same time, the marshals not only pledged themselves as
+responsible for the promise of the queen, but undertook
+to sign an agreement that they would personally superintend
+its execution.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> The nobles, however, who felt
+that they had been aggrieved in their most tender point,
+were not yet satisfied, and, to appease them, it was
+necessary that the atonement should be as public as the
+injury. It was found necessary, before they would
+peaceably disperse, that government should issue a document,
+signed by the queen-regent, and by the four
+secretaries of state,<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> in which the favours granted to
+the unprivileged nobility were withdrawn, and the
+much-cherished honour of sitting in the royal presence
+was taken away from the Princess de Marsillac, from
+Madame de Pons, and from the Countess de Fleix.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were the subjects which occupied the minds
+and wasted the energies, of the French nobles, while
+their country was distracted by civil war, and while
+questions were at issue of the greatest importance&mdash;questions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
+concerning the liberty of the nation, and the
+reconstruction of the government.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> It is hardly necessary
+to point out how unfit such men must have been
+to head the people in their arduous struggle, and how
+immense was the difference between them and the
+leaders of the great English Rebellion. The causes of
+the failure of the Fronde are, indeed, obvious, when we
+consider that its chiefs were drawn from that very
+class respecting whose tastes and feelings some evidence
+has just been given.<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> How that evidence might be
+almost indefinitely extended, is well known to readers
+of the French memoirs of the seventeenth century&mdash;a
+class of works which, being mostly written either
+by the nobles or their adherents, supplies the best
+materials from which an opinion may be formed. In
+looking into these authorities, where such matters are
+related with a becoming sense of their importance, we
+find the greatest difficulties and disputes arising as to
+who was to have an arm-chair at court;<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> who was to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
+be invited to the royal dinners, and who was to be
+excluded from them;<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> who was to be kissed by the
+queen, and who was not to be kissed by her;<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> who
+should have the first seat in church;<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> what the proper
+proportion was between the rank of different persons,
+and the length of the cloth on which they were allowed
+to stand;<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> what was the dignity a noble must have
+attained, in order to justify his entering the Louvre in
+a coach;<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> who was to have precedence at coronations;<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>
+whether all dukes were equal, or whether, as
+some thought, the Duke de Bouillon, having once possessed
+the sovereignty of Sedan, was superior to the
+Duke de la Rochefoucauld, who had never possessed
+any sovereignty at all;<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> whether the Duke de Beaufort<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
+ought or ought not to enter the council-chamber
+before the Duke de Nemours, and whether, being there,
+he ought to sit above him.<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> These were the great
+questions of the day: while, as if to exhaust every form
+of absurdity, the most serious misunderstandings arose
+as to who should have the honour of giving the king
+his napkin as he ate his meals<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> and who was to enjoy
+the inestimable privilege of helping on the queen with
+her shift.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></p>
+
+<p>It may, perhaps, be thought that I owe some apology
+to the reader for obtruding upon his notice these miserable
+disputes respecting matters which, however despicable
+they now appear, were once valued by men not
+wholly devoid of understanding. But, it should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
+remembered that their occurrence, and above all, the
+importance formerly attached to them, is part of the
+history of the French mind; and they are therefore to
+be estimated, not according to their intrinsic dignity,
+but according to the information they supply respecting
+a state of things which has now passed away. Events
+of this sort, though neglected by ordinary historians,
+are among the staff and staple of history. Not only do
+they assist in bringing before our minds the age to
+which they refer, but in a philosophic point of view they
+are highly important. They are part of the materials
+from which we may generalize the laws of that great
+protective spirit, which in different periods assumes
+different shapes; but which, whatever its form may be,
+always owes its power to the feeling of veneration as
+opposed to the feeling of independence. How natural
+this power is, in certain stages of society, becomes
+evident if we examine the basis on which veneration is
+itself supported. The origin of veneration is wonder
+and fear. These two passions, either alone or combined,
+are the ordinary source of veneration; and the
+way in which they arise is obvious. We wonder because
+we are ignorant, and we fear because we are
+weak. It is therefore natural, that in former times,
+when men were more ignorant and more weak than
+they now are, they should likewise have been more
+given to veneration, more inclined to those habits of
+reverence, which if carried into religion, cause superstition,
+and if carried into politics, cause despotism.
+In the ordinary march of society, those evils are remedied
+by that progress of knowledge, which at once
+lessens our ignorance and increases our resources: in
+other words, which diminishes our proneness to wonder
+and to fear, and thus weakening our feelings of veneration,
+strengthens, in the same proportion, our feelings
+of independence. But in France, this natural tendency
+was, as we have already seen, counteracted by an opposite
+tendency; so that while, on the one hand, the
+protective spirit was enfeebled by the advance of knowledge,
+it was, on the other hand, invigorated by those
+social and political circumstances which I have attempted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
+to trace; and by virtue of which, each class
+exercising great power over the one below it, the
+subordination and subserviency of the whole were
+completely maintained. Hence the mind became accustomed
+to look upwards, and to rely, not on its own
+resources, but on the resources of others. Hence that
+pliant and submissive disposition, for which the French,
+until the eighteenth century, were always remarkable.
+Hence, too, that inordinate respect for the opinions of
+others, on which vanity, as one of their national characteristics,
+is founded.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> For, the feelings of vanity and of
+veneration have evidently this in common, that they
+induce each man to measure his actions by a standard
+external to himself; while the opposite feelings of
+pride and of independence would make him prefer that
+internal standard which his own mind alone can supply.
+The result of all this was, that when, in the middle of
+the seventeenth century, the intellectual movement
+stimulated the French to rebellion, its effect was neutralized
+by that social tendency which, even in the
+midst of the struggle, kept alive the habits of their old
+subservience. Thus it was that, while the war went on,
+there still remained a constant inclination on the part
+of the people to look up to the nobles, on the part of
+the nobles to look up to the crown. Both classes
+relied upon what they saw immediately above them.
+The people believed that without the nobles there was
+no safety; the nobles believed that without the crown
+there was no honour. In the case of the nobles, this
+opinion can hardly be blamed; for as their distinctions
+proceed from the crown, they have a direct interest in
+upholding the ancient notion that the sovereign is the
+fountain of honour. They have a direct interest in
+that preposterous doctrine, according to which, the true
+source of honour being overlooked, our attention is
+directed to an imaginary source, by whose operation it
+is believed, that in a moment, and at the mere will of a
+prince, the highest honours may be conferred upon the
+meanest men. This, indeed, is but part of the old<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
+scheme to create distinctions for which nature has
+given no warrant; to substitute a superiority which is
+conventional for that which is real; and thus try to
+raise little minds above the level of great ones. The
+utter failure, and, as society advances, the eventual
+cessation of all such attempts, is certain; but it is
+evident, that as long as the attempts are made, they
+who profit by them must be inclined to value those
+from whom they proceed. Unless counteracting circumstances
+interpose, there must be between the two
+parties that sympathy which is caused by the memory
+of past favours, and the hope of future ones. In France,
+this natural feeling being strengthened by that protective
+spirit which induced men to cling to those
+above them, it is not strange that the nobles, even in
+the midst of their turbulence, should seek the slightest
+favours of the crown with an eagerness of which some
+examples have just been given. They had been so
+long accustomed to look up to the sovereign as the
+source of their own dignity, that they believed there
+was some hidden dignity even in his commonest
+actions; so that, to their minds, it was a matter of the
+greatest importance which of them should hand him
+his napkin, which of them should hold his basin, and
+which of them should put on his shirt.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> It is not,
+however, for the sake of casting ridicule upon these
+idle and frivolous men, that I have collected evidence
+respecting the disputes with which they were engrossed.
+So far from this, they are rather to be pitied than
+blamed: they acted according to their instincts; they
+even exerted such slender abilities as nature had given
+to them. But we may well feel for that great country
+whose interests depended on their care. And it is
+solely in reference to the fate of the French people
+that the historian need trouble himself with the history<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
+of the French nobles. At the same time, evidence of
+this sort, by disclosing the tendencies of the old nobility,
+displays in one of its most active forms that protective
+and aristocratic spirit, of which they know little who
+only know it in its present reduced and waning condition.
+Such facts are to be regarded as the symptoms
+of a cruel disease, by which Europe is indeed still
+afflicted, but which we now see only in a very mitigated
+form, and of whose native virulence no one can have an
+idea, unless he has studied it in those early stages,
+when, raging uncontrolled, it obtained such a mastery
+as to check the growth of liberty, stop the progress
+of nations, and dwarf the energies of the human
+mind.</p>
+
+<p>It is hardly necessary to trace at greater length the
+way in which France and England diverged from each
+other, or to point out what I hope will henceforth be
+considered the obvious difference between the civil
+wars in the two countries. It is evident that the low-born
+and plebeian leaders of our rebellion could have no
+sympathy with those matters which perplexed the
+understanding of the great French nobles. Men like
+Cromwell and his co-adjutors were not much versed in
+the mysteries of genealogy, or in the subtleties of heraldic
+lore. They had paid small attention to the etiquette of
+courts; they had not even studied the rules of precedence.
+All this was foreign to their design. On the
+other hand, what they did was done thoroughly. They
+knew that they had a great work to perform; and they
+performed it well.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> They had risen in arms against a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
+corrupt and despotic government, and they would not
+stay their hands until they had pulled down those who
+were in high places; until they had not only removed
+the evil, but had likewise chastised those bad men by
+whom the evil was committed. And although in this,
+their glorious undertaking, they did undoubtedly display
+some of the infirmities to which even the highest
+minds are subject; we, at least, ought never to speak
+of them but with that unfeigned respect which is due
+to those who taught the first great lesson to the kings
+of Europe, and who, in language not to be mistaken,
+proclaimed to them that the impunity which they had
+long enjoyed was now come to an end, and that against
+their transgressions the people possessed a remedy,
+sharper, and more decisive, than any they had hitherto
+ventured to use.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> &lsquo;From the beginning it may be said that the yeomanry and
+trading classes of towns were generally hostile to the king's side, even
+in those counties which were in his military occupation; except in a
+few, such as Cornwall, Worcester, Salop, and most of Wales, where the
+prevailing sentiment was chiefly royalist.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol.
+i. p. 578. See also <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol. vi. p. 304; and
+<i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> On this division of classes, which, notwithstanding a few
+exceptions, is undoubtedly true as a general fact, compare <i>Memoirs of
+Sir P. Warwick</i>, p. 217; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. iii. p. 347;
+<i>Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, pp. 294, 297, 345, 346, 401,
+476; <i>May's Hist. of the Long Parliament</i>, book i. pp.
+22, 64, book ii. p. 63, book iii. p. 78; <i>Hutchinson's Memoirs</i>, p. 100;
+<i>Ludlow's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 104, vol. iii. p. 258; <i>Bulstrode's
+Memoirs</i>, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Lord Clarendon says, in his grand style, &lsquo;the rabble
+contemned and despised under the name of roundheads.&rsquo; <i>Hist. of the
+Rebellion</i>, p. 136. This was in 1641, when the title appears to have
+been first bestowed. See <i>Fairfax Corresp.</i> vol. ii. pp. 185, 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Just before the battle of Edgehill, in 1642, Charles said
+to his troops, &lsquo;You are called cavaliers in a reproachful
+signification.&rsquo; See the king's speech, in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. iv. p.
+478. Directly after the battle, he accused his opponents of &lsquo;rendering
+all persons of honour odious to the common people, under the style of
+cavaliers.&rsquo; <i>May's Hist. of the Long Parliament</i>, book iii. p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> M. Saint-Aulaire (<i>Hist. de la Fronde</i>, vol. i. p. v.)
+says, that the object of the Frondeurs was, &lsquo;limiter l'autorité royale,
+consacrer les principes de la liberté civile et en confier la garde aux
+compagnies souveraines;&rsquo; and at p. vi. he calls the declaration of 1648,
+&lsquo;une véritable charte constitutionnelle.&rsquo; See also, at vol. i. p. 128,
+the concluding paragraph of the speech of Omer Talon. Joly, who was much
+displeased at this tendency, complains that in 1648, &lsquo;le peuple tomboit
+imperceptiblement dans le sentiment dangereux, qu'il est naturel et
+permis de se défendre et de s'armer contre la violence des supérieurs.&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de Joly</i>, p. 15. Of the immediate objects proposed by the Fronde,
+one was to diminish the taille, and another was to obtain a law that no
+one should be kept in prison more than twenty-four hours, &lsquo;sans être
+remis entre les mains du parlement pour lui faire son procès s'il se
+trouvoit criminel ou l'élargir s'il étoit innocent.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 135; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. ii. p. 398; <i>Mém. de
+Retz</i>, vol. i. p. 265; <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225, 240,
+328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> I use the word &lsquo;parliament&rsquo; in the sense given to it by
+writers of that time, and not in the legal sense.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> In May 1642, there remained at Westminster forty-two peers,
+<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 559; but they gradually abandoned the
+popular cause; and, according to <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iii. p. 1282, so
+dwindled, that eventually &lsquo;seldom more than five or six&rsquo; were present.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> These increasing democratic tendencies are most clearly
+indicated in Walker's curious work, <i>The History of Independency</i>. See
+among other passages, book i. p. 59. And Clarendon, under the year 1644,
+says (<i>Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, p. 514): &lsquo;That violent party, which had
+at first cozened the rest into the war, and afterwards obstructed all
+the approaches towards peace, found now that they had finished as much
+of their work as the tools which they had wrought with could be applied
+to, and what remained to be done must be despatched by new workmen.&rsquo;
+What these new workmen were, he afterwards explains, p. 641, to be &lsquo;the
+most inferior people preferred to all places of trust and profit.&rsquo; Book
+xi. under the year 1648. Compare some good remarks by Mr. Bell, in
+<i>Fairfax Correspond.</i> vol. iii. pp. 115, 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> This was after the appointments of Essex and Bedford, and
+was in 1643. <i>Ludlow's Mem.</i> vol. i. p. 58; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol.
+i. p. 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> &lsquo;When the king attempted to arrest the five members,
+Manchester, at that time Lord Kymbolton, was the only peer whom he
+impeached. This circumstance endeared Kymbolton to the party; his own
+safety bound him more closely to its interests.&rsquo; <i>Lingard's England</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 337. Compare <i>Clarendon</i>, p. 375; <i>Ludlow</i>, vol. i. p. 20.
+It is also said that Lord Essex joined the popular party from personal
+pique against the king. <i>Fairfax Corresp.</i> vol. iii. p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Mr. Carlyle has made some very characteristic, but very
+just, observations on the &lsquo;high Essexes and Manchesters of limited
+notions and large estates.&rsquo; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 215.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> <i>Ludlow's Memoirs</i>, vol. iii. p. 110; <i>Hutchinson's
+Memoirs</i>, pp. 230, 231; <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. iii. p.
+106; <i>Bulstrode's Memoirs</i>, pp. 112, 113, 119; <i>Clarendon's Rebellion</i>,
+pp. 486, 514; or, as Lord North puts it, &lsquo;for General Essex began now to
+appear to the private cabalists somewhat wresty.&rsquo; <i>North's Narrative of
+Passages relating to the Long Parliament</i>, published in 1670, in <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. vi. p. 578. At p. 584, the same elegant writer says of
+Essex, &lsquo;being the first person and last of the nobility employed by the
+parliament in military affairs, which soon brought him to the period of
+his life. And may he be an example to all future ages, to deter all
+persons of like dignity from being instrumental in setting up a
+democratical power, whose interest it is to keep down all persons of his
+condition.&rsquo; The &lsquo;Letter of Admonition&rsquo; addressed to him by parliament in
+1644, is printed in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iii. p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol. vi. p. 318. See also,
+on the hostility between Essex and Waller, <i>Walker's Hist. of
+Independency</i>, part i. pp. 28, 29; and <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 177. Sir Philip Warwick (<i>Memoirs</i>, p. 254) contemptuously
+calls Waller &lsquo;favourite-general of the city of London.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Compare <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 569, 570, with
+<i>Bulstrode's Memoirs</i>, p. 96, and Lord Bedford's letter, in <i>Parl.
+Hist.</i> vol. iii. pp. 189, 190. This shuffling letter confirms the
+unfavourable account of the writer, which is given in <i>Clarendon's
+Rebellion</i>, p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Dr. Bates, who had been physician to Cromwell, intimates
+that this was foreseen from the beginning. He says, that the popular
+party offered command to some of the nobles, &lsquo;not that they had any
+respect for the lords, whom shortly they intended to turn out and to
+level with the commoners, but that they might poison them with their own
+venom, and rise to greater authority by drawing more over to their
+side.&rsquo; <i>Bates's Account of the late Troubles in England</i>, part i. p. 76.
+Lord North too supposes, that almost immediately after the war began, it
+was determined to dissolve the House of Lords. See <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol.
+vi. p. 582. Beyond this, I am not aware of any direct early evidence;
+except that, in 1644, Cromwell is alleged to have stated that &lsquo;there
+would never be a good time in England till we had done with lords.&rsquo;
+<i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 217; and, what is evidently the same
+circumstance, in <i>Holles's Memoirs</i>, p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> This was the &lsquo;Self-denying Ordinance,&rsquo; which was
+introduced in December, 1644; but, owing to the resistance of the peers,
+was not carried until the subsequent April. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iii. pp.
+326&ndash;337, 340&ndash;343, 354, 355. See also <i>Mem. of Lord Holles</i>, p. 30; <i>Mem.
+of Sir P. Warwick</i>, p. 283.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> On this great Epoch in the history of England, see <i>Parl.
+Hist.</i> vol. iii. p. 1284; <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 643;
+<i>Campbell's Chief-Justices</i>, vol. i. p. 424; <i>Ludlow's Mem.</i> vol. i. p.
+246; <i>Warwick's Mem.</i> pp. 182, 336, 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> &lsquo;Cornet Joyce, who was one of the agitators in the army, a
+tailor, a fellow who had two or three years before served in a very
+inferior employment in Mr. Hollis's house.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon's Rebellion</i>, p.
+612. &lsquo;A shrewd tailor-man.&rsquo; <i>D'Israeli's Commentaries on the Reign of
+Charles I.</i>, 1851, vol. ii. p. 466.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Ludlow (<i>Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 139); Noble (<i>Memoirs of
+the House of Cromwell</i>, vol. ii. p. 470); and Winstanley (<i>Loyal
+Martyrology</i>, edit. 1665, p. 108), mention that Pride had been a
+drayman. It is said that Cromwell, in ridicule of the old distinctions,
+conferred knighthood on him &lsquo;with a faggot.&rsquo; <i>Orme's Life of Owen</i>, p.
+164; <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. iii. p. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> &lsquo;The fifth-monarchy, headed mainly by one Venner, a
+wine-cooper.&rsquo; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. iii. p. 282. &lsquo;Venner, a
+wine-cooper.&rsquo; <i>Lister's Life and Corresp. of Clarendon</i>, vol. ii. p.
+62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> &lsquo;The second to Venner was one Tuffnel a carpenter living
+in Gray's Inn Lane.&rsquo; <i>Winstanley's Martyrology</i>, p. 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> &lsquo;He was stoaker in a brewhouse at Islington, and next a
+most poor chandler near Lion-Key, in Thames Street.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+iii. p. 1605. See also <i>Winstanley's Martyrology</i>, p. 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Some of the clumsy eulogists of Cromwell wish to suppress
+the fact of his being a brewer; but that he really practised that useful
+trade is attested by a variety of evidence, and is distinctly stated by
+his own physician, Dr. Bates. <i>Bates's Troubles in England</i>, vol. ii. p.
+238. See also <i>Walker's History of Independency</i>, part i. p. 32, part
+ii. p. 25, part iii. p. 37; <i>Noble's House of Cromwell</i>, vol. i. pp.
+328&ndash;331. Other passages, which I cannot now call to mind, will occur to
+those who have studied the literature of the time.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> &lsquo;John Jones, at first a serving-man, then a colonel of the
+Long Parliament, &hellip; married the Protector's sister.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+iii. p. 1600. &lsquo;A serving-man; &hellip; in process of time married one of
+Cromwell's sisters.&rsquo; <i>Winstanley's Martyrology</i>, p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> &lsquo;Richard Deane, Esq., is said to have been a servant to
+one Button, a toyman in Ipswich, and to have himself been the son of a
+person in the same employment; &hellip; was appointed one of the
+commissioners of the navy with Popham and Blake, and in April (1649) he
+became an admiral and general at sea.&rsquo; <i>Noble's Lives of the Regicides</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 172, 173. Winstanley (<i>Martyrol.</i> p. 121) also says that
+Deane was &lsquo;servant in Ipswich.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> &lsquo;Apprentice to one Vaughan a dry-salter.&rsquo; <i>Noble's House
+of Cromwell</i>, vol. ii. p. 507: and see his <i>Regicides</i>, vol. i. p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> &lsquo;Bound apprentice to a woollen-draper.&rsquo; <i>Winstanley's
+Martyr.</i> p. 108. He afterwards set up in the same trade for himself; but
+with little success, for Dr. Bates (<i>Troubles in England</i>, vol. ii. p.
+222) calls him &lsquo;a broken clothier.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> &lsquo;Altogether illiterate.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon's Rebellion</i>, p. 152.
+Two extraordinary speeches by him are preserved in <i>Burton's Diary</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 24, 25, 48&ndash;50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> <i>Holles's Mem.</i> p. 82; <i>Ludlow's Mem.</i> vol. ii. p. 39; and
+a letter from Fairfax in <i>Cary's Memorials of the Civil War</i>, 1842, vol.
+i. p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> &lsquo;Berkstead, who heretofore sold needles, bodkins, and
+thimbles, and would have run on an errand any where for a little money;
+but who now by Cromwell was preferred to the honourable charge of
+lieutenant of the Tower of London.&rsquo; <i>Bates's Account of the Troubles</i>,
+part ii. p. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> <i>Noble's Regicides</i>, vol. ii. pp. 272, 273. Lord Holles
+(<i>Memoirs</i>, p. 174) also mentions that he was &lsquo;a linen-draper.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> &lsquo;Edward Harvy, late a poor silk-man, now colonel, and hath
+got the Bishop of London's house and manor of Fulham.&rsquo; <i>Walker's
+Independency</i>, part i. p. 170. &lsquo;One Harvey, a decayed silk-man,&rsquo;
+<i>Clarendon's Rebellion</i>, p. 418.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Owen Rowe, &lsquo;put to the trade of a silk-mercer, &hellip; went
+into the parliament army, and became a colonel.&rsquo; <i>Noble's Regicides</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> &lsquo;A silkman in London; &hellip; went into the army, and rose to
+the rank of colonel.&rsquo; <i>Noble's Regicides</i>, vol. ii. p. 283. &lsquo;A broken
+silk-man in Cheapside.&rsquo; <i>Winstanley's Martyrol.</i> p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> <i>Walker's Independency</i>, part i. p. 143; <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 1608; <i>Ludlow's Mem.</i> vol. ii. pp. 241, 259; <i>Noble's
+Regicides</i>, vol. ii. pp. 158, 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> He was &lsquo;a woollen-draper at Dorchester,&rsquo; and was &lsquo;one of
+the council of state in 1649 and 1651.&rsquo; <i>Noble's Regicides</i>, vol. i. p.
+99: see also <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iii. p. 1594.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> &lsquo;A brewer in Chichester; &hellip; in 1650&ndash;1 he was appointed
+one of the council of state.&rsquo; <i>Noble's Regicides</i>, vol. i. p. 136.
+&lsquo;William Cawley, a brewer of Chichester.&rsquo; <i>Winstanley's Martyrol.</i> p.
+138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> John Berners, &lsquo;supposed to have been originally a
+serving-man,&rsquo; was &lsquo;one of the council of state in 1659,&rsquo; <i>Noble's
+Regicides</i>, vol. i. p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> &lsquo;Holland the link-boy,&rsquo; <i>Walker's Independency</i>, part
+iii. p. 37. &lsquo;He was originally nothing more than a servant to Sir Henry
+Vane; &hellip; upon the establishment of the Commonwealth, he was made one of
+the council of state in 1649, and again in 1650.&rsquo; <i>Noble's Regicides</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 357, 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> <i>Noble's Mem. of Cromwell</i>, vol. ii. p. 502.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> <i>Walker's Hist. of Independency</i>, part
+i. p. 167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> <i>Ellis's Original Letters illustrative of English
+History</i>, third series, vol. iv. p. 219, Lond. 1846.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iii. p. 1407; <i>Rose's Biog. Dict.</i> vol.
+iii. p. 172; <i>Clarendon's Rebellion</i>, p. 794.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> &lsquo;A poor child bred upon charity.&rsquo; <i>Harris's Stuarts</i>, vol.
+v. p. 281. &lsquo;A man of an obscure birth, and more obscure education.&rsquo;
+<i>Clarendon's Life of Himself</i>, p. 1116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> See <i>Vaughan's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. pp. 227, 228, vol. ii.
+pp. 299, 302, 433; <i>Lister's Life and Corresp. of Clarendon</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 231, vol. iii. p. 134. The common opinion is, that he was the son of
+a clergyman at Hackney; but if so, he was probably illegitimate,
+considering the way he was brought up. However, his Hackney origin is
+very doubtful, and no one appears to know who his father was. See <i>Notes
+and Queries</i>, vol. iii. pp. 69, 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> <i>Noble's Regicides</i>, vol. i. p. 362. Cromwell had a great
+regard for this remarkable man, who not only distinguished himself as a
+soldier, but, judging from a letter of his recently published, appears
+to have repaired the deficiencies of his early education. See <i>Fairfax
+Correspond.</i> vol. iv. pp. 22&ndash;25, 108. There never has been a period in
+the history of England in which so many men of natural ability were
+employed in the public service as during the Commonwealth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> <i>Noble's House of Cromwell</i>, vol. ii. p. 507.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> <i>Noble's Cromwell</i>, vol. ii. p. 518; <i>Bates's Troubles</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> <i>Bates's Late Troubles</i>, vol. i. p. 87; <i>Ludlow's Mem.</i>
+vol. i. p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> <i>Walker's Hist. of Independency</i>, part ii. p. 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> Ludlow who was well acquainted with Colonel Hewson, says
+that he &lsquo;had been a shoemaker.&rsquo; <i>Ludlow's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 139.
+But this is the amiable partiality of a friend; and there is no doubt
+that the gallant colonel was neither more nor less than a cobbler. See
+<i>Walker's Independency</i>, part ii. p. 39; <i>Winstanley's Martyrol.</i> p.
+123; <i>Bates's Late Troubles</i>, vol. ii. p. 222; <i>Noble's Cromwell</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 251, 345, 470.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Walker, who relates what he himself witnessed, says, that,
+about 1649, the army was commanded by &lsquo;colonels and superior officers,
+who lord it in their gilt coaches, rich apparel, costly feastings;
+though some of them led dray-horses, wore leather-pelts, and were never
+able to name their own fathers or mothers.&rsquo; <i>Hist. of Independ.</i> part
+ii. p. 244. The <i>Mercurius Rusticus</i>, 1647, says, &lsquo;Chelmsford was
+governed by a tinker, two cobblers, two tailors, two pedlars.&rsquo;
+<i>Southey's Commonplace Book</i>, third series, 1850, p. 430. And, at p.
+434, another work, in 1647, makes a similar statement in regard to
+Cambridge; while Lord Holles assures us, that &lsquo;most of the colonels and
+officers (were) mean tradesmen, brewers, taylors, goldsmiths,
+shoe-makers, and the like.&rsquo; <i>Holles's Memoirs</i>, p. 149. When Whitelocke
+was in Sweden in 1653, the prætor of one of the towns abused the
+parliament, saying, &lsquo;that they killed their king, and were a company of
+taylors and cobblers.&rsquo; <i>Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy</i>, vol. i. p. 205.
+See also note in <i>Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Even De Retz, who vainly attempted to organise a popular
+party, found that it was impossible to take any step without the nobles;
+and, notwithstanding his democratic tendencies, he, in 1648, thought it
+advisable &lsquo;tâcher d'engager dans les intérêts publics les personnes de
+qualité.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Joly</i>, p. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Mably (<i>Observations sur l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. i. p.
+357) frankly says, &lsquo;L'exemple d'un grand a toujours été plus contagieux
+chez les Français que partout ailleurs.&rsquo; See also vol. ii. p. 267:
+&lsquo;Jamais l'exemple des grands n'a été aussi contagieux ailleurs qu'en
+France; on dirait qu'ils ont le malheureux privilège de tout justifier.&rsquo;
+Rivarol, though his opinions on other points were entirely opposed to
+those of Mably, says, that, in France, &lsquo;la noblesse est aux yeux du
+peuple une espèce de religion, dont les gentilshommes sont les prêtres.&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de Rivarol</i>, p. 94. Happily, the French Revolution, or rather the
+circumstances which caused the French Revolution, have utterly destroyed
+this ignominious homage.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> The Duke de la Rochefoucauld candidly admits that, in
+1649, the nobles raised a civil war, &lsquo;avec d'autant plus de haleur que
+c'était une nouveauté.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Rochefoucauld</i>, vol. i. p. 406. Thus
+too Lemontey (<i>Etablissement de Louis XIV</i>, p. 368): &lsquo;La vieille noblesse, qui ne
+savait que combattre, faisait la guerre par goût, par besoin, par
+vanité, par ennui.&rsquo; Compare, in <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 467,
+468, a summary of the reasons which, in 1649, induced the nobles to go
+to war; and on the way in which their frivolity debased the Fronde, see
+<i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. pp. 169, 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> Hence the duchesses were called &lsquo;femmes assises;&rsquo; those of
+lower rank &lsquo;non assises.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Fontenay Mareuil</i>, vol. i. p. 111.
+The Count de Ségur tells us that &lsquo;les duchesses jouissaient de la
+prérogative d'être assises sur un tabouret chez la reine.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 79. The importance attached to this is amusingly
+illustrated in <i>Mém. de Saint-Simon</i>, vol. iii. pp. 215&ndash;218, Paris, 1842;
+which should be compared with <i>De Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XV</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 116, and <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. x. p. 383.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> &lsquo;Survint incontinent une autre difficulté à la cour sur le
+sujet des tabourets, que doivent avoir les dames dans la chambre de la
+reine; car encore que cela ne s'accorde régulièrement qu'aux duchesses,
+néanmoins le feu roi Louis XIII l'avoit accordé aux filles de la maison
+de Bouillon,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. iii. p. 5. See also, on this
+encroachment on the rights of the duchesses under Louis XIII., the case
+of Séguier, in <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mémoires Secrets</i>, vol. i. pp. 360, 361. The
+consequences of the innovation were very serious; and Tallemant des
+Réaux (<i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iii. pp. 223, 224) mentions a distinguished
+lady, of whom he says, &lsquo;Pour satisfaire son ambition, il lui falloit un
+tabouret: elle cabale pour épouser le vieux Bouillon La Marck veuf pour
+la seconde fois.&rsquo; In this she failed; but, determined not to be baffled,
+&lsquo;elle ne se rebute point, et voulant à toute force avoir un tabouret,
+elle épouse le fils aîné du duc de Villars: c'est un ridicule de corps
+et d'esprit, car il est bossu et quasi imbécile, et gueux par-dessus
+cela.&rsquo; This melancholy event happened in 1649.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> As to the Countess de Fleix and Madame de Pons, see <i>Mém.
+de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. pp. 116, 369. According to the same high
+authority (vol. iii. p. 367), the inferiority of the Princess de
+Marsillac consisted in the painful fact, that her husband was merely the
+son of a duke, and the duke himself was still alive &lsquo;il n'étoit que
+gentilhomme, et son père le duc de la Rochefoucauld n'étoit pas mort.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> The long account of these proceedings in <i>Mém. de
+Motteville</i>, vol. iii. pp. 367&ndash;393, shows the importance attached to
+them by contemporary opinion.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> In October 1649, &lsquo;la noblesse s'assembla à Paris sur le
+fait des tabourets,&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Lenet</i>, vol. i. p. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> &lsquo;Tous ceux donc qui par leurs aïeux avoient dans leurs
+maisons de la grandeur, par des alliances des femmes descendues de ceux
+qui étoient autrefois maîtres et souverains des provinces de France,
+demandèrent la même prérogative que celle qui venoit d'être accordée au
+sang de Foix.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. p. 117. Another
+contemporary says: &lsquo;Cette prétention émut toutes les maisons de la cour
+sur cette différence et inégalité.&rsquo; <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. iii. p.
+6; and vol. ii. p. 437: &lsquo;le marquis de Noirmoutier et celui de Vitry
+demandoient le tabouret pour leurs femmes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Indeed, at one moment, it was determined that a
+counter-demonstration should be made on the part of the inferior nobles;
+a proceeding which, if adopted, must have caused civil war: &lsquo;Nous
+résolûmes une contre-assemblée de noblesse pour soutenir le tabouret de
+la maison de Rohan.&rsquo; <i>De Retz</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. p. 389.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> &lsquo;Signé d'elle et des quatre secrétaires d'état.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 391.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> The best accounts of this great struggle will be found in
+the <i>Memoirs of Madame de Motteville</i>, and in those of Omer Talon; two
+writers of very different minds, but both of them deeply impressed with
+the magnitude of the contest.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Saint-Aulaire (<i>Hist. de la Fronde</i>, vol. i. p. 317) says,
+that in this same year (1649), &lsquo;l'esprit de discussion fermentait dans
+toutes les têtes, et chacun à cette époque soumettait les actes de
+l'autorité à un examen raisonné.&rsquo; Thus, too, in <i>Mém. de Montglat</i>,
+under 1649, &lsquo;on ne parlait publiquement dans Paris que de république et
+de liberté,&lsquo;**RSQU</p></div> vol. ii. p. 186. In 1648, &lsquo;effusa est contemptio super
+principes.&rsquo; <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. ii. p. 271.]
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> That the failure of the Fronde is not to be ascribed to
+the inconstancy of the people, is admitted by De Retz, by far the ablest
+observer of his time: &lsquo;Vous vous étonnerez peut-être de ce que je dis
+plus sûr, à cause de l'instabilité du peuple: mais il faut avouer que
+celui de Paris se fixe plus aisément qu'aucun autre; et M. de Villeroi,
+qui a été le plus habile homme de son siècle, et qui en a parfaitement
+connu le naturel dans tout le cours de la ligue, où il le gouverna sous
+M. du Maine, a été de ce sentiment. Ce que j'en éprouvois moi-même me le
+persuadoit.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Retz</i>, vol. i. p. 348; a remarkable passage, and
+forming a striking contrast to the declamation of those ignorant writers
+who are always reproaching the people with their fickleness.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> This knotty point was decided in favour of the Duke of
+York, to whom, in 1649, &lsquo;la reine fit de grands honneurs, et lui donna
+une chaise à bras.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. p. 275. In the
+chamber of the king, the matter seems to have been differently arranged;
+for Omer Talon (<i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. p. 332) tells us that &lsquo;le duc d'Orléans
+n'avoit point de fauteuil, mais un simple siège pliant, à cause que nous
+étions dans la chambre du roi.&rsquo; In the subsequent year, the scene not
+being in the king's room, the same writer describes &lsquo;M. le duc d'Orléans
+assis dans un fauteuil.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iii. p. 95. Compare <i>Le Vassor</i>,
+<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. viii. p. 310. Voltaire (<i>Dict. Philos.</i>
+art. <i>Cérémonies</i>) says: &lsquo;Le fauteuil à
+bras, la chaise à dos, le tabouret, la main droite et la main gauche,
+ont été pendant plusieurs siècles d'importants objets de politique, et
+d'illustres sujets de querelles.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxxvii.
+p. 486. The etiquette of the &lsquo;fauteuil&rsquo; and &lsquo;chaise&rsquo; is explained in
+<i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. x. p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> See <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. pp. 309, 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> See a list of those it was proper for the queen to kiss,
+in <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Omer Talon</i>, vol. i. pp. 217&ndash;219. The
+Prince de Condé hotly asserted, that at a <i>Te Deum</i> &lsquo;il ne pouvait être
+assis en autre place que dans la première chaire.&rsquo; This was in 1642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> For a quarrel respecting the &lsquo;drap de pied,&rsquo; see <i>Mém. de
+Motteville</i>, vol. ii. p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> A very serious dispute was caused by the claim of the
+Prince de Marsillac, for &lsquo;permission d'entrer dans le Louvre en
+carrosse.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. iii. pp. 367&ndash;389.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Pontchartrain</i>, vol. i. pp. 422, 423, at the
+coronation of Louis XIII. Other instances of difficulties caused by
+questions of precedence, will be found in <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 23, 24, 437; and even in the grave work of Sully, <i>&#338;conomies
+Royales</i>, vol. vii. p. 126, vol. viii. p. 395; which should be compared
+with <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. ix. pp. 86, 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Lenet</i>, vol. i. pp. 378, 379. Lenet, who was a
+great admirer of the nobles, relates all this without the faintest
+perception of its absurdity. I ought not to omit a terrible dispute, in
+1652, respecting the recognition of the claims of the Duke de Rohan
+(<i>Mém. de Conrart</i>, pp. 151, 152); nor another dispute, in the reign of
+Henry IV., as to whether a duke ought to sign his name before a marshal,
+or whether a marshal should sign first. <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol.
+xi. p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> This difficulty, in 1652, caused a violent quarrel between
+the two dukes, and ended in a duel in which the Duke de Nemours was
+killed, as is mentioned by most of the contemporary writers. See <i>Mém.
+de Montglat</i>, vol. ii. p. 357; <i>Mém. de la Rochefoucauld</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 172; <i>Mém. de Conrart</i>, pp. 172&ndash;175; <i>Mém. de Retz</i>, vol. ii. p. 203;
+<i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. iii. p. 437.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> Pontchartrain, one of the ministers of state, writes,
+under the year 1620: &lsquo;En ce même temps s'étoit mû un très-grand
+différend entre M. le prince de Condé et M. le comte de Soissons, sur le
+sujet de la serviette que chacun d'eux prétendoit devoir présenter au
+roi quand ils se rencontreroient tous deux près sa majesté.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Pontchartrain</i>, vol. ii. p. 295. Le Vassor, who gives a fuller account
+(<i>Règne de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iii. pp. 536, 537), says, &lsquo;Chacun des deux
+princes du sang, fort échauffez à qui feroit une fonction de maître
+d'hôtel, tiroit la serviette de son côté, et la contestation augmentoit
+d'une manière dont les suites pouvoient devenir fâcheuses.&rsquo; But the king
+interposing, &lsquo;ils furent donc obligez de céder: mais ce ne fut pas sans
+se dire l'un à l'autre des paroles hautes et menaçantes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> According to some authorities, a man ought to be a duke
+before his wife could be allowed to meddle with the queen's shift;
+according to other authorities, the lady-in-waiting, whoever she might
+be, had the right, unless a princess happened to be present. On these
+alternatives, and on the difficulties caused by them, compare <i>Mém. de
+Saint-Simon</i>, 1842, vol. vii. p. 125, with <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 28, 276, 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Also connected with the institution of chivalry, both
+being cognate symptoms of the same spirit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Even just before the French Revolution, these feelings
+still existed. See, for instance the extraordinary details in <i>Campan</i>,
+<i>Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette</i>, vol. i. pp. 98, 99; which should be
+compared with an extract from <i>Prudhomme's Mirror de Paris</i>, in
+<i>Southey's Commonplace Book</i>, third series, 1850, p. 251, no. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Ludlow thus expresses the sentiments which induced him to
+make war upon the crown: &lsquo;The question in dispute between the king's
+party and us being, as I apprehend, whether the king should govern as a
+god by his will, and the nation be governed by force like beasts? or
+whether the people should be governed by laws made by themselves, and
+live under a government derived from their own consent? being fully
+persuaded, that an accommodation with the king was unsafe to the people
+of England, and unjust and wicked in the nature of it.&rsquo; <i>Ludlow's
+Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 230. Compare Whitelocke's spirited speech to
+Christina, in <i>Journal of the Swedish Embassy</i>, vol. i. p. 238; and see
+pp. 390, 391.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE.
+EXAMINATION OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN
+THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.</div>
+
+<p>The reader will now be able to understand how it was
+that the protective system, and the notions of subordination
+connected with it, gained in France a strength
+unknown in England, and caused an essential divergence
+between the two countries. To complete the comparison,
+it seems necessary to examine how this same
+spirit influenced the purely intellectual history of
+France as well as its social and political history. For the
+ideas of dependence upon which the protective scheme is
+based, encouraged a belief that the subordination which
+existed in politics and in society ought also to exist in
+literature; and that the paternal, inquisitive, and centralizing
+system which regulated the material interests
+of the country, should likewise regulate the interests
+of its knowledge. When, therefore, the Fronde
+was finally overthrown, everything was prepared for
+that singular intellectual polity which, during fifty
+years characterised the reign of Louis XIV., and which
+was to French literature what feudalism was to
+French politics. In both cases, homage was paid by one
+party, and protection and favour accorded by the
+other. Every man of letters became a vassal of the
+French crown. Every book was written with a view
+to the royal favour; and to obtain the patronage of the
+king was considered the most decisive proof of intellectual
+eminence. The effects produced by this system<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
+will be examined in the present chapter. The apparent
+cause of the system was the personal character of Louis
+XIV.; but the real and overruling causes were those
+circumstances which I have already pointed out, and
+which established in the French mind associations that
+remained undisturbed until the eighteenth century. To
+invigorate those associations, and to carry them into
+every department of life, was the great aim of Louis
+XIV.; and in that he was completely successful. It is
+on this account that the history of his reign becomes
+highly instructive, because we see in it the most remarkable
+instance of despotism which has ever occurred;
+a despotism of the largest and most comprehensive
+kind; a despotism of fifty years over one of the most
+civilized people in Europe, who not only bore the yoke
+without repining, but submitted with cheerfulness, and
+even with gratitude, to him by whom it was imposed.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a></p>
+
+<p>What makes this the more strange is, that the reign
+of Louis XIV. must be utterly condemned if it is
+tried even by the lowest standard of morals, of honour,
+or of interest. A coarse and unbridled profligacy,
+followed by the meanest and most grovelling superstition,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
+characterized his private life, while in his
+public career he displayed an arrogance and a systematic
+perfidy which eventually roused the anger of
+all Europe, and brought upon France sharp and signal
+retribution. As to his domestic policy, he formed a
+strict alliance with the church; and although he resisted
+the authority of the Pope, he willingly left his
+subjects to be oppressed by the tyranny of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>
+To them he abandoned everything except the exercise
+of his own prerogative.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> Led on by them, he, from
+the moment he assumed the Government, began to
+encroach upon those religious liberties of which Henry
+IV. had laid the foundation, and which down to this
+period had been preserved intact.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> It was at the instigation
+of the clergy that he revoked the Edict of Nantes,
+by which the principle of toleration had for nearly a
+century been incorporated with the law of the land.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a>
+It was at their instigation that, just before this outrage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
+upon the most sacred rights of his subjects, he, in
+order to terrify the Protestants into conversion, suddenly
+let loose upon them whole troops of dissolute
+soldiers, who were allowed to practise the most revolting
+cruelties. The frightful barbarities which followed
+are related by authentic writers;<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> and of the effect produced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
+on the material interests of the nation, some idea
+may be formed from the fact, that these religious persecutions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
+cost France half a million of her most industrious
+inhabitants, who fled to different parts, taking
+with them those habits of labour, and that knowledge
+and experience in their respective trades, which had
+hitherto been employed in enriching their own country.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a>
+These things are notorious, they are incontestable, and
+they lie on the surface of history. Yet, in the face of
+them there are still found men who hold up for admiration
+the age of Louis XIV. Although it is well known
+that in his reign every vestige of liberty was destroyed;
+that the people were weighed down by an insufferable
+taxation; that their children were torn from them by
+tens of thousands to swell the royal armies; that the
+resources of the country were squandered to an unprecedented
+extent; that a despotism of the worst kind
+was firmly established;&mdash;although all this is universally
+admitted, yet there are writers, even in our own day,
+who are so infatuated with the glories of literature, as
+to balance them against the most enormous crimes, and
+who will forgive every injury inflicted by a prince
+during whose life there were produced the Letters of
+Pascal, the orations of Bossuet, the Comedies of
+Molière, and the Tragedies of Racine.</p>
+
+<p>This method of estimating the merits of a sovereign
+is, indeed, so rapidly dying away, that I shall not spend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
+any words in refuting it. But it is connected with a
+more widely diffused error respecting the influence of
+royal patronage upon national literature. This is a delusion
+which men of letters have themselves been the
+first to propagate. From the language too many of
+them are in the habit of employing, we might be led to
+believe that there is some magical power in the smiles
+of a king which stimulates the intellect of the fortunate
+individual whose heart they are permitted to gladden.
+Nor must this be despised as one of those harmless prejudices
+that still linger round the person of the sovereign.
+It is not only founded on a misconception of the
+nature of things, but it is in its practical consequences
+very injurious. It is injurious to the independent spirit
+which literature should always possess; and it is injurious
+to princes themselves, because it strengthens that
+vanity of which they generally have too large a share.
+Indeed, if we consider the position they now occupy in
+the most civilized countries, we shall at once see the
+absurdity of an opinion which, in the present state of
+knowledge, is unfit to be held by educated men.</p>
+
+<p>From the moment that there was finally abandoned
+the theological fiction of the divine right of kings, it
+necessarily followed that the respect felt for them
+should suffer a corresponding diminution.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> The superstitious
+reverence with which they were formerly regarded
+is extinct, and at the present day we are no
+longer awed by that divinity with which their persons
+were once supposed to be hedged.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> The standard,
+therefore, by which we should measure them is obvious.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
+We should applaud their conduct in proportion as they
+contribute towards the happiness of the nation over
+which they are intrusted with power; but we ought to
+remember that, from the manner in which they are
+educated, and from the childish homage always paid to
+them, their information must be very inaccurate, and
+their prejudices very numerous.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> On this account, so
+far from expecting that they should be judicious patrons
+of literature, or should in any way head their age, we
+ought to be satisfied if they do not obstinately oppose
+the spirit of their time, and if they do not attempt to
+stop the march of society. For, unless the sovereign,
+in spite of the intellectual disadvantages of his position,
+is a man of very enlarged mind, it must usually happen
+that he will reward, not those who are most able, but
+those who are most compliant; and that while he
+refuses his patronage to a profound and independent
+thinker, he will grant it to an author who cherishes
+ancient prejudices and defends ancient abuses. In this
+way, the practice of conferring on men of letters either
+honorary or pecuniary rewards, is agreeable, no doubt,
+to those who receive them; but has a manifest tendency
+to weaken the boldness and energy of their sentiments,
+and therefore to impair the value of their works.
+This might be made evident by publishing a list of
+those literary pensions which have been granted by
+European princes. If this were done, the mischief produced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
+by these and similar rewards would be clearly
+seen. After a careful study of the history of literature,
+I think myself authorised to say, that for one instance
+in which a sovereign has recompensed a man who is
+before his age, there are at least twenty instances of
+his recompensing one who is behind his age. The
+result is, that in every country where royal patronage
+has been long and generally bestowed, the spirit of
+literature, instead of being progressive, has become
+reactionary. An alliance has been struck up between
+those who give and those who receive. By a system of
+bounties, there has been artificially engendered a
+greedy and necessitous class; who, eager for pensions,
+and offices, and titles, have made the pursuit of truth
+subordinate to the desire of gain, and have infused
+into their writings the prejudices of the court to which
+they cling. Hence it is, that the marks of favour have
+become the badge of servitude. Hence it is, that the
+acquisition of knowledge, by far the noblest of all occupations,
+an occupation which of all others raises the
+dignity of man, has been debased to the level of a common
+profession, where the chances of success are
+measured by the number of rewards, and where the
+highest honours are in the gift of whoever happens to
+be the minister or sovereign of the day.</p>
+
+<p>This tendency forms of itself a decisive objection to
+the views of those who wish to entrust the executive
+government with the means of rewarding literary men.
+But there is also another objection, in some respects
+still more serious. Every nation which is allowed to
+pursue its course uncontrolled, will easily satisfy the
+wants of its own intellect, and will produce such a
+literature as is best suited to its actual condition. And
+it is evidently for the interest of all classes that the
+production shall not be greater than the want; that the
+supply shall not exceed the demand. It is, moreover,
+necessary to the well-being of society that a healthy
+proportion should be kept up between the intellectual
+classes and the practical classes. It is necessary that
+there should be a certain ratio between those who are
+most inclined to think, and those who are most inclined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
+to act. If we were all authors, our material interests
+would suffer; if we were all men of business, our mental
+pleasures would be abridged. In the first case,
+we should be famished philosophers; in the other case,
+we should be wealthy fools. Now, it is obvious that,
+according to the commonest principles of human action
+the relative numbers of these two classes will be
+adjusted, without effort, by the natural, or, as we call
+it, the spontaneous movement of society. But if a
+government takes upon itself to pension literary men,
+it disturbs this movement; it troubles the harmony of
+things. This is the unavoidable result of that spirit of
+interference, or, as it is termed, protection, by which
+every country has been greatly injured. If, for instance,
+a fund were set apart by the state for rewarding
+butchers and tailors, it is certain that the number of
+those useful men would be needlessly augmented. If
+another fund is appropriated for the literary classes, it is
+as certain that men of letters will increase more rapidly
+than the exigencies of the country require. In both
+cases, an artificial stimulus will produce an unhealthy
+action. Surely, food and clothes are as necessary for
+the body as literature is for the mind. Why, then,
+should we call upon government to encourage those who
+write our books, any more than to encourage those
+who kill our mutton and mend our garments? The
+truth is, that the intellectual march of society is, in
+this respect, exactly analogous to its physical march.
+In some instances a forced supply may, indeed, create
+an unnatural want. But this is an artificial state of
+things, which indicates a diseased action. In a healthy
+condition, it is not the supply which causes the want,
+but it is the want which gives rise to the supply. To
+suppose, therefore, that an increase of authors would
+necessarily be followed by a diffusion of knowledge, is as
+if we were to suppose that an increase of butchers must
+be followed by a diffusion of food. This is not the way
+in which things are ordered. Men must have appetite
+before they will eat; they must have money before
+they can buy; they must be inquisitive before they
+will read. The two great principles which move the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
+world are, the love of wealth and the love of knowledge.
+These two principles respectively represent and govern
+the two most important classes into which every civilized
+country is divided. What a government gives to
+one of these classes, it must take from the other. What
+it gives to literature, it must take from wealth. This
+can never be done to any great extent, without entailing
+the most ruinous consequences. For, the natural
+proportions of society being destroyed, society itself will
+be thrown into confusion. While men of letters are
+protected, men of industry will be depressed. The
+lower classes can count for little in the eyes of those to
+whom literature is the first consideration. The idea of
+the liberty of the people will be discouraged; their
+persons will be oppressed; their labour will be taxed.
+The arts necessary to life will be despised, in order that
+those which embellish life may be favoured. The many
+will be ruined, that the few may be pleased. While
+every thing is splendid above, all will be rotten below.
+Fine pictures, noble palaces, touching dramas&mdash;these
+may for a time be produced in profusion, but it will be
+at the cost of the heart and strength of the nation.
+Even the class for whom the sacrifice has been made,
+will soon decay. Poets may continue to sing the
+praises of the prince who has bought them with his
+gold. It is, however, certain that men who begin by
+losing their independence, will end by losing their
+energy. Their intellect must be robust indeed, if it
+does not wither in the sickly atmosphere of a court.
+Their attention being concentrated on their master,
+they insensibly contract those habits of servility which
+are suited to their position; and, as the range of their
+sympathies is diminished, the use and action of their
+genius become impaired. To them submission is a
+custom, and servitude a pleasure. In their hands,
+literature soon loses its boldness, tradition is appealed
+to as the ground of truth, and the spirit of inquiry is
+extinguished. Then it is, that there comes one of
+those sad moments in which, no outlet being left for
+public opinion, the minds of men are unable to find a
+vent; their discontents, having no voice, slowly rankle<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
+into a deadly hatred; their passions accumulate in
+silence, until at length, losing all patience, they are
+goaded into one of those terrible revolutions, by which
+they humble the pride of their rulers, and carry retribution
+even into the heart of the palace.</p>
+
+<p>The truth of this picture is well known to those who
+have studied the history of Louis XIV., and the connection
+between it and the French Revolution. That
+prince adopted, during his long reign, the mischievous
+practice of rewarding literary men with large sums of
+money, and of conferring on them numerous marks of
+personal favour. As this was done for more than half
+a century; and as the wealth which he thus unscrupulously
+employed was of course taken from his other
+subjects, we can find no better illustration of the results
+which such patronage is likely to produce. He,
+indeed, has the merit of organizing into a system that
+protection of literature which some are so anxious to
+restore. What the effect of this was upon the general
+interests of knowledge, we shall presently see. But its
+effect upon authors themselves should be particularly
+attended to by those men of letters who, with little
+regard to their own dignity, are constantly reproaching
+the English government for neglecting the profession
+of which they themselves are members. In no age
+have literary men been awarded with such profuseness
+as in the reign of Louis XIV.; and in no age have they
+been so mean-spirited, so servile, so utterly unfit to
+fulfil their great vocation as the apostles of knowledge
+and the missionaries of truth. The history of the most
+celebrated authors of that time proves that, notwithstanding
+their acquirements, and the power of their
+minds, they were unable to resist the surrounding corruption.
+To gain the favour of the king, they sacrificed
+that independent spirit which should have been dearer to
+them than life. They gave away the inheritance of
+genius; they sold their birthright for a mess of pottage.
+What happened then, would under the same circumstances
+happen now. A few eminent thinkers may be
+able for a certain time to resist the pressure of their
+age. But, looking at mankind generally, society can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
+have no hold on any class except through the medium
+of their interests. It behoves, therefore, every people
+to take heed, that the interests of literary men are on
+their side rather than on the side of their rulers.
+For, literature is the representative of intellect, which
+is progressive; government is the representative of
+order, which is stationary. As long as these two great
+powers are separate, they will correct and react upon
+each other, and the people may hold the balance. If,
+however, these powers coalesce, if the government can
+corrupt the intellect, and if the intellect will yield
+to the government, the inevitable result must be,
+despotism in politics, and servility in literature. This
+was the history of France under Louis XIV.: and this,
+we may rest assured, will be the history of every
+country that shall be tempted to follow so attractive
+but so fatal an example.</p>
+
+<p>The reputation of Louis XIV. originated in the
+gratitude of men of letters; but it is now supported by
+a popular notion that the celebrated literature of his
+age is mainly to be ascribed to his fostering care. If,
+however, we examine this opinion, we shall find that,
+like many of the traditions of which history is full, it is
+entirely devoid of truth. We shall find two leading
+circumstances, which will prove that the literary
+splendour of his reign was not the result of his efforts,
+but was the work of that great generation which preceded
+him; and that the intellect of France, so far from
+being benefited by his munificence, was hampered by
+his protection.</p>
+
+<p>I. The first circumstance is, that the immense impulse
+which, during the administrations of Richelieu
+and of Mazarin, had been given to the highest branches
+of knowledge, was suddenly stopped. In 1661 Louis
+XIV. assumed the government;<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> and from that
+moment until his death, in 1715, the history of France,
+so far as great discoveries are concerned, is a blank in
+the annals of Europe. If, putting aside all preconceived<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>
+notions respecting the supposed glory of that
+age, we examine the matter fairly, it will be seen that
+in every department there was a manifest dearth of
+original thinkers. There was much that was elegant,
+much that was attractive. The senses of men were
+soothed and flattered by the creations of art, by paintings,
+by palaces, by poems; but scarcely any thing of
+moment was added to the sum of human knowledge.
+If we take the mathematics, and those mixed sciences
+to which they are applicable, it will be universally
+admitted that their most successful cultivators in
+France during the seventeenth century were Descartes,
+Pascal, Fermat, Gassendi, and Mersenne. But, so far
+from Louis XIV. having any share in the honour due
+to them, these eminent men were engaged in their investigations
+while the king was still in his cradle, and
+completed them before he assumed the government,
+and therefore before his system of protection came into
+play. Descartes died in 1650,<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> when the king was
+twelve years old. Pascal, whose name, like that of
+Descartes, is commonly associated with the age of
+Louis XIV., had gained an European reputation while
+Louis, occupied in the nursery with his toys, was not
+aware that any such man existed. His treatise on
+conic sections was written in 1639;<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> his decisive experiments
+on the weight of air were made in 1648;<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>
+and his researches on the cycloid, the last great
+inquiry he ever undertook, were in 1658,<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
+Louis, still under the tutelage of Mazarin, had no sort
+of authority. Fermat was one of the most profound
+thinkers of the seventeenth century, particularly as a
+geometrician, in which respect he was second only to
+Descartes.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> The most important steps he took are
+those concerning the geometry of infinites, applied to
+the ordinates and tangents of curves; which, however,
+he completed in or before 1636.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> As to Gassendi and
+Mersenne, it is enough to say that Gassendi died in
+1655,<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> six years before Louis was at the head of
+affairs; while Mersenne died in 1648,<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> when the great
+king was ten years old.</p>
+
+<p>These were the men who flourished in France just
+before the system of Louis XIV. came into operation.
+Shortly after their death the patronage of the king
+began to tell upon the national intellect; and during
+the next fifty years no addition of importance was
+made to either branch of the mathematics, or, with the
+single exception of acoustics,<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> to any of the sciences to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
+which the mathematics are applied.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> The further the
+seventeenth century advanced, the more evident did
+the decline become, and the more clearly can we trace
+the connexion between the waning powers of the
+French, and that protective spirit which enfeebled the
+energies it wished to strengthen. Louis had heard
+that astronomy is a noble study; he was therefore
+anxious, by encouraging its cultivation in France,
+to add to the glories of his own name.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> With
+this view, he rewarded its professors with unexampled
+profusion; he built the splendid Observatory of Paris;
+he invited to his court the most eminent foreign astronomers,
+Cassini from Italy, Römer from Denmark,
+Huygens from Holland. But, as to native ability,
+France did not produce a single man who made even
+one of those various discoveries which mark the epochs
+of astronomical science. In other countries vast progress
+was made; and Newton in particular, by his
+immense generalizations, reformed nearly every branch
+of physics, and remodelled astronomy by carrying the
+laws of gravitation to the extremity of the solar system.
+On the other hand, France had fallen into such a torpor,
+that these wonderful discoveries, which changed
+the face of knowledge, were entirely neglected, there
+being no instance of any French astronomer adopting
+them until 1732, that is, forty-five years after they
+had been published by their immortal author.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> Even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
+in matters of detail, the most valuable improvement
+made by French astronomers during the power of
+Louis XIV. was not original. They laid claim to the
+invention of the micrometer; an admirable resource,
+which, as they supposed, was first contrived by Picard
+and Auzout.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> The truth, however, is, that here again
+they were anticipated by the activity of a freer and
+less protected people; since the micrometer was invented
+by Gascoigne in or just before 1639, when the
+English monarch, so far from having leisure to patronize
+science, was about to embark in that struggle which,
+ten years later, cost him his crown and his life.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p>
+
+<p>The absence in France, during this period, not only
+of great discoveries, but also of mere practical ingenuity,
+is certainly very striking. In investigations
+requiring minute accuracy, the necessary tools, if at all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
+complicated, were made by foreigners, the native workmen
+being too unskilled to construct them; and Dr.
+Lister, who was a very competent judge,<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> and who was
+in Paris at the end of the seventeenth century, supplies
+evidence that the best mathematical instruments sold
+in that city were made, not by a Frenchman, but by
+Butterfield, an Englishman residing there.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> Nor did
+they succeed better in matters of immediate and obvious
+utility. The improvements effected in manufactures
+were few and insignificant, and were calculated, not
+for the comfort of the people, but for the luxury of the
+idle classes.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> What was really valuable was neglected;
+no great invention was made; and by the end of the
+reign of Louis XIV. scarcely anything had been done
+in machinery, or in those other contrivances which,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
+by economising national labour, increase national
+wealth.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a></p>
+
+<p>While such was the state, not only of mathematical
+and astronomical science, but also of mechanical and
+inventive arts, corresponding symptoms of declining
+power were seen in other departments. In physiology,
+in anatomy and in medicine, we look in vain for any
+men equal to those by whom France had once been
+honoured. The greatest discovery of this kind ever
+made by a Frenchman, was that of the receptacle of
+the chyle; a discovery which, in the opinion of a high
+authority, is not inferior to that of the circulation of
+the blood by Harvey.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> This important step in our
+knowledge is constantly assigned to the age of Louis
+XIV., as if it were one of the results of his gracious
+bounty; but it would be difficult to tell what Louis
+had to do with it, since the discovery was made by
+Pecquet in 1647,<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> when the great king was nine years
+old. After Pecquet, the most eminent of the French
+anatomists in the seventeenth century was Riolan; and
+his name we also find among the illustrious men who
+adorned the reign of Louis XIV. But the principal
+works of Riolan were written before Louis XIV. was
+born; his last work was published in 1652; and he
+himself died in 1657.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> Then there came a pause, and,
+during three generations, the French did nothing for
+these great subjects: they wrote no work upon them
+which is now read, they made no discoveries, and they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
+seemed to have lost all heart, until that revival of
+knowledge, which, as we shall presently see, took place
+in France about the middle of the eighteenth century.
+In the practical parts of medicine, in its speculative
+parts, and in the arts connected with surgery, the same
+law prevails. The French, in these, as in other matters,
+had formerly produced men of great eminence, who
+had won for themselves an European reputation, and
+whose works are still remembered. Thus, only to
+mention two or three instances, they had a long line of
+illustrious physicians, among whom Fernel and Joubert
+were the earliest;<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> they had, in surgery, Ambroise
+Paré, who not only introduced important practical improvements,<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a>
+but who has the still rarer merit of being
+one of the founders of comparative osteology;<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> and
+they had Baillou, who late in the sixteenth and early in
+the seventeenth century, advanced pathology, by connecting
+it with the study of morbid anatomy.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> Under
+Louis XIV. all this was changed. Under him, surgery
+was neglected, though in other countries its progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
+was rapid.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> The English, by the middle of the seventeenth
+century, had taken considerable steps in medicine:
+its therapeutical branch being reformed chiefly
+by Sydenham, its physiological branch by Glisson.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>
+But the age of Louis XIV. cannot boast of a single
+medical writer who can be compared to these; not even
+one whose name is now known as having made any
+specific addition to our knowledge. In Paris, the
+practice of medicine was notoriously inferior to that in
+the capitals of Germany, Italy, and England; while in
+the French provinces, the ignorance, even of the best
+physicians, was scandalous.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> Indeed, it is no exaggeration
+to say that, during the whole of this long
+period, the French in these matters effected comparatively
+nothing; they made no contributions to clinical
+literature,<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> and scarcely any to therapeutics, to pathology,
+to physiology, or to anatomy.<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In what are called the natural sciences, we also find
+the French now brought to a stand. In zoology, they
+had formerly possessed remarkable men, among whom
+Belon and Rondelet were the most conspicuous:<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> but,
+under Louis XIV., they did not produce one original
+observer in this great field of inquiry.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> In chemistry,
+again, Rey had, in the reign of Louis XIII., struck out
+views of such vast importance, that he anticipated some
+of those generalizations which formed the glory of the
+French intellect in the eighteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> During
+the corrupt and frivolous age of Louis XIV., all this
+was forgotten; the labours of Rey were neglected; and so
+complete was the indifference, that even the celebrated
+experiments of Boyle remained unknown in France for
+more than forty years after they were published.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a></p>
+
+<p>Connected with zoology, and, to a philosophic mind,
+inseparable from it, is botany: which, occupying a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
+middle place between the animal and mineral world,
+indicates their relation to each other, and at different
+points touches the confines of both. It also throws
+great light on the functions of nutrition,<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> and on the
+laws of development; while, from the marked analogy
+between animals and vegetables, we have every reason
+to hope that its further progress, assisted by that of
+electricity, will prepare the way for a comprehensive
+theory of life, to which the resources of our knowledge
+are still unequal, but towards which the movements of
+modern science are manifestly tending. On these
+grounds, far more than for the sake of practical advantages,
+botany will always attract the attention of
+thinking men; who, neglecting views of immediate
+utility, look to large and ultimate results, and only
+value particular facts in so far as they facilitate the
+discovery of general truths. The first step in this
+noble study was taken towards the middle of the sixteenth
+century, when authors, instead of copying what
+previous writers had said, began to observe nature for
+themselves.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> The next step was, to add experiment to
+observation: but it required another hundred years
+before this could be done with accuracy; because the
+microscope, which is essential to such inquiries, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
+only invented about 1620, and the labour of a whole
+generation was needed to make it available for minute
+investigations.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> So soon, however, as this resource
+was sufficiently matured to be applied to plants, the
+march of botany became rapid, at least as far as details
+are concerned; for it was not until the eighteenth
+century that the facts were actually generalized. But,
+in the preliminary work of accumulating the facts,
+great energy was shown; and, for reasons stated in an
+earlier part of the Introduction, this, like other studies
+relating to the external world, advanced with peculiar
+speed during the reign of Charles II. The tracheæ of
+plants were discovered by Henshaw in 1661;<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> and
+their cellular tissue by Hooke in 1667.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> These were
+considerable approaches towards establishing the
+analogy between plants and animals; and, within a few
+years, Grew effected still more of the same kind. He
+made such minute and extensive dissections, as to raise
+the anatomy of vegetables to a separate study, and
+prove that their organization is scarcely less complicated
+than that possessed by animals.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> His first work<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
+was written in 1670;<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> and, in 1676, another Englishman,
+Millington, ascertained the existence of a distinction
+of sexes;<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> thus supplying further evidence of
+the harmony between the animal and vegetable kingdoms,
+and of the unity of idea which regulates their
+composition.</p>
+
+<p>This is what was effected in England during the
+reign of Charles II.; and we now ask what was done
+in France, during the same period, under the munificent
+patronage of Louis XIV. The answer is, nothing; no
+discovery, no idea, which forms an epoch in this important
+department of natural science. The son of the
+celebrated Sir Thomas Brown visited Paris in the hope
+of making some additions to his knowledge of botany,
+which he thought he could not fail to do in a country
+where science was held in such honour, its professors so
+caressed by the court, and its researches so bountifully
+encouraged. To his surprise, he, in 1665, found in that
+great city no one capable of teaching his favourite pursuit,
+and even the public lectures on it miserably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
+meagre and unsatisfactory.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> Neither then, nor at a
+much later period, did the French possess a good popular
+treatise on botany: still less did they make any
+improvement in it. Indeed, so completely was the philosophy
+of the subject misunderstood, that Tournefort,
+the only French botanist of repute in the reign of Louis,
+actually rejected that discovery of the sexes of plants,
+which had been made before he began to write, and
+which afterwards became the corner-stone of the Linnæan
+system.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> This showed his incapacity for those
+large views respecting the unity of the organic world,
+which alone give to botany a scientific value; and we
+find, accordingly, that he did nothing for the physiology
+of plants, and that his only merit was as a collector and
+classifier of them.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> And even in his classification he
+was guided, not by a comprehensive comparison of their
+various parts, but by considerations drawn from the
+mere appearance of the flower:<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> thus depriving botany
+of its real grandeur, degrading it into an arrangement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
+of beautiful objects, and supplying another instance of
+the way in which the Frenchmen of that generation
+impoverished what they sought to enrich, and dwarfed
+every topic, until they suited the intellect and pleased
+the eye of that ignorant and luxurious court, to whose
+favour they looked for reward, and whose applause it
+was the business of their life to gain.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that in these, as in all matters of real
+importance, in questions requiring independent thought,
+and in questions of practical utility, the age of
+Louis XIV. was an age of decay: it was an age of
+misery, of intolerance, and oppression; it was an age of
+bondage, of ignominy, of incompetence. This would
+long since have been universally admitted, if those who
+have written the history of that period had taken the
+trouble to study subjects without which no history can
+be understood; or, I should rather say, without which
+no history can exist. If this had been done, the reputation
+of Louis XIV. would at once have shrunk to its
+natural size. Even at the risk of exposing myself to
+the charge of unduly estimating my own labours, I
+cannot avoid saying, that the facts which I have just
+pointed out have never before been collected, but have
+remained isolated in the text-books and repertories of
+the sciences to which they belong. Yet without them
+it is impossible to study the age of Louis XIV. It is
+impossible to estimate the character of any period
+except by tracing its development; in other words, by
+measuring the extent of its knowledge. Therefore it
+is, that to write the history of a country without regard
+to its intellectual progress, is as if an astronomer
+should compose a planetary system without regard to
+the sun, by whose light alone the planets can be seen,
+and by whose attraction they are held in their course,
+and compelled to run in the path of their appointed
+orbits. For the great luminary, even as it shines in the
+heaven, is not a more noble or a more powerful object
+than is the intellect of man in this nether world. It is
+to the human intellect, and to that alone, that every
+country owes its knowledge. And what is it but the
+progress and diffusion of knowledge which has given us<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
+our arts, our sciences, our manufactures, our laws, our
+opinions, our manners, our comforts, our luxuries, our
+civilization; in short, everything that raises us above
+the savages, who by their ignorance are degraded to
+the level of the brutes with which they herd? Surely,
+then, the time has now arrived when they who undertake
+to write the history of a great nation should
+occupy themselves with those matters by which alone
+the destiny of men is regulated, and should abandon
+the petty and insignificant details by which we have
+too long been wearied; details respecting the lives of
+kings, the intrigues of ministers, the vices and the
+gossip of courts.</p>
+
+<p>It is precisely these higher considerations which furnish
+the key to the history of the reign of Louis XIV.
+In that time, as in all others, the misery of the people
+and the degradation of the country followed the decline
+of the national intellect; while this last was, in its
+turn, the result of the protective spirit&mdash;that mischievous
+spirit which weakens whatever it touches. If
+in the long course and compass of history there is one
+thing more clear than another, it is, that whenever a
+government undertakes to protect intellectual pursuits,
+it will almost always protect them in the wrong place,
+and reward the wrong men. Nor is it surprising that
+this should be the case. What can kings and ministers
+know about those immense branches of knowledge, to
+cultivate which with success is often the business of an
+entire life? How can they, constantly occupied with
+their lofty pursuits, have leisure for such inferior
+matters? Is it to be supposed that such acquirements
+will be found among statesmen, who are always engaged
+in the most weighty concerns; sometimes writing despatches,
+sometimes making speeches, sometimes organising
+a party in the parliament, sometimes baffling an
+intrigue in the privy-chamber? Or if the sovereign
+should graciously bestow his patronage according to
+his own judgment, are we to expect that mere philosophy
+and science should be familiar to high and
+mighty princes, who have their own peculiar and
+arduous studies, and who have to learn the mysteries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
+of heraldry, the nature and dignities of rank, the comparative
+value of the different orders, decorations, and
+titles, the laws of precedence, the prerogatives of noble
+birth, the names and powers of ribbons, stars, and
+garters, the various modes of conferring an honour or
+installing into an office, the adjustment of ceremonies,
+the subtleties of etiquette, and all those other courtly
+accomplishments necessary to the exalted functions
+which they perform?</p>
+
+<p>The mere statement of such questions proves the
+absurdity of the principle which they involve. For,
+unless we believe that kings are omniscient as well as
+immaculate, it is evident that in the bestowal of rewards
+they must be guided either by personal caprice or by
+the testimony of competent judges. And since no one
+is a competent judge of scientific excellence unless he
+is himself scientific, we are driven to this monstrous
+alternative, that the rewards of intellectual labour
+must be conferred injudiciously, or else that they must
+be given according to the verdict of that very class by
+whom they are received. In the first case, the reward
+will be ridiculous; in the latter case, it will be disgraceful.
+In the former case, weak men will be benefited
+by wealth which is taken from industry to be
+lavished on idleness. But in the latter case, those men
+of real genius, those great and illustrious thinkers, who
+are the masters and teachers of the human race, are to
+be tricked out with trumpery titles; and after scrambling
+in miserable rivalry for the sordid favours of a
+court, they are then to be turned into beggars of the
+state, who not only clamour for their share of the spoil,
+but even regulate the proportions into which the shares
+are to be divided.</p>
+
+<p>Under such a system, the natural results are, first,
+the impoverishment and servility of genius: then the
+decay of knowledge; then the decline of the country.
+Three times in the history of the world has this experiment
+been tried. In the ages of Augustus, of Leo X.,
+and of Louis XIV., the same method was adopted, and
+the same result ensued. In each of these ages, there was
+much apparent splendour, immediately succeeded by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
+sudden ruin. In each instance, the brilliancy survived
+the independence; and in each instance, the national
+spirit sank under that pernicious alliance between
+government and literature, by virtue of which the political
+classes become very powerful, and the intellectual
+classes very weak, simply because they who dispense
+the patronage will, of course, receive the homage; and
+if, on the one hand, government is always ready to
+reward literature, so on the other hand, will literature
+be always ready to succumb to government.</p>
+
+<p>Of these three ages, that of Louis XIV. was incomparably
+the worst; and nothing but the amazing
+energy of the French people could have enabled them
+to rally, as they afterwards did, from the effects of so
+enfeebling a system. But though they rallied, the
+effort cost them dear. The struggle, as we shall presently
+see, lasted two generations, and was only ended
+by that frightful Revolution which formed its natural
+climax. What the real history of that struggle was, I
+shall endeavour to ascertain towards the conclusion of
+this volume. Without, however, anticipating the course
+of affairs, we will now proceed to what I have already
+mentioned as the second great characteristic of the
+reign of Louis XIV.</p>
+
+<p>II. The second intellectual characteristic of the reign
+of Louis XIV. is, in importance, hardly inferior to the
+first. We have already seen that the national intellect,
+stunted by the protection of the court, was so diverted
+from the noblest branches of knowledge, that in none of
+them did it produce anything worthy of being recorded.
+As a natural consequence, the minds of men, driven
+from the higher departments, took refuge in the lower,
+and concentrated themselves upon those inferior subjects,
+where the discovery of truth is not the main
+object, but where beauty of form and expression are the
+things chiefly pursued. Thus, the first consequence of
+the patronage of Louis XIV. was, to diminish the field for
+genius, and to sacrifice science to art. The second consequence
+was, that, even in art itself, there was soon
+seen a marked decay. For a short time, the stimulus
+produced its effect; but was followed by that collapse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
+which is its natural result. So essentially vicious is the
+whole system of patronage and reward, that after the
+death of those writers and artists, whose works form
+the only redeeming point in the reign of Louis, there
+was found no one capable of even imitating their excellences.
+The poets, dramatists, painters, musicians,
+sculptors, architects, were, with hardly an exception,
+not only born, but educated under that freer policy,
+which existed before his time. When they began their
+labours, they benefited by a munificence which encouraged
+the activity of their genius. But in a few years,
+that generation having died off, the hollowness of the
+whole system was clearly exposed. More than a quarter
+of a century before the death of Louis XIV., most
+of these eminent men had ceased to live; and then it
+was seen to how miserable a plight the country was reduced
+under the boasted patronage of the great king.
+At the moment when Louis XIV. died, there was
+scarcely a writer or an artist in France who enjoyed an
+European reputation. This is a circumstance well worth
+our notice. If we compare the different classes of literature,
+we shall find that sacred oratory, being the least
+influenced by the king, was able the longest to bear up
+against his system. Massillon belongs partly to the
+subsequent reign; but even of the other great divines,
+Bossuet and Bourdaloue both lived to 1704,<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> Mascaron
+to 1703,<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> and Flechier to 1710.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> As, however, the
+king, particularly in his latter years, was very fearful
+of meddling with the church, it is in profane matters
+that we can best trace the workings of his policy, because
+it is there that his interference was most active.
+With a view to this, the simplest plan will be, to look,
+in the first place, into the history of the fine arts; and
+after ascertaining who the greatest artists were, observe
+the year in which they died, remembering that the government
+of Louis XIV. began in 1661, and ended in
+1715.</p>
+
+<p>If, now, we examine this period of fifty-four years, we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
+shall be struck by the remarkable fact, that everything
+which is celebrated was effected in the first half of it;
+while more than twenty years before its close, the most
+eminent masters all died without leaving any successors.
+The six greatest painters in the reign of Louis XIV.
+were Poussin, Lesueur, Claude Lorraine, Le Brun, and
+the two Mignards. Of these, Le Brun died in 1690;<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>
+the elder Mignard in 1668;<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> the younger in 1695;<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a>
+Claude Lorraine in 1682;<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> Lesueur in 1655;<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> and
+Poussin, perhaps the most distinguished of all the
+French school, died in 1665.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> The two greatest architects
+were, Claude Perrault and Francis Mansart; but
+Perrault died in 1688;<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> Mansart in 1666;<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> and Blondel,
+the next in fame, died in 1686.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> The greatest of all
+the sculptors was Puget, who died in 1694.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> Lulli, the
+founder of French music, died in 1687.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> Quinault, the
+greatest poet of French music, died in 1688.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> Under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
+these eminent men, the fine arts, in the reign of Louis
+XIV., reached their zenith; and during the last thirty
+years of his life, their decline was portentously rapid.
+This was the case, not only in architecture and music,
+but even in painting, which, being more subservient
+than they are to personal vanity, is more likely to
+flourish under a rich and despotic government. The
+genius, however, of painters fell so low, that long before
+the death of Louis XIV., France ceased to possess one
+of any merit; and when his successor came to the
+throne, this beautiful art was, in that great country,
+almost extinct.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a></p>
+
+<p>These are startling facts; not matters of opinion,
+which may be disputed, but stubborn dates, supported
+by irrefragable testimony. And if we examine in the
+same manner the literature of the age of Louis XIV.,
+we shall arrive at similar conclusions. If we ascertain
+the dates of those masterpieces which adorn his reign,
+we shall find that during the last five-and-twenty years
+of his life, when his patronage had been the longest in
+operation, it was entirely barren of results; in other
+words, that when the French had been most habituated
+to his protection, they were least able to effect great
+things. Louis XIV. died in 1715. Racine produced
+<i>Phedre</i> in 1677; <i>Andromaque</i> in 1667; <i>Athelie</i> in 1691.<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a>
+Molière published the <i>Misanthrope</i> in 1666; <i>Tartuffe</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
+in 1667; the <i>Avare</i> in 1668.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> The <i>Lutrin</i> of Boileau
+was written in 1674; his best Satires in 1666.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> The
+last Fables of La Fontaine appeared in 1678, and his
+last Tales in 1671.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> The <i>Inquiry respecting Truth</i>, by
+Malebranche, was published in 1674;<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> the <i>Caractères</i>
+of La Bruyère in 1687;<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> the Maximes of Rochefoucauld
+in 1665.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> The <i>Provincial Letters</i> of Pascal were
+written 1656, and he himself died in 1662.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> As to
+Corneille, his great Tragedies were composed, some
+while Louis was still a boy, and the others before the
+king was born.<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> Such were the dates of the masterpieces
+of the age of Louis XIV. The authors of these
+immortal works all ceased to write, and nearly all ceased
+to live, before the close of the seventeenth century; and
+we may fairly ask the admirers of Louis XIV. who
+those men were that succeeded them. Where have
+their names been registered? Where are their works to
+be found? Who is there that now reads the books of
+those obscure hirelings, who for so many years thronged
+the court of the great king? Who has heard anything
+of Campistron, La Chapelle, Genest, Ducerceau,
+Dancourt, Danchet, Vergier, Catrou, Chaulieu, Legendre,
+Valincour, Lamotte, and the other ignoble compilers,
+who long remained the brightest ornaments of
+France? Was this, then, the consequence of the royal
+bounty? Was this the fruit of the royal patronage?
+If the system of reward and protection is really advantageous
+to literature and to art, how is it that it should
+have produced the meanest results when it had been the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
+longest in operation? If the favour of kings is, as their
+flatterers tell us, of such importance, how comes it that
+the more the favour was displayed, the more the effects
+were contemptible?</p>
+
+<p>Nor was this almost inconceivable penury compensated
+by superiority in any other department. The simple
+fact is that Louis XIV. survived the entire intellect of
+the French nation, except that small part of it which
+grew up in opposition to his principles, and afterwards
+shook the throne of his successor.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> Several years before
+his death, and when his protective system had been
+in full force for nearly half a century, there was not to
+be found in the whole of France a statesman who could
+develop the resources of the country, or a general who
+could defend it against its enemies. Both in the civil
+service and in the military service, every thing had fallen
+into disorder. At home there was nothing but confusion;
+abroad there was nothing but disaster. The
+spirit of France succumbed, and was laid prostrate.
+The men of letters, pensioned and decorated by the
+court, had degenerated into a fawning and hypocritical
+race, who, to meet the wishes of their masters, opposed
+all improvement, and exerted themselves in support of
+every old abuse. The end of all this was, a corruption,
+a servility, and a loss of power more complete than has
+ever been witnessed in any of the great countries of
+Europe. There was no popular liberty; there were no
+great men; there was no science; there was no literature;
+there were no arts. Within, there was a discontented
+people, a rapacious government, and a beggared exchequer.
+Without, there were foreign armies, which
+pressed upon all the frontiers, and which nothing but
+their mutual jealousies, and a change in the English
+cabinet, prevented from dismembering the monarchy of
+France.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such was the forlorn position of that noble country
+towards the close of the reign of Louis XIV.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
+misfortunes which embittered the declining years of the
+king were, indeed, so serious, that they could not fail
+to excite our sympathy, if we did not know that they
+were the result of his own turbulent ambition, of his
+insufferable arrogance, but, above all, of a grasping and
+restless vanity, which, making him eager to concentrate
+on his single person all the glory of France, gave rise
+to that insidious policy, which, with gifts, with honours,
+and with honied words, began by gaining the admiration
+of the intellectual classes, then made them courtly and
+time-serving, and ended by destroying all their boldness,
+stifling every effort of original thought, and thus postponing
+for an indefinite period the progress of national
+civilization.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> On the disgraceful subserviency of the most eminent men of
+letters, see <i>Capefigue's Louis XIV.</i>, vol. i. pp. 41, 42, 116; and on
+the feeling of the people, Le Vassor, who wrote late in the reign of
+Louis XIV., bitterly says, &lsquo;mais les Français, accoutumés à l'esclavage,
+ne sentent plus la pesanteur de leurs chaînes.&rsquo; <i>Le Vassor</i>, <i>Hist. de
+Louis XIII</i>, vol. vi. p. 670. Foreigners were equally amazed at the
+general, and still more, at the willing servility. Lord Shaftesbury, in
+a letter dated February 1704&ndash;5, passes a glowing eulogy upon liberty;
+but he adds, that in France &lsquo;you will hardly find this argument
+understood; for whatever flashes may now and then appear, I never yet
+knew one single Frenchman a free man.&rsquo; <i>Forster's Original Letters of
+Locke, Sidney, and Shaftesbury</i>, 1830, p. 205. In the same year, De Foe
+makes a similar remark in regard to the French nobles, <i>Wilson's Life of
+De Foe</i>, vol. ii. p. 209; and, in 1699, Addison writes from Blois a
+letter which strikingly illustrates the degradation of the French.
+<i>Aikin's Life of Addison</i>, vol. i. p. 80. Compare <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 365, on &lsquo;the gross excess of flattery to which the French
+have run, beyond the examples of former ages, in honour of their king.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> The terms of this compact between the crown and the church
+are fairly stated by M. Ranke: &lsquo;Wir sehen, die beiden Gewalten
+unterstützten einander. Der König ward von den Einwirkungen der
+weltlichen, der Clerus von der unbedingten Autorität der geistlichen
+Gewalt des Papstthums freigesprochen.&rsquo; <i>Die Päpste</i>, vol. iii. p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> This part of his character is skilfully drawn by Sismondi,
+<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxv. p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> Flasson supposes that the first persecuting laws were in
+1679: &lsquo;Des l'année 1679 les concessions faites aux protestans avaient
+été graduellement restreintes.&rsquo; <i>Diplomatie
+Française</i>, vol. iv. p. 92. But the fact is, that these laws began in
+1662, the year after the death of Mazarin. See <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. xxv. p. 167; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Edit. de Nantes</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+460&ndash;462, 481. In 1667, a letter from Thynne to Lord Clarendon (<i>Lister's
+Life of Clarendon</i>, vol. iii. p. 446) mentions &lsquo;the horrid persecutions
+the reformed religion undergoes in France;&rsquo; and Locke, who travelled in
+France in 1675 and 1676, states in his Journal (<i>King's Life of Locke</i>,
+vol. i. p. 110) that the Protestants were losing &lsquo;every day some
+privilege or other.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> An account of the revocation will be found in all the
+French historians; but I do not remember that any of them have noticed
+that there was a rumour of it in Paris twenty years before it occurred.
+In March 1665 Patin writes, &lsquo;On dit que, pour miner les huguenots, le
+roi veut supprimer les chambres de l'édit, et abolir l'édit de Nantes.&rsquo;
+<i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. p. 516.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Compare <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iii. pp. 73&ndash;76, with
+<i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xx. pp.
+377, 378. Voltaire says that the Protestants who persisted in their
+religion &lsquo;étaient livrés aux soldats, qui eurent toute licence, excepté
+celle de tuer. Il y eut pourtant plusieurs personnes si cruellement
+maltraitées qu'elles en moururent.&rsquo; And Burnet, who was in France in
+1685, says, &lsquo;all men set their thoughts on work to invent new methods of
+cruelty.&rsquo; What some of those methods were, I shall now relate; because
+the evidence, however painful it may be, is necessary to enable us to
+understand the reign of Louis XIV. It is necessary that the veil should
+be rent; and that the squeamish delicacy which would hide such facts,
+should give way before the obligation which the historian is under of
+holding up to public opprobrium, and branding with public infamy, the
+church by which the measures were instigated, the sovereign by whom they
+were enforced, and the age in which they were permitted.</p>
+
+<p>The two original sources for our knowledge of these events are, <i>Quick's
+Synodicon in Gallia</i>, 1692, folio; and <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Edit de
+Nantes</i>, 1695, 4to. From these works I extract the following accounts of
+what happened in France in 1685. &lsquo;Afterwards they fall upon the persons
+of the Protestants; and there was no wickedness, though never so horrid,
+which they did not put in practice, that they might enforce them to
+change their religion&hellip;. They bound them as criminals are when they be
+put to the rack; and in that posture, putting a funnel into their
+mouths, they poured wine down their throats till its fumes had deprived
+them of their reason, and they had in that condition made them consent
+to become Catholics. Some they stripped stark naked, and after they had
+offered them a thousand indignities, they stuck them with pins from head
+to foot; they cut them with pen-knives, tear them by the noses with
+red-hot pincers, and dragged them about the rooms till they promised to
+become Roman Catholics, or that the doleful outcries of these poor
+tormented creatures, calling upon God for mercy, constrained them to let
+them go&hellip;. In some places they tied fathers and husbands to the
+bed-posts, and ravished their wives and daughters before their eyes&hellip;.
+From others they pluck off the nails of their hands and toes, which must
+needs cause an intolerable pain. They burnt the feet of others. They
+blew up men and women with bellows, till they were ready to burst in
+pieces. If these horrid usages could not prevail upon them to violate
+their consciences, and abandon their religion, they did then imprison
+them in close and noisome dungeons, in which they exercised all kinds of
+inhumanities upon them.&rsquo; <i>Quick's Synodicon</i>, vol. i. pp. cxxx.
+cxxxi. &lsquo;Cependant les troupes exerçoient partout de cruautez inouies.
+Tout leur étoit permis, pourveu qu'ils ne fissent pas mourir. Ils
+faisoient danser quelquefois leurs hôtes, jusqu'à ce qu'ils tombassent
+en défaillance. Ils bernoient les autres jusqu'à ce qu'ils n'en
+pouvoient plus&hellip;. Il y en eut quelques-uns à qui on versa de l'eau
+bouillante dans la bouche&hellip;. Il y en eut plusieurs à qui on donna des
+coups de bâton sous les pieds, pour éprouver si ce supplice est aussi
+cruel que les relations le publient. On arrachoit à d'autres le poil de
+la barbe&hellip;. D'autres brûloient à la chandelle le poil des bras et des
+jambes de leurs hôtes. D'autres faisoient brûler de la poudre, si près
+du visage de ceux qui leur resistoient, qu'elle leur grilloit toute la
+peau. Ils mettoient à d'autres des charbons allumez dans les mains, et
+les contraignoient de les tenir fermées, jusqu'à ce que les charbons
+fussent éteints&hellip;. On brûla les pieds à plusieurs, tenant les uns
+long-tems devant un grand feu; appliquant aux autres une pelle ardente
+sous les pieds; liant les pieds des autres dans des bottines pleines de
+graisse, qu'on faisoit fondre et chauffer peu à peu devant un brasier
+ardent.&rsquo; <i>Benoist</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. v. pp.
+887&ndash;889. One of the Protestants, named Ryau, they &lsquo;lièrent fort
+étroitement; lui sevrèrent les doigts des mains; lui fichèrent des
+épingles sous les ongles; lui firent brûler de la poudre dans les
+oreilles; lui percèrent les cuisses en plusieurs lieux, et versèrent du
+vinaigre et du sel dans ses blessures. <i>Par ce tourment ils épuisèrent
+sa patience en deux jours; et le forcèrent à changer de religion</i>,&rsquo; p.
+890. &lsquo;Ses dragons étoient les mêmes en tous lieux. Ils battoient, ils
+étourdissoient, ils brûloient en Bourgogne comme en Poitou, en Champagne
+comme en Guyenne, en Normandie comme en Languedoc. Mais ils n'avoient
+pour les femmes ni plus de respect, ni plus de pitié que pour les
+hommes. Au contraire, ils abusoient de la tendre pudeur qui est une des
+propriétez de leur sexe; et ils s'en prevaloient pour leur faire de plus
+sensibles outrages. On leur levoit quelquefois leurs juppes par dessus
+la tête, et on leur jetoit des seaux d'eau sur le corps. Il y en eut
+plusieurs que les soldats mirent en chemise, et qu'ils forcèrent de
+danser avec eux dans cet état&hellip;. Deux filles de Calais, nommées le
+Noble, furent mises toutes nuës sur le pavé, et furent ainsi exposées à
+la mocquerie et aux outrages des passans&hellip;. Des dragons ayant lié la
+dame de Vezençai à la quenouille de son lit, lui crachoient
+dans la bouche quand elle l'ouvroit pour parler ou pour soupirer.&rsquo; pp.
+891, 892. At p. 917 are other details, far more horrible, respecting the
+treatment of women, and which indignation rather than shame prevents me
+from transcribing. Indeed, the shame can only light on the church and
+the government under whose united authority such scandalous outrages
+could be openly perpetrated, merely for the sake of compelling men to
+change their religious opinions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> M. Blanqui (<i>Hist. de l'Economie Politique</i>, vol. ii. p.
+10) says, that the revocation of the Edict of Nantes cost France &lsquo;cinq
+cent mille de ses enfants les plus industrieux,&rsquo; who
+carried into other countries &lsquo;les habitudes d'ordre et de travail dont
+ils étaient imbus.&rsquo; See also <i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, chap. xxxvi., in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xx. pp. 380, 381. Several of them
+emigrated to North America. Compare <i>Godwin on Population</i>, pp. 388,
+389, with <i>Benoist</i>, <i>l'Edit de Nantes</i>, vol. v. pp. 973, 974, and
+<i>Lyell's Second Visit to the United States</i>, edit. 1849, vol. ii. p.
+159. See also, on the effects of the Revocation, <i>Lettres inédites de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> On the diminished respect for kings, caused by the
+abandonment of divine right, see <i>Spencer's Social Statics</i>, pp. 423,
+424; and on the influence of the clergy in propagating the old doctrine,
+see Allen's learned work on the <i>Royal Prerogative</i>, edit. 1849, p. 156.
+See also some striking remarks by Locke, in <i>King's Life of Locke</i>, vol
+ii. p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> &lsquo;Qu'est devenu, en effet, le droit divin, cette pensée,
+autrefois acceptée par les masses, que les rois étaient les
+représentants de Dieu sur la terre, que la racine de leur pouvoir était
+dans le ciel? Elle s'est évanouie devant cette autre pensée, qu'aucun
+nuage, aucun mysticisme n'obscurcit; devant cette pensée si naturelle et
+brillant d'une clarté si nette et si vive, que la souveraine
+puissance, sur la terre, appartient au peuple entier, et non à une
+fraction, et moins encore à un seul homme.&rsquo; <i>Rey</i>, <i>Science Sociale</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 308. Compare <i>Manning on the Law of Nations</i>, p. 101;
+<i>Laing's Sweden</i>, p. 408; <i>Laing's Denmark</i>, p. 196; <i>Burke's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 391.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> In this, as in all instances, the language of respect long
+survives the feeling to which the language owed its origin. Lord
+Brougham (<i>Political Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 42, Lond. 1849) observes,
+that &lsquo;all their titles are derived from a divine original&mdash;all refer to
+them as representing the Deity on earth. They are called &ldquo;<i>Grace</i>,&rdquo;
+&ldquo;<i>Majesty</i>.&rdquo; They are termed &ldquo;<i>The Lord's anointed</i>,&rdquo; &ldquo;<i>The Vicegerent
+of God upon earth</i>;&rdquo; with many other names which are either nonsensical
+or blasphemous, but which are outdone in absurdity by the kings of the
+East.&rsquo; True enough: but if Lord Brougham had written thus three
+centuries ago, he would have had his ears cut off for his pains.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> &lsquo;La première période du gouvernement de Louis XIV commence
+donc en 1661.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's Louis XIV.</i>, vol. i. p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xi. p. 157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> In <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxiii. p. 50, he is said to have
+composed it &lsquo;à l'âge de seize ans;&rsquo; and at p. 46, to have been born in
+1623.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> <i>Leslie's Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 201; <i>Bordas Demoulin</i>,
+<i>Le Cartésianisme</i>, vol. i. p. 310. Sir John Herschel (<i>Disc. on Nat.
+Philos.</i> pp. 229, 230) calls this &lsquo;one of the first, if not the very
+first,&rsquo; crucial instance recorded in physics; and he thinks that it
+&lsquo;tended, more powerfully than any thing which had previously been done
+in science, to confirm in the minds of men that disposition to
+experimental verification which had scarcely yet taken full and secure
+root.&rsquo; In this point of view, the addition it actually made to knowledge
+is the smallest part of its merit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Montucla (<i>Hist. des Mathématiques</i>, vol. ii. p. 61) says,
+&lsquo;vers 1658;&rsquo; and at p. 65, &lsquo;il se mit, vers le commencement de 1658, à
+considérer plus profondément les propriétés de cette courbe.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Montucla (<i>Hist. des Mathémat.</i> vol. ii. p. 136)
+enthusiastically declares that &lsquo;si Descartes eût manqué à l'esprit
+humain, Fermat l'eût remplacé en géométrie.&rsquo; Simson, the celebrated
+restorer of Greek geometry, said that Fermat was the only modern who
+understood porisms. See <i>Trail's Account of Simson</i>, 1812, 4to. pp. 18,
+41. On the connexion between his views and the subsequent discovery of
+the differential calculus, see <i>Brewster's Life of Newton</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+7, 8; and compare <i>Comte</i>, <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. i. pp. 228, 229,
+726, 727.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> See extracts from two letters written by Fermat to
+Roberval, in 1636, in <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des Mathématiques</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 136, 137; respecting which there is no notice in the meagre article
+on Fermat, in <i>Hutton's Mathematical Dictionary</i>, vol. i. p. 510, 4to.
+1815. It is a disgrace to English mathematicians that this
+unsatisfactory work of Hutton's should still remain the best they have
+produced on the history of their own science. The same disregard of
+dates is shown in the hasty remarks on Fermat by Playfair. See
+<i>Playfair's Dissertation on the Progress of Mathematical Science</i>,
+<i>Encyclop. Brit.</i> vol. i. p. 440, 7th edition.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> <i>Hutton's Mathemat. Dict.</i> vol. i. p. 572.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Of which Sauveur may be considered the creator. Compare
+<i>Eloge de Sauveur</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, Paris, 1766, vol. v.
+p. 435, with <i>Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 334;
+<i>Comte</i>, <i>Philos. Pos.</i> vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> In the report presented to Napoleon by the French
+Institute, it is said of the reign of Louis XIV., &lsquo;les sciences exactes
+et les sciences physiques peu cultivées en France dans un siècle qui
+paroissoit ne trouver de charmes que dans la littérature.&rsquo; <i>Dacier</i>,
+<i>Rapport Historique</i>, p. 24. Or, as Lacretelle expresses it
+(<i>Dix-huitième Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 10), &lsquo;La France, après avoir fourni
+Descartes et Pascal, eut pendant quelque temps à envier aux nations
+étrangères la gloire de produire des génies créateurs dans les
+sciences.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> A writer late in the seventeenth century says, with some
+simplicity, &lsquo;the present king of France is reputed an encourager of
+choice and able men, in all faculties, who can attribute to his
+greatness.&rsquo; <i>Aubrey's Letters</i>, vol. ii. p. 624.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> The <i>Principia</i> of Newton appeared in 1687; and
+Maupertuis, in 1732, &lsquo;was the first astronomer of France who undertook a
+critical defence of the theory of gravitation.&rsquo; <i>Grant's Hist. of
+Physical Astronomy</i>, pp. 31, 43. In 1738, Voltaire writes, &lsquo;La France
+est jusqu'à présent le seul pays où les théories de Newton en physique,
+et de Boerhaave en médecine, soient combattues. Nous n'avons pas
+encore de bons éléments de physique; nous avons pour toute astronomie le
+livre de Bion, qui n'est qu'un ramas informe de quelques mémoires de
+l'académie.&rsquo; <i>Correspond.</i> in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xlvii. p.
+340. On the tardy reception of Newton's discoveries in France, compare
+<i>Eloge de Lacaille</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Bailly</i>, Paris, 1790, vol. i. pp.
+175, 176. All this is the more remarkable, because several of the
+conclusions at which Newton had arrived were divulged before they were
+embodied in the <i>Principia</i>; and it appears from <i>Brewster's Life of
+Newton</i> (vol. i. pp. 25, 26, 290), that his speculations concerning
+gravity began in 1666, or perhaps in the autumn of 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> &lsquo;L'abbé Picard fut en société avec Auzout, l'inventeur du
+micromètre.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxiv. p. 253. See also <i>Préface de
+l'Hist. de l'Acad. des Sciences</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, Paris,
+1766, vol. x. p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> The best account I have seen of the invention of the
+micrometer, is in Mr. Grant's recent work, <i>History of Physical
+Astronomy</i>, pp. 428, 450&ndash;453, where it is proved that Gascoigne invented
+it in 1639, or possibly a year or two earlier. Compare <i>Humboldt's
+Cosmos</i>, vol. iii. p. 52; who also ascribes it to Gascoigne, but
+erroneously dates it in 1640. Montucla (<i>Hist. des Mathémat.</i> vol. ii.
+pp. 570, 571) admits the priority of Gascoigne; but underrates his
+merit, being apparently unacquainted with the evidence which Mr. Grant
+subsequently adduced.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> For a short account of this able man, see <i>Lankester's
+Mem. of Ray</i>, p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> Notwithstanding the strong prejudice then existing against
+Englishmen, Butterfield was employed by &lsquo;the king and all the princes.&rsquo;
+<i>Lister's Account of Paris at the close of the Seventeenth Century,
+edited by Dr. Henning</i>, p. 85. Fontenelle mentions &lsquo;M. Hubin,&rsquo; as one of
+the most celebrated makers in Paris in 1687 (<i>Eloge d'Amoltons</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 113); but has
+forgotten to state that he too was an Englishman. &lsquo;Lutetiæ sedem
+posuerat ante aliquod tempus <i>Anglus quidam nomine Hubinus</i>, vir
+ingeniosus, atque hujusmodi machinationum peritus opifex et industrius.
+Hominem adii,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Huetii Commentarius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus</i>,
+p. 346. Thus, again, in regard to time-keepers, the vast superiority of
+the English makers, late in the reign of Louis XIV., was equally
+incontestable. Compare <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiv. pp. 242, 243, with
+<i>Brewster's Life of Newton</i>, vol. ii. p. 262; and as to the middle of
+the reign of Louis XIV., see <i>Eloge de Sebastien</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Fontenelle</i>, vol. vi. pp. 332, 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> &lsquo;Les manufactures étaient plutôt dirigées vers le brillant
+que vers l'utile. On s'efforça, par un arrêt du mois de mars 1700,
+d'extirper, ou du moins de réduire beaucoup les fabriques de bas au
+métier. Malgré cette fausse direction, les objets d'un luxe
+très-recherché faisaient des progrès bien lents. En 1687, après la mort
+de Colbert, la cour soldait encore l'industrie des barbares, et faisait
+fabriquer et broder ses plus beaux habits à Constantinople.&rsquo; <i>Lemontey</i>,
+<i>Etablissement de Louis XIV</i>, p. 364. Lacretelle (<i>Dix-huitième Siècle</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 5) says, that during the last thirty years of the reign of
+Louis XIV. &lsquo;les manufactures tombaient.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> Cuvier (<i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxvii. p. 199) thus describes
+the condition of France only seven years after the death of Louis XIV.:
+&lsquo;Nos forges étaient alors presque dans l'enfance; et nous ne faisions
+point d'acier: tout celui qu'exigeaient les différents métiers nous
+venait de l'étranger&hellip;. Nous ne faisions point non plus alors de
+fer-blanc, et il ne nous venait que de l'Allemagne.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> &lsquo;Certainement la découverte de Pecquet ne brille pas moins
+dans l'histoire de notre art que la vérité démontrée pour la première
+fois par Harvey.&rsquo; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. iv. p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Henle (<i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol. ii. p. 106) says,
+that the discovery was made in 1649; but the historians of
+medicine assign it to 1647. <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. iv.
+pp. 207, 405; <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxviii. pp. 123, 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Some of the great steps taken by Joubert are concisely
+stated in <i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. i. pp.
+293, 294, vol. iii. p. 361. Compare <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 210. Fernel, though enthusiastically praised by Patin, was
+probably hardly equal to Joubert. <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. pp. 59,
+199, 648. At p. 106, Patin calls Fernel &lsquo;le premier médecin de son
+temps, et peut-être le plus grand qui sera jamais.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> See a summary of them in <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Médecine</i>, vol. iii. pp. 405, 406, vol. vii. pp. 14, 15. Sir Benjamin
+Brodie (<i>Lectures on Surgery</i>, p. 21) says, &lsquo;Few greater benefits have
+been conferred on mankind than that for which we are indebted to Ambrose
+Parey&mdash;the application of a ligature to a bleeding artery.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> &lsquo;C'était là une vue très-ingénieuse et très-juste
+qu'Ambroise Paré donnait pour la première fois. C'était un commencement
+d'ostéologie comparée.&rsquo; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part. ii. p.
+42. To this I may add, that he is the first French writer on medical
+jurisprudence. See <i>Paris and Fonblanque's Medical Jurisprudence</i>, 1823,
+vol. i. p. xviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> &lsquo;L'un des premiers auteurs à qui l'on doit des
+observations cadavériques sur les maladies, est le fameux Baillou.&rsquo;
+<i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. ii. p. 218. See also
+vol. iii. p. 362; and <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p.
+89. The value of his services is recognized in a recent able work,
+<i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, 1846, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> &lsquo;The most celebrated surgeon of the sixteenth century was
+Ambroise Paré&hellip;. From the time of Paré until the commencement of the
+eighteenth century, surgery was but little cultivated in France.
+Mauriceau, Saviard, and Belloste, were the only French surgeons of note
+who could be contrasted with so many eminent men of other nations.
+During the eighteenth century, France produced two surgeons of
+extraordinary genius; these are Petit and Desault.&rsquo; <i>Bowman's Surgery</i>,
+in <i>Encyclop. of Medical Sciences</i>, 1847, 4to. pp. 829, 830.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> It is unnecessary to adduce evidence respecting the
+services rendered by Sydenham, as they are universally admitted; but
+what, perhaps, is less generally known, is, that Glisson anticipated
+those important views concerning irritability, which were afterwards
+developed by Haller and Gorter. Compare <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de le
+Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 192; <i>Elliotson's Human Physiol</i>. p. 471; <i>Bordas
+Demoulin</i>, <i>Cartésianisme</i>, vol. i. p. 170; In <i>Wagner's Physiol.</i> 1841,
+p. 655, the theory is too exclusively ascribed to Haller.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Of this we have numerous complaints from foreigners who
+visited France. I will quote the testimony of one celebrated man. In
+1699, Addison writes from Blois: &lsquo;I made use of one of the physicians of
+this place, who are as cheap as our English farriers, and generally as
+ignorant.&rsquo; <i>Aikin's Life of Addison</i>, vol. i. p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Indeed, France was the last great country in Europe in
+which a chair of clinical medicine was established. See <i>Renouard</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 312; and <i>Bouillaud</i>, <i>Philos.
+Médicale</i>, p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> M. Bouillaud, in his account of the state of medicine in
+the seventeenth century, does not mention a single Frenchman during this
+period. See <i>Bouillaud</i>, <i>Philosophie Médicale</i>, pp. 13 seq. During many
+years of the power of Louis XIV., the French Academy only possessed one
+anatomist; and of him, few students of physiology have ever heard: &lsquo;M.
+du Verney fut assez long-temps le seul anatomiste de l'académie, et ce ne
+fut qu'en 1684 qu'on lui joignit M. Mery.&rsquo; <i>Eloge de Du Verney</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, vol. vi. p. 392.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. pp. 64&ndash;73,
+76&ndash;80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> After Belon, nothing was done in France for the natural
+history of animals until 1734, when there appeared the first volume of
+Reaumur's great work. See <i>Swainson on the Study of Nat. Hist.</i> pp. 24,
+43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> On this remarkable man, who was the first philosophic
+chemist Europe produced, and who, so early as 1630, anticipated some of
+the generalizations made a hundred and fifty years later by Lavoisier,
+see <i>Liebig's Letters on Chemistry</i>, pp. 46, 47; <i>Thomson's Hist. of
+Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. pp. 95, 96; <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. p. 729;
+<i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. i. p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Cuvier (<i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. i. p. 30) says of
+Rey, &lsquo;son écrit était tombé dans l'oubli le plus profond;&rsquo; and, in
+another work, the same great authority writes (<i>Hist. des Sciences</i>,
+part ii. p. 333): &lsquo;Il y avait plus de quarante ans que Becker avait
+présenté sa nouvelle théorie, développée par Stahl; il y avait encore
+plus long-temps que les expériences de Boyle sur la chimie pneumatique
+avaient été publiées, et cependant, rien de tout cela n'entrait encore
+dans l'enseignement général de la chimie, du moins en France.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> The highest present generalizations of the laws of
+nutrition are those by M. Chevreul; which are thus summed up by MM.
+Robin et Verdeil, in their admirable work, <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, vol. i.
+p. 203, Paris, 1853: &lsquo;En passant des plantes aux animaux, nous voyons
+que plus l'organisation de ces derniers est compliquée, plus les
+aliments dont ils se nourrissent sont complexes et analogues par leurs
+principes immédiats aux principes des organes qu'ils doivent entretenir.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;En définitive, on voit que les végétaux se nourrissent d'eau, d'acide
+carbonique, d'autres gaz et de matières organiques à l'état d'engrais,
+ou en d'autres termes altérées, c'est-à-dire ramenées à l'état de
+principes plus simples, plus solubles. Au contraire, les animaux plus
+élevés dans l'échelle organique ont besoin de matières bien plus
+complexes quant aux principes immédiats qui les composent, et plus
+variées dans leurs propriétés.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Brunfels in 1530, and Fuchs in 1542, were the two first
+writers who observed the vegetable kingdom for themselves, instead of
+copying what the ancients had said. Compare <i>Whewell's Hist. of the
+Sciences</i>, vol. iii. pp. 305, 306, with <i>Pulteney's Hist. of Botany</i>,
+vol. i. p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> The microscope was exhibited in London, by Drebbel, about
+1620; and this appears to be the earliest unquestionable notice of its
+use, though some writers assert that it was invented at the beginning of
+the seventeenth century, or even in 1590. Compare the different
+statements, in <i>Pouillet</i>, <i>Elémens de Physique</i>, vol. ii. p. 357;
+<i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. pp. 699, 700; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Médecine</i>, vol. iv. p. 337; <i>Winckler</i>, <i>Gesch. der Botanik</i>, p. 136;
+<i>Quekett's Treatise on the Microscope</i>, 1848, p. 2; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Sciences</i>, part ii. p. 470; <i>Hallam's Lit. of Europe</i>, vol. iii. p. 202;
+<i>Leslie's Nat. Philos.</i> p. 52. On the subsequent improvement of the
+microscope during the seventeenth century, see <i>Brewster's Life of
+Newton</i>, vol. i. pp. 29, 242, 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> See <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, p. 15. In Pulteney's <i>Progress of
+Botany in England</i>, this beautiful discovery is, if I rightly remember,
+not even alluded to; but it appears, from a letter written in 1672, that
+it was then becoming generally known, and had been confirmed by Grew and
+Malpighi. <i>Ray's Correspond.</i> edit. 1848, p. 98. Compare <i>Richard</i>,
+<i>Eléments de Botanique</i>, p. 46; where, however, M. Richard erroneously
+supposes that Grew did not know of the tracheæ till 1682.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Compare <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. p. 471,
+with <i>Thomson's Vegetable Chemistry</i>, p. 950.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> Dr. Thomson (<i>Vegetable Chemistry</i>, p. 950) says: &lsquo;But the
+person to whom we are indebted for the first attempt to ascertain the
+structure of plants by dissection and microscopical observations, was
+Dr. Nathaniel Grew.&rsquo; The character of Grew's inquiries, as &lsquo;viewing the
+internal, as well as external parts of plants,&rsquo; is also noticed in
+<i>Ray's Correspond.</i> p. 188; and M. Winckler (<i>Gesch. der Botanik</i>, p.
+382) ascribes to him and Malpighi the &lsquo;neuen Aufschwung&rsquo; taken by
+vegetable physiology late in the seventeenth century. See also, on Grew,
+<i>Lindley's Botany</i>, vol. i. p. 93; and <i>Third Report of Brit. Assoc.</i> p.
+27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> The first book of his Anatomy of Plants was laid before
+the Royal Society in 1670, and printed in 1671. <i>Hallam's Lit. of
+Europe</i>, vol. iii. p. 580; and <i>Thomson's Hist. of the Royal
+Society</i>, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> &lsquo;The presence of sexual organs in plants was first shown
+in 1676, by Sir Thomas Millington; and it was afterwards confirmed by
+Grew, Malpighi, and Ray.&rsquo; <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, p. 236. See also
+<i>Pulteney's Progress of Botany</i>, vol. i. pp. 336, 337; and <i>Lindley's
+Botany</i>, vol. ii. p. 217: and, as to Ray, who was rather slow in
+admitting the discovery, see <i>Lankester's Mem. of Ray</i>, p. 100. Before
+this, the sexual system of vegetables had been empirically known to
+several of the ancients, but never raised to a scientific truth. Compare
+<i>Richard</i>, <i>Eléments de Botanique</i>, pp. 353, 427, 428, with <i>Matter</i>,
+<i>Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. ii. p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> In July 1665 he writes from Paris to his father, &lsquo;The
+lecture of plants here is only the naming of them, their degrees in heat
+and cold, and sometimes their use in physick; scarce a word more than
+may be seen in every herball.&rsquo; <i>Browne's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Cuvier mentioning the inferiority of Tournefort's views to
+those of his predecessors, gives as an instance, &lsquo;puisqu'il a rejeté les
+sexes des plantes.&rsquo; <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. p. 496. Hence he held
+that the farina was ex-crementitious. <i>Pulteney's Progress of Botany</i>,
+vol. i. p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> This is admitted even by his eulogist Duvau. <i>Biog. Univ.</i>
+vol. xlvi. p. 363.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> On the method of Tournefort, which was that of a
+corrollist, compare <i>Richard</i>, <i>Eléments de Botanique</i>, p. 547;
+<i>Jussieu's Botany</i>, edit. Wilson, 1849, p. 516; <i>Ray's Correspond.</i> pp.
+381, 382; <i>Lankester's Mem. of Ray</i>, p. 49; <i>Winckler</i>, <i>Gesch. der
+Botanik</i>, p. 142. Cuvier (<i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. p. 496), with
+quiet irony, says of it, &lsquo;vous voyez, messieurs, que cette méthode a le
+mérite d'une grande clarté; qu'elle est fondée sur la forme de la fleur,
+et par conséquent sur des considérations agréables à saisir&hellip;. Ce
+qui en fit le succès, c'est que Tournefort joignit à son ouvrage une
+figure de fleur et de fruit appartenant à chacun de ses genres.&rsquo; Even in
+this, he appears to have been careless, and is said to have described &lsquo;a
+great many plants he never examined nor saw.&rsquo; <i>Letter from Dr. Sherard</i>,
+in <i>Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. i. p. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. v. pp. 236, 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxvii. p. 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xv. p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxiii. p. 496.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxix. p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxix. p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> &lsquo;His best pictures were painted from about 1640 to 1660;
+he died in 1682.&rsquo; <i>Wornum's Epochs of Painting</i>, Lond. 1847. p. 399.
+Voltaire (<i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xix. p. 205) says
+that he died in 1678.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiv. p. 327; <i>Works of Sir Joshua
+Reynolds</i>, vol. ii. pp. 454, 455.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxv. p. 579. Poussin was Barry's
+&lsquo;favourite&rsquo; painter. <i>Letter from Barry</i>, in <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol.
+i. p. 88. Compare <i>Otter's Life of Clarke</i>, vol. ii. p. 55. Sir Joshua
+Reynolds (<i>Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 97, 351, 376) appears to have preferred
+him to any of the French school; and in the report presented to Napoleon
+by the Institute, he is the only French painter mentioned by the side of
+the Greek and Italian artists. <i>Dacier</i>, <i>Rapport Historique</i>, p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxiii. p. 411; <i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>,
+in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xix. p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 503.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iv. p. 593.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxxvi. p. 300. Respecting him, see <i>Lady
+Morgan's France</i>, vol. ii. pp. 30, 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> M. Capefigue (<i>Louis XIV</i>, vol. ii. p. 79) says, &lsquo;Lulli
+mourut en 1689;&rsquo; but 1687 is the date assigned in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol.
+xxv. p. 425; in <i>Chalmer's Biog. Dict.</i> vol. xx. p. 483; in <i>Rose's
+Biog. Dict.</i> vol. ix. p. 350; and in <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers Etats</i>, vol. vii
+p. 63. In <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xix. p. 200, he is called &lsquo;le
+père de la vraie musique en France.&rsquo; He was admired by Louis XIV.
+<i>Lettres de Sévigné</i>, vol. ii. pp. 162, 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxvi. p. 42. Voltaire (<i>&#338;uvres</i>,
+vol. xix. p. 162) says, &lsquo;personne n'a jamais égalé Quinault;&rsquo; and Mr.
+Hallam (<i>Lit. of Europe</i>, vol. iii. p. 507), &lsquo;the unrivalled poet of
+French music.&rsquo; See also <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, vol. ii. p.
+432.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> When Louis XV. ascended the throne, painting in France was
+in the lowest state of degradation. <i>Lady Morgan's
+France</i>, vol. ii. p. 31. Lacretelle (<i>Dix-huitième Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p.
+11) says &lsquo;Les beaux arts dégénérèrent plus sensiblement que les lettres
+pendant la seconde partie du siècle de Louis XIV&hellip;. Il est certain que
+les vingt-cinq dernières années du règne de Louis XIV n'offrirent que
+des productions très-inférieures,&rsquo; &amp;c. Thus too Barrington
+(<i>Observations on the Statutes</i>, p. 377), &lsquo;It is very remarkable that
+the French school hath not produced any very capital painters since the
+expensive establishment by Louis XIV. of the academies at Rome and
+Paris.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxvi. pp. 499, 502; <i>Hallam's Lit.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 493.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxix. pp. 306, 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> <i>Rose's Biog. Dict.</i> vol. iv. p. 376; and <i>Biog. Univ.</i>
+vol. v. pp. 7, 8, where it is said that &lsquo;ses meilleures satires&rsquo; were
+those published in 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxiii. p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. x. p. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. vi. p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> <i>Brunet</i>, <i>Manuel du Libraire</i>, vol. iv. p. 105, Paris
+1843; and note in <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. i. p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxiii. pp. 64, 71; <i>Palissot</i>, <i>Mém.
+pour l'Hist. de Lit.</i> vol. ii. pp. 239, 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> <i>Polyeucte</i>, which is probably his greatest work, appeared
+in 1640; <i>Médée</i> in 1635; <i>The Cid</i> in 1636; <i>Horace and Cinna</i> both in
+1639. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. ix. pp. 609&ndash;613.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> Voltaire (<i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xx.
+pp. 319&ndash;322) reluctantly confesses the decline of the French intellect
+in the latter part of the reign of Louis; and Flassan (<i>Diplomat.
+Franç.</i> vol. iv. p. 400) calls it &lsquo;remarquable.&rsquo; See also <i>Barante</i>,
+<i>Littérature Française</i>, p. 28; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol.
+xxvi. p. 217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> Oppressed by defeats abroad, and by famine and misery at
+home, Louis was laid at the mercy of his enemies; and &lsquo;was
+only saved by a party revolution in the English ministry.&rsquo; <i>Arnold's
+Lectures on Modern History</i>, p. 137. Compare <i>Fragments sur l'Histoire</i>,
+article xxiii. in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxvii. p. 345, with <i>De
+Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XV</i>, vol. i. p. 86.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> For evidence of the depression and, indeed, utter
+exhaustion of France during the latter years of Louis XIV., compare
+<i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. pp. 11&ndash;18, with <i>Marmontel</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Régence</i>, Paris, 1826, pp. 79&ndash;97. The <i>Lettres inédites de Madame de
+Maintenon</i> (vol. i. pp. 263, 284, 358, 389, 393, 408, 414, 422, 426,
+447, 457, 463, vol. ii. pp. 19, 23, 33, 46, 56, and numerous other
+passages) fully confirm this, and, moreover, prove that in Paris, early
+in the eighteenth century, the resources, even of the wealthy classes,
+were beginning to fail; while both public and private credit were so
+shaken, that it was hardly possible to obtain money on any terms. In
+1710, she, the wife of Louis XIV., complains of her inability to borrow
+500 livres: &lsquo;Tout mon crédit échoue souvent auprès de M. Desmaretz pour
+une somme de cinq cents livres.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 33. In 1709, she
+writes (vol. i. p. 447): &lsquo;Le jeu devient insipide, parce qu'il n'y a
+presque plus d'argent.&rsquo; See also vol. ii. p. 112; and in February 1711
+(p. 151): &lsquo;Ce n'est pas l'abondance mais l'avarice qui fait jouer nos
+courtisans; on met le tout pour le tout pour avoir quelque argent, et
+les tables de lansquenet ont plus l'air d'un triste commerce que d'un
+divertissement.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the people generally, the French writers supply us with
+little information, because in that age they were too much occupied with
+their great king and their showy literature, to pay attention to mere
+popular interests. But I have collected from other sources some
+information which I will now put together, and which I recommend to the
+notice of the next French author who undertakes to compose a history of
+Louis XIV.</p>
+
+<p>Locke, who was travelling in France in 1676 and 1677,
+writes in his journal, &lsquo;The rent of land in France fallen one&ndash;half in
+these few years, by reason of the poverty of the people.&rsquo; <i>King's Life
+of Locke</i>, vol. i. p. 139. About the same time, Sir William Temple says
+(<i>Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 268), &lsquo;The French peasantry are wholly dispirited
+by labour and want.&rsquo; In 1691, another observer, proceeding from Calais,
+writes, &lsquo;From hence, travelling to Paris, there was opportunity enough
+to observe what a prodigious state of poverty the ambition and
+absoluteness of a tyrant can reduce an opulent and fertile country to.
+There were visible all the marks and signs of a growing misfortune; all
+the dismal indications of an overwhelming calamity. The fields were
+uncultivated, the villages unpeopled, the houses dropping to decay.&rsquo;
+<i>Burton's Diary</i>, note by Rutt, vol. iv. p. 79. In a tract published in
+1689, the author says (<i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. x. p. 264), &lsquo;I have known
+in France poor people sell their beds, and lie upon straw; sell their
+pots, kettles, and all their necessary household goods, to content the
+unmerciful collectors of the king's taxes.&rsquo; Dr. Lister, who visited
+Paris in 1698, says, &lsquo;Such is the vast multitude of poor wretches in all
+parts of this city, that whether a person is in a carriage or on foot,
+in the street, or even in a shop, he is alike unable to transact
+business, on account of the importunities of mendicants.&rsquo; <i>Lister's
+Account of Paris</i>, p. 46. Compare a <i>Letter from Prior</i>, in <i>Ellis's
+Letters of Literary Men</i>, p. 213. In 1708, Addison, who, from personal
+observation, was well acquainted with France, writes: &lsquo;We think here as
+you do in the country, that France is on her last legs.&rsquo; <i>Aikin's Life
+of Addison</i>, vol. i. p. 233. Finally, in 1718&mdash;that is, three years
+after the death of Louis&mdash;Lady Mary Montagu
+gives the following account of the result of his reign, in a letter to
+Lady Rich, dated Paris, 10th October, 1718: &lsquo;I think nothing so terrible
+as objects of misery, except one had the god-like attribute of being
+able to redress them; and all the country villages of France show
+nothing else. While the post-horses are changed, the whole town comes
+out to beg, with such miserable starved faces, and thin, tattered
+clothes, they need no other eloquence to persuade one of the
+wretchedness of their condition.&rsquo; <i>Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 74, edit. 1803.</p></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT,
+AND PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.</div>
+
+<p>At length Louis XIV. died. When it was positively
+known that the old king had ceased to breathe, the
+people went almost mad with joy.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> The tyranny which
+had weighed them down was removed; and there at
+once followed a reaction which, for sudden violence,
+has no parallel in modern history.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> The great majority
+indemnified themselves for their forced hypocrisy by
+indulging in the grossest licentiousness. But among
+the generation then forming, there were some high-spirited
+youths, who had far higher views, and whose
+notions of liberty were not confined to the license of the
+gaming-house and the brothel. Devoted to the great
+idea of restoring to France that freedom of utterance
+which it had lost, they naturally turned their eyes
+towards the only country where the freedom was
+practised. Their determination to search for liberty
+in the place where alone it could be found, gave rise to
+that junction of the French and English intellects,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
+which, looking at the immense chain of its effects, is
+by far the most important fact in the history of the
+eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>During the reign of Louis XIV., the French, puffed
+up by national vanity, despised the barbarism of a
+people who were so uncivilized as to be always turning
+on their rulers, and who, within the space of forty
+years, had executed one king, and deposed another.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a>
+They could not believe that such a restless horde possessed
+anything worthy the attention of enlightened
+men. Our laws, our literature, and our manners, were
+perfectly unknown to them; and I doubt if at the end
+of the seventeenth century there were, either in literature
+or in science, five persons in France acquainted
+with the English language.<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> But a long experience of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
+the reign of Louis XIV. induced the French to reconsider
+many of their opinions. It induced them to suspect
+that despotism may have its disadvantages, and that a
+government composed of princes and bishops is not
+necessarily the best for a civilized country. They began
+to look, first with complacency, and then with respect,
+upon that strange and outlandish people, who, though
+only separated from themselves by a narrow sea, appeared
+to be of an altogether different kind; and who,
+having punished their oppressors, had carried their
+liberties and their prosperity to a height of which the
+world had seen no example. These feelings, which
+before the Revolution broke out, were entertained by
+the whole of the educated classes in France, were in
+the beginning, confined to those men whose intellects
+placed them at the head of their age. During the two
+generations which elapsed between the death of Louis
+XIV. and the outbreak of the Revolution, there was
+hardly a Frenchman of eminence who did not either
+visit England or learn English; while many of them
+did both. Buffon, Brissot, Broussonnet, Condamine,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
+Delisle, Elie de Beaumont, Gournay, Helvétius, Jussieu,
+Lalande, Lafayette, Larcher, L'Héritier, Montesquieu,
+Maupertuis, Morellet, Mirabeau, Nollet, Raynal, the
+celebrated Roland, and his still more celebrated wife,
+Rousseau, Ségur, Suard, Voltaire&mdash;all these remarkable
+persons flocked to London, as also did others of inferior
+ability, but of considerable influence, such as Brequiny,
+Bordes, Calonne, Coyer, Cormatin, Dufay, Dumarest,
+Dezallier, Favier, Girod, Grosley, Godin, D'Hancarville,
+Hunauld, Jars, Le Blanc, Ledru, Lescallier, Linguet,
+Lesuire, Lemonnier, Levesque de Pouilly, Montgolfier,
+Morand, Patu, Poissonier, Reveillon, Septchènes,
+Silhouette, Siret, Soulavie, Soulès, and Valmont de
+Brienne.</p>
+
+<p>Nearly all of these carefully studied our language,
+and most of them seized the spirit of our literature.
+Voltaire, in particular, devoted himself with his usual
+ardour to the new pursuit, and acquired in England a
+knowledge of those doctrines, the promulgation of
+which, afterwards won for him so great a reputation.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>
+He was the first who popularized in France the philosophy
+of Newton, where it rapidly superseded that of
+Descartes.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> He recommended to his countrymen the
+writings of Locke;<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> which soon gained immense popularity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
+and which supplied materials to Condillac for
+his system of metaphysics,<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> and to Rousseau for his
+theory of education.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> Besides this, Voltaire was the
+first Frenchman who studied Shakespeare; to whose
+works he was greatly indebted, though he afterwards
+wished to lessen what he considered the exorbitant
+respect paid to them in France.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> Indeed, so intimate
+was his knowledge of the English language,<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> that we
+can trace his obligations to Butler,<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> one of the most
+difficult of our poets, and to Tillotson,<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> one of the
+dullest of our theologians. He was acquainted with
+the speculations of Berkeley,<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> the most subtle metaphysician
+who has ever written in English; and he had
+read the works, not only of Shaftesbury,<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> but even of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
+Chubb,<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> Garth,<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> Mandeville,<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> and Woolston.<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> Montesquieu
+imbibed in our country many of his principles;
+he studied our language; and he always expressed admiration
+for England, not only in his writings, but also
+in his private conversation.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> Buffon learnt English,
+and his first appearance as an author was as the translator
+of Newton and of Hales.<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> Diderot, following in
+the same course, was an enthusiastic admirer of the
+novels of Richardson;<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> he took the idea of several of
+his plays from the English dramatists, particularly from
+Lillo; he borrowed many of his arguments from Shaftesbury
+and Collins, and his earliest publication was a
+translation of Stanyan's <i>History of Greece</i>.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> Helvétius,
+who visited London, was never weary of praising the
+people; many of the views in his great work on the
+Mind are drawn from Mandeville; and he constantly
+refers to the authority of Locke, whose principles hardly
+any Frenchman would at an earlier period have dared
+to recommend.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> The works of Bacon, previously little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
+known, were now translated into French; and his classification
+of the human faculties was made the basis of
+that celebrated Encyclopædia, which is justly regarded
+as one of the greatest productions of the eighteenth
+century.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> The <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, by Adam
+Smith, was during thirty-four years translated three
+different times, by three different French authors.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a>
+And such was the general eagerness, that directly the
+<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, by the same great writer, appeared,
+Morellet, who was then high in reputation, began to
+turn it into French; and was only prevented from
+printing his translation by the circumstance, that before
+it could be completed, another version of it was published
+in a French periodical.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> Coyer, who is still
+remembered for his <i>Life of Sobieski</i>, visited England;
+and after returning to his own country, showed the
+direction of his studies by rendering into French the
+Commentaries of Blackstone.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> Le Blanc travelled in
+England, wrote a work expressly upon the English, and
+translated into French the Political Discourses of
+Hume.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> Holbach was certainly one of the most
+active leaders of the liberal party in Paris; but a large
+part of his very numerous writings consists solely in
+translations of English authors.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> Indeed, it may be
+broadly stated, that while, at the end of the seventeenth
+century, it would have been difficult to find, even
+among the most educated Frenchmen, a single person
+acquainted with English, it would, in the eighteenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
+century, have been nearly as difficult to find in the
+same class one who was ignorant of it. Men of all
+tastes, and of the most opposite pursuits, were on this
+point united as by a common bond. Poets, geometricians,
+historians, naturalists, all seemed to agree as to
+the necessity of studying a literature on which no one
+before had wasted a thought. In the course of general
+reading, I have met with proofs that the English language
+was known, not only to those eminent Frenchmen
+whom I have already mentioned, but also to mathematicians,
+as D'Alembert,<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> Darquier,<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> Du Val le Roy,<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a>
+Jurain,<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> Lachapelle,<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Lalande,<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> Le Cozic,<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> Montucla,<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>
+Pezenas,<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> Prony,<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> Romme,<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> and Roger Martin;<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> to
+anatomists, physiologists, and writers on medicine,
+as Barthèz,<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> Bichat,<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> Bordeu,<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> Barbeu Dubourg,<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a>
+Bosquillon,<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> Bourru,<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> Begue de Presle,<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> Cabanis,<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>
+Demours,<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> Duplanil,<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> Fouquet,<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a> Goulin,<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> Lavirotte,<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a>
+Lassus,<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> Petit Radel,<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> Pinel,<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> Roux,<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> Sauvages,<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> and
+Sue;<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> to naturalists, as Alyon,<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> Brémond,<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> Brisson,<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a>
+Broussonnet,<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> Dalibard,<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> Haüy,<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> Latapie,<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> Richard,<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
+Rigaud,<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> and Romé de Lisle;<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> to historians, philologists,
+and antiquaries, as Barthélemy,<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> Butel Dumont,<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a>
+De Brosses,<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> Foucher,<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> Freret,<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> Larcher,<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> Le Coc de
+Villeray,<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> Millot,<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> Targe,<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> Velly,<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> Volney,<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> and
+Wailly;<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> to poets and dramatists, as Chéron,<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> Colardeau,<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a>
+Delille,<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> Desforges,<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> Ducis,<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a> Florian,<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> Laborde,<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a>
+Lefèvre de Beauvray,<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> Mercier,<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> Patu,<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> Pompignan,<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a>
+Quétant,<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> Roucher,<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> and Saint Ange;<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> to
+miscellaneous writers, as Bassinet,<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> Baudeau,<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> Beaulaton,<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a>
+Benoist,<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> Bergier,<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> Blavet,<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> Bouchaud,<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a>
+Bougainville,<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> Bruté,<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> Castera,<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> Chantreau,<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a>
+Charpentier,<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> Chastellux,<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> Contant d'Orville,<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> De
+Bissy,<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> Demeunier,<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> Desfontaines,<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> Devienne,<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a>
+Dubocage,<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> Dupré,<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> Duresnel,<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> Eidous,<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> Estienne,<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
+Favier,<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> Flavigny,<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> Fontanelle,<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> Fontenay,<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>
+Framery,<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> Fresnais,<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> Fréville,<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> Frossard,<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a>
+Galtier,<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> Garsault,<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> Goddard,<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> Goudar,<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> Guénée,<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a>
+Guillemard,<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> Guyard,<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> Jault,<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> Imbert,<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> Joncourt,<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a>
+Kéralio,<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> Laboreau,<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a> Lacombe,<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> Lafargue,<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a>
+La Montagne,<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> Lanjuinais,<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> Lasalle,<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a>
+Lasteyrie,<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> Le Breton,<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> Lécuy,<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> Léonard des
+Malpeines,<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> Letourneur,<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a> Linguet,<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> Lottin,<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> Luneau,<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>
+Maillet Duclairon,<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> Mandrillon,<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> Marsy,<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a>
+Moet,<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> Monod,<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> Mosneron,<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> Nagot,<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> Peyron,<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a>
+Prévost,<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> Puisieux,<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> Rivoire,<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> Robinet,<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> Roger,<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
+Roubaud,<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> Salaville,<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> Sauseuil,<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> Secondat,<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> Septchènes,<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a>
+Simon,<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> Soulès,<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> Suard,<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> Tannevot,<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a>
+Thurot,<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> Toussaint,<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> Tressan,<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> Trochereau,<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> Turpin,<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a>
+Ussieux,<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> Vaugeois,<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> Verlac,<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> and Virloys.<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a>
+Indeed, Le Blanc, who wrote shortly before the middle
+of the eighteenth century, says: &lsquo;We have placed English
+in the rank of the learned languages; our women
+study it, and have abandoned Italian in order to study
+the language of this philosophic people; nor is there
+to be found among us any one who does not desire to
+learn it.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the eagerness with which the French imbibed
+the literature of a people whom but a few years
+before they had heartily despised. The truth is, that
+in this new state of things they had no alternative.
+For where but in England was a literature to be found
+that could satisfy those bold and inquisitive thinkers
+who arose in France after the death of Louis XIV.?
+In their own country there had no doubt been great
+displays of eloquence, of fine dramas, and of poetry,
+which, though never reaching the highest point of excellence,
+is of finished and admirable beauty. But it is
+an unquestionable fact, and one melancholy to contemplate,
+that during the sixty years which succeeded the
+death of Descartes, France had not possessed a single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
+man who dared to think for himself. Metaphysicians,
+moralists, historians, all had become tainted by the
+servility of that bad age. During two generations, no
+Frenchman had been allowed to discuss with freedom
+any question, either of politics or of religion. The consequence
+was, that the largest intellects, excluded from
+their legitimate field, lost their energy; the national
+spirit died away; the very materials and nutriment of
+thought seemed to be wanting. No wonder then, if the
+great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century sought that
+aliment abroad which they were unable to find at home.
+No wonder if they turned from their own land, and
+gazed with admiration at the only people who, pushing
+their inquiries into the highest departments, had shown
+the same fearlessness in politics as in religion; a people
+who, having punished their kings and controlled their
+clergy, were storing the treasures of their experience in
+that noble literature which never can perish, and of
+which it may be said in sober truth, that it has stimulated
+the intellect of the most distant races, and that,
+planted in America and in India, it has already fertilized
+the two extremities of the world.</p>
+
+<p>There are, in fact, few things in history so instructive
+as the extent to which France was influenced by this
+new pursuit. Even those who took part in actually
+consummating the Revolution, were moved by the prevailing
+spirit. The English language was familiar to
+Carra,<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a> Dumouriez,<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> Lafayette,<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> and Lanthénas.<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a>
+Camille Desmoulins had cultivated his mind from the
+same source.<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> Marat travelled in Scotland as well as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
+in England, and was so profoundly versed in our
+language that he wrote two works in it; one of which,
+called <i>The Chains of Slavery</i>, was afterwards translated
+into French.<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> Mirabeau is declared by a high
+authority to have owed part of his power to a careful
+study of the English constitution;<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> he translated not
+only Watson's <i>History of Philip II.</i>, but also some parts
+of Milton;<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> and it is said that when he was in the
+National Assembly, he delivered, as his own, passages
+from the speeches of Burke.<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> Mounier was well
+acquainted with our language, and with our political
+institutions both in theory and in practice;<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> and in
+a work, which exercised considerable influence, he proposed
+for his own country the establishment of two
+chambers, to form that balance of power of which England
+supplied the example.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> The same idea, derived
+from the same source, was advocated by Le Brun, who
+was a friend of Mounier's, and who, like him, had paid
+attention to the literature and government of the English
+people.<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> Brissot knew English; he had studied
+in London the working of the English institutions, and
+he himself mentions that, in his treatise on criminal
+law, he was mainly guided by the course of English<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
+legislation.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> Condorcet also proposed as a model our
+system of criminal jurisprudence,<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> which, bad as it
+was, certainly surpassed that possessed by France.
+Madame Roland, whose position, as well as ability,
+made her one of the leaders of the democratic party,
+was an ardent student of the language and literature of
+the English people.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> She too, moved by the universal
+curiosity, came to our country; and, as if to show that
+persons of every shade and of every rank were actuated
+by the same spirit, the Duke of Orleans likewise visited
+England; nor did his visit fail to produce its natural
+results. &lsquo;It was,&rsquo; says a celebrated writer, &lsquo;in the
+society of London that he acquired a taste for liberty;
+and it was on his return from there that he brought into
+France a love of popular agitation, a contempt for his
+own rank, and a familiarity with those beneath him.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a></p>
+
+<p>This language, strong as it is, will not appear exaggerated
+to any one who has carefully studied the history
+of the eighteenth century. It is no doubt certain, that
+the French Revolution was essentially a reaction against
+that protective and interfering spirit which reached its
+zenith under Louis XIV., but which, centuries before
+his reign, had exercised a most injurious influence over
+the national prosperity. While, however, this must be
+fully conceded, it is equally certain that the impetus to
+which the reaction owed its strength, proceeded from
+England; and that it was English literature which
+taught the lessons of political liberty, first to France,
+and through France to the rest of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> On this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
+account, and not at all from mere literary curiosity, I
+have traced with some minuteness that union between
+the French and English minds, which, though often
+noticed, has never been examined with the care its importance
+deserves. The circumstances which reinforced
+this vast movement will be related towards the end of
+the volume; at present I will confine myself to its first
+great consequence, namely, the establishment of a complete
+schism between the literary men of France, and
+the classes who exclusively governed the country.</p>
+
+<p>Those eminent Frenchmen who now turned their
+attention to England, found in its literature, in the
+structure of its society, and in its government, many
+peculiarities of which their own country furnished no
+example. They heard political and religious questions
+of the greatest moment debated with a boldness unknown
+in any other part of Europe. They heard
+dissenters and churchmen, whigs and tories, handling
+the most dangerous topics, and treating them with
+unlimited freedom. They heard public disputes
+respecting matters which no one in France dared to
+discuss; mysteries of state and mysteries of creed
+unfolded and rudely exposed to the popular gaze. And,
+what to Frenchmen of that age must have been equally
+amazing, they not only found a public press possessing
+some degree of freedom, but they found that within the
+very walls of parliament the administration of the crown
+was assailed with complete impunity, the character of its
+chosen servants constantly aspersed, and, strange to say,
+even the management of its revenues effectually controlled.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a></p>
+
+<p>The successors of the age of Louis XIV., seeing these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
+things, and seeing, moreover, that the civilization of the
+country increased as the authority of the upper classes
+and of the crown diminished, were unable to restrain
+their wonder at so novel and exciting a spectacle. &lsquo;The
+English nation,&rsquo; says Voltaire, &lsquo;is the only one on
+the earth, which, by resisting its kings, has succeeded
+in lessening their power.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> How I love the boldness
+of the English! how I love men who say what they
+think!&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a> The English, says Le Blanc, are willing to
+have a king, provided they are not obliged to obey
+him.<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> The immediate object of their government,
+says Montesquieu, is political liberty;<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a> they possess
+more freedom than any republic;<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> and their system is
+in fact a republic disguised as a monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> Grosley,
+struck with amazement, exclaims, &lsquo;Property is in England
+a thing sacred, which the laws protect from all
+encroachment, not only from engineers, inspectors, and
+other people of that stamp, but even from the king
+himself.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> Mably, in the most celebrated of all his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
+works, says, &lsquo;The Hanoverians are only able to reign in
+England because the people are free, and believe they
+have a right to dispose of the crown. But if the kings
+were to claim the same powers as the Stuarts, if they
+were to believe that the crown belonged to them by
+divine right, they would be condemning themselves and
+confessing that they were occupying a place which is
+not their own.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> In England, says Helvétius, the
+people are respected; every citizen can take some part
+in the management of affairs; and authors are allowed
+to enlighten the public respecting its own interests.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a>
+And Brissot, who had made these matters his especial
+study, cries out, &lsquo;Admirable constitution! which can
+only be disparaged either by men who know it not, or
+else by those whose tongues are bridled by slavery.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the opinions of some of the most celebrated
+Frenchmen of that time; and it would be easy to fill a
+volume with similar extracts. But, what I now rather
+wish to do, is, to point out the first great consequence
+of this new and sudden admiration for a country which,
+in the preceding age, had been held in profound contempt.
+The events which followed are, indeed, of
+an importance impossible to exaggerate; since they
+brought about that rupture between the intellectual and
+governing classes, of which the revolution itself was
+but a temporary episode.</p>
+
+<p>The great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century
+being stimulated by the example of England into a love
+of progress, naturally came into collision with the
+governing classes, among whom the old stationary spirit
+still prevailed. This opposition was a wholesome reaction
+against that disgraceful servility for which, in
+the reign of Louis XIV., literary men had been remarkable;
+and if the contest which ensued had been conducted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>
+with anything approaching to moderation, the
+ultimate result would have been highly beneficial; since
+it would have secured that divergence between the
+speculative and practical classes which, as we have
+already seen, is essential to maintain the balance of
+civilization, and to prevent either side from acquiring
+a dangerous predominance. But, unfortunately, the
+nobles and clergy had been so long accustomed to
+power, that they could not brook the slightest contradiction
+from those great writers, whom they ignorantly
+despised as their inferiors. Hence it was, that when
+the most illustrious Frenchmen of the eighteenth century
+attempted to infuse into the literature of their
+country a spirit of inquiry similar to that which existed
+in England, the ruling classes became roused into a
+hatred and jealousy which broke all bounds, and gave
+rise to that crusade against knowledge which forms the
+second principal precursor of the French Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>The extent of that cruel persecution to which literature
+was now exposed, can only be fully appreciated by
+those who have minutely studied the history of France
+in the eighteenth century. For it was not a stray case
+of oppression, which occurred here and there; but it
+was a prolonged and systematic attempt to stifle all inquiry,
+and punish all inquirers. If a list were drawn
+up of all the literary men who wrote during the seventy
+years succeeding the death of Louis XIV., it would be
+found, that at least nine out of every ten had suffered
+from the government some grievous injury; and that a
+majority of them had been actually thrown into prison.
+Indeed, in saying thus much, I am understating the
+real facts of the case; for I question if one literary man
+out of fifty escaped with entire impunity. Certainly,
+my own knowledge of those times, though carefully
+collected, is not so complete as I could have wished;
+but, among those authors who were punished, I find the
+name of nearly every Frenchman whose writings have
+survived the age in which they were produced. Among
+those who suffered either confiscation, or imprisonment,
+or exile, or fines, or the suppression of their works, or
+the ignominy of being forced to recant what they had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
+written, I find, besides a host of inferior writers, the
+names of Beaumarchais, Berruyer, Bougeant, Buffon,
+D'Alembert, Diderot, Duclos, Freret, Helvétius, La
+Harpe, Linguet, Mably, Marmontel, Montesquieu,
+Mercier, Morellet, Raynal, Rousseau, Suard, Thomas,
+and Voltaire.</p>
+
+<p>The mere recital of this list is pregnant with instruction.
+To suppose that all these eminent men deserved
+the treatment they received, would, even in the absence
+of direct evidence, be a manifest absurdity; since it
+would involve the supposition, that a schism having
+taken place between two classes, the weaker class was
+altogether wrong, and the stronger altogether right.
+Fortunately, however, there is no necessity for resorting
+to any merely speculative argument respecting the probable
+merits of the two parties. The accusations brought
+against these great men are before the world; the penalties
+inflicted are equally well known; and, by putting these
+together, we may form some idea of the state of society,
+in which such things could be openly practised.</p>
+
+<p>Voltaire, almost immediately after the death of
+Louis XIV., was falsely charged with having composed
+a libel on that prince; and, for this imaginary offence,
+he, without the pretence of a trial, and without even
+the shadow of a proof, was thrown into the Bastille,
+where he was confined more than twelve months.<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a>
+Shortly after he was released, there was put upon him
+a still more grievous insult; the occurrence, and, above
+all, the impunity of which, supply striking evidence as
+to the state of society in which such things were permitted.
+Voltaire, at the table of the Duke de Sully,
+was deliberately insulted by the Chevalier de Rohan
+Chabot, one of those impudent and dissolute nobles who
+then abounded in Paris. The duke, though the outrage
+was committed in his own house, in his own presence,
+and upon his own guest, would not interfere; but seemed
+to consider that a poor poet was honoured by being in
+any way noticed by a man of rank. But, as Voltaire, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
+the heat of the moment, let fall one of those stinging
+retorts which were the terror of his enemies, the chevalier
+determined to visit him with further punishment.
+The course he adopted was characteristic of the man,
+and of the class to which he belonged. He caused
+Voltaire to be seized in the streets of Paris, and in his
+presence ignominiously beaten, he himself regulating the
+number of blows of which the chastisement was to consist.
+Voltaire, smarting under the insult, demanded that
+satisfaction which it was customary to give. This,
+however, did not enter into the plan of his noble assailer,
+who not only refused to meet him in the field, but
+actually obtained an order, by which he was confined in
+the Bastille for six months, and at the end of that time
+was directed to quit the country.<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was that Voltaire, having first been imprisoned
+for a libel which he never wrote, and having then
+been publicly beaten because he retorted an insult
+wantonly put upon him, was now sentenced to another
+imprisonment, through the influence of the very man
+by whom he had been attacked. The exile which followed
+the imprisonment seems to have been soon remitted;
+as, shortly after these events, we find Voltaire again in
+France, preparing for publication his first historical
+work, a life of Charles XII. In this, there are none of
+those attacks on Christianity which gave offence in his
+subsequent writings; nor does it contain the least reflection
+upon the arbitrary government under which he
+had suffered. The French authorities at first granted
+that permission, without which no book could then be
+published; but as soon as it was actually printed,
+the license was withdrawn, and the history forbidden to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
+be circulated.<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> The next attempt of Voltaire was one
+of much greater value: it was therefore repulsed still
+more sharply. During his residence in England,
+his inquisitive mind had been deeply interested
+by a state of things so different from any he had
+hitherto seen; and he now published an account of
+that remarkable people, from whose literature he had
+learned many important truths. His work, which he
+called <i>Philosophic Letters</i>, was received with general applause;
+but, unfortunately for himself, he adopted in it
+the arguments of Locke against innate ideas. The
+rulers of France, though not likely to know much about
+innate ideas, had a suspicion that the doctrine of Locke
+was in some way dangerous; and, as they were told
+that it was a novelty, they felt themselves bound to prevent
+its promulgation. Their remedy was very simple.
+They ordered that Voltaire should be again arrested
+and that his work should be burned by the common
+hangman.<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a></p>
+
+<p>These repeated injuries might well have moved a more
+patient spirit than that of Voltaire.<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> Certainly, those
+who reproach this illustrious man, as if he were the instigator
+of unprovoked attacks upon the existing state
+of things, must know very little of the age in which it
+was his misfortune to live. Even on what has been
+always considered the neutral ground of physical science,
+there was displayed the same despotic and persecuting
+spirit. Voltaire, among other schemes for benefiting
+France, wished to make known to his countrymen the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
+wonderful discoveries of Newton, of which they were
+completely ignorant. With this view, he drew up an
+account of the labours of that extraordinary thinker;
+but here again the authorities interposed, and forbade
+the work to be printed.<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> Indeed, the rulers of France,
+as if sensible that their only security was the ignorance
+of the people, obstinately set their face against every
+description of knowledge. Several eminent authors had
+undertaken to execute, on a magnificent scale, an Encyclopædia,
+which should contain a summary of all the
+branches of science and of art. This, undoubtedly the
+most splendid enterprise ever started by a body of literary
+men, was at first discouraged by the government,
+and afterwards entirely prohibited.<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> On other occasions,
+the same tendency was shown in matters so trifling
+that nothing but the gravity of their ultimate
+results prevents them from being ridiculous. In 1770,
+Imbert translated Clarke's <i>Letters on Spain</i>: one of the
+best works then existing on that country. This book,
+however, was suppressed as soon as it appeared;
+and the only reason assigned for such a stretch of power
+is, that it contained some remarks respecting the passion
+of Charles III. for hunting, which were considered disrespectful
+to the French crown, because Louis XV. was
+himself a great hunter.<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> Several years before this,
+La Bletterie, who was favourably known in France by
+his works, was elected a member of the French Academy.
+But he, it seems, was a Jansenist, and had, moreover,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
+ventured to assert that the Emperor Julian, notwithstanding
+his apostacy, was not entirely devoid of
+good qualities. Such offences could not be overlooked
+in so pure an age; and the king obliged the Academy to
+exclude La Bletterie from their society.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> That the
+punishment extended no further, was an instance of
+remarkable leniency; for Fréret, an eminent critic and
+scholar,<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> was confined in the Bastille, because he stated
+in one of his memoirs, that the earliest Frankish chiefs
+had received their titles from the Romans.<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> The same
+penalty was inflicted four different times upon Lenglet
+du Fresnoy.<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> In the case of this amiable and accomplished
+man, there seems to have been hardly the shadow
+of a pretext for the cruelty with which he was treated;
+though, on one occasion, the alleged offence was, that
+he had published a supplement to the History of De
+Thou.<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a></p>
+
+<p>Indeed, we have only to open the biographies and correspondence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
+of that time, to find instances crowding
+upon us from all quarters. Rousseau was threatened
+with imprisonment, was driven from France, and his
+works were publicly burned.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> The celebrated treatise
+of Helvétius on the mind was suppressed by an
+order from the royal council: it was burned by the
+common hangman, and the author was compelled to
+write two letters, retracting his opinions.<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> Some of
+the geological views of Buffon having offended the clergy,
+that illustrious naturalist was obliged to publish a formal
+recantation of doctrines which are now known to
+be perfectly accurate.<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> The learned Observations on
+the History of France, by Mably, were suppressed as
+soon as they appeared;<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> for what reason it would be
+hard to say, since M. Guizot, certainly no friend either
+to anarchy or to irreligion, has thought it worth while
+to republish them, and thus stamp them with the authority
+of his own great name. The History of the Indies,
+by Raynal, was condemned to the flames, and the author
+ordered to be arrested.<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> Lanjuinais, in his well-known
+work on Joseph II., advocated not only religious toleration,
+but even the abolition of slavery; his book, therefore,
+was declared to be &lsquo;seditious;&rsquo; it was pronounced &lsquo;destructive
+of all subordination,&rsquo; and was sentenced to be
+burned.<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> The Analysis of Bayle, by Marsy, was
+suppressed, and the author was imprisoned.<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> The
+History of the Jesuits, by Linguet, was delivered to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
+flames; eight years later his <i>Journal</i> was suppressed;
+and, three years after that, as he still persisted in writing,
+his Political Annals were suppressed, and he himself
+was thrown into the Bastille.<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> Delisle de Sales
+was sentenced to perpetual exile, and confiscation of all
+his property, on account of his work on the Philosophy
+of Nature.<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a> The treatise by Mey, on French Law,
+was suppressed;<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> that by Boncerf, on Feudal Law, was
+burned.<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> The Memoirs of Beaumarchais were likewise
+burned;<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> the Eloge on Fénelon by La Harpe was
+merely suppressed.<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> Duvernet having written a History
+of the Sorbonne, which was still unpublished, was
+seized and thrown into the Bastille, while the manuscript
+was yet in his own possession.<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a> The celebrated work
+of De Lolme on the English constitution was suppressed
+by edict directly it appeared.<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> The fate of being suppressed,
+or prohibited, also awaited the Letters of Gervaise,
+in 1724;<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> the Dissertations of Courayer, in
+1727;<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> the Letters of Montgon, in 1732;<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> the History
+of Tamerlane, by Margat, also in 1732;<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a> the Essay
+on Taste, by Cartaud, in 1736;<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> the Life of Domat,
+by Prévost de la Jannès, in 1742;<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> the History of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
+Louis XI., by Duclos, in 1745;<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a> the Letters of Bargeton,
+in 1750;<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> the Memoirs on Troyes, by Grosley, in
+the same year;<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a> the History of Clement XI., by Reboulet,
+in 1752;<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> the School of Man, by Génard, also
+in 1752;<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> the Therapeutics of Garlon, in 1756;<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> the
+celebrated thesis of Louis, on Generation, in 1754;<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> the
+Treatise on Presidial Jurisdiction, by Jousse, in 1755;<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a>
+the Ericie of Fontanelle, in 1768;<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> the Thoughts of
+Jamin, in 1769;<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> the History of Siam, by Turpin, and
+the Eloge of Marcus Aurelius, by Thomas, both in
+1770;<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> the works on Finance by Darigrand in 1764; and
+by Le Trosne, in 1779;<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a> the Essay on Military Tactics,
+by Guibert, in 1772; the Letters of Boucquet, in the same
+year;<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> and the Memoirs of Terrai, by Coquereau, in
+1776.<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> Such wanton destruction of property was,
+however, mercy itself, compared to the treatment experienced
+by other literary men in France. Desforges,
+for example, having written against the arrest of the
+Pretender to the English throne, was, solely on that account,
+buried in a dungeon eight feet square, and confined
+there for three years.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a> This happened in 1749; and
+in 1770, Audra, professor at the college of Toulouse, and
+a man of some reputation, published the first volume
+of his Abridgment of General History. Beyond this,
+the work never proceeded; it was at once condemned
+by the archbishop of the diocese, and the author was
+deprived of his office. Audra, held up to public opprobrium,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
+the whole of his labours rendered useless, and
+the prospects of his life suddenly blighted, was unable
+to survive the shock. He was struck with apoplexy,
+and within twenty-four hours was lying a corpse in his
+own house.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a></p>
+
+<p>It will probably be allowed that I have collected sufficient
+evidence to substantiate my assertion respecting
+the persecutions directed against every description of
+literature; but the carelessness with which the antecedents
+of the French Revolution have been studied, has
+given rise to such erroneous opinions on this subject,
+that I am anxious to add a few more instances, so as to
+put beyond the possibility of doubt the nature of the
+provocations habitually received by the most eminent
+Frenchmen of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>Among the many celebrated authors who, though, inferior
+to Voltaire, Montesquieu, Buffon, and Rousseau,
+were second only to them, three of the most remarkable
+were Diderot, Marmontel, and Morellet. The first two
+are known to every reader; while Morellet, though comparatively
+forgotten, had in his own time considerable
+influence, and had, moreover, the distinguished merit of
+being the first who popularized in France those great
+truths which had been recently discovered in political
+economy by Adam Smith, and in jurisprudence by
+Beccaria.</p>
+
+<p>A certain M. Cury wrote a satire upon the Duke
+d'Aumont, which he showed to his friend Marmontel,
+who, struck by its power, repeated it to a small circle of
+his acquaintance. The duke, hearing of this, was full of
+indignation, and insisted upon the name of the author
+being given up. This, of course, was impossible without
+a gross breach of confidence; but Marmontel, to do
+everything in his power, wrote to the duke, stating,
+what was really the fact, that the lines in question had
+not been printed, that there was no intention of making
+them public, and that they had only been communicated
+to a few of his own particular friends. It might have
+been supposed that this would have satisfied even a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
+French noble; but Marmontel, still doubting the result,
+sought an audience of the minister, in the hope of procuring
+the protection of the crown. All, however, was in
+vain. It will hardly be believed, that Marmontel, who
+was then at the height of his reputation, was seized in
+the middle of Paris, and because he refused to betray his
+friend, was thrown into the Bastille. Nay, so implacable
+were his persecutors, that after his liberation from prison
+they, in the hope of reducing him to beggary, deprived
+him of the right of publishing the <i>Mercure</i>, upon which
+nearly the whole of his income depended.<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a></p>
+
+<p>To the Abbé Morellet a somewhat similar circumstance
+occurred. A miserable scribbler, named Palissot,
+had written a comedy ridiculing some of the ablest
+Frenchmen then living. To this Morellet replied by a
+pleasant little satire, in which he made a very harmless
+allusion to the Princess de Robeck, one of Palissot's
+patrons. She, amazed at such presumption, complained
+to the minister, who immediately ordered the abbé to be
+confined in the Bastille, where he remained for some
+months, although he had not only been guilty of no
+scandal, but had not even mentioned the name of the
+princess.<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a></p>
+
+<p>The treatment of Diderot was still more severe. This
+remarkable man owed his influence chiefly to his immense
+correspondence, and to the brilliancy of a conversation
+for which, even in Paris, he was unrivalled, and
+which he used to display with considerable effect at
+those celebrated dinners where, during a quarter of a
+century, Holbach assembled the most illustrious thinkers
+in France.<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a> Besides this, he is the author of several<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
+works of interest, most of which are well known to the
+students of French literature.<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> His independent spirit,
+and the reputation he obtained, earned for him a share
+in the general persecution. The first work he wrote
+was ordered to be publicly burned by the common
+hangman.<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> This, indeed, was the fate of nearly all
+the best literary productions of that time; and Diderot
+might esteem himself fortunate in merely losing his
+property, provided he saved himself from imprisonment.
+But, a few years later, he wrote another work, in which
+he said that people who are born blind have some
+ideas different from those who are possessed of their
+eyesight. This assertion is by no means improbable,<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
+and it contains nothing by which any one need be
+startled. The men, however, who then governed France
+discovered in it some hidden danger. Whether they
+suspected that the mention of blindness was an allusion
+to themselves, or whether they were merely instigated
+by the perversity of their temper, is uncertain; at all
+events, the unfortunate Diderot, for having hazarded
+this opinion, was arrested, and without even the form
+of a trial, was confined in the dungeon of Vincennes.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a>
+The natural results followed. The works of Diderot rose
+in popularity;<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> and he, burning with hatred against
+his persecutors, redoubled his efforts to overthrow those
+institutions, under shelter of which such monstrous
+tyranny could be safely practised.</p>
+
+<p>It seems hardly necessary to say more respecting the
+incredible folly with which the rulers of France, by turning
+every able man into a personal enemy,<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> at length
+arrayed against the government all the intellect of the
+country, and made the Revolution a matter not of choice
+but of necessity. I will, however, as a fitting sequel to
+the preceding facts, give one instance of the way in
+which, to gratify the caprice of the higher classes, even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
+the most private affections of domestic life, could be
+publicly outraged. In the middle of the eighteenth
+century, there was an actress on the French stage of
+the name of Chantilly. She, though beloved by Maurice
+de Saxe, preferred a more honourable attachment, and
+married Favart, the well-known writer of songs and
+of comic operas. Maurice, amazed at her boldness, applied
+for aid to the French crown. That he should
+have made such an application is sufficiently strange;
+but the result of it is hardly to be paralleled except in
+some Eastern despotism. The government of France,
+on hearing the circumstance, had the inconceivable
+baseness to issue an order directing Favart to abandon
+his wife, and intrust her to the charge of Maurice, to
+whose embraces she was compelled to submit.<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a></p>
+
+<p>These are among the insufferable provocations, by
+which the blood of men is made to boil in their veins.
+Who can wonder that the greatest and noblest minds in
+France were filled with loathing at the government by
+whom such things were done? If we, notwithstanding
+the distance of time and country, are moved to indignation
+by the mere mention of them, what must have
+been felt by those before whose eyes they actually
+occurred? And when, to the horror they naturally
+inspired, there was added that apprehension of being
+the next victim which every one might personally feel;
+when, moreover, we remember that the authors of these
+persecutions had none of the abilities by which even
+vice itself is sometimes ennobled;&mdash;when we thus contrast
+the poverty of their understandings with the greatness
+of their crimes, we, instead of being astonished
+that there was a revolution, by which all the machinery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
+of the state was swept away, should rather be amazed
+at that unexampled patience by which alone the revolution
+was so long deferred.</p>
+
+<p>To me, indeed, it has always appeared, that the delay of
+the Revolution is one of the most striking proofs history
+affords of the force of established habits, and of the
+tenacity with which the human mind clings to old associations.
+For, if ever there existed a government inherently
+and radically bad, it was the government of France
+in the eighteenth century. If ever there existed a state
+of society likely, by its crying and accumulated evils, to
+madden men to desperation, France was in that state.
+The people, despised and enslaved, were sunk in abject
+poverty, and were curbed by laws of stringent cruelty,
+enforced with merciless barbarism. A supreme and
+irresponsible control was exercised over the whole
+country by the clergy, the nobles, and the crown. The
+intellect of France was placed under the ban of a ruthless
+proscription, its literature prohibited and burned,
+its authors plundered and imprisoned. Nor was there
+the least symptom that these evils were likely to be
+remedied. The upper classes, whose arrogance was
+increased by the long tenure of their power, only
+thought of present enjoyment: they took no heed of the
+future: they saw not that day of reckoning, the bitterness
+of which they were soon to experience. The
+people remained in slavery until the Revolution actually
+occurred; while as to the literature, nearly every year
+witnessed some new effort to deprive it of that share of
+liberty which it still retained. Having, in 1764, issued
+a decree forbidding any work to be published in which
+questions of government were discussed;<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> having, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
+1767, made it a capital offence to write a book likely to
+excite the public mind;<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> and having, moreover, denounced
+the same penalty of death against any one who
+attacked religion,<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> as also against any one who spoke
+of matters of finance;<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a>&mdash;having taken these steps, the
+rulers of France, very shortly before their final fall,
+contemplated another measure still more comprehensive.
+It is, indeed, a singular fact, that only nine
+years before the Revolution, and when no power on
+earth could have saved the institutions of the country,
+the government was so ignorant of the real state of
+affairs, and so confident that it could quell the spirit
+which its own despotism had raised, that a proposal
+was made by an officer of the crown to do away with
+all the publishers, and not allow any books to be
+printed except those which were issued from a press
+paid, appointed, and controlled by the executive magistrate.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a>
+This monstrous proposition, if carried into
+effect, would of course have invested the king with all
+the influence which literature can command; it would
+have been as fatal to the national intellect as the other
+measures were to national liberty; and it would have
+consummated the ruin of France, either by reducing
+its greatest men to complete silence, or else by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
+degrading them into mere advocates of those opinions
+which the government might wish to propagate.</p>
+
+<p>For these are by no means to be considered as trifling
+matters, merely interesting to men of letters. In
+France, in the eighteenth century, literature was the
+last resource of liberty. In England, if our great authors
+should prostitute their abilities by inculcating
+servile opinions, the danger would no doubt be considerable,
+because other parts of society might find
+it difficult to escape the contagion. Still, before the
+corruption had spread, there would be time to stop
+its course, so long as we possessed those free political
+institutions, by the mere mention of which the generous
+imagination of a bold people is easily fired. And
+although such institutions are the consequence, not
+the cause, of liberty, they do unquestionably react
+upon it, and from the force of habit they could for
+a while survive that from which they originally sprung.
+So long as a country retains its political freedom,
+there will always remain associations by which, even
+in the midst of mental degradation, and out of the
+depths of the lowest superstition, the minds of men
+may be recalled to better things. But in France such
+associations had no existence. In France everything
+was for the governors and nothing for the governed.
+There was neither free press, nor free parliament,
+nor free debates. There were no public meetings;
+there was no popular suffrage; there was no discussion
+on the hustings; there was no habeas-corpus
+act; there was no trial by jury. The voice of liberty,
+thus silenced in every department of the state, could
+only be heard in the appeals of those great men,
+who, by their writings, inspirited the people to resistance.
+This is the point of view from which we
+ought to estimate the character of those who are often
+accused of having wantonly disturbed the ancient
+fabric.<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> They, as well as the people at large, were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
+cruelly oppressed by the crown, the nobles, and the
+church; and they used their abilities to retaliate the
+injury. There can be no doubt that this was the best
+course open to them. There can be no doubt that rebellion
+is the last remedy against tyranny, and that a despotic
+system should be encountered by a revolutionary
+literature. The upper classes were to blame, because they
+struck the first blow; but we must by no means censure
+those great men, who, having defended themselves from
+aggression, eventually succeeded in smiting the government
+by whom the aggression was originally made.</p>
+
+<p>Without, however, stopping to vindicate their conduct,
+we have now to consider what is much more important,
+namely, the origin of that crusade against
+Christianity, in which, unhappily for France, they were
+compelled to embark, and the occurrence of which forms
+the third great antecedent of the French Revolution.
+A knowledge of the causes of this hostility against
+Christianity is essential to a right understanding of the
+philosophy of the eighteenth century, and it will throw
+some light on the general theory of ecclesiastical power.</p>
+
+<p>It is a circumstance well worthy of remark, that the
+revolutionary literature which eventually overturned all
+the institutions of France, was at first directed against
+those which were religious, rather than against those
+which were political. The great writers who rose into
+notice soon after the death of Louis XIV., exerted
+themselves against spiritual despotism; while the overthrow
+of secular despotism was left to their immediate
+successors.<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> This is not the course which would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
+pursued in a healthy state of society; and there is no
+doubt, that to this peculiarity the crimes and the lawless
+violence of the French Revolution are in no small degree
+to be ascribed. It is evident, that in the legitimate
+progress of a nation, political innovations should keep
+pace with religious innovations, so that the people may
+increase their liberty while they diminish their superstition.
+In France, on the contrary, during nearly forty
+years, the church was attacked, and the government
+was spared. The consequence was, that the order and
+balance of the country were destroyed; the minds of
+men became habituated to the most daring speculations,
+while their acts were controlled by the most oppressive
+despotism; and they felt themselves possessed of capacities
+which their rulers would not allow them to employ.
+When, therefore, the French Revolution broke
+out, it was not a mere rising of ignorant slaves against
+educated masters, but it was a rising of men in whom
+the despair caused by slavery was quickened by the
+resources of advancing knowledge; men who were in
+that frightful condition when the progress of intellect
+outstrips the progress of liberty, and when a desire is
+felt, not only to remove a tyranny, but also to avenge
+an insult.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that to this we must ascribe
+some of the most hideous peculiarities of the French
+Revolution. It, therefore, becomes a matter of great
+interest to inquire how it was, that while in England
+political freedom and religious sceptism have accompanied
+and aided each other, there should, on the other
+hand, have taken place in France a vast movement, in
+which, during nearly forty years, the ablest men neglected
+the freedom, while they encouraged the scepticism,
+and diminished the power of the church, without increasing
+the liberties of the people.</p>
+
+<p>The first reason of this appears to be, the nature of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
+those ideas out of which the French had long constructed
+the traditions of their glory. A train of circumstances
+which, when treating of the protective spirit, I attempted
+to indicate, had secured to the French kings an
+authority which, by making all classes subordinate to
+the crown, flattered the popular vanity.<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> Hence it
+was, that in France the feelings of loyalty worked into
+the national mind deeper than in any other country of
+Europe, Spain alone excepted.<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> The difference between
+this spirit and that observable in England has
+been already noticed, and may be still further illustrated
+by the different ways in which the two nations have
+dealt with the posthumous reputation of their sovereigns.
+With the exception of Alfred, who is sometimes
+called the Great,<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> we in England have not sufficiently
+loved any of our princes to bestow upon them titles
+expressive of personal admiration. But the French
+have decorated their kings with every variety of panegyric.
+Thus, to take only a single name, one king is
+Louis the Mild, another is Louis the Saint, another is
+Louis the Just, another is Louis the Great, and the
+most hopelessly vicious of all was called Louis the
+Beloved.</p>
+
+<p>These are facts which, insignificant as they seem,
+form most important materials for real history, since<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
+they are unequivocal symptoms of the state of the
+country in which they exist.<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> Their relation to the
+subject before us is obvious. For, by them, and by the
+circumstances from which they sprung, an intimate and
+hereditary association was engendered in the minds of
+Frenchmen, between the glory of their nation and the
+personal reputation of their sovereign. The consequence
+was, that the political conduct of the rulers of France
+was protected against censure by a fence far more impassable
+than any that could be erected by the most
+stringent laws. It was protected by those prejudices
+which each generation bequeathed to its successor. It
+was protected by that halo which time had thrown
+round the oldest monarchy in Europe.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> And above<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
+all, it was protected by that miserable national vanity,
+which made men submit to taxation and to slavery, in
+order that foreign princes might be dazzled by the
+splendour of their sovereign, and foreign countries intimidated
+by the greatness of his victories.</p>
+
+<p>The upshot of all this was, that when, early in the
+eighteenth century, the intellect of France began to be
+roused into action, the idea of attacking the abuses of the
+monarchy never occurred even to the boldest thinker.
+But, under the protection of the crown, there had grown
+up another institution, about which less delicacy was
+felt. The clergy, who for so long a period had been
+allowed to oppress the consciences of men, were not
+sheltered by those national associations which surrounded
+the person of the sovereign; nor had any of
+them, with the single exception of Bossuet, done much
+to increase the general reputation of France. Indeed,
+the French church, though during the reign of Louis
+XIV. it possessed immense authority, had always exercised
+it in subordination to the crown, at whose
+bidding it had not feared to oppose even the pope himself.<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a>
+It was, therefore, natural, that in France the
+ecclesiastical power should be attacked before the temporal
+power; because, while it was as despotic, it was
+less influential, and because it was unprotected by those
+popular traditions which form the principal support of
+every ancient institution.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations are sufficient to explain why it
+was that, in this respect, the French and English intellects
+adopted courses so entirely different. In England,
+the minds of men, being less hampered with the prejudices
+of an indiscriminate loyalty, have been able at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
+each successive step in the great progress to direct their
+doubts and inquiries on politics as well as on religion;
+and thus establishing their freedom as they diminished
+their superstition, they have maintained the balance of
+the national intellect, without allowing to either of its
+divisions an excessive preponderance. But in France
+the admiration for royalty had become so great, that
+this balance was disturbed; the inquiries of men not
+daring to settle on politics, were fixed on religion, and
+gave rise to the singular phenomenon of a rich and
+powerful literature, in which unanimous hostility to the
+church was unaccompanied by a single voice against the
+enormous abuses of the state.</p>
+
+<p>There was likewise another circumstance which increased
+this peculiar tendency. During the reign of
+Louis XIV. the personal character of the hierarchy had
+done much to secure their dominion. All the leaders
+of the church were men of virtue, and many were men
+of ability. Their conduct, tyrannical as it was, seems
+to have been conscientious; and the evils which it produced
+are merely to be ascribed to the gross impolicy of
+entrusting ecclesiastics with power. But after the
+death of Louis XIV. a great change took place. The
+Clergy, from causes which it would be tedious to investigate,
+became extremely dissolute, and often very
+ignorant. This made their tyranny more oppressive,
+because to submit to it was more disgraceful. The
+great abilities and unblemished morals of men like
+Bossuet, Fénélon, Bourdaloue, Fléchier, and Mascaron,
+diminished in some degree the ignominy which is
+always connected with blind obedience. But when they
+were succeeded by such bishops and cardinals as Dubois,
+Lafiteau, Tencin, and others who flourished under the
+regency, it became difficult to respect the heads of the
+church, tainted as they were with open and notorious
+depravity.<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a> At the same time that there occurred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
+this unfavourable change among the ecclesiastical rulers,
+there also occurred that immense reaction of which I
+have endeavoured to trace the early workings. It was
+therefore, at the very moment when the spirit of inquiry
+became stronger that the character of the Clergy became
+more contemptible.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a> The great writers who were now
+rising in France, were moved to indignation when they
+saw that those who usurped unlimited power over
+consciences had themselves no consciences at all. It is
+evident, that every argument which they borrowed from
+England against ecclesiastical power, would gain additional
+force when directed against men whose personal
+unfitness was universally acknowledged.<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the position of the rival parties, when,
+almost immediately after the death of Louis XIV., there
+began that great struggle between authority and reason,
+which is still unfinished, although in the present state
+of knowledge its result is no longer doubtful. On the
+one side there was a compact and numerous priesthood,
+supported by the prescription of centuries and by the
+authority of the crown. On the other side there was a
+small body of men, without rank, without wealth, and
+as yet without reputation, but animated by a love of
+liberty, and by a just confidence in their own abilities.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
+Unfortunately, they at the very outset committed a
+serious error. In attacking the clergy, they lost their
+respect for religion. In their determination to weaken
+ecclesiastical power, they attempted to undermine the
+foundations of Christianity. This is deeply to be regretted
+for their own sake, as well as for its ultimate
+effects in France; but it must not be imputed to them
+as a crime, since it was forced on them by the exigencies
+of their position. They saw the frightful evils which
+their country was suffering from the institution of
+priesthood as it then existed; and yet they were told
+that the preservation of that institution in its actual
+form was essential to the very being of Christianity.
+They had always been taught that the interests of the
+clergy were identical with the interests of religion; how
+then could they avoid including both clergy and religion
+in the same hostility? The alternative was cruel; but
+it was one from which, in common honesty, they had no
+escape. We, judging these things by another standard,
+possess a measure which they could not possibly have.
+We should not now commit such an error, because we
+know that there is no connexion between any one particular
+form of priesthood and the interests of Christianity.
+We know that the clergy are made for the
+people, and not the people for the clergy. We know
+that all questions of church government are matters,
+not of religion, but of policy, and should be settled, not
+according to traditional dogmas, but according to large
+views of general expediency. It is because these propositions
+are now admitted by all enlightened men,
+that in our country the truths of religion are rarely
+attacked except by superficial thinkers. If, for instance,
+we were to find that the existence of our bishops, with
+their privileges and their wealth, is unfavourable to the
+progress of society, we should not on that account feel
+enmity against Christianity; because we should remember
+that episcopacy is its accident, and not its
+essential, and that we could do away with the institution
+and yet retain the religion. In the same way, if we
+should ever find, what was formerly found in France,
+that the clergy were tyrannical, this would excite in us<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
+an opposition, not to Christianity, but merely to the external
+form which Christianity assumed. So long as
+our clergy confine themselves to the beneficent duties of
+their calling, to the alleviation of pain and distress,
+either bodily or mental, so long will we respect them
+as the ministers of peace and of charity. But if they
+should ever again entrench on the rights of the laity,&mdash;if
+they should ever again interfere with an authoritative
+voice in the government of the state,&mdash;it will then be
+for the people to inquire, whether the time has not come
+to effect a revision of the ecclesiastical constitution of
+the country. This, therefore, is the manner in which
+we now view these things. What we think of the
+clergy will depend upon themselves; but will have no
+connection with what we think of Christianity. We
+look on the clergy as a body of men who, notwithstanding
+their disposition to intolerance, and notwithstanding
+a certain narrowness incidental to their
+profession, do undoubtedly form part of a vast and
+noble institution, by which the manners of men have
+been softened, their sufferings assuaged, their distresses
+relieved. As long as this institution performs its functions,
+we are well content to let it stand. If, however,
+it should be out of repair, or if it should be found inadequate
+to the shifting circumstances of an advancing
+society, we retain both the power and the right of
+remedying its faults; we may, if need be, remove some
+of its parts; but we would not, we dare not, tamper
+with those great religious truths which are altogether
+independent of it; truths which comfort the mind of
+man, raise him above the instincts of the hour, and infuse
+into him those lofty aspirations which, revealing to
+him his own immortality, are the measure and the
+symptom of a future life.</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately, this was not the way in which these
+matters were considered in France. The government
+of that country, by investing the clergy with great
+immunities, by treating them as if there were something
+sacred about their persons, and by punishing as heresy
+the attacks which were made on them, had established
+in the national mind an indissoluble connexion between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
+their interests and the interests of Christianity. The
+consequence was, that when the struggle began, the
+ministers of religion, and religion itself, were both
+assailed with equal zeal. The ridicule, and even the
+abuse, heaped on the clergy, will surprise no one who is
+acquainted with the provocation that had been received.
+And although, in the indiscriminate onslaught which
+soon followed, Christianity was, for a time, subjected to
+a fate which ought to have been reserved for those who
+called themselves her ministers; this, while it moves us
+to regret, ought by no means to excite our astonishment.
+The destruction of Christianity in France was the necessary
+result of those opinions which bound up the destiny
+of the national priesthood with the destiny of the
+national religion. If both were connected by the same
+origin, both should fall in the same ruin. If that which
+is the tree of life, were, in reality, so corrupt that it
+could only bear poisonous fruits, then it availed little to
+lop off the boughs and cut down the branches; but it
+were better, by one mighty effort, to root it up from
+the ground, and secure the health of society by stopping
+the very source of the contagion.</p>
+
+<p>These are reflections which must make us pause before
+we censure the deistical writers of the eighteenth
+century. So perverted, however, are the reasonings
+to which some minds are accustomed, that those who
+judge them most uncharitably are precisely those whose
+conduct forms their best excuse. Such are the men
+who, by putting forth the most extravagant claims
+in favour of the clergy, are seeking to establish the
+principle, by the operation of which the clergy were
+destroyed. Their scheme for restoring the old system
+of ecclesiastical authority depends on the supposition
+of its divine origin: a supposition which, if inseparable
+from Christianity, will at once justify the infidelity
+which they hotly attack. The increase of the
+power of the clergy is incompatible with the interests
+of civilization. If, therefore, any religion adopts as its
+creed the necessity of such an increase, it becomes the
+bounden duty of every friend to humanity to do his
+utmost, either to destroy the creed, or failing in that,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
+to overturn the religion. If pretensions of this sort are
+an essential part of Christianity, it behoves us at once
+to make our choice; since the only option can be,
+between abjuring our faith or sacrificing our liberty.
+Fortunately, we are not driven to so hard a strait; and
+we know that these claims are as false in theory, as
+they would be pernicious in practice. It is, indeed,
+certain, that if they were put into execution, the clergy,
+though they might enjoy a momentary triumph, would
+have consummated their own ruin, by preparing the
+way among us for scenes as disastrous as those which
+occurred in France.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that what is most blamed in the great
+French writers, was the natural consequence of the
+development of their age. Never was there a more
+striking illustration of the social law already noticed,
+that, if government will allow religious scepticism to
+run its course, it will issue in great things, and will
+hasten the march of civilization; but that, if an attempt
+is made to put it down with a strong hand, it may, no
+doubt, be repressed for a time, but eventually will rise
+with such force as to endanger the foundation of
+society. In England, we adopted the first of these
+courses; in France, they adopted the second. In
+England, men were allowed to exercise their own
+judgment on the most sacred subjects; and, as soon as
+the diminution of their credulity had made them set
+bounds to the power of the clergy, toleration immediately
+followed, and the national prosperity has never
+been disturbed. In France, the authority of the clergy
+was increased by a superstitious king; faith usurped
+the place of reason, not a whisper of doubt was allowed
+to be heard, and the spirit of inquiry was stifled, until
+the country fell to the brink of ruin. If Louis XIV.
+had not interfered with the natural progress, France,
+like England, would have continued to advance. After
+his death, it was, indeed, too late to save the clergy,
+against whom all the intellect of the nation was
+soon arrayed. But the force of the storm might still
+have been broken, if the government of Louis XV.
+had conciliated what it was impossible to resist; and,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
+instead of madly attempting to restrain opinions by laws,
+had altered the laws to suit the opinions. If the rulers
+of France, instead of exerting themselves to silence the
+national literature, had yielded to its suggestions, and
+had receded before the pressure of advancing knowledge,
+the fatal collision would have been avoided;
+because the passions which caused the collision would
+have been appeased. In such case, the church would
+have fallen somewhat earlier; but the state itself would
+have been saved. In such case, France would, in all
+probability, have secured her liberties, without increasing
+her crimes; and that great country, which,
+from her position and resources, ought to be the pattern
+of European civilization, might have escaped the ordeal
+of those terrible atrocities, through which she was compelled
+to pass, and from the effects of which she has
+not yet recovered.</p>
+
+<p>It must, I think, be admitted that, during, at all
+events, the first half of the reign of Louis XV., it was
+possible, by timely concessions, still to preserve the
+political institutions of France. Reforms there must
+have been; and reforms too of a large and uncompromising
+character. So far, however, as I am able to
+understand the real history of that period, I make no
+doubt that, if these had been granted in a frank and
+ungrudging spirit, everything could have been retained
+necessary for the only two objects at which government
+ought to aim, namely, the preservation of order, and
+the prevention of crime. But, by the middle of the
+reign of Louis XV., or, at all events, immediately afterwards,
+the state of affairs began to alter; and, in the
+course of a few years, the spirit of France became so
+democratic, that it was impossible even to delay a
+revolution, which, in the preceding generation, might
+have been altogether averted. This remarkable change
+is connected with that other change already noticed, by
+virtue of which, the French intellect began, about the
+same period, to direct its hostility against the state,
+rather than, as heretofore, against the church. As soon
+as this, which may be called the second epoch of the
+eighteenth century, had been fairly entered, the movement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
+became irresistible. Event after event followed
+each other in rapid succession; each one linked to its
+antecedent, and the whole forming a tendency impossible
+to withstand. It was in vain that the government,
+yielding some points of real importance, adopted
+measures by which the church was controlled, the
+power of the clergy diminished, and even the order of
+the jesuits suppressed. It was in vain that the crown
+now called to its councils, for the first time, men imbued
+with the spirit of reform; men, like Turgot and
+Necker, whose wise and liberal proposals would, in
+calmer days, have stilled the agitation of the popular
+mind. It was in vain that promises were made to
+equalize the taxes, to redress some of the most crying
+grievances, to repeal some of the most obnoxious laws.
+It was even in vain that the states-general were summoned;
+and that thus, after the lapse of a hundred
+and seventy years, the people were again admitted to
+take part in the management of their own affairs. All
+these things were in vain; because the time for treaty
+had gone by, and the time for battle had come. The
+most liberal concessions that could possibly have been
+devised would have failed to avert that deadly struggle,
+which the course of preceding events made inevitable.
+For the measure of that age was now full. The upper
+classes, intoxicated by the long possession of power, had
+provoked the crisis; and it was needful that they should
+abide the issue. There was no time for mercy; there
+was no pause, no compassion, no sympathy. The only
+question that remained was, to see whether they who
+had raised the storm could ride the whirlwind; or,
+whether it was not rather likely that they should be the
+first victims of that frightful hurricane, in which, for a
+moment, laws, religion, morals, all perished, the lowest
+vestiges of humanity were effaced, and the civilization
+of France not only submerged, but, as it then appeared,
+irretrievably ruined.</p>
+
+<p>To ascertain the successive changes of this, the second
+epoch of the eighteenth century, is an undertaking
+full of difficulty; not only on account of the rapidity
+with which the events occurred, but also on account of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
+their extreme complication, and of the way in which
+they acted and reacted upon each other. The materials,
+however, for such an inquiry are very numerous; and,
+as they consist of evidence supplied by all classes and
+all interests, it has appeared to me possible to reconstruct
+the history of that time, according to the only
+manner in which history deserves to be studied; that
+is to say, according to the order of its social and intellectual
+development. In the seventh chapter of
+the present volume, I shall, therefore, attempt to trace
+the antecedents of the French Revolution during that
+remarkable period, in which the hostility of men,
+slackening in regard to the abuses of the church, was,
+for the first time, turned against the abuses of the
+state. But, before entering into this, which may be
+distinguished as the political epoch of the eighteenth
+century, it will be necessary, according to the plan
+which I have sketched, to examine the changes that occurred
+in the method of writing history, and to indicate
+the way in which those changes were affected by the
+tendencies of the earlier, or, as it may be termed, the
+ecclesiastical epoch. In this manner, we shall the more
+easily understand the activity of that prodigious movement
+which led to the French Revolution; because we
+shall see that it not only affected the opinions of men in regard
+to what was passing under their eyes, but that it also
+biased their speculative views in regard to the events
+of preceding ages; and thus gave rise to that new
+school of historical literature, the formation of which
+is by no means the least of the many benefits which we
+owe to the great thinkers of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> &lsquo;L'annonce de la mort du grand roi ne produisit chez le
+peuple français qu'une explosion de joie.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. xxvii. p. 220. &lsquo;Le jour des obsèques
+de Louis XIV, on établit des guinguettes sur le chemin de Saint-Denis.
+Voltaire, que la curiosité avoit mené aux funérailles du souverain, vit
+dans ces guinguettes le peuple ivre de vin et de joie de la mort de
+Louis XIV.&rsquo; <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 29: see also <i>Condorcet</i>,
+<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 118; <i>De Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XV</i>, vol.
+i. p. 18; <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. p. 221; <i>Lemontey</i>,
+<i>Etablissement de Louis XIV</i>, pp. 311, 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> &lsquo;Kaum hatte er aber die Augen geschlossen, als alles
+umschlug. Der reprimirte Geist warf sich in eine zügellose Bewegung.&rsquo;
+<i>Ranke</i>, <i>die Päpste</i>, vol. iii. p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> The shock which these events gave to the delicacy of the
+French mind was very serious. The learned Saumaise declared that the
+English are &lsquo;more savage than their own mastiffs.&rsquo; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>,
+vol. i. p. 444. Another writer said that we were &lsquo;barbares révoltés;&rsquo;
+and &lsquo;les barbares sujets du roi.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+105, 362. Patin likened us to the Turks; and said, that having executed
+one king, we should probably hang the next. <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. i.
+p. 261, vol. ii. p. 518, vol. iii. p. 148. Compare <i>Mém. de Campion</i>, p.
+213. After we had sent away James II., the indignation of the French
+rose still higher, and even the amiable Madame Sévigné, having occasion
+to mention Mary the wife of William III., could find no better name for
+her than Tullia: &lsquo;la joie est universelle de la déroute de ce prince,
+dont la femme est une Tullie.&rsquo; <i>Lettres de Sévigné</i>,
+vol. v. p. 179. Another influential French lady mentions &lsquo;la férocité
+des anglais.&rsquo; <i>Lettres inédites de Maintenon</i>, vol. i. p. 303; and
+elsewhere (p. 109), &lsquo;je hais les anglais comme le peuple&hellip;.
+Véritablement je ne les puis souffrir.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>I will only give two more illustrations of the wide diffusion of such
+feelings. In 1679, an attempt was made to bring bark into discredit as a
+&lsquo;remède anglais&rsquo; (<i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. v. p. 430):
+and at the end of the seventeenth century, one of the arguments in Paris
+against coffee was that the English liked it. <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers Etats</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> &lsquo;Au temps de Boileau, personne en France n'apprenait
+l'anglais.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxxviii. p. 337, and see vol.
+xix. p. 159. &lsquo;Parmi nos grands écrivains du xvii<sup>e</sup> siècle, il n'en est
+aucun, je crois, ou l'on puisse reconnaître un souvenir, une impression
+de l'esprit anglais.&rsquo; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 324. Compare <i>Barante</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, p. 47, and <i>Grimm</i>,
+<i>Correspond.</i> vol. v. p. 135, vol. xvii. p. 2.</p>
+
+<p>The French, during the reign of Louis XIV., principally knew us from the
+accounts given by two of their countrymen, Monconys and Sorbière; both
+of whom published their travels in England, but neither of whom were
+acquainted with the English language. For proof of this, see <i>Monconys</i>,
+<i>Voyages</i>, vol. iii. pp. 34, 69, 70, 96; and <i>Sorbière</i>, <i>Voyage</i>, pp.
+45, 70.</p>
+
+<p>When Prior arrived at the court of Louis XIV. as plenipotentiary, no one
+in Paris was aware that he had written poetry (<i>Lettres sur les
+Anglais</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 130);
+and when Addison, being in Paris, presented Boileau with
+a copy of the <i>Musæ Anglicanæ</i>, the Frenchman learnt for the first time
+that we had any good poets: &lsquo;first conceived an opinion of the English
+genius for poetry.&rsquo; Tickell's statement, in <i>Aikin's Life of Addison</i>,
+vol. i. p. 65. Finally, it is said that Milton's <i>Paradise Lost</i> was not
+even by report in France until after the death of Louis XIV., though the
+poem was published in 1667, and the king died in 1715; &lsquo;Nous n'avions
+jamais entendu parler de ce poëme en France, avant que l'auteur de la
+Henriade nous en eût donné une idée dans le neuvième chapitre de son
+Essai sur la poésie épique.&rsquo; <i>Dict. Philos.</i> article <i>Epopée</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxxix. p. 175; see also vol. lxvi. p.
+249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> &lsquo;Le vrai roi du xviii<sup>e</sup> siècle, c'est Voltaire; mais
+Voltaire à son tour est un écolier de l'Angleterre. Avant que Voltaire
+eût connu l'Angleterre, soit par ses voyages, soit part ses amitiés, il
+n'était pas Voltaire, et le xviii<sup>e</sup> siècle se cherchait encore.&rsquo;
+<i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> I<sup>re</sup> série, vol. iii. pp. 38, 39.
+Compare <i>Damiron</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos. en France</i>, Paris, 1828, vol. i.
+p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> &lsquo;J'avais été le premier qui eût osé développer à ma nation
+les découvertes de Newton, en langage intelligible.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. i. p. 315; see also vol. xix. p. 87, vol. xxvi. p. 71;
+<i>Whewell's Hist. of Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 206; <i>Weld's Hist. of
+the Royal Society</i>, vol. i. p. 441. After this, the Cartesian physics
+lost ground every day; and in <i>Grimm's Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 148,
+there is a letter, dated Paris, 1757, which says, &lsquo;Il n'y a guère plus
+ici de partisans de Descartes que M. de Mairan.&rsquo; Compare <i>Observations
+et Pensées</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. iii. p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> Which he was never weary of praising; so that, as M. Cousin
+says (<i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> II. série, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312), &lsquo;Locke
+est le vrai maître de Voltaire.&rsquo; Locke was one of the authors he put
+into the hands of Madame du Châtelet. <i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p.
+296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> <i>Morell's Hist. of Philos.</i> 1846, vol. i. p. 134;
+<i>Hamilton's Discuss.</i> p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> &lsquo;Rousseau tira des ouvrages de Locke une grande partie de
+ses idées sur la politique et l'éducation; Condillac toute sa
+philosophie.&rsquo; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. i. p. 83. See
+also, on the obligations of Rousseau to Locke, <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i>
+vol. v. p. 97; <i>Musset Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseau</i>, vol. i. p. 38, vol.
+ii. p. 394; <i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. p. 113; <i>Romilly's Memoirs</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 211, 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> In 1768, Voltaire (<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. lxvi. p. 249) writes
+to Horace Walpole, &lsquo;Je suie le premier qui ait fait connaître
+Shakespeare aux français.&rsquo; See also his <i>Lettres inédites</i>, vol. ii. p.
+500; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. iii. p. 325; and
+<i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. xii. pp. 124, 125, 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> There are extant many English letters written by Voltaire,
+which, though of course containing several errors, also contain abundant
+evidence of the spirit with which he seized our idiomatic expressions.
+In addition to his <i>Lettres inédites</i>, published at Paris in the present
+year (1856), see <i>Chatham Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 131&ndash;133; and
+<i>Phillimore's Mém. of Lyttelton</i>, vol. i. pp. 323&ndash;325, vol. ii. pp. 555,
+556, 558.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 332; <i>Voltaire</i>,
+<i>Lettres inédites</i>, vol. ii. p. 258; and the account of Hudibras, with
+translations from it, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxvi. pp. 132&ndash;137; also a
+conversation between Voltaire and Townley, in <i>Nichols's Illustrations
+of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iii. p. 722.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> Compare <i>Mackintosh's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 341, with <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>,
+vol. xxxix. p. 259, vol. xlvii. p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxxviii. pp. 216&ndash;218, vol.
+xlvi. p. 282, vol. xlvii. p. 439, vol. lvii. p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxxvii. p. 353, vol. lvii. p. 66;
+<i>Correspond. inédite de Dudeffand</i>, vol. ii. p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxxiv. p. 294, vol. lvii. p. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxxvii. pp. 407, 441.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxxvi. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxxiv. p. 288, vol. xli. pp. 212&ndash;217; <i>Biog.
+Univ.</i> vol. li. pp. 199, 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> <i>Lerminier</i>, <i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 221;
+<i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Hist. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 502; <i>Harris's Life of
+Hardwicke</i>, vol. ii. p. 398, vol. iii. pp. 432&ndash;434; <i>Mém. de Diderot</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 193, 194; <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 182;
+<i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. vi. p. 235; <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres</i>, vol. i. p. 93,
+vol. ii. pp. 159, 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> &lsquo;Admirateur passionné du romancier anglais.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i>
+vol. xxxvii. p. 581. Compare <i>Diderot</i>, <i>Corresp.</i> vol. i. p. 352; vol.
+ii. pp. 44, 52, 53; <i>Mercier sur Rousseau</i>, vol. i. p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit.</i> vol. ii. p. 115; <i>Schlosser's
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. i. pp. 34, 42; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der
+Philos.</i> vol. xi. p. 314; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xi. p. 314; <i>Grimm</i>,
+<i>Correspond.</i> vol. xv. p. 81. Stanyan's <i>History of Greece</i> was once
+famous, and even so late as 1804, I find Dr. Parr recommending it.
+Parr's <i>Works</i>, vol. viii. p. 422. Diderot told Sir Samuel Romilly that
+he had collected materials for a history of the trial of Charles I.
+<i>Life of Romilly</i>, vol. i. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> <i>Diderot</i>, <i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. p. 286; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Philos.</i> II<sup>e</sup> série, vol. ii. p. 331; <i>Helvétius de l'Esprit</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 31, 38, 46, 65, 114, 169, 193, 266, 268, vol. ii. pp. 144, 163, 165,
+195, 212; <i>Letters addressed to Hume</i>, Edinb. 1849, pp. 9, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> This is the arrangement of our knowledge under the heads
+of Memory, Reason, and Imagination, which D'Alembert took from Bacon.
+Compare <i>Whewell's Philos. of the Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 306; <i>Cuvier</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. p. 276; <i>Georgel</i>, <i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. p.
+241; <i>Bordas Demoulin</i>, <i>Cartésianisme</i>, vol. i. p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i> ix. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, i. 236, 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, lxv. 161, 190, 212; <i>Biog. Univ.</i>
+x. 158, 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> <i>Burton's Life of Hume</i>, vol. i. pp. 365, 366, 406.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> See the list, in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xx. pp. 463&ndash;466; and
+compare <i>Mém. de Diderot</i>, vol. iii. p. 49, from which it seems that
+Holbach was indebted to Toland, though Diderot speaks rather doubtingly.
+In <i>Almon's Mem. of Wilkes</i> 1805, vol. iv.
+pp. 176, 177, there is an English letter, tolerably well written, from
+Holbach to Wilkes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> <i>Musset Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseau</i>, ii. 10, 175;
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, liv. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> x. 556.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xii. 418.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i> iv. 34, 272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> iv. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxiii. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des Mathém.</i> ii. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> <i>Montucla</i>, ii. 120, iv. 662, 665, 670.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> iii. 253, xxxiii. 564.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i> vii. 353.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxxviii. 530.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxxviii. 411.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 450.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> <i>Bichat sur la Vie</i>, 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, i. 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> iii. 345.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, i. 260, 425, ii. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 476.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> iv. 55, 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> <i>Notice sur Cabanis</i>, p. viii. in his <i>Physique et
+Moral.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xi. 65, 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xii. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xv. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xviii. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iv. 641, vi. 9, 398.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, i. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, vii. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, iii. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxxix. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres</i>, i. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, ix. 286.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chim. Anat.</i> ii. 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> v. 530, 531.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, i. 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vi. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, ii. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> <i>Haüy</i>, <i>Minéralogie</i>, ii. 247, 267, 295, 327, 529, 609,
+iii. 75, 293, 307, 447, 575, iv. 45, 280, 292, 362.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iv. 598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> viii. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> <i>Swainson</i>, <i>Disc. on Nat. Hist.</i> 52; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Règne
+Animal</i>, iii. 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> <i>De Lisle</i>, <i>Cristallographie</i>, 1772, xviii. xx. xxiii.
+xxv. xxvii. 78, 206, 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> <i>Albemarle's Rockingham</i>, ii. 156; <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, v. 365.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vi. 386.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> <i>Letters to Hume</i>, Edin. 1849, 276, 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xv. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> <i>Brewster's Life of Newton</i>, ii. 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> <i>Palissot</i>, <i>Mém.</i> ii. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> ix. 549.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxix. 51, 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xliv. 534.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlviii. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> <i>Volney</i>, <i>Syrie et Egypte</i>, ii. 100, 157; <i>Quérard</i>, x.
+271, 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> i. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> viii. 340, 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, i. 276.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> <i>Palissot</i>, <i>Mém.</i> i. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xi. 281, xi. 172, 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, ii. 626, 627.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iv. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> v. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vi. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> <i>Garrick Correspond.</i> 4to, 1832, ii. 385, 395, 416.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxxv. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, vii. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxxix. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxxix. 530.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, i. 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> iii. 533.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 631.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Règne Animal</i>, iii. 334.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, i. 284, vii. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, i. 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> v. 264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> <i>Dutens</i>, <i>Mém.</i> iii. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vi. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> <i>Murray's Life of Bruce</i>, 121; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vi. 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> viii. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> viii. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> viii. 266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> ix. 497.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlv. 394.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, iii. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire.</i> lvi. 527.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xi. 264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, ii. 598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xii. 313, 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> ii. 154; <i>Palissot</i>, <i>Mém.</i> ii.
+311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> iv. 547, xii. 595.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xiii. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iii. 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xv. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xv. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, i. 525.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xvi. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> li. 508.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> <i>Smith's Tour on the Continent in 1786</i>, i. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xvi. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xvi. 502.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> <i>Sinclair's Correspond.</i> i. 157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iii. 418.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xix. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, i. 10, iii. 536.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 469.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxi. 419.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxi. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, xxxviii. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> <i>Palissot</i>, <i>Mém.</i> i. 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxiii. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxiii. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxiii. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iv. 503.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxiii. 373.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iv. 579.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> <i>Sinclair's Correspond.</i> ii. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> <i>Mem. and Correspond. of Sir. J. E. Smith</i>, i. 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> <i>Biog. des Hommes Vivants</i>, iv. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, v. 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> iv. 583; <i>Longchamp et Wagnière</i>,
+<i>Mém.</i> i. 395.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, v. 316.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxv. 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxv. 432.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxvi. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxvi. 468.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxvii. 269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxix. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, i. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, vi. 330.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxx. 539.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxxiii. 553.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, i. 22, iii. 307, iv.
+207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxxvi. 305, 306.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xxxviii. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> <i>Peignot</i>, <i>Dict. des Livres</i>, ii. 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, viii. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xxxix. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> <i>Biog. des Hommes Vivants</i>, v. 294.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, viii. 474.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xli. 426.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlii. 45, 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlii. 389.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xliii. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> <i>Garrick Correspond.</i> ii. 604; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vi.
+205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xliv. 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> <i>Life of Roscoe</i>, <i>by his Son</i>, i. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xlvi. 398, 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlvi. 497.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, iv. 45, ix. 558.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xlvii. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlvii. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, i. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xlviii. 217, 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlix. 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a> &lsquo;Nous avons mis depuis peu leur langue au rang des
+langues savantes; les femmes même l'apprennent, et ont renoncé à
+l'italien pour étudier celle de ce peuple philosophe. Il n'est point
+dans la province d'Armande et de Belise qui ne veuille savoir
+l'anglois.&rsquo; <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres</i>, vol. ii. p. 465. Compare <i>Grimm</i>,
+<i>Corresp.</i> vol. xiv. p. 484; and <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iii. pp.
+460, 461.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a> <i>Williams's Letters from France</i>, vol. iii. p. 68, 2nd
+edit. 1796; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. vii. p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a> <i>Adolphus's Biog. Mem.</i> 1799, vol. i. p. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> <i>Lady Morgan's France</i>, vol. ii. p. 304; <i>Mém. de
+Lafayette</i>, vol. i. pp. 41, 49, 70, vol. ii. pp. 26, 74, 83, 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Littéraire</i>, vol. iv. p. 540.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> The last authors he read, shortly before his execution,
+were Young and Hervey. <i>Lamartine</i>, <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. viii. p.
+45. In 1769 Madame Riccoboni writes from Paris, that Young's <i>Night
+Thoughts</i> had become very popular there; and she justly adds, &lsquo;c'est une
+preuve sans réplique du changement de l'esprit français.&rsquo; <i>Garrick
+Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 566, 4to. 1832.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a> <i>Lamartine</i>, <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. iv. p. 119;
+<i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, vol. i. pp. 336, 337, vol. ii. p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a> &lsquo;Une des supériorités secondaires, une des supériorités
+d'étude qui appartenaient à Mirabeau, c'était la profonde connaissance,
+la vive intelligence de la constitution anglaise, de ses ressorts
+publics et de ses ressorts cachés.&rsquo; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup>
+Siècle</i>, vol. iv. p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a> Particularly the democratic passages, &lsquo;un corps de
+doctrine de tous ses écrits républicains.&rsquo; <i>Dumont</i>, <i>Souvenirs sur
+Mirabeau</i>, p. 119. As to his translation of Watson, see <i>Alison's
+Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 452. He also intended to translate Sinclair's
+History of the Revenue. <i>Correspond. of Sir J. Sinclair</i>, vol. ii. p.
+119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a> <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 546, 3rd edit. 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a> &lsquo;Il étudiait leur langue, la théorie et plus encore la
+pratique de leurs institutions.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxx. p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a> <i>Continuation de Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol.
+xxx. p. 434. Montlosier (<i>Monarchie Française</i>, vol. ii. p. 340) says
+that this idea was borrowed from England; but he does not mention who
+suggested it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> <i>Du Mesnil</i>, <i>Mém. sur Le Brun</i>, pp. 10, 14, 29, 82, 180,
+182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, vol. i. pp. 63, 64, vol. ii. pp. 25,
+40, 188, 206, 260, 313.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> Dupont de Nemours (<i>Mém. sur Turgot</i>, p. 117) says of
+criminal jurisprudence, &lsquo;M. de Condorcet proposait en modèle celle des
+Anglais.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Roland</i>, vol. i. pp. 27, 55, 89, 136, vol. ii.
+pp. 99, 135, 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a> &lsquo;Le duc d'Orléans puisa ainsi le goût de la liberté dans
+la vie de Londres. Il en rapporta en France les habitudes d'insolence
+contre la cour, l'appétit des agitations populaires, le mépris pour son
+propre rang, la familiarité avec la foule,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Lamartine</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Girondins</i>, vol. ii. p. 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a> M. Lerminier (<i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 19) says of
+England, &lsquo;cette île célèbre donne à l'Europe l'enseignement de la
+liberté politique; elle en fut l'école au dix&ndash;huitième siècle pour tout
+ce que l'Europe eut de penseurs.&rsquo; See also <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis
+XVI</i>, vol. iii. p. 161; <i>Mém. de Marmontel</i>, vol. iv. pp. 38, 39;
+<i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. p.
+291.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a> Hume, who was acquainted with several eminent Frenchmen
+who visited England, says (<i>Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 8),
+&lsquo;nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner than the extreme liberty
+which we enjoy in this country, of communicating whatever we please to
+the public, and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the
+king or his ministers.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a> &lsquo;La nation anglaise est la seule de la terre qui soit
+parvenue à régler le pouvoir des rois en leur résistant.&rsquo; <i>Lettre VIII
+sur les Anglais</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a> &lsquo;Que j'aime la hardiesse anglaise! que j'aime les gens
+qui disent ce qu'ils pensent!&rsquo; <i>Letter from Voltaire</i>, in <i>Correspond.
+de Dudeffand</i>, vol. ii. p. 263. For other instances of his admiration of
+England, see <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xl. pp. 105&ndash;109; vol. li. pp.
+137, 390; vol. liv. pp. 298, 392; vol. lvi. pp. 162, 163, 195, 196, 270;
+vol. lvii. p. 500; vol. lviii. pp. 128, 267; vol. lix. pp. 265, 361;
+vol. lx. p. 501; vol. lxi. pp. 43, 73, 129, 140, 474, 475; vol. lxii.
+pp. 343, 379, 392; vol. lxiii. pp. 128, 146, 190, 196, 226, 237, 415;
+vol. lxiv. pp. 36, 96, 269; vol. lxvi. pp. 93, 159; vol. lxvii. pp. 353,
+484.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a> &lsquo;Ils veulent un roi, aux conditions, pour ainsi dire, de
+ne lui point obéir.&rsquo; <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres d'un François</i>, vol. i. p.
+210.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a> &lsquo;Il y a aussi une nation dans le monde qui a pour objet
+direct de sa constitution la liberté politique.&rsquo; <i>Esprit des Lois</i>,
+livre xi. chap. v. in <i>&#338;uvres de Montesquieu</i>, p. 264. Conversely De
+Staël (<i>Consid. sur la Rév.</i> vol. iii. p. 261), &lsquo;la liberté politique
+est le moyen suprême.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a> &lsquo;L'Angleterre est à présent le plus libre pays qui soit
+au monde, je n'en excepte aucune république.&rsquo; <i>Notes sur l'Angleterre</i>,
+in <i>&#338;uvres de Montesquieu</i>, p. 632.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a> &lsquo;Une nation où la république se cache sous la forme de la
+monarchie.&rsquo; <i>Esprit des Lois</i>, livre v. chap. xix. in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Montesquieu</i>, page 225; also quoted in <i>Bancroft's American Revolution</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a> <i>Grosley's Tour to London</i>, vol. i. pp. 16, 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a> <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observ. sur l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. ii. p.
+185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a> <i>Helvétius de l'Esprit.</i> vol. i. pp. 102, 199: &lsquo;un pays
+où le peuple est respecté comme en Angleterre; &hellip; un pays où chaque
+citoyen a part au maniement des affaires générales, où tout homme
+d'esprit peut éclairer le public sur ses véritables intérêts.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, vol. ii. p. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a> <i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 118, 119; <i>Duvernet</i>,
+<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 30, 32; <i>Longchamp et Wagnière</i>, <i>Mém. sur
+Voltaire</i>, vol. i. p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a> <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 46&ndash;48; <i>Condorcet</i>,
+<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 125, 126. Compare vol. lvi. p. 162; <i>Lepan</i>, <i>Vie
+de Voltaire</i>, 1837, pp. 70, 71; and <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xlix. p. 468.
+Duvernet, who, writing from materials supplied by Voltaire, had the best
+means of information, gives a specimen of the fine feeling of a French
+duke in the eighteenth century. He says, that, directly after Rohan had
+inflicted this public chastisement, &lsquo;Voltaire rentre dans l'hôtel,
+demande au duc de Sully de regarder cet outrage fait à l'un de ses
+convives, comme fait à lui-même: il le sollicite de se joindre à lui
+pour en poursuivre la vengeance, et de venir chez un commissaire en
+certifier la déposition. <i>Le duc de Sully se refuse à tout.</i>&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a> &lsquo;L'Histoire de Charles XII, dont on avait arrêté une
+première édition après l'avoir autorisée.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xlix. p.
+470. Comp. <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. i. p. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a> <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 63&ndash;65; <i>Condorcet</i>,
+<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 138&ndash;140; <i>Lepan</i>,<i> Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 93,
+381.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a> The indignation of Voltaire appears in many of his
+letters; and he often announced to his friends his intention of quitting
+for ever a country where he was liable to such treatment. See <i>&#338;uvres
+de Voltaire</i>, vol. liv. pp. 58, 335, 336, vol. lv. p. 229, vol. lvi. pp.
+162, 163, 358, 447, 464, 465, vol. lvii. pp. 144, 145, 155, 156, vol.
+lviii. pp. 36, 222, 223, 516, 517, 519, 520, 525, 526, 563, vol. lix.
+pp. 107, 116, 188, 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. i. pp. 147, 315, vol. lvii.
+pp. 211, 215, 219, 247, 295; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol.
+i. p. 14; <i>Brougham's Men of Letters</i>, vol. i. pp. 53, 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a> <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. i. pp. 90&ndash;95, vol. ii. p.
+399; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xi. p. 316; <i>Brougham's Men of Letters</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a> <i>Boucher de la Richarderie</i>, <i>Bibliothèque des Voyages</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 390&ndash;393, Paris, 1808: &lsquo;La distribution en France de la
+traduction de ce voyage fut arrêtée pendant quelque temps par des ordres
+supérieurs du gouvernement&hellip;. Il y a tout lieu de croire que les
+ministres de France crurent, ou feignirent de croire, que le passage en
+question pouvoit donner lieu à des applications sur le goût effréné de
+Louis XV pour la chasse, et inspirèrent aisément cette prévention à un
+prince très-sensible, comme on sait, aux censures les plus indirectes de
+sa passion pour ce genre d'amusement.&rsquo; See also the account of Imbert,
+the translator, in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxi. p. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a> <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. vi. pp. 161, 162; the crime
+being, &lsquo;qu'un janséniste avait osé imprimer que Julien, apostat
+exécrable aux yeux d'un bon chrétien, n'était pourtant pas un homme sans
+quelques bonnes qualités à en juger mondainement.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a> M. Bunsen (<i>Egypt</i>, vol. i. p. 14) refers to Fréret's
+&lsquo;acute treatise on the Babylonian year;&rsquo; and Turgot, in his
+<i>Etymologie</i>, says (<i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. iii. p. 83), &lsquo;l'illustre
+Fréret, un des savans qui ont su le mieux appliquer la philosophie à
+l'érudition.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a> This was at the very outset of his career: &lsquo;En 1715,
+l'homme qui devait illustrer l'érudition française au xviii<sup>e</sup> siècle,
+Fréret, était mis à la Bastille pour avoir avancé, dans un mémoire sur
+l'origine des Français, que les Francs ne formaient pas une nation à
+part, et que leurs premiers chefs avaient reçu de l'empire romain le
+titre de <i>patrices</i>.&rsquo; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p.
+30: see also <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. ii. p. 510.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a> He was imprisoned in the Bastille, for the first time, in
+1725; then in 1743, in 1750, and finally in 1751. <i>Biographie
+Universelle</i>, vol. xxiv. p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a> In 1743, Voltaire writes: &lsquo;On vient de mettre à la
+Bastille l'abbé Lenglet, pour avoir publié des mémoires déjà
+très-connus, qui servent de supplément à l'histoire de notre célèbre De
+Thou. L'infatigable et malheureux Lenglet rendait un signalé service aux
+bons citoyens, et aux amateurs des recherches historiques. Il méritait
+des récompenses; on l'emprisonne cruellement à l'âge de soixante-huit
+ans.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. i. pp. 400, 401, vol. lviii. pp.
+207, 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a> <i>Musset Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseau</i>, vol. i. pp. 68, 99,
+296, 377, vol. ii. pp. 111, 385, 390; <i>Mercier sur Rousseau</i>, vol. i. p.
+14, vol. ii. pp. 179, 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a> <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Corresp.</i> vol. ii. p. 349; <i>Walpole's Letters</i>,
+1840, vol. iii. p. 418.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a> <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, pp. 39, 40; <i>Mém. of
+Mallet du Pan</i>, vol. i. p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a> <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. ii. p. 214;
+<i>Williams's Letters from France</i>, vol. ii. p. 86, 3rd edit. 1796.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 253; <i>Mém. de Lafayette</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 34 note; <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, vol. ii. p. 365.
+On Raynal's flight, compare a letter from Marseilles, written in 1786,
+and printed in <i>Mem. and Correspond. of Sir J. E. Smith</i>, vol. i. p.
+194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a> See the proceedings of the avocat-général, in <i>Peignot</i>,
+<i>Livres condamnés</i>, vol. i. pp. 230, 231; and in <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de
+Louis XVI</i>, vol. iii. pp. 93&ndash;97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i> vol. v. p. 565.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a> <i>Peignot</i>, <i>Livres condamnés</i>, vol. i. pp. 241, 242.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiv. p. 561; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>,
+vol. lxix. pp. 374, 375; <i>Lettres inédites de Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. p.
+528; <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, pp. 202, 203. According to some of
+these authorities, parliament afterwards revoked this sentence; but
+there is no doubt that the sentence was passed, and De Sales imprisoned,
+if not banished.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a> <i>Peignot</i>, <i>Livres condamnés</i>, vol. i. pp. 314, 316.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. lxix. p. 204;<i> Lettres de
+Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, vol. iii. p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a> 'Quatre mémoires &hellip; condamnés à être lacérés et brûlés
+par la main du bourreau.' <i>Peignot</i>, vol. i. p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiii. p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a> <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i>, vol. i. p. vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a> &lsquo;Supprimée par arrêt du conseil&rsquo; in 1771, which was the
+year of its publication. Compare <i>Cassagnac's Révolution</i>, vol. i. p.
+33; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxiv. p. 634.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i> vol. iii. p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. x. p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a> <i>Peignot</i>, vol. i. p. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a> <i>ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. vii. p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a> <i>Lettres d'Aguesseau</i>, vol. ii. pp. 320, 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a> <i>Cassagnac</i>, <i>Causes de la Rév.</i> vol. i. p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. iii. p. 375.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, vol. iii. p. 489.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. vii. pp. 483, 484.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iii. p. 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iii. p. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a> On the importance of this remarkable thesis, and on its
+prohibition, see <i>Saint-Hilaire</i>, <i>Anomalies de
+l'Organisation</i>, vol. i. p. 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a> <i>Quérard</i>, vol. iv. p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xv. p. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">[774]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxi. p. 391.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">[775]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xlv. p. 462, vol. xlvii. p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">[776]</span></a> <i>Peignot</i>, vol. i. pp. 90, 91, vol. ii. p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">[777]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 170, vol. ii. p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">[778]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">[779]</span></a> &lsquo;Il resta trois ans dans la cage; c'est un caveau creusé
+dans le roc, de huit pieds en carré, où le prisonnier ne reçoit le jour
+que par les crevasses des marches de l'église.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xi.
+p. 171.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">[780]</span></a> <i>Peignot</i>, <i>Livres condamnés</i>, vol. i. pp. 14, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">[781]</span></a> <i>Mémoires de Marmontel</i>, vol. ii. pp. 143&ndash;176; and see
+vol. iii. pp. 30&ndash;46, 95, for the treatment he afterwards received from
+the Sorbonne, because he advocated religious toleration. See also
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. liv. p. 258; and <i>Letters of Eminent
+Persons addressed to Hume</i>, pp. 207, 212, 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">[782]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. pp. 86&ndash;89; <i>Mélanges par
+Morellet</i>, vol. ii. pp. 3&ndash;12; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. liv. pp.
+106, 111, 114, 122, 183.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">[783]</span></a> Marmontel (<i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. p. 313) says, &lsquo;qui n'a
+connu Diderot que dans ses écrits ne l'a point connu:&rsquo; meaning
+that his works were inferior to his talk. His conversational powers are
+noticed by Ségur, who disliked him, and by Georgel, who hated him.
+<i>Ségur</i>, <i>Souvenirs</i>, vol. iii. p. 34; <i>Georgel</i>, <i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. p.
+246. Compare <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. p. 69; <i>Musset
+Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseau</i>, vol. i. p. 95, vol. ii. p. 227; <i>Mémoires
+d'Epinay</i>, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, 88; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Corresp.</i> vol. xv. pp.
+79&ndash;90; <i>Morellet</i>, <i>Mém.</i> vol. i. p. 28; <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Lit. au XVIII<sup>e</sup>
+Siècle</i>, vol. i. p. 82.</p>
+
+<p>As to Holbach's dinners, on which Madame de Genlis wrote a well-known
+libel, see <i>Schlosser's Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. i. p. 166; <i>Biog.
+Univ.</i> vol. xx. p. 462; <i>Jesse's Selwyn</i>, vol. ii. p. 9; <i>Walpole's
+Letters to Mann</i>, vol. iv. p. 283; <i>Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works</i>, p.
+73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">[784]</span></a> It is also stated by the editor of his correspondence,
+that he wrote a great deal for authors, which they published under their
+name. <i>Mém. et Corresp. de Diderot</i>, vol. iii. p. 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">[785]</span></a> This was the <i>Pensées Philosophiques</i>, in 1746, his first
+original work; the previous ones being translations from English. <i>Biog.
+Univ.</i> xi. p. 314. Duvernet (<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 240) says, that
+he was imprisoned for writing it, but this I believe is a mistake; at
+least I do not remember to have met with the statement elsewhere, and
+Duvernet is frequently careless.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">[786]</span></a> Dugald Stewart, who has collected some important evidence
+on this subject, has confirmed several of the views put forward by
+Diderot. <i>Philos. of the Mind</i>, vol. iii. pp. 401 seq.; comp. pp. 57,
+407, 435. Since then still greater attention has been paid to the
+education of the blind, and it has been remarked that &lsquo;it is an
+exceedingly difficult task to teach them to think accurately.&rsquo; <i>M.
+Alister's Essay on the Blind</i>, in <i>Jour. of Stat. Soc.</i> vol. i. p.
+378: see also Dr. Fowler, in <i>Report of Brit. Assoc.</i> for
+1847; <i>Transac. of Sec.</i> pp. 92, 93, and for 1848, p. 88. These passages
+unconsciously testify to the sagacity of Diderot; and they also testify
+to the stupid ignorance of a government, which sought to put an end to
+such inquiries by punishing their author.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">[787]</span></a> <i>Mém. et Corresp. de Diderot</i>, vol. i. pp. 26&ndash;29; <i>Musset
+Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseu</i>, vol. i. p. 47, vol. ii. p. 276; <i>Letter to
+d'Argental</i> in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. lviii. p. 454;
+<i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>Dix-huitième Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">[788]</span></a> A happy arrangement, by which curiosity baffles
+despotism. In 1767, an acute observer wrote, &lsquo;Il n'y a plus de livres
+qu'on imprime plusieurs fois, que les livres condamnés. Il faut
+aujourd'hui qu'un libraire prie les magistrate de brûler son livre pour
+le faire vendre.&rsquo; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Corresp.</i> vol. v. p. 498. To the same
+effect, <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. pp. 15, 16; <i>Mém. de Georgel</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">[789]</span></a> &lsquo;Quel est aujourd'hui parmi nous
+l'homme de lettres de quelque mérite qui n'ait éprouvé plus ou moins les
+fureurs de la calomnie et de la persécution?&rsquo; etc. <i>Grimm</i>,
+<i>Corresp.</i> vol. v. p. 451. This was written in 1767, and during more
+than forty years previously we find similar expressions; the earliest I
+have met with being in a letter to Thiriot, in 1723, in which Voltaire
+says <i>(&#338;uvres</i>, vol. lvi. p. 94), &lsquo;la sévérité devient plus grande de
+jour en jour dans l'inquisition de la librairie.&rsquo; For other instances,
+see his letter to De Formont, pp. 423&ndash;425, also vol. lvii. pp. 144, 351,
+vol. lviii. p. 222; his <i>Lettres inédites</i>, vol. i. p. 547; <i>Mém. de
+Diderot</i>, vol. ii. p. 215; <i>Letters of Eminent Persons to Hume</i>, pp. 14,
+15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">[790]</span></a> Part of this is related, rather inaccurately, in
+<i>Schlosser's Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iii. p. 483. The fullest account
+is in <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Corresp. Lit.</i> vol. viii. pp. 231&ndash;233: &lsquo;Le grand
+Maurice, irrité d'une résistance qu'il n'avait jamais éprouvée nulle
+part, eut la faiblesse de demander une lettre de cachet pour enlever à un
+mari sa femme, et pour la contraindre d'être sa concubine; et, chose
+remarquable, cette lettre de cachet fut accordée et exécutée. Les deux
+époux plièrent sous le joug de la nécessité, et la petite Chantilly fut
+à la fois femme de Favart et maîtresse de Maurice de Saxe.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">[791]</span></a> &lsquo;L'Averdy was no sooner named controller of finance than
+he published a decree, in 1764 (<i>arrêt du conseil</i>),&mdash;which, according
+to the state of the then existing constitution, had the force of a
+law,&mdash;by which every man was forbidden to print, or cause to be printed,
+anything whatever upon administrative affairs, or government regulations
+in general, under the penalty of a breach of the police laws; by which
+the man was liable to be punished without defence, and not as was the
+case before the law courts, where he might defend himself, and could
+only be judged according to law.&rsquo; <i>Schlosser's Eighteenth Century</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 166: see also <i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. p. 141, vol. ii. p. 75,
+&lsquo;un arrêt du conseil, qui défendait d'imprimer sur les matières
+d'administration.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">[792]</span></a> &lsquo;L'ordonnance de 1767, rendue sous le ministère du
+chancelier Maupeou, portait la peine de mort contre tout auteur d'écrits
+tendant à émouvoir les esprits.&rsquo; <i>Cassagnac</i>, <i>Causes de la Révolution</i>,
+vol. i. p. 313.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">[793]</span></a> In April 1757, D'Alembert writes from Paris, &lsquo;on vient de
+publier une déclaration qui inflige la peine de mort à tous ceux qui
+auront publié des écrits tendants à attaquer la religion.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. liv. p. 34. This, I suppose, is the same edict as that
+mentioned by M. Amédée Renée, in his continuation of <i>Sismondi</i>,
+<i>Histoire des Français</i>, vol. xxx. p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">[794]</span></a> &lsquo;Il avait été défendu, sous peine de mort, aux écrivains
+de parler de finances.&rsquo; <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p.
+490.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">[795]</span></a> This was the suggestion of the avocat-général in 1780.
+See the proposal, in his own words, in <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. xi.
+pp. 143, 144. On the important functions of the avocats-généraux in the
+eighteenth century, see a note in <i>Lettres d'Aguesseau</i>, vol. i. p.
+264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">[796]</span></a> And we should also remember what the circumstances were
+under which the accusation was first heard in France.
+&lsquo;Les reproches d'avoir tout détruit, adressés aux philosophes du
+dix-huitième siècle, ont commencé le jour où il s'est trouvé en France
+un gouvernement qui a voulu rétablir les abus dont les écrivains de
+cette époque avaient accéléré la destruction.&rsquo; <i>Comte</i>, <i>Traité de
+Législation</i>, vol. i. p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">[797]</span></a> The nature of this change, and the circumstances under
+which it happened, will be examined in the last chapter of the present
+volume; but that the revolutionary movement, while headed by Voltaire
+and his coadjutors, was directed against the church, and not against the
+state, is noticed by many writers; some of whom have also observed, that
+soon after the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the ground began to be
+shifted, and a disposition was first shown to attack political abuses.
+On this remarkable fact, indicated by several authors, but explained by
+none, compare <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 305;
+<i>Barruel</i>, <i>Mém. pour l'Hist. du Jacobinisme</i>, vol. i. p. xviii., vol.
+ii. p. 113; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>L'Ancien Régime</i>, p. 241;
+<i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 165, vol. xiv. p. 286; <i>Mém. de Rivarol</i>,
+p. 35; <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. iv. p. 397; <i>Lamartine</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. i. p. 183; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. lx.
+p. 307, vol. lxvi. p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">[798]</span></a> See some striking remarks in M. Tocqueville's great work,
+<i>De la Démocratie</i>, vol. i. p. 5; which should be compared with the
+observation of Horace Walpole, who was well acquainted with French
+society, and who says, happily enough, that the French &lsquo;love themselves
+in their kings.&rsquo; <i>Walpole's Mem. of George III</i>, vol. ii. p. 240.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">[799]</span></a> Not only the political history of Spain, but also its
+literature, contains melancholy evidence of the extraordinary loyalty of
+the Spaniards, and of the injurious results produced by it. See, on
+this, some useful reflections in <i>Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish
+Literature</i>, vol. i. pp. 95, 96, 133, vol. iii. pp. 191&ndash;193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">[800]</span></a> Our admiration of Alfred is greatly increased by the
+fact, that we know very little about him. The principal authority
+referred to for his reign is Asser, whose work, there is reason to
+believe, is not genuine. See the arguments in <i>Wright's Biog. Brit.
+Lit.</i> vol. i. pp. 408&ndash;412. It moreover appears, that some of the
+institutions popularly ascribed to him, existed before his time.
+<i>Kemble's Saxons in England</i>, vol. i. pp. 247, 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">[801]</span></a> The French writers, under the old régime, constantly
+boast that loyalty was the characteristic of their nation, and taunt the
+English with their opposite and insubordinate spirit. &lsquo;Il n'est pas ici
+question des François, qui se sont toujours distingués des autres
+nations par leur amour pour leurs rois.&rsquo; <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres d'un
+François</i>, vol. iii. p. 523. &lsquo;The English do not love their sovereigns
+as much as could be desired.&rsquo; <i>Sorbière's Voyage to England</i>, p. 58. &lsquo;Le
+respect de la majesté royale, caractère distinctif des Français.&rsquo; <i>Mém.
+de Montbarey</i>, vol. ii. p. 54. &lsquo;L'amour et la fidélité que les Français
+ont naturellement pour leurs princes.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. ii. p.
+3. &lsquo;Les Français, qui aiment leurs princes.&rsquo; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 381; and see vol. xi. p. 729. For further evidence, see
+<i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies</i>, vol. iv. p. 346; <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers Etats</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 105; <i>Ségur</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. p. 32; <i>Lamartine</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. iv. p. 58.</p>
+
+<p>Now, contrast with all this the sentiments contained in one of the most
+celebrated histories in the English language: &lsquo;There is not any one
+thing more certain and more evident, than that princes are made for the
+people, and not the people for them; and perhaps there is no nation
+under heaven that is more entirely possessed with this notion of princes
+than the English nation is in this age; so that they will soon be uneasy
+to a prince who does not govern himself by this maxim, and in time grow
+very unkind to him.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's History of his Own Time</i>, vol. vi. p.
+223. This manly and wholesome passage was written while the French were
+licking the dust from the feet of Louis XIV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">[802]</span></a> &lsquo;La race des rois la plus ancienne.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>,
+vol. ix. p. 281. &lsquo;Nos rois, issus de la plus grande race du monde, et
+devant qui les Césars, et la plus grande partie des princes qui jadis
+ont commandé tant de nations, ne sont que des roturiers.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Motteville</i>, vol. ii. p. 417. And a Venetian ambassador, in the
+sixteenth century, says, that France is &lsquo;il regno più antico d'ogn'
+altro che sia in essere al presente.&rsquo; <i>Relat. des Ambassad.</i> vol. i. p.
+470. Compare <i>Boullier</i>, <i>Maison Militaire des Rois de France</i>, p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">[803]</span></a> <i>Capefigue's Louis XIV</i>, vol. i. pp. 204, 301;
+<i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol. ii. p. 16. M. Ranke (<i>Die
+Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p. 257) ascribes this to the circumstances attending
+the apostasy of Henry IV.; but the cause lies much deeper, being
+connected with that triumph of the secular interests over the spiritual,
+of which the policy of Henry IV. was itself a consequence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">[804]</span></a> <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 408;
+<i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie</i>, vol. v. p. 3; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne
+de Louis XV</i>, vol. i. pp. 35, 347; <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+42, 43, 154, 155, 223, 224. What was, if possible, still more
+scandalous, was, that in 1723 the assembly of the clergy elected as
+their president, unanimously (&lsquo;d'une voix unanime&rsquo;), the infamous
+Dubois, the most notoriously immoral man of his time. <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mém.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">[805]</span></a> On this decline of the French clergy, see <i>Villemain</i>,
+<i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. iii. pp. 178, 179; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Philos.</i> II<sup>e</sup> série, vol. i. p. 301. <i>Tocqueville</i> (<i>Règne de Louis XV</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 35&ndash;38, 365) says, &lsquo;le clergé prêchait une morale qu'il
+compromettait par sa conduite;&rsquo; a noticeable remark, when made by an
+opponent of the sceptical philosophy, like the elder M. Tocqueville.
+Among this profligate crew, Massillon stood alone; he being the last
+French bishop who was remarkable for virtue as well as for ability.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">[806]</span></a> Voltaire says of the English, &lsquo;quand ils apprennent qu'en
+France de jeunes gens connus par leurs débauches, et élevés à la
+prélature par des intrigues de femmes, font publiquement l'amour,
+s'égaient à composer des chansons tendres, donnent tous les jours des
+soupers délicats et longs, et de là vont implorer les lumières du
+Saint-Esprit, et se nomment hardiment les successeures des apôtres ils
+remercient Dieu d'être protestants.&rsquo; <i>Lettres sur les Anglais</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxvi. p. 29.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF
+THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>It may be easily supposed, that those vast movements
+in the intellect of France, which I have just traced,
+could not fail to produce a great change in the method
+of writing history. That bold spirit with which men
+were beginning to estimate the transactions of their
+own time, was sure to influence their opinions respecting
+those of a former age. In this, as in every branch of
+knowledge, the first innovation consisted in recognizing
+the necessity of doubting what had hitherto been believed;
+and this feeling, when once established, went
+on increasing, destroying at each step some of those
+monstrous absurdities by which, as we have seen, even
+the best histories were disfigured. The germs of the
+reform may be discerned in the fourteenth century,
+though the reform itself did not begin until late in the
+sixteenth century. During the seventeenth century, it
+advanced somewhat slowly; but in the eighteenth century
+it received a sudden accession of strength, and,
+in France in particular, it was hastened by that fearless
+and inquisitive spirit which characterized the age, and
+which, purging history of innumerable follies, raised its
+standard, and conferred on it a dignity hitherto unknown.
+The rise of historical scepticism, and the extent
+to which it spread, do indeed form such curious features
+in the annals of the European intellect, as to make it
+surprising that no one should have attempted to examine
+a movement to which a great department of modern
+literature owes its most valuable peculiarities. In the
+present chapter, I hope to supply this deficiency so far<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
+as France is concerned; and I shall endeavour to mark
+the different steps by which the progress was effected,
+in order that, by knowing the circumstances most
+favourable to the study of history, we may with the
+greater ease inquire into the probability of its future
+improvement.</p>
+
+<p>There is, in reference to this subject, a preliminary
+consideration well worthy of notice. This is, that men
+seem always to have begun to doubt in matters of religion,
+before they ventured to do so in matters of history.
+It might have been expected that the reproaches,
+and, in a superstitious age, the dangers, to which heresy
+is exposed, would have intimidated inquirers, and would
+have induced them to prefer the safer path of directing
+their scepticism upon questions of literary speculation.
+Such, however, is by no means the course which the
+human mind has adopted. In an early stage of society,
+when the clergy had universal influence, a belief in the
+unpardonable criminality of religious error is so deeply
+rooted, that it engrosses the attention of all; it forces
+every one who thinks, to concentrate upon theology his
+reflections and his doubts, and it leaves no leisure for
+topics which are conceived to be of inferior importance.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a>
+Hence, during many centuries, the subtlest intellects
+of Europe exhausted their strength on the rights and
+dogmas of Christianity; and while upon these matters
+they often showed the greatest ability, they, upon other
+subjects, and especially upon history, displayed that infantine
+credulity, of which I have already given several
+examples.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But when, in the progress of society, its theological
+element begins to decay, the ardour with which religious
+disputes were once conducted becomes sensibly
+weakened. The most advanced intellects are the first
+to feel the growing indifference, and, therefore, they are
+also the first to scrutinize real events with that inquisitive
+eye which their predecessors had reserved for religious
+speculations. This is a great turning-point in the
+history of every civilized nation. From this moment
+theological heresies become less frequent,<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a> and literary
+heresies become more common. From this moment the
+spirit of inquiry and of doubt fastens itself upon every
+department of knowledge, and begins that great career
+of conquest, in which by every succeeding discovery the
+power and dignity of man are increased, while at the
+same time most of his opinions are disturbed, and many
+of them are destroyed: until, in the march of this vast
+but noiseless revolution, the stream of tradition is, as it
+were, interrupted, the influence of ancient authority is
+subverted, and the human mind, waxing in strength,
+learns to rely upon its own resources, and to throw off
+incumbrances by which the freedom of its movements
+had long been impaired.</p>
+
+<p>The application of these remarks to the history of
+France, will enable us to explain some interesting phenomena
+in the literature of that country. During the
+whole of the Middle Ages, and I may say till the end of
+the sixteenth century, France, though fertile in annalists
+and chroniclers, had not produced a single historian,
+because she had not produced a single man who presumed
+to doubt what was generally believed. Indeed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
+until the publication of Du Haillan's history of the kings
+of France, no one had even attempted a critical digest
+of the materials which were known to be extant. This
+work appeared in 1576;<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> and the author, at the conclusion
+of his labours, could not disguise the pride which he
+felt at having accomplished so great an undertaking. In
+his dedication to the king he says, &lsquo;I am, sire, the first of
+all the French who have written the history of France,
+and, in a polite language, shown the grandeur and dignity
+of our kings; for before there was nothing but the
+old rubbish of chronicles which spoke of them.&rsquo; He
+adds in the preface: &lsquo;Only I will say, without presumption
+and boasting, that I have done a thing which
+had not been done before, or seen by any of our nation,
+and have given to the history of France a dress it never
+appeared in before.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a> Nor were these the idle boasts of
+an obscure man. His work went through numerous
+editions; was translated into Latin, and was reprinted
+in foreign countries. He himself was looked upon as
+one of the glories of the French nation, and was rewarded
+by the favour of the king, who conferred on
+him the office of secretary of finance.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a> From his work,
+we may, therefore, gain some notion of what was then
+the received standard of historical literature; and with
+this view, it is natural to inquire what the materials
+were which he chiefly employed. About sixty years
+earlier, an Italian named Paulus Emilius had published
+a gossiping compilation on the &lsquo;Actions of the French.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
+This book, which is full of extravagant fables, was taken
+by Du Haillan as the basis of his famous history of the
+kings of France; and from it he unhesitatingly copies
+those idle stories which Emilius loved to relate. This
+will give us some idea of the credulity of a writer, who
+was reckoned by his contemporaries to be, beyond all
+comparison, the greatest historian France had produced.
+But this is not all. Du Haillan, not content with borrowing
+from his predecessor everything that was most
+incredible, gratifies his passion for the marvellous by
+some circumstances of his own invention. He begins
+his history with a long account of a council which, he
+says, was held by the celebrated Pharamond, in order
+to determine whether the French should be governed
+by a monarchy or by an aristocracy. It is, indeed,
+doubtful if any such person as Pharamond ever existed;
+and it is certain that, if he did exist, all the materials
+had long perished from which an opinion could be formed
+respecting him.<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> But Du Haillan, regardless of these
+little difficulties, gives us the fullest information touching
+the great chieftain; and, as if determined to tax
+to the utmost the credulity of his readers, mentions, as
+members of the council of Pharamond, two persons,
+Charamond and Quadrek, whose very names are invented
+by the historian.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such was the state of historical literature in France
+early in the reign of Henry III. A great change was,
+however, at hand. The remarkable intellectual progress
+made by the French towards the close of the sixteenth
+century was, as I have shown, preceded by that scepticism
+which appears to be its necessary precursor.
+The spirit of doubt, which had begun with religion, was
+communicated to literature. The impulse was immediately
+felt in every department of knowledge, and now
+it was that history first emerged from a debasement
+in which it had for centuries been sunk. On this
+subject a mere statement of dates may be of service to
+those persons who, from a dislike to general reasoning,
+would otherwise deny the connexion which I wish to
+establish. In 1588 was published the first sceptical
+book ever written in the French language.<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> In 1598,
+the French government, for the first time, ventured upon
+a great public act of religious toleration. In 1604,
+De Thou published that celebrated work, which is
+allowed by all critics to be the first great history composed
+by a Frenchman.<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a> And at the very moment
+when these things were passing, another eminent
+Frenchman, the illustrious Sully,<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> was collecting the
+materials for his historical work, which, though hardly
+equal to that of De Thou, comes immediately after it
+in ability, in importance, and in reputation. Nor can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
+we fail to remark, that both these great historians, who
+left all their predecessors immeasurably behind them,
+were the confidential ministers and intimate friends of
+Henry IV., the first king of France whose memory is
+stained by the imputation of heresy, and the first who
+dared to change his religion, not in consequence of any
+theological arguments, but on the broad and notorious
+ground of political expediency.<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a></p>
+
+<p>But it was not merely over such eminent historians
+as these that the sceptical spirit displayed its influence.
+The movement was now becoming sufficiently active to
+leave its marks in the writings of far inferior men.
+There were two particulars in which the credulity of
+the earlier historians was very striking. These consisted
+in the uncritical manner in which, by blindly copying
+their predecessors, they confused the dates of different
+events; and in the readiness with which they believed
+the most improbable statements, upon imperfect evidence,
+and often upon no evidence at all. It is surely
+a singular proof of that intellectual progress which I am
+endeavouring to trace, that, within a very few years,
+both these sources of error were removed. In 1597,
+Serres was appointed historiographer of France; and, in
+the same year, he published his history of that country.<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a>
+In this work, he insists upon the necessity of carefully
+recording the date of each event; and the example,
+which he first set, has, since his time, been generally
+followed.<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> The importance of this change will be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
+willingly acknowledged by those who are aware of the
+confusion into which history has been thrown by the
+earlier writers having neglected, what now seems, so
+obvious a precaution. Scarcely had this innovation
+been established, when it was followed, in the same
+country, by another of still greater moment. This was
+the appearance, in 1621, of a history of France, by
+Scipio Dupleix; in which, for the first time, the evidence
+for historical facts was published with the facts themselves.<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a>
+It is needless to insist upon the utility of a
+step which, more than any other, has taught historians
+to be industrious in collecting their authorities, and
+careful in scrutinizing them.<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a> To this may be added,
+that Dupleix was also the first Frenchman who ventured<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
+to publish a system of philosophy in his own language.<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a>
+It is true, that the system itself is intrinsically of little
+value;<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> but, at the time it appeared, it was an unprecedented,
+and, on that account, a profane attempt, to
+unfold the mysteries of philosophy in the vulgar speech;
+and, in this point of view, supplies evidence of the increasing
+diffusion of a spirit bolder and more inquisitive
+than any formerly known. It is not, therefore, surprising,
+that, almost at the same moment, there should be
+made, in the same country, the first systematic attempt
+at historical scepticism. The system of philosophy by
+Dupleix appeared in 1602; and in 1599, La Popelinière
+published at Paris what he calls the <i>History of Histories</i>,
+in which he criticizes historians themselves, and examines
+their works with that sceptical spirit, to which his
+own age was deeply indebted.<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> This able man was
+also the author of a <i>Sketch of the New History of the
+French</i>; containing a formal refutation of that fable, so
+dear to the early historians, according to which the
+monarchy of France was founded by Francus, who
+arrived in Gaul after the conclusion of the siege of
+Troy.<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a></p>
+
+<p>It would be useless to collect all the instances in
+which this advancing spirit of scepticism now began to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
+purge history of its falsehoods. I will only mention
+two or three more of those which have occurred in my
+reading. In 1614, De Rubis published at Lyons a work
+on the European monarchies; in which he not only
+attacks the long-established belief respecting the descent
+from Francus, but boldly asserts, that the Franks owe
+their name to their ancient liberties.<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> In 1620, Gomberville,
+in a dissertation on history, refutes many of
+those idle stories respecting the antiquity of the French,
+which had been universally received until his time.<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a>
+And, in 1630, Berthault published at Paris the &lsquo;French
+Floras,&rsquo; in which he completely upsets the old method;
+since he lays it down as a fundamental principle, that
+the origin of the French must only be sought for
+in those countries where they were found by the
+Romans.<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a></p>
+
+<p>All these, and similar productions, were, however,
+entirely eclipsed by Mezeray's History of France; the
+first volume of which was published in 1643, and the
+last in 1651.<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> It is, perhaps, hardly fair to his predecessors,
+to call him the first general historian of
+France;<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a> but there can be no doubt that his work is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
+greatly superior to any that had yet been seen. The
+style of Mezeray is admirably clear and vigorous, rising,
+at times, to considerable eloquence. Besides this, he has
+two other merits much more important. These are,
+an indisposition to believe strange things, merely because
+they have hitherto been believed; and an inclination to
+take the side of the people, rather than that of their
+rulers.<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> Of these principles, the first was too common
+among the ablest Frenchmen of that time to excite
+much attention.<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a> But the other principle enabled
+Mezeray to advance an important step before all his
+contemporaries. He was the first Frenchman who, in
+a great historical work, threw off that superstitious
+reverence for royalty which had long troubled the minds
+of his countrymen, and which, indeed, continued to
+haunt them for another century. As a necessary consequence,
+he was also the first who saw that a history,
+to be of real value, must be a history, not only of kings,
+but of nations. A steady perception of this principle
+led him to incorporate into his book matters which,
+before his time, no one cared to study. He communicates
+all the information he could collect respecting the
+taxes which the people had paid; the sufferings they had
+undergone from the gripping hands of their governors;
+their manners, their comforts, even the state of the towns
+which they inhabited; in a word, what affected the interests
+of the French people, as well as what affected
+the interests of the French monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a> These were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
+the subjects which Mezeray preferred to insignificant
+details respecting the pomp of courts and the lives
+of kings. These were the large and comprehensive
+matters on which he loved to dwell, and on which he
+expatiated; not, indeed, with so much fulness as we
+could desire, but still with a spirit and an accuracy
+which entitles him to the honour of being the greatest
+historian France produced before the eighteenth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>This was, in many respects, the most important
+change which had yet been effected in the manner of
+writing history. If the plan begun by Mezeray had
+been completed by his successors, we should possess
+materials, the absence of which no modern researches
+can possibly compensate. Some things, indeed, we
+should, in that case, have lost. We should know less
+than we now know of courts and of camps. We should
+have heard less of the peerless beauty of French queens,
+and of the dignified presence of French kings. We
+might even have missed some of the links of that evidence
+by which the genealogies of princes and nobles
+are ascertained, and the study of which delights the
+curiosity of antiquaries and heralds. But, on the other
+hand, we should have been able to examine the state of
+the French people during the latter half of the seventeenth
+century; while, as things now stand, our knowledge
+of them, in that most important period, is inferior
+in accuracy and in extent to the knowledge we possess
+of some of the most barbarous tribes of the earth.<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a> If<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
+the example of Mezeray had been followed, with such
+additional resources as the progress of affairs would
+have supplied, we should not only have the means of
+minutely tracing the growth of a great and civilised
+nation, but we should have materials that would suggest
+or verify those original principles, the discovery of
+which constitutes the real use of history.</p>
+
+<p>But this was not to be. Unhappily for the interests
+of knowledge, the march of French civilization was, at
+this period, suddenly checked. Soon after the middle
+of the seventeenth century, that lamentable change took
+place in France, which gave a new turn to the destinies
+of the nation. The reaction which the spirit of inquiry
+underwent, and the social and intellectual circumstances
+which, by bringing the Fronde to a premature
+close, prepared the way for Louis XIV., have been described
+in a former part of this volume, where I have
+attempted to indicate the general effects of the disastrous
+movement. It now remains for me to point out
+how this retrogressive tendency opposed obstacles to
+the improvement of historical literature, and prevented
+authors, not only from relating with honesty what was
+passing around them, but also from understanding
+events which had occurred before their time.</p>
+
+<p>The most superficial students of French literature
+must be struck by the dearth of historians during that
+long period in which Louis XIV. held the reins of
+government.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a> To this, the personal peculiarities of the
+king greatly contributed. His education had been
+shamefully neglected; and as he never had the energy
+to repair its deficiencies, he all his life remained
+ignorant of many things with which even princes are
+usually familiar.<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> Of the course of past events he knew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
+literally nothing, and he took no interest in any history
+except the history of his own exploits. Among a free
+people, this indifference on the part of the sovereign
+could never have produced injurious results; indeed, as
+we have already seen, the absence of royal patronage is,
+in a highly civilized country, the most favourable condition
+of literature. But at the accession of Louis XIV.
+the liberties of the French were still too young, and the
+habits of independent thought too recent, to enable
+them to bear up against that combination of the crown
+and the church, which was directed against them. The
+French, becoming every day more servile, at length
+sunk so low, that, by the end of the seventeenth century,
+they seemed to have lost even the wish of resistance.
+The king, meeting no opposition, endeavoured to exercise
+over the intellect of the country an authority equal
+to that with which he conducted its government.<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a> In
+all the great questions of religion and of politics, the
+spirit of inquiry was stifled, and no man was allowed to
+express an opinion unfavourable to the existing state of
+things. As the king was willing to endow literature,
+he naturally thought that he had a right to its services.
+Authors, who were fed by his hand, were not to raise
+their voices against his policy. They received his wages,
+and they were bound to do the bidding of him who paid
+them. When Louis assumed the government, Mezeray
+was still living; though I need hardly say that his great
+work was published before this system of protection and
+patronage came into play. The treatment to which he,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
+the great historian of France, was now subjected, was
+a specimen of the new arrangement. He received from
+the crown a pension of four thousand francs; but when
+he, in 1668, published an abridgment of his History,<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a>
+it was intimated to him that some remarks upon the
+tendency of taxation were likely to cause offence in
+high quarters. As, however, it was soon found that
+Mezeray was too honest and too fearless to retract what
+he had written, it was determined to have recourse to
+intimidation, and half of his pension was taken from
+him.<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> But as this did not produce a proper effect,
+another order was issued, which deprived him of the
+remaining half; and thus early, in this bad reign, there
+was set an example of punishing a man for writing with
+honesty upon a subject in which, of all others, honesty
+is the first essential.<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such conduct as this showed what historians were to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
+expect from the government of Louis XIV. Several
+years later, the king took another opportunity of displaying
+the same spirit. Fénelon had been appointed
+preceptor to the grandson of Louis, whose early vices
+his firmness and judgment did much to repress.<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> But
+a single circumstance was thought sufficient to outweigh
+the immense service which Fénelon thus rendered to the
+royal family, and, if his pupil had come to the throne,
+would have rendered prospectively to the whole of
+France. His celebrated romance, <i>Telemachus</i>, was published
+in 1699, as it appears, without his consent.<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> The
+king suspected that, under the guise of a fiction, Fénelon
+intended to reflect on the conduct of government. It
+was in vain that the author denied so dangerous an
+imputation. The indignation of the king was not to be
+appeased. He banished Fénelon from the court; and
+would never again admit to his presence a man whom
+he suspected of even insinuating a criticism upon
+the measures adopted by the administration of the
+country.<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a></p>
+
+<p>If the king could, on mere suspicion, thus treat a
+great writer, who had the rank of an archbishop and
+the reputation of a saint, it was not likely that he would
+deal more tenderly with inferior men. In 1681, the
+Abbé Primi, an Italian, then residing at Paris, was induced
+to write a history of Louis XIV. The king,
+delighted with the idea of perpetuating his own fame,
+conferred several rewards upon the author: and arrangements
+were made that the work should be composed in
+Italian, and immediately translated into French. But
+when the history appeared, there were found in it some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
+circumstances which it was thought ought not to have
+been disclosed. On this account, Louis caused the book
+to be suppressed, the papers of the author to be seized,
+and the author himself to be thrown into the Bastille.<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a></p>
+
+<p>Those, indeed, were dangerous times for independent
+men; times when no writer on politics or religion was
+safe, unless he followed the fashion of the day, and defended
+the opinions of the court and the church. The
+king, who had an insatiable thirst for what he called
+glory,<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> laboured to degrade contemporary historians
+into mere chroniclers of his own achievements. He
+ordered Racine and Boileau to write an account of his
+reign; he settled a pension upon them, and he promised
+to supply them with the necessary materials.<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a> But
+even Racine and Boileau, poets though they were, knew
+that they would fail in satisfying his morbid vanity;
+they, therefore, received the pension, but omitted to
+compose the work for which the pension was conferred.
+So notorious was the unwillingness of able men to
+meddle with history, that it was thought advisable to beat
+up literary recruits from foreign countries. The case
+of the Abbé Primi has just been mentioned; he was an
+Italian, and only one year later a similar offer was made
+to an Englishman. In 1683, Burnet visited France, and
+was given to understand that he might receive a pension,
+and that he might even enjoy the honour of conversing
+with Louis himself, provided he would write a history<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
+of the royal affairs; such history, it was carefully added,
+being on the &lsquo;side&rsquo; of the French king.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a></p>
+
+<p>Under such circumstances as these, it is no wonder
+that history, so far as its great essentials are concerned,
+should have rapidly declined during the power of
+Louis XIV. It became, as some think, more elegant;
+but it certainly became more feeble. The language in
+which it was composed was worked with great care, the
+periods neatly arranged, the epithets soft and harmonious.
+For that was a polite and obsequious age, full
+of reverence, of duty, and of admiration. In history,
+as it was then written, every king was a hero, and every
+bishop was a saint. All unpleasant truths were suppressed;
+nothing harsh or unkind was to be told.
+These docile and submissive sentiments being expressed
+in an easy and flowing style, gave to history that air
+of refinement, that gentle, unobtrusive gait, which made
+it popular with the classes that it flattered. But even
+so, while its form was polished, its life was extinct.
+All its independence was gone, all its honesty, all its
+boldness. The noblest and the most difficult department
+of knowledge, the study of the movements of the
+human race, was abandoned to every timid and creeping
+intellect that cared to cultivate it. There was
+Boulainvilliers, and Daniel, and Maimburg, and Varillas,
+and Vertot, and numerous others, who in the reign of
+Louis XIV. were believed to be historians; but whose
+histories have scarcely any merit, except that of enabling
+us to appreciate the period in which such productions
+were admired, and the system of which they were
+the representatives.</p>
+
+<p>To give a complete view of the decline of historical
+literature in France, from the time of Mezeray until<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
+early in the eighteenth century, would require a summary
+of every history which was written; for all of
+them were pervaded by the same spirit. But, as this
+would occupy much too large a space, it will probably
+be thought sufficient if I confine myself to such illustrations
+as will bring the tendency of the age most clearly
+before the reader; and for this purpose, I will notice the
+works of two historians I have not yet mentioned; one
+of whom was celebrated as an antiquary, the other as
+a theologian. Both possessed considerable learning,
+and one was a man of undoubted genius; their works
+are, therefore, worth attention, as symptoms of the state
+of the French intellect late in the seventeenth century.
+The name of the antiquary was Audigier; the name of
+the theologian was Bossuet: and from them we may learn
+something respecting the way in which, during the reign
+of Louis XIV., it was usual to contemplate the transactions
+of past ages.</p>
+
+<p>The celebrated work of Audigier, on the Origin of the
+French, was published at Paris in 1676.<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> It would be
+unjust to deny that the author was a man of great and
+careful reading. But his credulity, his prejudices, his
+reverence for antiquity, and his dutiful admiration for
+everything established by the church and the court,
+warped his judgment to an extent which, in our time,
+seems incredible; and, as there are probably few persons
+in England who have read his once famous book,
+I will give an outline of its leading views.</p>
+
+<p>In this great history we are told, that 3464 years after
+the creation of the world, and 590 years before the birth
+of Christ, was the exact period at which Sigovese, nephew
+to the king of the Celts, was first sent into Germany.<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a>
+Those who accompanied him were necessarily travellers;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
+and as, in the German language, <i>wandeln</i> means <i>to go</i>, we
+have here the origin of the Vandals.<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> But the antiquity
+of the Vandals is far surpassed by that of the
+French. Jupiter, Pluto, and Neptune, who are sometimes
+supposed to be gods, were in reality kings of
+Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> And, if we look back a little further, it becomes
+certain that Gallus, the founder of Gaul, was no other
+than Noah himself; for in those days the same man frequently
+had two names.<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> As to the subsequent history
+of the French, it was fully equal to the dignity of their
+origin. Alexander the Great, even in all the pride of
+his victories, never dared to attack the Scythians, who
+were a colony sent from France.<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> It is from these great
+occupiers of France that there have proceeded all the
+gods of Europe, all the fine arts, and all the sciences.<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a>
+The English themselves are merely a colony of the
+French, as must be evident to whoever considers the
+similarity of the words Angles and Anjou;<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a> and to
+this fortunate descent the natives of the British islands
+are indebted for such bravery and politeness as they still
+possess.<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> Several other points are cleared up by this
+great critic with equal faculty. The Salian Franks were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
+so called from the rapidity of their flight;<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> the Bretons
+were evidently Saxons;<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a> and even the Scotch, about
+whose independence so much has been said, were vassals
+to the kings of France.<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> Indeed, it is impossible to exaggerate
+the dignity of the crown of France; it is difficult
+even to conceive its splendour. Some have supposed that
+the emperors are superior to the kings of France, but this
+is the mistake of ignorant men; for an emperor means a
+mere military ruler, while the title of king includes all
+the functions of supreme power.<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> To put the question,
+therefore, on its real footing, the great king Louis XIV.
+is an emperor, as have been all his predecessors, the
+illustrious rulers of France, for fifteen centuries.<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a> And
+it is an undoubted fact, that Antichrist, about whom so
+much anxiety is felt, will never be allowed to appear in
+the world until the French empire has been destroyed.
+This, says Audigier, it would be idle to deny; for it is
+asserted by many of the saints, and it is distinctly foreshadowed
+by St. Paul, in his second epistle to the
+Thessalonians.<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a></p>
+
+<p>Strange as all this appears, there was nothing in it to
+revolt the enlightened age of Louis XIV. Indeed, the
+French, dazzled by the brilliancy of their prince, must
+have felt great interest in learning how superior he was
+to all other potentates, and how he had not only been
+preceded by a long line of emperors, but was in fact an
+emperor himself. They must have been struck with awe
+at the information communicated by Audigier respecting
+the arrival of Antichrist, and the connexion between that
+important event and the fate of the French monarchy.
+They must have listened with pious wonder to the illustration
+of these matters from the writings of the fathers,
+and from the epistle to the Thessalonians. All this they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
+would easily receive; because to worship the king, and
+venerate the church, were the two cardinal maxims of
+that age. To obey, and to believe, were the fundamental
+ideas of a period, in which the fine arts did for
+a time flourish,&mdash;in which the perception of beauty,
+though too fastidious, was undoubtedly keen,&mdash;in which
+taste and the imagination, in its lower departments,
+were zealously cultivated,&mdash;but in which, on the other
+hand, originality and independence of thought were extinguished,
+the greatest and the largest topics were forbidden
+to be discussed, the sciences were almost deserted,
+reforms and innovations were hated, new opinions were
+despised, and their authors punished, until at length,
+the exuberance of genius being tamed into sterility, the
+national intellect was reduced to that dull and monotonous
+level which characterizes the last twenty years
+of the reign of Louis XIV.</p>
+
+<p>In no instance can we find a better example of this
+reactionary movement, than in the case of Bossuet,
+bishop of Meaux. The success, and indeed the mere
+existence, of his work on Universal History, becomes,
+from this point of view, highly instructive. Considered
+by itself, the book is a painful exhibition of a great
+genius cramped by a superstitious age. But considered
+in reference to the time in which it appeared, it is invaluable
+as a symptom of the French intellect; since it
+proves, that towards the end of the seventeenth century,
+one of the most eminent men, in one of the first countries
+of Europe, could willingly submit to a prostration
+of judgment, and could display a blind credulity, of
+which, in our day, even the feeblest minds would be
+ashamed; and that this, so far from causing scandal, or
+bringing a rebuke on the head of the author, was received
+with universal and unqualified applause. Bossuet
+was a great orator, a consummate dialectician, and an
+accomplished master of those vague sublimities by
+which most men are easily affected. All these qualities
+he, a few years later, employed in the production of
+what is probably the most formidable work ever directed
+against Protestantism.<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> But when he, leaving these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
+matters, entered the vast field of history, he could
+think of no better way of treating his new subject, than
+by following the arbitrary rules peculiar to his own
+profession.<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a> His work is an audacious attempt to
+degrade history to a mere handmaid of theology.<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a> As
+if, on such matters, doubt were synonymous with crime,
+he, without the slightest hesitation, takes everything for
+granted which the church had been accustomed to
+believe. This enables him to speak with perfect confidence
+respecting events which are lost in the remotest
+antiquity. He knows the exact number of years which
+have elapsed since the moment when Cain murdered
+his brother; when the deluge overwhelmed the world;
+and when Abraham was summoned to his mission.<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a>
+The dates of these, and similar occurrences, he fixes
+with a precision, which might almost make us believe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
+that they had taken place in his own time, if not under
+his own eyes.<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a> It is true, that the Hebrew books on
+which he willingly relied, supply no evidence of the
+slightest value concerning the chronology even of their
+own people; while the information they contain respecting
+other countries is notoriously meagre and
+unsatisfactory.<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a> But so narrow were the views of
+Bossuet upon history, that with all this he, in his own
+opinion, had no concern. The text of the Vulgate declared,
+that these things had happened at a particular
+time; and a number of holy men, calling themselves
+the council of the church, had, in the middle of the sixteenth
+century, pronounced the Vulgate to be authentic,
+and had taken upon themselves to place it above all
+other versions.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> This theological opinion was accepted
+by Bossuet as an historical law; and thus the decision
+of a handful of cardinals and bishops, in a superstitious
+and uncritical age, is the sole authority for that early
+chronology, the precision of which is, to an uninformed
+reader, a matter of great admiration.<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In the same way, because Bossuet had been taught
+that the Jews are the chosen people of God, he, under
+the title of Universal History, almost confines his attention
+to them, and treats this obstinate and ignorant race
+as if they formed the pivot upon which the affairs of the
+universe had been made to turn.<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> His idea of an universal
+history excludes those nations who were the first
+to reach civilization, and to some of whom the Hebrews
+owed the scanty knowledge which they subsequently
+acquired.<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> He says little of the Persians, and less of
+the Egyptians; nor does he even mention that far
+greater people between the Indus and the Ganges, whose
+philosophy formed one of the elements of the school of
+Alexandria, whose subtle speculations anticipated all
+the efforts of European metaphysics, and whose sublime
+inquiries, conducted in their own exquisite language,
+date from a period when the Jews, stained with every
+variety of crime, were a plundering and vagabond tribe,
+wandering on the face of the earth, raising their hand
+against every man and every man raising his hand
+against them.</p>
+
+<p>When he enters the more modern period, he allows
+himself to be governed by the same theological prejudices.
+So contracted is his view, that he considers the
+whole history of the church as the history of providential
+interference; and he takes no notice of the manner
+in which, contrary to the original scheme, it has been
+affected by foreign events.<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> Thus, for example, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
+most important fact relating to the early changes in
+Christianity, is the extent to which its doctrines have
+been influenced by the African form of the Platonic
+philosophy.<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> But this, Bossuet never mentions; nor
+does he even hint that any such thing had occurred.
+It suited his views to look upon the church as a perpetual
+miracle, and he therefore omits the most important
+event in its early history.<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> To descend a little
+later: every one acquainted with the progress of civilization
+will allow, that no small share of it is due to
+those gleams of light, which, in the midst of surrounding
+darkness, shot from the great centres of Cordova
+and Bagdad. These, however, were the work of Mohammedanism;
+and as Bossuet had been taught that
+Mohammedanism is a pestilential heresy, he could not
+bring himself to believe that Christian nations had derived
+anything from so corrupt a source. The consequence
+is, that he says nothing of that great religion,
+the noise of which has filled the world;<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> and having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
+occasion to mention its founder, he treats him with
+scorn, as an impudent impostor, whose pretensions it is
+hardly fitting to notice.<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a> The great apostle, who diffused
+among millions of idolaters the sublime verity of
+one God, is spoken of by Bossuet with supreme contempt;
+because Bossuet, with the true spirit of his profession,
+could see nothing to admire in those whose opinions differed
+from his own.<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> But when he has occasion to mention
+some obscure member of that class to which he himself belonged,
+then it is that he scatters his praises with boundless
+profusion. In his scheme of universal history, Mohammed
+is not worthy to play a part. He is passed by; but the truly
+great man, the man to whom the human race is really
+indebted, is&mdash;Martin, bishop of Tours. He it is, says
+Bossuet, whose unrivalled actions filled the universe with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
+his fame, both during his lifetime and after his death.<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a> It
+is true, that not one educated man in fifty has ever heard
+the name of Martin, bishop of Tours. But Martin performed
+miracles, and the church had made him a saint;
+his claims, therefore, to the attention of historians must
+be far superior to the claims of one who, like Mohammed,
+was without these advantages. Thus it is that, in
+the opinion of the only eminent writer on history during
+the power of Louis XIV., the greatest man Asia has
+ever produced, and one of the greatest the world has
+ever seen, is considered in every way inferior to a mean
+and ignorant monk, whose most important achievement
+was the erection of a monastery, and who spent the
+best part of his life in useless solitude, trembling before
+the superstitious fancies of his weak and ignoble
+nature.<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the narrow spirit with which the great
+facts of history were contemplated by a writer, who,
+when he was confined to his own department, displayed
+the most towering genius. This contracted view was
+the inevitable consequence of his attempt to explain the
+complicated movements of the human race by principles
+which he had generalized from his own inferior studies.<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>
+Nor need any one be offended, that, from a scientific
+point of view, I assign to the pursuits of Bossuet a
+rank lower than that in which they are sometimes
+placed. It is certain that religious dogmas do, in many
+cases, influence the affairs of men. But it is equally
+certain, that as civilization advances, such influence decreases,
+and that even when the power of those dogmas
+was at its height, there were many other motives by
+which the actions of mankind were also governed.
+And since the study of history is the study of the
+aggregate of these motives, it is evident that history
+must be superior to theology; just as the whole is
+superior to a part. A neglect of this simple consideration
+has, with a few eminent exceptions, led all ecclesiastical
+authors into serious errors. It has induced in
+them a disposition to disregard the immense variety of
+external events, and to suppose that the course of affairs
+is regulated by some principles which theology alone
+can detect. This, indeed, is only the result of a general
+law of the mind, by which those who have any favourite
+profession, are apt to exaggerate its capacity; to explain
+events by its maxims, and as it were, to refract through
+its medium the occurrences of life.<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> Among theologians,
+however, such prejudices are more dangerous
+than in any other profession, because among them alone
+are they fortified by that bold assumption of supernatural
+authority on which many of the clergy willingly
+rely.</p>
+
+<p>These professional prejudices, when supported by
+theological dogmas, in a reign like that of Louis XIV.,<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a>
+are sufficient to account for the peculiarities which
+mark the historical work of Bossuet. Besides this, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
+his case, the general tendency was aggravated by personal
+characteristics. His mind was remarkable for a
+haughtiness, which we find constantly breaking out
+into a general contempt for mankind.<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> At the same
+time his amazing eloquence, and the effects which it
+never failed to produce, seemed to justify the overweening
+confidence that he felt in his own powers.
+There is, indeed, in some of his greatest efforts, so much
+of the fire and majesty of genius, that we are reminded
+of those lofty and burning words with which the prophets
+of antiquity thrilled their hearers. Bossuet, thus
+standing, as he supposed, on an eminence which raised
+him above the ordinary weaknesses of men, loved to
+taunt them with their follies, and to deride every aspiration
+of their genius. Every thing like intellectual
+boldness seemed to gall his own superiority.<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> It was
+this boundless arrogance with which he was filled,
+which gives to his works some of their most marked
+peculiarities. It was this, that made him strain every
+nerve to abase and vilify those prodigious resources of
+the human understanding, which are often despised by
+men who are ignorant of them; but which in reality
+are so great, that no one has yet arisen able to scan
+them in the whole of their gigantic dimensions. It was
+this same contempt for the human intellect, that made
+him deny its capacity to work out for itself the epochs
+through which it has passed; and, consequently, made
+him recur to the dogma of supernatural interference.
+It was this, again, that, in those magnificent orations
+which are among the greatest wonders of modern art,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
+caused him to exhaust the language of eulogy, not upon
+intellectual eminence, but upon mere military achievements,
+upon great conquerors, those pests and destroyers
+of men, who pass their lives in discovering new ways of
+slaying their enemies, and in devising new means of
+aggravating the miseries of the world. And, to descend
+still lower, it was this same contempt for the dearest
+interests of mankind, which made him look with reverence
+upon a king, who considered all those interests as
+nothing; but who had the merit of enslaving the mind
+of France, and of increasing the power of that body of
+men, among whom Bossuet himself was the most distinguished.</p>
+
+<p>In the absence of sufficient evidence respecting the
+general state of the French at the end of the seventeenth
+century, it is impossible to ascertain to what extent such
+notions as these had penetrated the popular mind. But,
+looking at the manner in which government had broken
+the spirit of the country, I should be inclined to suppose
+that the opinions of Bossuet were very acceptable
+to his own generation. This, however, is a question
+rather of curiosity than of importance; for only a few
+years later there appeared the first symptoms of that
+unprecedented movement, which not merely destroyed
+the political institutions of France, but effected a greater
+and more permanent revolution in every department of
+the national intellect. At the death of Louis XIV., in
+literature, as well as in politics, in religion, and in
+morals, everything was ripe for reaction. The materials
+still existing are so ample, that it would be possible to
+trace with considerable minuteness the steps of this
+great process; but it will, I think, be more agreeable
+to the general scheme of this Introduction, if I pass
+over some of the intermediate links, and confine myself
+to those salient instances in which the spirit of the age
+is most strikingly portrayed.</p>
+
+<p>There is, indeed, something extraordinary in the
+change which, in France, one generation was able to
+effect in the method of writing history. The best way,
+perhaps, to form an idea of this, will be to compare the
+works of Voltaire with those of Bossuet; because these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
+great authors were probably the most able, and were
+certainly the most influential, Frenchmen during the
+period they respectively represented. The first great
+improvement which we find in Voltaire, as compared
+with Bossuet, is an increased perception of the dignity
+of the human intellect. In addition to the circumstances
+already noticed, we must remember that the
+reading of Bossuet lay in a direction which prevented
+him from feeling this. He had not studied those
+branches of knowledge where great things have been
+achieved; but he was very conversant with the writings
+of the saints and fathers, whose speculations are by no
+means calculated to give us a high opinion of the resources
+of their own understanding. Thus accustomed
+to contemplate the workings of the mind in what is, on
+the whole, the most puerile literature Europe has ever
+produced, the contempt which Bossuet felt for mankind
+went on increasing; until it reached that inordinate
+degree which, in his later works, is painfully conspicuous.
+But Voltaire, who paid no attention to such
+things as these, passed his long life in the constant
+accumulation of real and available knowledge. His
+mind was essentially modern. Despising unsupported
+authority, and heedless of tradition, he devoted himself
+to subjects in which the triumph of the human reason
+is too apparent to be mistaken. The more his knowledge
+advanced, the more he admired those vast powers
+by which the knowledge had been created. Hence his
+admiration for the intellect of man, so far from diminishing,
+grew with his growth; and, just in the same
+proportion, there was strengthened his love of humanity,
+and his dislike to the prejudices which had long obscured
+its history. That this, in the march of his mind, was
+the course it actually followed, will be evident to any
+one who considers the different spirit of his works, in
+reference to the different periods of life in which they
+were produced.</p>
+
+<p>The first historical work of Voltaire was a life of
+Charles XII., in 1728.<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a> At this time his knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
+was still scanty, and he was still influenced by the
+servile traditions of the preceding generation. It is not,
+therefore, wonderful, that he should express the greatest
+respect for Charles, who, among the admirers of military
+fame, will always preserve a certain reputation;
+though his only merits are, that he ravaged many countries
+and killed many men. But we find little sympathy
+with his unfortunate subjects, the accumulations of
+whose industry supported the royal armies;<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> nor is
+there much pity for those nations who were oppressed
+by this great robber in the immense line of his conquests
+from Sweden to Turkey. Indeed, the admiration
+of Voltaire for Charles is unbounded. He calls him
+the most extraordinary man the world had ever seen;<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a>
+he declares him to be a prince full of honour;<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> and
+while he scarcely blames his infamous murder of Patkul,<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a>
+he relates with evident emotion how the royal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
+lunatic, at the head of forty servants, resisted an entire
+army.<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> In the same way, he says, that after the battle
+of Narva, all the attempts of Charles were unable to
+prevent medals from being struck at Stockholm in celebration
+of that event;<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a> although Voltaire well knew
+that a man of such extravagant vanity must have been
+pleased by so durable a homage, and although it is quite
+certain that if he had not been pleased, the medals
+would never have been struck: for who would venture,
+without an object, to offend, in his own capital, one of
+the most arbitrary and revengeful of princes?</p>
+
+<p>So far, it might appear that little had been gained in
+the method of writing history.<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a> But, even thus early,
+we find one vast improvement. In Voltaire's Life of
+Charles XII., faulty as it is, there are none of those
+assumptions of supernatural interference in which
+Bossuet delighted, and which were natural to the reign
+of Louis XIV. The absence of this marks the first great
+stage in the French school of history in the eighteenth
+century; and we find the same peculiarity in all the
+subsequent historians, none of whom recurred to a
+method, which, though suitable for the purposes of theologians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
+is fatal to all independent inquiries, since it not
+only prescribes the course the inquirer is bound to
+take, but actually sets up a limit beyond which he is
+forbidden to proceed.</p>
+
+<p>That Voltaire should have infringed upon this ancient
+method only thirteen years after the death of Louis XIV.,
+and that he should have done this in a popular work,
+abounding with such dangerous adventures as are
+always found to tempt the mind to an opposite course,
+is a step of no common merit, and becomes still more
+worthy of remark, if taken in connexion with another
+fact of considerable interest. This is, that the life of
+Charles XII. represents the first epoch, not only in the
+eighteenth century, but also in the intellect of Voltaire
+himself.<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> After it was published, this great man turned
+awhile from history, and directed his attention to some
+of the noblest subjects: to mathematics, to physics,
+to jurisprudence, to the discoveries of Newton, and to
+the speculations of Locke. In these things he perceived
+those capabilities of the human mind, which
+his own country had formerly witnessed, but of which
+during the authority of Louis XIV. the memory had
+been almost lost. Then it was that, with extended
+knowledge and sharpened intellect, he returned to the
+great field of history.<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a> The manner in which he now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
+treated his old subject, showed the change that had
+come over him. In 1752, appeared his celebrated work
+on Louis XIV.,<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> the very title of which is suggestive
+of the process through which his mind had passed. His
+former history was an account of a king; this is an
+account of an age. To the production of his youth he
+gave the title of a <i>History of Charles XII.</i>; this he called
+the <i>Age of Louis XIV.</i> Before, he had detailed the peculiarities
+of a prince; now, he considered the movements
+of a people. Indeed, in the introduction to the work,
+he announces his intention to describe, &lsquo;not the actions
+of a single man, but the character of men.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a> Nor, in
+this point of view, is the execution inferior to the design.
+While he is contented with giving a summary of military
+achievements, on which Bossuet hung with delight,
+he enters at great length into those really important
+matters which, before his time, found no place in the
+history of France. He has one chapter on commerce and
+internal government;<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> another chapter on finances;<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a>
+another on the history of science;<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a> and three chapters
+on the progress of the fine arts.<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a> And though
+Voltaire did not attach much value to theological disputes,
+still he knew that they have often played a great
+part in the affairs of men; he therefore gives several distinct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
+chapters to a relation of ecclesiastical matters during
+the reign of Louis.<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a> It is hardly necessary to observe
+the immense superiority which a scheme like this possessed,
+not only over the narrow views of Bossuet, but
+even over his own earlier history. Still it cannot be
+denied, that we find in it prejudices from which it was
+difficult for a Frenchman, educated in the reign of
+Louis XIV., to be entirely free. Not only does Voltaire
+dwell at needless length upon those amusements and
+debaucheries of Louis, with which history can have
+little concern, but he displays an evident disposition to
+favour the king himself, and to protect his name from
+the infamy with which it ought to be covered.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a></p>
+
+<p>But the next work of Voltaire showed that this was
+a mere personal feeling, and did not affect his general
+views as to the part which the acts of princes ought to
+occupy in history. Four years after the appearance of
+the <i>Age of Louis XIV.</i>, he published his important
+treatise on the <i>Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations</i>.<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a>
+This is not only one of the greatest books
+which appeared during the eighteenth century, but it
+still remains the best on the subject to which it refers.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
+The mere reading it displays is immense;<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a> what, however,
+is far more admirable, is the skill with which the
+author connects the various facts, and makes them illustrate
+each other, sometimes by a single remark, sometimes
+only by the order and position in which they are
+placed. Indeed, considered solely as a work of art, it
+would be difficult to praise it too highly; while, as a
+symptom of the times, it is important to observe, that
+it contains no traces of that adulation of royalty
+which characterized Voltaire in the period of his youth,
+and which is found in all the best writers during the
+power of Louis XIV. In the whole of this long and
+important work, the great historian takes little notice
+of the intrigues of courts, or of the changes of ministers,
+or of the fate of kings; but he endeavours to discover
+and develop the different epochs through which
+Man has successively passed. &lsquo;I wish,&rsquo; he says, &lsquo;to write
+a history, not of wars, but of society; and to ascertain
+how men lived in the interior of their families, and what
+were the arts which they commonly cultivated.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a> For,
+he adds, &lsquo;my object is the history of the human mind,
+and not a mere detail of petty facts; nor am I concerned
+with the history of great lords, who made war upon
+French kings; but I want to know what were the steps
+by which men passed from barbarism to civilization.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It was in this way that Voltaire taught historians
+to concentrate their attention on matters of real importance,
+and to neglect those idle details with which
+history had formerly been filled. But what proves this
+to be a movement arising as much from the spirit of the
+age as from the individual author, is, that we find precisely
+the same tendency in the works of Montesquieu
+and Turgot, who were certainly the two most eminent
+of the contemporaries of Voltaire; and both of whom
+followed a method similar to his, in so far as, omitting
+descriptions of kings, courts, and battles, they confined
+themselves to points which illustrate the character of
+mankind, and the general march of civilization. And
+such was the popularity of this change in the old routine,
+that its influence was felt by other historians of inferior,
+but still of considerable, ability. In 1755, Mallet<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a>
+published his interesting, and, at the time it was written,
+most valuable work, on the history of Denmark;<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a> in
+which he professes himself a pupil of the new school.
+&lsquo;For why,&rsquo; he says, &lsquo;should history be only a recital of
+battles, sieges, intrigues, and negotiations? And why<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
+should it contain merely a heap of petty facts and dates,
+rather than a great picture of the opinions, customs,
+and even inclinations of a people?&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a> Thus too, in
+1765, Mably published the first part of his celebrated
+work on the history of France;<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a> in the preface to
+which, he complains that historians &lsquo;have neglected the
+origin of laws and customs, in favour of sieges and
+battles.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> In the same spirit, Velly and Villaret, in
+their voluminous history of France, express regret that
+historians should usually relate what happens to the
+sovereign, in preference to what happens to the people,
+and should omit the manners and characteristics of a
+nation, in order to study the acts of a single man.<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a>
+Duclos, again, announces that his history is not of war,
+nor of politics, but of men and manners:<a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a> while,
+strange to say, even the courtly Hénault declares that
+his object was to describe laws and manners, which he
+calls the soul of history, or rather history itself.<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that historians began to shift, as it were,
+the scene of their labours, and to study subjects connected
+with those popular interests, on which the great
+writers under Louis XIV. disdained to waste a thought.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
+I need hardly observe, how agreeable such views were
+to the general spirit of the eighteenth century, and how
+well they harmonized with the temper of men who were
+striving to lay aside their former prejudices, and despise
+what had once been universally admired. All this was
+but part of that vast movement, which prepared the
+way for the Revolution, by unsettling ancient opinions,
+by encouraging a certain mobility and restlessness of
+mind, and, above all, by the disrespect it showed for
+those powerful individuals, hitherto regarded as gods
+rather than as men, but who now, for the first time,
+were neglected by the greatest and most popular historians,
+who passed over even their prominent actions,
+in order to dwell upon the welfare of nations, and the
+interests of the people at large.</p>
+
+<p>To return, however, to what was actually effected by
+Voltaire, there is no doubt that, in his case, this tendency
+of the time was strengthened by a natural comprehensiveness
+of mind, which predisposed him to large
+views, and made him dissatisfied with that narrow range
+to which history had been hitherto confined.<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> Whatever
+may be thought of the other qualities of Voltaire,
+it must be allowed that, in his intellect, everything was
+on a great scale.<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a> Always prepared for thought, and
+always ready to generalize, he was averse to the study
+of individual actions, unless they could be made
+available for the establishment of some broad and
+permanent principle. Hence his habit of looking at
+history with a view to the stages through which the
+country had passed, rather than with a view to the
+character of the men by whom the country had been
+governed. The same tendency appears in his lighter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
+works; and it has been well observed,<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a> that, even in
+his dramas, he endeavours to portray, not so much the
+passions of individuals, as the spirit of epochs. In
+<i>Mahomet</i>, his subject is a great religion; in <i>Alzire</i>, the
+conquest of America; in <i>Brutus</i>, the formation of the
+Roman power; in the <i>Death of Cæsar</i>, the rise of the
+empire upon the ruins of that power.<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a></p>
+
+<p>By this determination to look upon the course of
+events as a great and connected whole, Voltaire was
+led to several results, which have been complacently
+adopted by many authors, who, even while using them,
+revile him from whom they were taken. He was the
+first historian who, rejecting the ordinary method of
+investigation, endeavoured, by large general views, to
+explain the origin of feudality; and, by indicating
+some of the causes of its decline in the fourteenth
+century,<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a> he laid the foundation for a philosophic
+estimate of that important institution.<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> He was the
+author of a profound remark, afterwards adopted by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
+Constant, to the effect, that licentious religious ceremonies
+have no connexion with licentious national
+morals.<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> Another observation of his, which has been
+only partly used by writers on ecclesiastical history, is
+pregnant with instruction. He says, that one of the
+reasons why the bishops of Rome acquired an authority
+so superior to that of the eastern patriarchs, was the
+greater subtlety of the Greek mind. Nearly all the
+heresies proceeded from the east; and, with the exception
+of Honorius I., not a single pope adopted a system
+condemned by the church. This gave to the papal
+power an unity and consolidation, which the patriarchal
+power was unable to reach; and thus the Holy See owes
+part of its authority to the early dulness of the
+European fancy.<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It would be impossible to relate all the original remarks
+of Voltaire, which, when he made them, were attacked
+as dangerous paradoxes, and are now valued as sober
+truths. He was the first historian who recommended
+universal freedom of trade; and, although he expresses
+himself with great caution,<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a> still the mere announcement
+of the idea in a popular history forms an epoch in
+the progress of the French mind. He is the originator
+of that important distinction between the increase of
+population and the increase of food, to which political
+economy has been greatly indebted;<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> a principle
+adopted several years later by Townsend, and then used
+by Malthus as the basis of his celebrated work.<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a> He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
+has, moreover, the merit of being the first who dispelled
+the childish admiration with which the Middle Ages
+had been hitherto regarded, and which they owed to
+those dull and learned writers, who, in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, were the principal investigators
+of the early history of Europe. These industrious
+compilers had collected extensive materials, which
+Voltaire turned to good account, and by their aid overthrew
+the conclusions at which the authors had themselves
+arrived. In his works, the Middle Ages are, for
+the first time, represented as what they really were,&mdash;a
+period of ignorance, ferocity, and licentiousness; a
+period when injuries were unredressed, crime unpunished,
+and superstition unrebuked. It may be said,
+with some show of justice, that Voltaire, in the picture
+he drew, fell into the opposite extreme, and did not
+sufficiently recognize the merit of those truly great
+men, who, at long intervals, stood here and there, like
+solitary beacons, whose light only made the surrounding
+darkness more visible. Still, after every allowance for
+that exaggeration which a reaction of opinions always
+causes, it is certain that his view of the Middle Ages is
+not only far more accurate than that of any preceding
+writer, but conveys a much juster idea of the time than
+can be found in those subsequent compilations which we
+owe to the industry of modern antiquaries; a simple
+and plodding race, who admire the past because they
+are ignorant of the present, and who, spending their
+lives amid the dust of forgotten manuscripts, think
+themselves able, with the resources of their little
+learning, to speculate on the affairs of men, to trace the
+history of different periods, and even to assign to each
+the praise it ought to receive.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>With such writers as these, Voltaire was always at
+war; and no one has done so much to lessen the influence
+they once exercised over even the highest
+branches of knowledge. There was also another class of
+dictators, whose authority this great man was equally
+successful in reducing, namely, the old class of classical
+scholars and commentators, who, from the middle of the
+fourteenth till early in the eighteenth century, were the
+chief dispensers of fame, and were respected as being
+by far the most distinguished men Europe had ever
+produced. The first great assaults made upon them
+were late in the seventeenth century, when two controversies
+sprung up, of which I shall hereafter give an
+account,&mdash;one in France, and one in England,&mdash;by both
+of which their power was considerably damaged. But
+their two most formidable opponents were, undoubtedly,
+Locke and Voltaire. The immense services rendered
+by Locke in lessening the reputation of the old classical
+school, will be examined in another part of this work;
+at present we are only concerned with the steps taken
+by Voltaire.</p>
+
+<p>The authority wielded by the great classical scholars
+rested not only on their abilities, which are undeniable,
+but also on the supposed dignity of their pursuits. It
+was generally believed that ancient history possessed
+some inherent superiority over modern history; and this
+being taken for granted, the inference naturally followed,
+that the cultivators of the one were more praiseworthy
+than the cultivators of the other; and that a Frenchman,
+for instance, who should write the history of some
+Greek republic, displayed a nobler turn of mind than if
+he had written the history of his own country. This
+singular prejudice had for centuries been a traditional
+notion; which men accepted, because they had received
+it from their fathers, and which it would have been
+almost an impiety to dispute. The result was, that the
+few really able writers on history devoted themselves
+chiefly to that of the ancients; or, if they published an
+account of modern times, they handled their theme, not
+according to modern ideas, but according to ideas gathered
+from their more favourite pursuit. This confusion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
+of the standard of one age with the standard of another,
+caused a double evil. Historians, by adopting this plan,
+injured the originality of their own minds; and, what
+was far worse, they set a bad example to the literature
+of their country. For every great nation has a mode of
+expression, and of thought, peculiar to itself, and with
+which its sympathies are intimately connected. To introduce
+any foreign model, however admirable it may
+be, is to violate this connexion, and to impair the value
+of literature by limiting the scope of its action. By
+such a course, the taste may possibly be refined, but the
+vigour will certainly be weakened. Indeed, the refinement
+of the taste may well be doubted, when we see
+what has taken place in our country, where our great
+scholars have corrupted the English language by a
+jargon so uncouth, that a plain man can hardly discern
+the real lack of ideas which their barbarous and mottled
+dialect strives to hide.<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> At all events, it is certain,
+that every people worthy of being called a nation, possess
+in their own language ample resources for expressing
+the highest ideas they are able to form; and although,
+in matters of science, it may be convenient to coin such
+words as are more easily understood in foreign countries,
+it is a grave offence to depart on other subjects
+from the vernacular speech; and it is a still graver one,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
+to introduce notions and standards for action, suited
+perhaps to former times, but which the march of society
+has left far behind, and with which we have no real
+sympathy, though they may excite that sickly and artificial
+interest which the classical prejudices of early
+education still contrive to create.</p>
+
+<p>It was against these evils that Voltaire entered the
+field. The wit and the ridicule with which he attacked
+the dreaming scholars of his own time, can only be appreciated
+by those who have studied his works. Not, as
+some have supposed, that he used these weapons as a
+substitute for argument, still less that he fell into the
+error of making ridicule a test for truth. No one could
+reason more closely than Voltaire, when reasoning
+suited his purpose. But he had to deal with men impervious
+to argument; men whose inordinate reverence
+for antiquity had only left them two ideas, namely, that
+every thing old is right, and that every thing new is
+wrong. To argue against these opinions would be idle
+indeed; the only other resource was, to make them ridiculous,
+and weaken their influence, by holding up their
+authors to contempt. This was one of the tasks Voltaire
+set himself to perform; and he did it well.<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a> He, therefore,
+used ridicule, not as the test of truth, but as the
+scourge of folly. And with such effect was the punishment
+administered, that not only did the pedants and
+theologians of his own time wince under the lash, but
+even their successors feel their ears tingle when they
+read his biting words; and they revenge themselves by
+reviling the memory of that great writer, whose works
+are as a thorn in their side, and whose very name they
+hold in undisguised abhorrence.</p>
+
+<p>These two classes have, indeed, reasons enough for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
+hatred with which they still regard the greatest Frenchman
+of the eighteenth century. For, Voltaire did more
+than any other man to sap the foundation of ecclesiastical
+power, and to destroy the supremacy of classical
+studies. This is not the place for discussing the theological
+opinions which he attacked; but of the state of classical
+opinions an idea may be formed, by considering some
+of those circumstances which were recorded by the
+ancients respecting their history, and which, until the
+appearance of Voltaire, were implicitly believed by
+modern scholars, and through them by the people at
+large.</p>
+
+<p>It was believed that, in ancient times, Mars ravished
+a virgin, and that the offspring of the intrigue were no
+other than Romulus and Remus, both of whom it was
+intended to put to death; but they were fortunately
+saved by the attentions of a she-wolf and a woodpecker;
+the wolf giving them suck, and the woodpecker protecting
+them from insects. It was, moreover, believed
+that Romulus and Remus, when grown up to man's
+estate, determined to build a city, and that, being joined
+by the descendants of the Trojan warriors, they succeeded
+in erecting Rome. It was believed that both
+brothers came to an untimely end; Remus being murdered,
+and Romulus being taken up to heaven by his
+father, who descended for that purpose in the midst of
+a tempest. The great scholars then proceeded to relate
+the succession of several other kings; the most remarkable
+of whom was Numa, whose only communications
+with his wife were carried on in a sacred grove. Another
+of the sovereigns of Rome was Tullus Hostilius, who,
+having offended the clergy, perished from the effects of
+their anger; his death being caused by lightning, and
+preceded by pestilence. Then again, there was one
+Servius Tullius, who was also a king, and whose greatness
+was prognosticated by the appearance of flames
+round his head as he was sleeping in his cradle. After
+this, it was but a slight matter that the ordinary laws
+of mortality should be suspended; we were, therefore, assured
+that those ignorant barbarians, the early Romans,
+passed two hundred and forty-five years under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
+government of only seven kings, all of whom were
+elected in the prime of life, one of whom was expelled
+the city, and three of whom were put to death.</p>
+
+<p>These are a few of the idle stories in which the great
+scholars took intense delight, and which, during many
+centuries, were supposed to form a necessary part of the
+annals of the Latin empire. Indeed, so universal was
+the credulity, that, until they were destroyed by Voltaire,
+there were only four writers who had ventured openly
+to attack them. Cluverius, Perizonius, Pouilly, and
+Beaufort were the names of these bold innovators; but
+by none of them was any impression made on the
+public mind. The works of Cluverius and Perizonius,
+being composed in Latin, were addressed entirely to a
+class of readers who, infatuated with a love of antiquity,
+would listen to nothing that diminished the reputation
+of its history. Pouilly and Beaufort wrote in French;
+both of them, and especially Beaufort, were men of
+considerable ability; but their powers were not versatile
+enough to enable them to extirpate prejudices which
+were so strongly protected, and which had been fostered
+by the education of many successive generations.</p>
+
+<p>The service, therefore, rendered by Voltaire in purging
+history of these foolish conceits, is, not that he
+was the first by whom they were attacked, but that he
+was the first to attack them with success; and this because
+he was also the first who mingled ridicule with
+argument, thus not only assailing the system, but also
+weakening the authority of those by whom the system
+was supported. His irony, his wit, his pungent and
+telling sarcasms, produced more effect than the gravest
+arguments could have done; and there can be no doubt
+that he was fully justified in using those great resources
+with which nature had endowed him, since by their aid
+he advanced the interests of truth, and relieved men
+from some of their most inveterate prejudices.</p>
+
+<p>It is not, however, to be supposed that ridicule was
+the only means employed by Voltaire in effecting this
+important object. So far from that, I can say with
+confidence, after a careful comparison of both writers,
+that the most decisive arguments advanced by Niebuhr<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
+against the early history of Rome, had all been anticipated
+by Voltaire; in whose works they may be found,
+by whoever will take the trouble of reading what this
+great man has written, instead of ignorantly railing
+against him. Without entering into needless detail, it
+is enough to mention that, amidst a great variety of
+very ingenious and very learned discussion, Niebuhr has
+put forward several views with which later critics have
+been dissatisfied; but that there are three, and only
+three, principles which are fundamental to his history,
+and which it is impossible to refute. These are:&mdash;I.
+That, on account of the inevitable intermixture of
+fable essential to a rude people, no nation can possess
+trustworthy details respecting its own origin. II. That
+even such early documents as the Romans might have
+possessed, had been destroyed before they were incorporated
+into a regular history. III. That ceremonies
+established in honour of certain events alleged to have
+taken place in former times, were a proof, not that the
+events had happened, but that they were believed to
+have happened. The whole fabric of the early history
+of Rome at once fell to pieces, as soon as these three
+principles were applied to it. What, however, is most
+remarkable, is, that not only are all three laid down by
+Voltaire, but their bearing upon Roman history is distinctly
+shown. He says that no nation is acquainted
+with its own origin; so that all primitive history is
+necessarily an invention.<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a> He remarks, that since
+even such historical works as the Romans once possessed,
+were all destroyed when their city was burned,
+no confidence can be placed in the accounts which, at
+a much later period, are given by Livy and other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>
+compilers.<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a> And, as innumerable scholars busied themselves
+in collecting evidence respecting ceremonies instituted
+in celebration of certain events, and then appealed
+to the evidence in order to prove the events, Voltaire
+makes a reflection which now seems very obvious, but
+which these learned men had entirely overlooked. He
+notices, that their labour is bootless, because the date of
+the evidence is, with extremely few exceptions, much
+later than the date of the event to which it refers.
+In such cases, the existence of a festival, or of a monument,
+proves, indeed, the belief which men entertain,
+but by no means proves the reality of the occurrence
+concerning which the belief is held.<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a> This simple, but
+important maxim, is, even in our own days, constantly
+lost sight of, while before the eighteenth century it was
+universally neglected. Hence it was that historians
+were able to accumulate fables which were believed
+without examination;<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a> it being altogether forgotten,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
+that fables, as Voltaire says, begin to be current in one
+generation, are established in the second, become respectable
+in the third, while in the fourth generation
+temples are raised in honour of them.<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a></p>
+
+<p>I have been the more particular in stating the immense
+obligations history is under to Voltaire, because in
+England there exists against him a prejudice, which
+nothing but ignorance, or something worse than ignorance,
+can excuse;<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> and because, taking him on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
+whole, he is probably the greatest historian Europe has
+yet produced. In reference, however, to the mental
+habits of the eighteenth century, it is important to show,
+that in the same period similar comprehensiveness was
+being displayed by other French historians; so that in
+this case, as in all others, we shall find that a large
+share of what is effected, even by the most eminent
+men, is due to the character of the age in which they
+live.</p>
+
+<p>The vast labours of Voltaire towards reforming the
+old method of writing history, were greatly aided by
+those important works which Montesquieu put forward
+during the same period. In 1734,<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> this remarkable
+man published what may be truly called the first book
+in which there can be found any information concerning
+the real history of Rome; because it is also the first in
+which the affairs of the ancient world are treated in a
+large and comprehensive spirit.<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> Fourteen years later,
+there appeared, by the same author, the <i>Spirit of Laws</i>;
+a more famous production, but, as it seems to me, not a
+greater one. The immense merit of the <i>Spirit of Laws</i>
+is, indeed, incontestable, and cannot be affected by the
+captious attempts made to diminish it by those minute
+critics, who seem to think that when they detect the
+occasional errors of a great man, they in some degree reduce
+him to their own level. It is not such petty
+cavilling which can destroy an European reputation;
+and the noble work of Montesquieu will long survive all
+attacks of this kind, because its large and suggestive
+generalizations would retain their value even if the particular
+facts of which the illustrations consist were all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
+unfounded.<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a> Still, I am inclined to believe, that in
+point of original thought it is barely equal to his earlier
+work, though it is unquestionably the fruit of much
+greater reading. Without, however, instituting a comparison
+between them, our present object is merely to
+consider the contributions they jointly contain towards
+a right understanding of history, and the way in which
+those contributions are connected with the general spirit
+of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>In this point of view, there are, in the works of Montesquieu,
+two leading peculiarities. The first is, the
+complete rejection of those personal anecdotes, and
+those trivial details respecting individuals, which belong
+to biography, but with which, as Montesquieu clearly
+saw, history has no concern. The other peculiarity is,
+the very remarkable attempt which he first made to
+effect an union between the history of man and those
+sciences which deal with the external world. As these
+are the two great characteristics of the method adopted
+by Montesquieu, it will be necessary to give some
+account of them, before we can understand the place he
+really occupies, as one of the founders of the philosophy
+of history.</p>
+
+<p>We have already seen that Voltaire had strongly insisted
+on the necessity of reforming history, by paying
+more attention to the history of the people, and less attention
+to that of their political and military rulers.
+We have also seen, that this great improvement was so
+agreeable to the spirit of the time, that it was generally
+and quickly adopted, and thus became an indication of
+those democratic tendencies, of which it was in reality
+a result. It is not, therefore, surprising that Montesquieu
+should have taken the same course, even before
+the movement had been clearly declared; since he, like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
+most great thinkers, was a representative of the intellectual
+condition, and a satisfier of the intellectual
+wants, of the age in which he lived.</p>
+
+<p>But, what constitutes the peculiarity of Montesquieu
+in this matter, is, that with him a contempt for those
+details respecting courts, ministers, and princes, in which
+ordinary compilers take great delight, was accompanied
+by an equal contempt for other details which are really
+interesting, because they concern the mental habits of
+the few truly eminent men who, from time to time, have
+appeared on the stage of public life. This was because
+Montesquieu perceived that, though these things are
+very interesting, they are also very unimportant. He
+knew, what no historian before him had even suspected,
+that in the great march of human affairs, individual
+peculiarities count for nothing; and that, therefore, the
+historian has no business with them, but should leave
+them to the biographer, to whose province they properly
+belong. The consequence is, that not only does he
+treat the most powerful princes with such disregard as
+to relate the reigns of six emperors in two lines,<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> but
+he constantly enforces the necessity, even in the case of
+eminent men, of subordinating their special influence to
+the more general influence of the surrounding society.
+Thus, many writers had ascribed the ruin of the Roman
+Republic to the ambition of Cæsar and Pompey, and
+particularly to the deep schemes of Cæsar. This, Montesquieu
+totally denies. According to his view of history,
+no great alteration can be effected, except by virtue of
+a long train of antecedents, where alone we are to
+seek the cause of what to a superficial eye is the work
+of individuals. The republic, therefore, was overthrown,
+not by Cæsar and Pompey, but by that state of things
+which made the success of Cæsar and Pompey
+possible.<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a> It is thus that the events which ordinary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
+historians relate are utterly valueless. Such events, instead
+of being causes, are merely the occasions on which
+the real causes act.<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a> They may be called the accidents
+of history; and they must be treated as subservient to
+those vast and comprehensive conditions, by which alone
+the rise and fall of nations are ultimately governed.<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a></p>
+
+<p>This, then, was the first great merit of Montesquieu,
+that he effected a complete separation between biography
+and history, and taught historians to study, not the pecularities
+of individual character, but the general
+aspect of the society in which the peculiarities appeared.
+If this remarkable man had accomplished nothing further,
+he would have rendered an incalculable service to
+history, by pointing out how one of its most fertile
+sources of error might be safely removed. And although,
+unhappily, we have not yet reaped the full benefit of his
+example, this is because his successors have really had
+the capacity of rising to so high a generalization: it is,
+however, certain, that since his time, an approximation
+towards such elevated views may be noticed, even
+among those inferior writers who, for want of sufficient
+grasp, are unable to adopt them to their full extent.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to this, Montesquieu made another great
+advance in the method of treating history. He was the
+first who, in an inquiry into the relations between the
+social conditions of a country and its jurisprudence,
+called in the aid of physical knowledge, in order to
+ascertain how the character of any given civilization is
+modified by the action of the external world. In his
+work on the <i>Spirit of Laws</i>, he studies the way in which
+both the civil and political legislation of a people are
+naturally connected with their climate, soil, and food.<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
+It is true, that in this vast enterprise he almost entirely
+failed; but this was because meteorology, chemistry,
+and physiology, were still too backward to admit of such
+an undertaking. This, however, affects the value only
+of his conclusions, not of his method; and here, as elsewhere,
+we see the great thinker tracing the outline of a
+plan, which, in the then state of knowledge, it was impossible
+to fill up, and the completion of which he was
+obliged to leave to the riper experience and more
+powerful resources of a later age. Thus to anticipate
+the march of the human intellect, and, as it were, forestal
+its subsequent acquisitions, is the peculiar prerogative
+of minds of the highest order; and it is this which
+gives to the writings of Montesquieu a certain fragmentary
+and provisional appearance, which was the necessary
+consequence of a profoundly speculative genius dealing
+with materials that were intractable, simply because
+science had not yet reduced them to order by generalizing
+the laws of their phenomena. Hence it is, that
+many of the inferences drawn by Montesquieu are untenable;
+such, for instance, as those regarding the effect
+of diet in stimulating population by increasing the
+fecundity of women,<a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a> and the effect of climate in
+altering the proportion between the births of the
+sexes.<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a> In other cases, an increased acquaintance with
+barbarous nations has sufficed to correct his conclusions,
+particularly those concerning the effect which he supposed
+climate to produce on individual character; for
+we have now the most decisive evidence, that he was
+wrong in asserting<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> that hot climates make people
+unchaste and cowardly, while cold climates make them
+virtuous and brave.</p>
+
+<p>These, indeed, are comparatively trifling objections,
+because, in all the highest branches of knowledge, the
+main difficulty is, not to discover facts, but to discover
+the true method according to which the laws of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
+facts may be ascertained.<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a> In this, Montesquieu performed
+a double service, since he not only enriched
+history, but also strengthened its foundation. He enriched
+history by incorporating with it physical inquiries;
+and he strengthened history by separating it from biography,
+and thus freeing it from details which are
+always unimportant, and often unauthentic. And
+although he committed the error of studying the influence
+of nature over men considered as individuals,<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a>
+rather than over men considered as an aggregate society,
+this arose principally from the fact that, in his time, the
+resources necessary for the more complicated study had
+not yet been created. Those resources, as I have shown,
+are political economy and statistics; political economy
+supplying the means of connecting the laws of physical
+agents with the laws of the inequality of wealth, and,
+therefore, with a great variety of social disturbances;
+while statistics enable us to verify those laws in their
+widest extent, and to prove how completely the volition
+of individual men is controlled by their antecedents,
+and by the circumstances in which they are placed. It
+was, therefore, not only natural, but inevitable, that
+Montesquieu should fail in his magnificent attempt to
+unite the laws of the human mind with the laws of
+external nature. He failed, partly because the sciences
+of external nature were too backward, and partly because
+those other branches of knowledge which connect
+nature with men were still unformed. For, as to political
+economy, it had no existence as a science until the
+publication of the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> in 1776, twenty-one
+years after the death of Montesquieu. As to
+statistics, their philosophy is a still more recent creation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
+since it is only during the last thirty years that they
+have been systematically applied to social phenomena;
+the earlier statisticians being merely a body of industrious
+collectors, groping in the dark, bringing together
+facts of every kind without selection or method, and
+whose labours were consequently unavailable for those
+important purposes to which they have been successfully
+applied during the present generation.</p>
+
+<p>Only two years after the publication of the <i>Spirit of
+Laws</i>, Turgot delivered those celebrated lectures, of
+which it has been said, that in them he created the
+philosophy of history.<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a> This praise is somewhat exaggerated;
+for in the most important matters relating
+to the philosophy of his subject, he takes the same view
+as Montesquieu; and Montesquieu, besides preceding
+him in point of time, was his superior certainly in
+learning, perhaps in genius. Still, the merit of Turgot
+is immense; and he belongs to that extremely small
+class of men who have looked at history comprehensively,
+and have recognized the almost boundless knowledge
+needed for its investigation. In this respect, his method
+is identical with that of Montesquieu, since both of these
+great men excluded from their scheme the personal
+details which ordinary historians accumulate, and concentrated
+their attention upon those large general causes,
+by the operation of which the destinies of nations are
+permanently affected. Turgot clearly perceived, that,
+notwithstanding the variety of events produced by the
+play of human passions, there is amid this apparent
+confusion a principle of order, and a regularity of march,
+not to be mistaken by those whose grasp is firm enough
+to seize the history of man as a complete and single
+whole.<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a> It is true that Turgot, subsequently engaged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
+in political life, never possessed sufficient leisure to fill
+up the splendid outline of what he so successfully
+sketched: but though in the execution of his plan he
+fell short of Montesquieu, still the analogy between the
+two men is obvious, as also is their relation to the age
+in which they lived. They, as well as Voltaire, were
+the unconscious advocates of the democratic movement,
+inasmuch as they discountenanced the homage which
+historians had formerly paid to individuals, and rescued
+history from being a mere recital of the deeds of political
+and ecclesiastical rulers. At the same time, Turgot,
+by the captivating prospects which he held out of future
+progress,<a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a> and by the picture which he drew of the
+capacity of society to improve itself, increased the impatience
+which his countrymen were beginning to feel
+against that despotic government, in whose presence
+amelioration seemed to be hopeless. These, and similar
+speculations, which now for the first time appeared in
+French literature, stimulated the activity of the intellectual
+classes, cheered them under the persecutions to
+which they were exposed, and emboldened them to the
+arduous enterprise of leading on the people to attack
+the institutions of their native land. Thus it was, that
+in France every thing tended to the same result. Every
+thing indicated the approach of some sharp and terrible
+struggle, in which the spirit of the present should war
+with the spirit of the past; and in which it should be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
+finally settled, whether the people of France could free
+themselves from the chains in which they had long been
+held, or whether, missing their aim, they were doomed
+to sink still lower in that ignominious vassalage, which
+makes even the most splendid periods of their political
+history a warning and a lesson to the civilized world.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">[807]</span></a> See some very just remarks in <i>Whewell's Philos. of the
+Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 143. In <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>,
+vol. iv. pp. 41, 128, there are two curious illustrations of the
+universal interest which theological discussions once inspired in
+Europe; and on the former subservience of philosophy to theology,
+compare <i>Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy</i>, p. 197. But no one has
+treated this subject so ably as M. Auguste Comte, in his great work,
+<i>Philosophie Positive</i>. The service which the metaphysicians rendered to
+the church by their development of the doctrine of transubstantiation
+(<i>Blánco White's Evidence against Catholicism</i>, pp. 256&ndash;258) is a
+striking instance of this subordination of the intellect to
+ecclesiastical dogmas.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">[808]</span></a> M. Tocqueville says, what I am inclined to think is true,
+that an increasing spirit of equality lessens the disposition to form
+new religious creeds. <i>Démocratie en Amérique</i>, vol. iv. pp. 16, 17. At
+all events, it is certain that increasing knowledge has this effect; for
+those great men whose turn of mind would formerly have made them
+heretics, are now content to confine their innovations to other fields
+of thought. If St. Augustin had lived in the seventeenth century, he
+would have reformed or created the physical sciences. If Sir Isaac
+Newton had lived in the fourth century, he would have organized a new
+sect, and have troubled the church with his originality.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">[809]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xix. pp. 315, 316; where it is said,
+&lsquo;l'ouvrage de Du Haillan est remarquable en ce que c'est le premier
+corps d'histoire de France qui ait paru dans notre langue.&rsquo; See also
+<i>Dacier</i>, <i>Rapport sur les Progrès de l'Histoire</i>, p. 170; and <i>Des
+Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. x. p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">[810]</span></a> <i>Bayle</i>, article <i>Haillan</i>, note L.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">[811]</span></a> <i>Mercure François</i>, in <i>Bayle</i>, article <i>Haillan</i>, note D.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">[812]</span></a> <i>De Rebus gestis Francorum</i>, which appeared about 1516.
+<i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xiii. p. 119. Compare, respecting the author,
+<i>Mézéray</i>, <i>Hist. de France</i>, vol. ii. p. 363, with <i>Audigier</i>,
+<i>l'Origine des François</i>, vol. ii. p. 118, who complains of his opinion
+about Clovis, &lsquo;quoy qu'il fasse profession de relever la gloire des
+François.&rsquo; Even the superficial Boulainvilliers (<i>Hist. de l'Ancien
+Gouvernement</i>, vol. ii. p. 166) contemptuously notices &lsquo;les rétoriciens
+postérieurs, tels que Paul Emile.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">[813]</span></a> Compare <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. i. pp. 176,
+177, with <i>Montlosier</i>, <i>Monarchie Française</i>, vol. i. pp. 43, 44.
+Philippe de Comines, though superior to Sismondi and Montlosier in point
+of ability, lived in the middle ages, and therefore had no idea of
+doubting, but simply says, &lsquo;Pharamond fut esleu roy, l'an 420, et
+régna dix ans,&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Comines</i>, livre viii. chap. xxvii.
+vol. iii. p. 232. But De Thou, coming a hundred years after Comines,
+evidently suspected that it was not all quite right, and therefore puts
+it on the authority of others. &lsquo;Pharamond, qui <i>selon nos historiens</i> a
+porté le premier la couronne des François.&rsquo; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i>
+vol. x. p. 530. See a singular passage on Pharamond in <i>Mém. de
+Duplessis Mornay</i>, vol. ii. p. 405.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">[814]</span></a> Sorel (<i>La Bibliothèque Françoise</i>, Paris, 1667, p. 373)
+says of Du Haillan, &lsquo;On lui peut reprocher d'avoir donné un commencement
+fabuleux à son histoire, qui est entièrement de son invention, ayant
+fait tenir un conseil entre Pharamond et ses plus fidelles conseillers,
+pour sçavoir si ayant la puissance en main il deuoit réduire les
+François au gouvernement aristocratique ou monarchique, et faisant faire
+une harangue à chacun d'eux pour soustenir son opinion. On y voit les
+noms de Charamond et de Quadrek, personnages imaginaires.&rsquo; Sorel, who
+had a glimmering notion that this was not exactly the way to write
+history, adds, &lsquo;C'est une chose fort surprenante. On est fort peu
+asseuré si Pharamond fut jamais au monde, et quoy qu'on sçache qu'il y
+ait esté, c'est une terrible hardiesse d'en raconter des choses qui
+n'ont aucun appuy.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">[815]</span></a> &lsquo;Die erste Regung des skeptischen Geistes finden wir in den
+Versuchen des Michael von Montaigne.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i>
+vol. ix. p. 443.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">[816]</span></a> The first volume appeared in 1604. See <i>Le Long</i>,
+<i>Bibliothèque Historique de la France</i>, vol. ii. p. 375; and preface to
+<i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. i. p. iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">[817]</span></a> Sismondi has scarcely done justice to Sully; but the
+reader will find a fuller account of him in <i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Réforme</i>, vol. viii. pp. 101&ndash;117; and a still better one in <i>Blanqui</i>,
+<i>Histoire de l'Economie Politique</i>, vol. i. pp. 347&ndash;361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">[818]</span></a> According to D'Aubigné, the king, on his conversion, said,
+&lsquo;Je ferai voir à tout le monde que je n'ai esté persuadé par autre
+théologie que la nécessité de l'estat.&rsquo; <i>Smedley's Reformed Religion in
+France</i>, vol. ii. p. 362. That Henry felt this is certain; and that he
+expressed it to his friends is probable; but he had a difficult game to
+play with the Catholic church; and in one of his edicts we find &lsquo;une
+grande joye de son retour à l'église, dont il attribuoit la cause à la
+grâce du Tout-Puissant, et aux prières de ses fidèles sujets.&rsquo; <i>De
+Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. xii. pp. 105, 106. Compare, at pp. 468, 469,
+the message he sent to the pope.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">[819]</span></a> <i>Marchand</i>, <i>Dictionnaire Historique</i>, vol. ii. pp. 205,
+209, La Haye, 1758, folio. This curious and learned work, which is much
+less read than it deserves, contains the only good account of Serres I
+have been able to meet with; vol. ii. pp. 197&ndash;213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">[820]</span></a> &lsquo;On ne prenoit presque aucun soin de marquer les dates des
+événemens dans les ouvrages historiques&hellip;. De Serres reconnut ce
+défaut; et pour y remédier, il rechercha avec beaucoup de soin les dates
+des événemens qu'il avoit à employer, et les marqua dans son histoire le
+plus exactement qu'il lui fut possible. Cet exemple a été imité depuis
+par la plupart de ceux qui l'ont suivi; et c'est à lui qu'on est
+redevable de l'avantage qu'on tire d'une pratique si nécessaire et si
+utile.&rsquo; <i>Marchand</i>, <i>Dict. Historique</i>, vol. ii. p. 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">[821]</span></a> &lsquo;Il est le premier historien qui ait cité en marge ses
+autorités; précaution absolument nécessaire quand on n'écrit pas
+l'histoire de son temps, à moins qu'on ne s'en tienne aux faits connus.&rsquo;
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xix. p. 95. And the <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol.
+xii. p. 277, says, &lsquo;On doit lui faire honneur d'avoir cité en marge les
+auteurs dont il s'est servi; précaution indispensable, que l'on
+connaissait peu avant lui, et que les historiens modernes négligent trop
+aujourd'hui.&rsquo; Bassompierre, who had a quarrel with Dupleix, has given
+some curious details respecting him and his History; but they are, of
+course, not to be relied on. <i>Mém. de Bassompierre</i>, vol. iii. pp. 356,
+357. Patin speaks favourably of his history of Henry IV. <i>Lettres de
+Patin</i>, vol. i. p. 17: but compare <i>Sully</i>, <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>, vol.
+ix. pp. 121, 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">[822]</span></a> The ancients, as is well known, rarely took this trouble.
+<i>Mure's Hist. of Greek Literature</i>, vol. iv. pp. 197, 306, 307. But what
+is much more curious is, that, even in scientific works, there was an
+equal looseness; and Cuvier says, that, in the sixteenth century, &lsquo;on se
+bornait à dire, d'une manière générale, Aristote a dit telle chose, sans
+indiquer ni le passage ni le livre dans lequel la citation se trouvait.&rsquo;
+<i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>, part ii. p. 63; and at p. 88, &lsquo;suivant
+l'usage de son temps, Gessner n'indique pas
+avec précision les endroits d'où il a tiré ses citations:&rsquo; see also p.
+214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">[823]</span></a> &lsquo;Le premier ouvrage de philosophie publié dans cette
+langue.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xii. p. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">[824]</span></a> So it seemed to me, when I turned over its leaves a few
+years ago. However, Patin says, &lsquo;sa philosophie françoise n'est pas
+mauvaise.&rsquo; <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. p. 357. On the dialectic powers
+of Dupleix, see a favourable judgment in <i>Hamilton's Discuss. on
+Philos.</i> p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">[825]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxv. p. 402. Sorel (<i>Bibliothèque
+Françoise</i>, p. 165), who is evidently displeased at the unprecedented
+boldness of La Popelinière, says, &lsquo;il dit ses sentimens en bref des
+historiens de toutes les nations, et de plusieurs langues, et
+particulièrement des historiens françois, dont il parle avec beaucoup
+d'asseurance.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">[826]</span></a> &lsquo;Il réfute l'opinion, alors fort accréditée, de l'arrivée
+dans les Gaules de Francus et des Troyens.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxv. p.
+402. Compare <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique de la France</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 39. Patin says that De Thou was much indebted to him: &lsquo;M. de Thou a
+pris hardiment de la Popelinière.&rsquo; <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. i. p. 222.
+There is a notice of Popelinière, in connexion with Richer, in <i>Mém. de
+Richelieu</i>, vol. v. p. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">[827]</span></a> &lsquo;Il réfute les fables qu'on avançoit sur l'origine des
+François, appuyées sur le témoignage au faux Bérose. Il dit que leur nom
+vient de leur ancienne franchise.&rsquo; <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 750.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">[828]</span></a> Compare <i>Sorel</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Françoise</i>, p. 298, with
+<i>Du Fresnoy</i>, <i>Méthode pour étudier l'Histoire</i>, vol. x. p. 4, Parie,
+1772. There is an account of Gomberville in <i>Les Historiettes de
+Tallemant des Réaux</i>, vol. viii. pp. 15&ndash;19; a singularly curious book,
+which is, for the seventeenth century, what Brantome is for the
+sixteenth. I ought to have mentioned earlier the inimitable ridicule
+with which Rabelais treats the habit historians had of tracing the
+genealogies of their heroes back to Noah. <i>&#338;uvres de Rabelais</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 1&ndash;3, and vol. ii. pp. 10&ndash;17: see also, at vol. v. pp. 171, 172,
+his defence of the antiquity of Chinon.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">[829]</span></a> &lsquo;L'auteur croit qu'il ne faut pas la chercher ailleurs que
+dans le pays où ils out été connus des Romains, c'est-à-dire entre
+l'Elbe et le Rhin,&rsquo; <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique</i>, vol. ii. p.
+56. This work of Berthault's was, for many years, a text-book in the
+French colleges. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. iv. p. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">[830]</span></a> The first volume in 1643; the second in 1646; and the last
+in 1651. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxviii. p. 510.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">[831]</span></a> &lsquo;The French have now their first general historian,
+Mezeray.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Literature of Europe</i>, vol. iii. p. 228; and see
+<i>Stephen's Lectures on the History of France</i>, 1851, vol. i. p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a> Bayle says, that Mezeray is, &lsquo;de tous les historiens celui
+qui favorise le plus les peuples contre la cour.&rsquo; <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique</i>, vol. iii. p. lxxxvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a> Though it did not prevent him from believing that sudden
+tempests, and unusual appearances in the heavens, were aberrations, due
+to supernatural interference, and, as such, were the prognosticators of
+political change. <i>Mézéray</i>, <i>Hist. de France</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 202, 228, 238, 241, 317, 792, vol. ii. pp. 485, 573, 1120, vol. iii.
+pp. 31, 167, 894; instructive passages, as proving that, even in
+powerful minds, the scientific and secular method was still feeble.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a> What he did on these subjects is most remarkable,
+considering that some of the best materials were unknown, and in
+manuscript, and that even De Thou gives scarcely any information
+respecting them; so that Mezeray had no model. See, among other passages
+which have struck me in the first volume, pp. 145&ndash;147, 204, 353, 356,
+362&ndash;365, 530, 531, 581, 812, 946, 1039. Compare his indignant
+expressions at vol. ii. p. 721.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">[835]</span></a> Those who have studied the French memoirs of the
+seventeenth century, know how little can be found in them respecting the
+condition of the people; while the fullest private correspondence, such
+as the letters of Sévigné and De Maintenon, are equally unsatisfactory.
+The greater part of the evidence now extant has been collected by M.
+Monteil, in his valuable work, <i>Histoire des divers Etats</i>: but whoever
+will put all this together must admit, that we are better informed as to
+the condition of many savage tribes than we are concerning the lower
+classes of France during the reign of Louis XIV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">[836]</span></a> This is noticed in <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol.
+xxvii. pp. 181, 182; also in <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Littérature Française</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 29, 30. Compare <i>D'Argenson</i>, <i>Réflexions sur les Historiens
+François</i>, in <i>Mémoires de l'Académie des
+Inscriptions</i>, vol. xxviii. p. 627, with <i>Boulainvilliers</i>, <i>Ancien
+Gouvernement de la France</i>, vol. i. p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">[837]</span></a> &lsquo;Le jeune Louis XIV n'avait reçu aucune éducation
+intellectuelle.&rsquo; <i>Capefigue's Richelieu, Mazarin et la Fronde</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 245. On the education of Louis XIV., which was as shamefully
+neglected as that of our George III., see <i>Lettres inédites de
+Maintenon</i>, vol. ii. p. 369; <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mém. Secrets</i>, vol. i. pp. 167,
+168; <i>Mém. de Brienne</i>, vol. i. pp. 391&ndash;393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">[838]</span></a> On his political maxims, see <i>Lemontey</i>, <i>Etablissement de
+Louis XIV</i>, pp. 325&ndash;327, 407, 408. The eloquent remarks made by M.
+Ranke upon an Italian despotism, are admirably applicable to his whole
+system: &lsquo;Sonderbare Gestalt menschlichen Dinge! Die Kräfte des Landes
+bringen den Hof hervor, der Mittelpunkt des Hofes ist der Fürst, das
+letzte Product des gesammten Lebens ist zuletzt das Selbstgefühl des
+Fürsten.&rsquo; <i>Die Päpste</i>, vol. ii. p. 266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">[839]</span></a> His <i>Abrégé Chronologique</i> was published in 1668, in three
+volumes quarto. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxviii. p. 510. Le Long
+(<i>Bibliothèque Historique</i>, vol. iii. p. lxxxv.) says, that it was only
+allowed to be published in consequence of a &lsquo;privilège&rsquo; which Mezeray
+had formerly obtained. But there seems to have been some difficulty, of
+which these writers are not aware: for Patin, in a letter dated Paris,
+23 December 1664, speaks of it as being then in the press: &lsquo;on imprime
+ici en <i>grand-in-quarto</i> un Abrégé de l'Histoire de France, par M.
+Mezeray.&rsquo; <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. p. 503: compare p. 665. It long
+remained an established school-book: see D'Argenson's Essay, in <i>Mém. de
+l'Académie</i>, vol. xxviii. p. 635; and <i>Works of Sir William Temple</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">[840]</span></a> <i>Barrière</i>, <i>Essai sur les M&oelig;urs du Dix-septième
+Siècle</i>, prefixed to <i>Mém. de Brienne</i>, vol. i. pp. 129, 130, where
+reference is made to his original correspondence with Colbert. This
+treatment of Mezeray is noticed, but imperfectly, in <i>Boulainvilliers</i>,
+<i>Hist. de l'Ancien Gouvernement</i>, vol. i. p. 196; in <i>Lemontey</i>,
+<i>Etablissement de Louis XIV</i>, p. 331; and in <i>Palissot</i>, <i>Mém. pour l'Hist.
+de Lit.</i> vol. ii. p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">[841]</span></a> In 1685 was published at Paris what was called an improved
+edition of Mezeray's History; that is, an edition from which the honest
+remarks were expunged. See <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 53, vol. iv. p. 381; and <i>Brunet</i>, <i>Manuel du Libraire</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 383, Paris, 1843. Hampden, who knew Mezeray, has recorded an
+interesting interview he had with him in Paris, when the great historian
+lamented the loss of the liberties of France. See <i>Calamy's Life of
+Himself</i>, vol. i. pp. 392, 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">[842]</span></a> <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxvi. pp. 240,
+241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">[843]</span></a> &lsquo;Par l'infidélité d'un domestique chargé de transcrire le
+manuscrit.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xiv. p. 289; and see <i>Peignot</i>, <i>Dict.
+des Livres condamnés</i>, vol. i. pp. 134, 135. It was suppressed in
+France, and appeared in Holland in the same year, 1699. <i>Lettres de
+Sévigné</i>, vol. vi. pp. 434, 435 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">[844]</span></a> &lsquo;Louis XIV prit le Télémaque pour une personnalité&hellip;.
+Comme il (Fénelon) avait déplu au roi, il mourut dans
+l'exil.&rsquo; <i>Lerminier</i>, <i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. pp. 219, 220; and see
+<i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, chap. xxxii., in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol.
+xx. p. 307.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">[845]</span></a> These circumstances are related in a letter from Lord
+Preston, dated Paris, 22 July 1682, and printed in <i>Dalrymple's
+Memoirs</i>, pp. 141, 142, appendix to vol. i. The account given by M.
+Peignot (<i>Livres condamnés</i>, vol. ii. pp. 52, 53) is incomplete, he
+being evidently ignorant of the existence of Lord Preston's letter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">[846]</span></a> An able writer has well called him &lsquo;glorieux plutôt
+qu'appréciateur de la vraie gloire.&rsquo; <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Histoire de la
+Diplomatie Française</i>, vol. iv. p. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">[847]</span></a> In 1677, Madame de Sévigné writes from Paris respecting
+the king: &lsquo;Vous savez bien qu'il a donné deux mille écus de pension à
+Racine et à Despréaux, en leur commandant de travailler à son histoire,
+dont il aura soin de donner des Mémoires.&rsquo; <i>Lettres de Sévigné</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 362. Compare <i>Eloge de Valincourt</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, vol. vi. p. 383; and <i>Hughes's Letters</i>,
+edit. 1773, vol. ii. pp. 74, 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">[848]</span></a> Burnet relates this with delightful simplicity: &lsquo;Others
+more probably thought that the king, hearing I was a writer of history,
+had a mind to engage me to write on his side. I was told a pension would
+be offered me. But I made no steps towards it; for though I was offered
+an audience of the king, I excused it, since I could not have the honour
+to be presented to that king by the minister of England.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's Own
+Time</i>, vol. ii. p. 385.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">[849]</span></a> During many years it enjoyed great reputation; and there
+is no history written in that period respecting which Le Long gives so
+many details. See his <i>Bibliothèque Historique de la France</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 13, 14. Compare <i>La Bibliothèque de Leber</i>, vol. ii. p. 110, Paris,
+1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">[850]</span></a> <i>Audigier</i>, <i>L'Origine des François</i>, Paris, 1676, vol. i.
+p. 5. See also p. 45, where he congratulates himself on being the first
+to clear up the history of Sigovese.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">[851]</span></a> <i>Audigier</i>, vol. i. p. 7. Other antiquaries have adopted
+the same preposterous etymology. See a note in <i>Kemble's Saxons in
+England</i>, vol. i. p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">[852]</span></a> &lsquo;Or le plus ancien Jupiter, le plus ancien Neptune, et le
+plus ancien Pluton, sont ceux de Gaule; ils la divisèrent les premiers
+en Celtique, Aquitaine et Belgique, et obtinrent chacun une de ces
+parties en partage. Jupiter, qu'on fait régner au ciel, eut la
+Celtique&hellip;. Neptune, qu'on fait régner sur les eaux, et sur les mers,
+eut l'Aquitaine, qui n'est appelée de la sorte qu'à cause de l'abondance
+de ses eaux, et de la situation sur l'océan.&rsquo; <i>Audigier</i>, <i>L'Origine des
+François</i>, vol. i. pp. 223, 224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">[853]</span></a> See his argument, vol. i. pp. 216, 217, beginning, &lsquo;le nom
+de Noé, que portèrent les Galates, est Gallus;&rsquo; and compare vol. ii. p.
+109, where he expresses surprise that so little should have been done by
+previous writers towards establishing this obvious origin of the
+French.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">[854]</span></a> <i>Audigier</i>, vol. i. pp. 196, 197, 255, 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">[855]</span></a> &lsquo;Voilà donc les anciennes divinitez d'Europe, originaires
+de Gaule, aussi bien que les beaux arts et les hautes sciences.&rsquo;
+<i>Audigier</i>, vol. i. p. 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">[856]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. pp. 73, 74. He sums up, &lsquo;c'en est assez
+pour relever l'Anjou, à qui cette gloire appartient légitimement.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">[857]</span></a> Vol. i. pp. 265, 266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">[858]</span></a> Vol. i. p. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">[859]</span></a> Vol. ii. pp. 179, 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">[860]</span></a> Vol. ii. p. 269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">[861]</span></a> Vol. ii. p. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">[862]</span></a> Vol. ii. pp. 451&ndash;454.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">[863]</span></a> &lsquo;A quoy nous pourrions joindre un autre monument fort
+authentique, c'est le résultat de certains pères, et de certains
+docteurs de l'église, qui tiennent que l'Ante-christ ne viendra point au
+monde qu'après la dissection, c'est-à-dire après la dissipation de
+nostre empire. Leur fondement est dans la seconde épistre de saint Paul
+aux Thessaloniciens.&rsquo; <i>Audigier</i>, vol. ii. p. 462.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">[864]</span></a> This is the opinion of Mr. Hallam respecting Bossuet's
+History of the Variations of Protestant Churches. <i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. i.
+p. 486: compare <i>Lerminier</i>, <i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 86.
+Attempts have been made by Protestant theologians to retort against the
+Catholics the arguments of Bossuet, on the ground that religious
+variations are a necessary consequence of the honest pursuit of
+religious truth. See <i>Blanco White's Evidence against Catholicism</i>, pp.
+109&ndash;112; and his <i>Letters from Spain</i>, <i>by Doblado</i>, p. 127. With this I
+fully agree; but it would be easy to show that the argument is fatal to
+all ecclesiastical systems with strictly defined creeds, and, therefore,
+strikes as heavily against the Protestant churches as against the
+Catholic. Beausobre, in his acute and learned work on Manichæism, seems
+to have felt this; and he makes the dangerous admission, &lsquo;que si
+l'argument de M. de Meaux vaut quelque chose contre la Réformation, il a
+la même force contre le Christianisme.&rsquo; <i>Hist. de Manichée</i>, vol. i. p.
+526. On Bossuet as a controversialist, see <i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Geschichte der
+theologischen Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. pp. 43&ndash;45; and for a
+contemporary opinion of his great work, see a characteristic passage in
+<i>Lettres de Sévigné</i>, vol. v. p. 409.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">[865]</span></a> His method is fairly stated by <i>Sismondi</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxv. p. 427.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">[866]</span></a> See, on this attempt of Bossuet&lsquo;s, some good remarks in
+<i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Geschichte der theologischen Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. p.
+198: 'Kirche und Christenthum sind für diesen Bischoff der Mittelpunct
+der ganzen Geschichte. Aus diesem Gesichtspuncte betrachtet er nicht nur
+die Patriarchen und Propheten, das Judenthum und die alten Weissagungen,
+sondern auch die Reiche der Welt.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">[867]</span></a> <i>Bossuet</i>, <i>Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle</i>, pp. 10,
+11, 16, 17; see also, at p. 90, a curious specimen of his chronological
+calculations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">[868]</span></a> He says, that if the ordinarily received dates of the
+Pentateuch and the Prophets are not true, then the miracles must fall,
+and the writings themselves are not inspired. <i>Hist. Univ.</i> p. 360. It
+would be hard to find, even in the works of Bossuet a more rash
+assertion than this.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">[869]</span></a> Indeed the Jews have no consecutive chronology before
+Solomon. See <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. i. pp. viii. xxv. 170, 178, 185,
+vol. ii. p. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">[870]</span></a> Doing this, as they did everything else, on account, not
+of reason, but of dogma; for, as a learned writer says, &lsquo;l'Église a bien
+distingué certains livres en apocryphes et en orthodoxes; elle s'est
+prononcée d'une manière formelle sur le choix des ouvrages canoniques;
+néanmoins sa critique n'a jamais été fondée sur un examen raisonné, mais
+seulement sur la question de savoir si tel ou tel écrit était d'accord
+avec les dogmes qu'elle enseignait.&rsquo; <i>Maury</i>, <i>Légendes Pieuses</i>, p.
+224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">[871]</span></a> Theologians have always been remarkable for the exactness
+of their knowledge on subjects respecting which nothing is known; but
+none of them have surpassed the learned Dr. Stukeley. In 1730, this
+eminent divine writes: &lsquo;But according to the calculations I have made of
+this matter, I find God Almighty ordered Noah to get the creatures into
+the ark on Sunday the 12th of October, the very day of the autumnal
+equinox that year; and on this present day, on the Sunday se'nnight
+following (the 19th of October), that terrible catastrophe began, the
+moon being past her third quarter.&rsquo; <i>Nichols's Illustrations of the
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. ii. p. 792.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">[872]</span></a> &lsquo;Premièrement, ces empires ont pour la plupart une liaison
+nécessaire avec l'histoire du peuple de Dieu. Dieu s'est servi des
+Assyriens et des Babyloniens pour châtier ce peuple; des Perses pour le
+rétablir; d'Alexandre et de ses premiers successeurs pour le protéger;
+d'Antiochus l'Illustre et de ses successeurs pour l'exercer; des Romains
+pour soutenir sa liberté contre les rois de Syrie, que ne songeaient
+qu'à le détruire.&rsquo; <i>Bossuet</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> p. 382. Well may M.
+Lerminier say (<i>Philos. du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 87), that Bossuet &lsquo;a
+sacrifié toutes les nations au peuple juif.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">[873]</span></a> On the extraordinary and prolonged ignorance of the Jews,
+even to the time of the Apostles, see <i>Mackay's Progress of the
+Intellect</i>, vol. i. pp. 13 seq.; a work of profound learning.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">[874]</span></a> The original scheme of Christianity, as stated by its
+Great Author (<i>Matthew</i> x. 6, and xv. 24), was merely to convert the
+Jews; and if the doctrines of Christ had never extended beyond that
+ignorant people, they could not have received those modifications which
+philosophy imposed upon them. The whole of this subject is admirably
+discussed in <i>Mackay's Progress of the Intellect in Religious
+Development</i>, vol. ii. pp. 382 seq.; and on the &lsquo;universalism,&rsquo; first
+clearly announced &lsquo;by the Hellenist Stephen,&rsquo; see p. 484. Neander makes
+a noticeable attempt to evade the difficulty caused by the changes in
+Christianity from &lsquo;various outward causes:&rsquo; see his <i>History of the
+Church</i>, vol. iii. p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">[875]</span></a> Neander (<i>Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. ii. p. 42) even
+thinks that Cerinthus whose views are remarkable as being the point
+where Gnosticism and Judaism touch each other, borrowed his system from
+Alexandria. But this, though not unlikely, seems only to rest on the
+authority of Theodoret. On the influence of the Platonism of Alexandria
+in developing the idea of the Logos, see <i>Neander</i>, vol. ii. pp. 304,
+306&ndash;314. Compare <i>Sharpe's Hist. of Egypt</i>, vol. ii. pp. 152 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">[876]</span></a> And having to mention Clemens Alexandrinus, who was more
+deeply versed in the philosophy of Alexandria than were any of the other
+fathers, Bossuet merely says, p. 98, &lsquo;à peu près dans le même temps, le
+saint prêtre Clément Alexandrin déterra les antiquités du paganisme pour
+le confondre.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">[877]</span></a> About the time that Bossuet wrote, a very learned writer
+calculated that the area of the countries which professed Mohammedanism,
+exceeded, by one fifth, those where Christianity was believed. See
+<i>Brerewood's Inquiries touching the Diversity of Languages and
+Religions</i>, Lond. 1674, pp. 144, 145. The estimate of Southey (<i>Vindiciæ
+Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ</i>, London, 1826, p. 48), is very vague; but it is much
+easier to judge of the extent of Mohammedan countries than of the extent
+of their population. On this latter point we have the most conflicting
+statements. In the nineteenth century, there are, according to Sharon
+Turner (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 485, edit. 1839), eighty
+million Mohammedans; according to Dr. Elliotson (<i>Human Physiology</i>, p.
+1055, edit. 1840), more than a hundred and twenty-two million; while,
+according to Mr. Wilkin (note in <i>Sir Thomas Browne's Works</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 37, edit. 1835), there are a hundred and eighty-eight million.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">[878]</span></a> &lsquo;Le faux prophète donna ses victoires pour toute marque de
+sa mission.&rsquo; <i>Bossuet</i>, p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">[879]</span></a> The greatest Mohammedan writers have always expressed
+ideas regarding the Deity more lofty than those possessed by the
+majority of Christians. The Koran contains noble passages on the oneness
+of God; and for the views of their ordinary theologians, I may refer to
+an interesting Mohammedan sermon, in <i>Transactions of the Bombay
+Society</i>, vol. i. pp. 146&ndash;158. See also, in vol. iii. pp. 398&ndash;448, an
+Essay by Vans Kennedy; and compare a remarkable passage, considering the
+quarter from which it comes, in <i>Autobiography of the Emperor
+Jehangueir</i>, p. 44. Those who are so thoughtless as to believe that
+Mohammed was a hypocrite, had better study the admirable remarks of M.
+Comte (<i>Philos. Pos.</i> vol. v. pp. 76, 77), who truly says, &lsquo;qu'un homme
+vraiment supérieur n'a jamais pu exercer aucune grande action sur ses
+semblables sans être d'abord lui-même intimement convaincu.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">[880]</span></a> &lsquo;Saint Martin fut fait évêque de Tours, et remplit tout
+l'univers du bruit de sa sainteté et de ses miracles, durant sa vie, et
+après sa mort.&rsquo; <i>Bossuet</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i> p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">[881]</span></a> The Benedictines have written the life of Martin in their
+<i>Hist. Lit. de la France</i>, vol. i. part ii. pp. 413&ndash;417, Paris, 1733,
+4to. They say that he erected the first monastery in Gaul: &lsquo;Martin,
+toujours passionné pour la solitude, érigea un monastère qui fut le
+premier que l'on eût encore vû dans les Gaules,&rsquo; p. 414. At p. 415, they
+make the unnecessary admission, that the saint &lsquo;n'avoit point étudié les
+sciences profanes.&rsquo; I may add, that the miracles of Martin are related
+by Fleury, who evidently believes that they were really performed.
+<i>Fleury</i>, <i>Hist. Ecclésiastique</i>, livre xvi. no. 31, vol. iv. pp.
+215&ndash;217, Paris, 1758, 12mo. Neander, having the advantage of living a
+hundred years later than Fleury, is content to say, &lsquo;the veneration of
+his period denominated him a worker of miracles.&rsquo; <i>Hist. of the Church</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 494. There is a characteristic anecdote of him, from
+Sulpitius Severus, in <i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">[882]</span></a> At pp. 479, 480, Bossuet gives a sort of summary of his
+historical principles; and if they are true, history is evidently
+impossible to be written. On this account, though fully recognizing the
+genius of Bossuet, I cannot agree with the remarks made upon him by M.
+Comte, <i>Philos. Pos.</i> vol. iv. p. 280, vol. vi. pp. 316, 317.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">[883]</span></a> And then, as M. Charles Comte well says, they call this
+prejudice their moral sense, or their moral instinct. <i>Comte</i>, <i>Traité
+de Législation</i>, vol. i. p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">[884]</span></a> The connection between the opinions of Bossuet and the
+despotism of Louis XIV. is touched on by Montlosier, who, however, has
+probably laid too much stress on the influence which the civil law
+exercised over both. <i>Montlosier</i>, <i>Monarchie Française</i>, vol. ii. p.
+90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">[885]</span></a> He belonged to a class of historians, described by a
+celebrated writer in a single sentence: &lsquo;dans leurs écrits l'auteur
+paraît souvent grand, mais l'humanité est toujours petite.&rsquo;
+<i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Démocratie</i>, vol. iv. p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">[886]</span></a> Hardly any one acquainted with the writings and the
+history of Bossuet will require evidence of his singular arrogance. But
+the reader may consult <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Franç.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 247;
+and on his treatment of Fénelon, which was the most shameful transaction
+of his life, compare <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iv. p. 384, with
+<i>Capefigue's Louis XIV</i>, vol. ii. p. 58; where there is printed one of
+the many epigrams to which the conduct of Bossuet gave rise.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">[887]</span></a> He says that he wrote it in 1728. <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>,
+vol. xxii. p. 5, but, according to M. Lepan (<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 382),
+&lsquo;il parut en 1731.&rsquo; Both statements may be accurate, as Voltaire
+frequently kept his works for some time in manuscript.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">[888]</span></a> Sir A. Alison, who certainly cannot be accused of want of
+respect for military conquerors, says of Sweden, &lsquo;the attempt which
+Charles XII. made to engage her in long and arduous wars, so completely
+drained the resources of the country, that they did not recover the loss
+for half a century.&rsquo; <i>Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. x. p. 504. See also, on the
+effects produced by the conscriptions of Charles XII., <i>Laing's Sweden</i>,
+p. 59; <i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol. ii. p. 63; and above all,
+a curious passage in <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mém. Secrets</i>, vol. i. p. 448. Several
+of the soldiers of Charles XII. who were taken prisoners, were sent into
+Siberia, where Bell fell in with them early in the eighteenth century.
+<i>Bell's Travels in Asia</i>, edit. Edinb. 1788, vol. i. pp. 223&ndash;224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">[889]</span></a> &lsquo;Charles XII, l'homme le plus extraordinaire peut-être qui
+ait jamais été sur la terre, qui a réuni en lui toutes les grandes
+qualités de ses aïeux, et qui n'a eu d'autre défaut ni d'autre malheur
+que de les avoir toutes outrées.&rsquo; <i>Hist. de Charles XII</i>, livre i., in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxii. p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">[890]</span></a> &lsquo;Plein d'honneur.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxii. p.
+63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">[891]</span></a> Which Burke, not without justice, compares to the murder
+of Monaldeschi by Christina. <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 412. See some
+remarks on the murder of Patkul, in <i>Vattel</i>, <i>Droit des Gens</i>, vol. i.
+p. 230; and an account of it, from Swedish authorities, in <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. xiii. pp. 879&ndash;881. For Voltaire's version see his
+<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxii. pp. 136, 137; which may be contrasted with
+<i>Crichton and Wheaton's History of Scandinavia</i>, Edinb. 1838, vol. ii.
+p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">[892]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxii. pp. 250&ndash;260. It may
+interest some persons to hear, that the litter in which this madman &lsquo;was
+borne from the battle of Pultava&rsquo; is still preserved at Moscow. <i>Kohl's
+Russia</i>, p. 220. It was also seen by M. Custine. <i>Custine's Russia</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">[893]</span></a> &lsquo;Sa modestie ne put empêcher qu'on ne frappât à Stockholm
+plusieurs médailles pour perpétuer la mémoire de ces événements.&rsquo;
+<i>Charles XII</i>, livre ii., in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxii. p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">[894]</span></a> Even some of its geographical details are said to be
+inaccurate. Compare <i>Villemain</i>, <i>Littérature au XVIII<sup>e</sup>
+Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 33, with <i>Kohl's Russia</i>, p. 505. However, as M.
+Villemain says, this must always be the case, when writers, who only
+know a country from maps, attempt to enter into details respecting
+military geography. In regard to style, it cannot be too highly praised;
+and a well-known critic, Lacratelle, calls it &lsquo;le modèle le plus
+accompli de narration qui existe dans notre langue.&rsquo; <i>Lacretelle</i>,
+<i>Dix-huitième Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 42. In 1843 it was still used as a
+text book in the French royal colleges. See <i>Report on Education in
+France</i>, in <i>Journal of Stat. Soc.</i> vol. vi. p. 308. Further information
+respecting this work may be found in <i>Longchamp et Wagnière</i>, <i>Mém. sur
+Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. p. 494; and in <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. viii. p. 224,
+vol. x. p. 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">[895]</span></a> It is evident, from Voltaire's correspondence, that he
+afterwards became somewhat ashamed of the praises he had bestowed on
+Charles XII. In 1735, he writes to De Formont, &lsquo;si Charles XII
+n'avait pas été excessivement grand, malheureux, et fou, je me serais
+bien donné de garde de parler de lui.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol.
+lvi. p. 462. In 1758, advancing still further, he says of Charles,
+&lsquo;voilà, monsieur, ce que les hommes de tous les temps et de tous les
+pays appellent un héros; mais c'est le vulgaire de tous les temps et de
+tous les pays qui donne ce nom à la soif du carnage.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. lx. p. 411. In 1759, he writes, that he was then engaged on the
+history of Peter the Great: &lsquo;mais je doute que cela soit aussi amusant
+que la vie de Charles XII; car ce Pierre n'était qu'un sage
+extraordinaire, et Charles un fou extraordinaire, qui se battait, comme
+Don Quichotte, contre des moulins à vent.&rsquo; Vol. lxi. p. 23: see also p.
+350. These passages prove the constant
+progress Voltaire was making in his conception of what history ought to
+be, and what its uses were.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">[896]</span></a> In 1741, he mentions his increasing love of history.
+<i>Corresp.</i> in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. li. p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">[897]</span></a> Lord Brougham, in his life of Voltaire, says that it
+appeared in 1751. <i>Lives of Men of Letters</i>, vol. i p. 106. But 1752 is
+the date given in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xlix. 478; in <i>Quérard</i>, <i>France Lit.</i>
+vol. x. p. 355; and in <i>Lepan</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">[898]</span></a> &lsquo;On veut essayer de peindre à la postérité, non les
+actions d'un seul homme, mais l'esprit des hommes dans le siècle le plus
+éclairé qui fut jamais.&rsquo; <i>Siècle de Louis XIV</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. xix. p. 213. And in his correspondence respecting his
+work on Louis XIV., he carefully makes the same distinction. See vol.
+lvi. pp. 453, 488, 489, 500, vol. lvii. pp. 337, 342&ndash;344, vol. lix. p.
+103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">[899]</span></a> Chap. xxix., in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xx. pp.
+234&ndash;267.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">[900]</span></a> Chap. xxx., in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xx. pp. 267&ndash;291. This
+chapter is praised in <i>Sinclair's History of the Public Revenue</i>, vol.
+iii. appendix, p. 77; an indifferent work, but the best we have on the
+important subject to which it refers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">[901]</span></a> Chap. xxxi., in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xx. pp. 291&ndash;299;
+necessarily a very short chapter, because of the paucity of
+materials.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">[902]</span></a> Chapters xxxii. to xxxiv., in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xx. pp.
+299&ndash;338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">[903]</span></a> <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xx. pp. 338&ndash;464.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">[904]</span></a> This disposition to favour Louis XIV. is noticed by
+Condorcet, who says it was the only early prejudice which Voltaire was
+unable to shake off: &lsquo;c'est le seul préjugé de sa jeunesse qu'il ait
+conservé.&rsquo; <i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>,
+vol. i. p. 286. See also, on this defect, <i>Grimm et Diderot</i>, <i>Corresp.
+Lit.</i> vol. ii. p. 182; <i>Lemontey</i>, <i>Etablissement Monarchique</i>, pp. 451,
+452; <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, vol. ii. pp. 88, 89. It is interesting to
+observe, that Voltaire's earlier opinions were still more favourable to
+Louis XIV. than those which he afterwards expressed in his history. See
+a letter which he wrote in 1740 to Lord Harvey, printed in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. lviii. pp. 57&ndash;63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">[905]</span></a> Mr. Burton, in his interesting work, <i>Life and
+Correspondence of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p. 129, says it was &lsquo;first published
+in 1756;&rsquo; and the same date is given by Quérard (<i>France Littéraire</i>,
+vol. x. p. 359), who is a very accurate bibliographer; so that Condorcet
+(<i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 199) and Lord Brougham (<i>Men of Letters</i>, vol. i.
+p. 98) are probably in error in assigning it to 1757. In regard to its
+title, I translate &lsquo;M&oelig;urs&rsquo; as &lsquo;morals and manners;&rsquo; for M.
+Tocqueville uses &lsquo;m&oelig;urs&rsquo; as equivalent to the Latin word &lsquo;mores.&rsquo;
+<i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Démocratie en Amérique</i>, vol. iii. pp. 50, 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">[906]</span></a> Superficial writers are so much in the habit of calling
+Voltaire superficial, that it may be well to observe, that his accuracy
+has been praised, not only by his own countrymen, but by several English
+authors of admitted learning. For three remarkable instances of this,
+from men whom no one will accuse of leaning towards his other opinions,
+see <i>notes to Charles V.</i>, in <i>Robertson's Works</i>, pp. 431, 432;
+<i>Barrington's Observations on the Statutes</i>, p. 293; and <i>Warton's
+History of English Poetry</i>, vol. i. p. xvi. Even Sir W. Jones, in his
+preface to the <i>Life of Nader Shah</i>, says, that Voltaire is &lsquo;the best
+historian&rsquo; the French have produced. <i>Works of Sir William Jones</i>, vol.
+v. p. 542; and compare the preface to his <i>Persian Grammar</i>, in <i>Works</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">[907]</span></a> &lsquo;Je voudrais découvrir quelle était alors la société des
+hommes, comment on vivait dans l'intérieur des familles, quels arts
+étaient cultivés, plutôt que de répéter tant de malheurs et tant de
+combats, funestes objets de l'histoire, et lieux communs de la
+méchanceté humaine.&rsquo; <i>Essai sur les M&oelig;urs</i>, chap. lxxxi., in
+<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xvi. p. 381.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">[908]</span></a> &lsquo;L'objet était l'histoire de l'esprit humain, et non pas
+le détail des faits presque toujours défigurés; il ne s'agissait pas de
+rechercher, par exemple, de quelle famille était le seigneur de Puiset,
+ou le seigneur de Montlheri, qui firent la guerre à des rois de France;
+mais de voir par quels degrés on est parvenu de la rusticité barbare de
+ces temps à la politesse du nôtre.&rsquo; Supplement to <i>Essai sur les
+M&oelig;urs</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xviii. p. 435. Compare <i>Fragments sur
+l'Histoire</i>, vol. xxvii. p. 214, with two letters in vol. lx. pp. 153,
+154, vol. lxv. p. 370.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">[909]</span></a> Mallet, though born in Geneva, was a Frenchman in the
+habits of his mind: he wrote in French, and is classed among French
+historians, in the report presented to Napoleon by the Institut.
+<i>Dacier</i>, <i>Rapport sur les Progrès de l'Histoire</i>, p. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">[910]</span></a> Göthe, in his Autobiography, mentions his obligations to
+this work, which, I suspect, exercised considerable influence over the
+early associations of his mind: &lsquo;Ich hatte die Fabeln der Edda schon
+längst aus der Vorrede zu Mallet's Dänischer Geschichte kennen gelernt,
+und mich derselben sogleich bemächtigt; sie gehörten unter diejenigen
+Mährchen, die ich, von einer Gesellschaft aufgefordert, am liebsten
+erzählte.&rsquo; <i>Wahrheit u. Dichtung</i>, in <i>Goethe's Werke</i>, vol. ii. part
+ii. p. 169. Percy, a very fair judge, thought highly of Mallet's
+history, part of which, indeed, he translated. See a letter from him, in
+<i>Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. vii. p. 719.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">[911]</span></a> <i>Mallet's Northern Antiquities</i>, edit. Blackell, 1847, p.
+78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">[912]</span></a> The first two volumes were published in 1765; the other
+two in 1790. <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. pp. 9, 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">[913]</span></a> <i>Mably</i>, <i>Observ. sur l'Hist. de France</i>, vol. i. p. ii.;
+and compare vol. iii. p. 289: but this latter passage was written
+several years later.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">[914]</span></a> &lsquo;Bornés à nous apprendre les victoires ou les défaites du
+souverain, ils ne nous disent rien ou presque rien des peuples qu'il a
+rendus heureux ou malheureux. On ne trouve dans leurs écrits que longues
+descriptions de sièges et de batailles; nulle mention des m&oelig;urs et de
+l'esprit de la nation. Elle y est presque toujours sacrifiée à un seul
+homme.&rsquo; <i>Histoire de France par Velly</i>, Paris, 1770, 4to, vol. i. p. 6;
+and see, to the same effect, the <i>Continuation by Villaret</i>, vol. v. p.
+vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">[915]</span></a> &lsquo;Si l'histoire que j'écris n'est ni militaire, ni
+politique, ni économique, du moins dans le sens que je conçois pour ces
+différentes parties, on me demandera quelle est donc celle que je me
+propose d'écrire. C'est l'histoire des hommes et des m&oelig;urs.&rsquo;
+<i>Duclos</i>, <i>Louis XIV et Louis XV</i>, vol. i. p. xxv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">[916]</span></a> &lsquo;Je voulois connoître nos loix, nos m&oelig;urs, et tout ce
+qui est l'âme de l'histoire, ou plutôt l'histoire même.&rsquo; <i>Hénault</i>,
+<i>Nouvel Abrégé chronologique de l'Histoire de France</i>, edit. Paris,
+1775, vol. i. p. i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">[917]</span></a> In 1763, he writes to D'Argental: &lsquo;il y a environ douze
+batailles dont je n'ai point parlé, Dieu merci, parceque j'écris
+l'histoire de l'esprit humain, et non une gazette.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. lxiii. p. 51. See also his letter to Tabareau (<i>Lettres
+inédites de Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. p. 585): &lsquo;Personne ne
+lit les détails des combats et des sièges; rien n'est plus ennuyeux que
+la droite et la gauche, les bastions et la contrescarpe.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">[918]</span></a> M. Lamartine characterizes him as &lsquo;ce génie non pas le
+plus haut, mais le plus vaste de la France.&rsquo; <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol.
+i. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">[919]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xlix. p. 493. His <i>Orphelin de la
+Chine</i> is taken from Chinese sources: see <i>Davis's China</i>, vol. ii. p.
+258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">[920]</span></a> The surprising versatility of Voltaire's mind is shown by
+the fact, unparalleled in literature, that he was equally great as a
+dramatic writer and as an historian. Mr. Forster, in his admirable <i>Life
+of Goldsmith</i>, 1854, says (vol. i. p. 119), &lsquo;Gray's high opinion of
+Voltaire's tragedies is shared by one of our greatest authorities on
+such a matter now living, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, whom I have often
+heard maintain the marked superiority of Voltaire over all his
+countrymen in the knowledge of dramatic art, and the power of producing
+theatrical effects.&rsquo; Compare <i>Correspondence of Gray and Mason</i>, edit.
+Mitford, 1855, p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">[921]</span></a> <i>Essai sur les M&oelig;urs</i>, chap. lxxxv., in <i>&#338;uvres</i>,
+vol. xvi. p. 412, and elsewhere.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">[922]</span></a> During the eighteenth century, and, I may say, until the
+publication in 1818 of Hallam's Middle Ages, there was in the English
+language no comprehensive account of the feudal system; unless, perhaps,
+we except that given by Robertson, who in this, as in many other matters
+of history, was a pupil of Voltaire. Not only Dalrymple, and writers of
+his kind, but even Blackstone, took so narrow a view of this great
+institution, that they were unable to connect it with the general state
+of society to which it belonged. Some of our historians gravely traced
+it back to Moses, in whose laws they found the origin of allodial lands.
+See a charming passage in <i>Barry's History of the Orkney Islands</i>, p.
+219. On the spirit of feudality, there are some remarks well worth
+reading in <i>Comtés Philos. Posit.</i> vol. v. pp. 393&ndash;413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">[923]</span></a> Constant, in his work on Roman polytheism, says, &lsquo;des
+rites indécens peuvent être pratiqués par un peuple religieux avec une
+grande pureté de c&oelig;ur. Mais quand l'incrédulité atteint ces peuples,
+ces rites sont pour lui la cause et le prétexte de la plus révoltante
+corruption.&rsquo; This passage is quoted by Mr. Milman, who calls it
+&lsquo;extremely profound and just.&rsquo; <i>Milman's History of Christianity</i>, 1840,
+vol. i. p. 28. And so it is&mdash;extremely profound and just. But it happens
+that precisely the same remark was made by Voltaire, just about the time
+that Constant was born. Speaking of the worship of Priapus, he says
+(<i>Essai sur les M&oelig;urs</i>, chap. cxliii. in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol.
+xvii. p. 341), &lsquo;nos idées de bienséance nous portent à croire qu'un
+cérémonie qui nous paraît si infâme n'a été inventée que par la débauche;
+mais il n'est guère croyable que la dépravation des m&oelig;urs ait jamais
+chez aucun peuple établi des cérémonies religieuses. Il est probable, au
+contraire, que cette coutume fut d'abord introduite dans les temps de
+simplicité, et qu'on ne pensa d'abord qu'à honorer la Divinité dans le
+symbole de la vie qu'elle nous a donnée. Une telle cérémonie a dû
+inspirer la licence à la jeunesse, et paraître ridicule aux esprits
+sages, dans les temps plus raffinés, plus corrompus, et plus éclairés.&rsquo;
+Compare the remarks on the indecency of the Spartan customs, in
+<i>Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. i. pp. 326, 327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">[924]</span></a> <i>Essai sur les M&oelig;urs</i>, chaps. xiv. and xxxi., in
+<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xv. pp. 391, 514. Neander observes, that in the Greek
+church there were more heresies than in the Latin church, because the
+Greeks thought more; but he has failed to perceive how this favoured the
+authority of the popes. <i>Neander's History of the Church</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 198, 199, vol. iii. pp. 191, 492, vol. iv. p. 90, vol. vi.
+p. 293, vol. viii. p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">[925]</span></a> In his account of the trade of Archangel, he says, &lsquo;les
+Anglais obtinrent le privilége d'y commercer sans payer aucun droit; et
+c'est ainsi que toutes les nations devraient peut-être négocier
+ensemble.&rsquo; <i>Hist. de Russie</i>, part i. chap. i., in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol.
+xxiii. p. 35. Remarkable words to have been written by a Frenchman, born
+at the end of the seventeenth century; and yet they have, so far as I am
+aware, escaped the attention of all the historians of political economy.
+Indeed, on this, as on most matters, sufficient justice has not been
+done to Voltaire, whose opinions were more accurate than those of
+Quesnay and his followers. However, Mr. M'Culloch, in noticing one of
+the economical errors of Voltaire, honestly admits that his &lsquo;opinions on
+such subjects are, for the most part, very correct.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's
+Principles of Political Economy</i>, p. 530. For proof of his sympathy with
+Turgot's efforts to establish free trade, compare <i>Lettres inédites de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. pp. 367, 403, 423, with <i>Longchamp</i>, <i>Mém. sur
+Voltaire</i>, vol. i. pp. 376, 378.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">[926]</span></a> &lsquo;The idea of the different ratios by which population and
+food increase, was originally thrown out by Voltaire; and was picked up
+and expanded into many a goodly volume by our English political
+economists in the present century.&rsquo; <i>Laing's Notes</i>, second series, p.
+42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">[927]</span></a> It is often said that Malthus was indebted to Townsend's
+writings for his views on population; but this obligation has been too
+strongly stated, as, indeed, is always the case when charges of
+plagiarism are brought against great works. Still, Townsend is to be
+considered as the precursor of Malthus; and if the reader is interested
+in tracing the paternity of ideas, he will find some interesting
+economical remarks in <i>Townsend's Journey through Spain</i>, vol. i. pp.
+379, 383, vol. ii. pp. 85, 337, 387&ndash;393; which must be compared with
+<i>M'Culloch's Literature of Political Economy</i>, pp. 259, 281&ndash;3. Voltaire
+having preceded these authors, has, of course, fallen into errors which
+they avoided; but nothing can be better than the way in which he opposes
+the ignorant belief of his own time, that every thing should be done to
+increase population. &lsquo;Le point principal n'est pas d'avoir du superflu
+en hommes, mais de rendre ce que nous en avons le moins malheureux qu'il
+est possible,&rsquo; is the summing-up of his able remarks, in <i>Dict.
+Philos.</i>, article <i>Population</i>, sect. 2, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xli. p.
+466. Godwin, in his notice of the history of these opinions, is
+evidently ignorant of what was done by Voltaire. <i>Sinclair's Corresp.</i>
+vol. i. p. 396.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">[928]</span></a> With the single exception of Porson, not one of the great
+English scholars has shown an appreciation of the beauties of his native
+language; and many of them, such as Parr (in all his works) and Bentley
+(in his mad edition of Milton), have done every thing in their power to
+corrupt it. And there can be little doubt, that the principal reason why
+well-educated women write and converse in a purer style than
+well-educated men, is because they have not formed their taste according
+to those ancient classical standards, which, admirable as they are in
+themselves, should never be introduced into a state of society unfitted
+for them. To this may be added, that Cobbett, the most racy and
+idiomatic of all our writers, and Erskine, by far the greatest of our
+forensic orators, knew little or nothing of any ancient language; and
+the same observation applies to Shakespeare. On the supposed connexion
+between the improvement of taste and the study of classical models,
+there are some remarks worth attending to in <i>Rey's Théorie et Pratique
+de la Science Sociale</i>, vol. i. pp. 98&ndash;101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">[929]</span></a> &lsquo;We can best judge, from the Jesuitical rage with which he
+was persecuted, how admirably he had delineated the weaknesses and
+presumption of the interpreters of the ancients, who shone in the
+schools and academies, and had acquired great reputation by their
+various and copiously exhibited learning.&rsquo; <i>Schlosser's Eighteenth
+Century</i>, vol. i. p. 120. At p. 270, M. Schlosser says, &lsquo;And it was only
+a man of Voltaire's wit and talents, who could throw the light of an
+entirely new criticism upon the darkness of those grabbing and
+collecting pedants.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">[930]</span></a> &lsquo;C'est l'imagination seule qui a écrit les premières
+histoires. Non seulement chaque peuple inventa son origine, mais il
+inventa aussi l'origine du monde entier.&rsquo; <i>Dict. Philos.</i> article
+<i>Histoire</i>, sec. 2, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xl. p. 195. See also his
+article on Chronology, vol. xxxviii. p. 77, for the application of
+this to the history of Rome, where he says, &lsquo;Tite Live n'a garde de dire
+en quelle année Romulus commença son prétendu règne.&rsquo; And at vol. xxxvi.
+p. 86, &lsquo;tous les peuples se sont attribués des origines imaginaires; et
+aucun n'a touché à la véritable.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">[931]</span></a> &lsquo;Qu'on fasse attention que la république romaine a été
+cinq cents ans sans historiens; que Tite Live lui-même déplore la perte
+des autres monuments qui périrent presque tous dans l'incendie de Rome,&rsquo;
+&amp;c. <i>Dict. Philos.</i> in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xl. p. 202. At p. 188, &lsquo;ce
+peuple, si récent en comparaison des nations asiatiques, a été cinq
+cents années sans historiens. Ainsi, il n'est pas surprenant que Romulus
+ait été le fils de Mars, qu'une louve ait été sa nourrice, qu'il ait
+marché avec mille hommes de son village de Rome contre vingt-cinq mille
+combattants du village des Sabins.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">[932]</span></a> &lsquo;Par quel excès de démence, par quel opiniâtreté absurde,
+tant de compilateurs ont-ils voulu prouver dans tant de volumes énormes,
+qu'une fête publique établie en mémoire d'un événement était une
+démonstration de la vérité de cet événement?&rsquo; <i>Essai sur les M&oelig;urs</i>,
+in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xv. p. 109. See also the same remark applied to
+monuments, in chap. cxcvii., <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xviii. pp. 412&ndash;414; and
+again, in vol. xl. pp. 203, 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">[933]</span></a> &lsquo;La plupart des histoires out été crues sans examen, et
+cette créance est un préjugé. Fabius Pictor raconte que, plusieurs
+siècles avant lui, une vestale de la ville d'Albe, allant puiser de
+l'eau dans sa cruche, fut violée, qu'elle accoucha de Romulus et de
+Rémus, qu'ils furent nourris par une louve, etc. Le peuple romain crut
+cette fable; il n'examina point si dans ce temps-là il y avait des
+vestales dans le Latium, s'il était vraisemblable que la fille d'un roi
+sortît de son couvent avec sa cruche, s'il était probable qu'une louve
+allaitât deux enfants au lieu de les manger; le préjugé s'établit.&rsquo;
+<i>Dict. Philos.</i> article <i>Préjugés</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xli. pp. 488,
+489.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">[934]</span></a> &lsquo;Les amateurs du merveilleux disaient: Il faut bien que
+ces faits soient vrais, puisque tant de monuments en sont la preuve. Et
+nous disions: Il faut bien qu'ils soient faux, puisque le vulgaire les a
+crus. Une fable a quelque cours dans une génération; elle s'établit dans
+la seconde; elle devient respectable dans la troisième; la quatrième lui
+élève des temples.&rsquo; <i>Fragments sur l'Histoire</i>, article i. in
+<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxvii. pp. 158, 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">[935]</span></a> In this case, as in many others, ignorance has been
+fortified by bigotry; for, as Lord Campbell truly says of Voltaire,
+&lsquo;since the French Revolution, an indiscriminate abuse of this author has
+been in England the test of orthodoxy and loyalty.&rsquo; <i>Campbell's Chief
+Justices</i>, vol. ii. p. 335. Indeed, so extensively has the public mind
+been prejudiced against this great man, that, until a very few years
+ago, when Lord Brougham published a life of him, there was no book in
+the English language containing even a tolerable account of one of the
+most influential writers France has produced. This work of Lord
+Brougham's, though a middling performance, is at least an honest one,
+and, as it harmonizes with the general spirit of our time, it has
+probably had considerable weight. In it he says of Voltaire, &lsquo;nor can
+any one since the days of Luther be named, to whom the spirit of free
+inquiry, nay, the emancipation of the human mind from spiritual tyranny,
+owes a more lasting debt of gratitude.&rsquo; <i>Brougham's Life of Voltaire</i>,
+p. 132. It is certain, that the better the history of the eighteenth
+century is understood, the more the reputation of Voltaire will
+increase; as was clearly foreseen by a celebrated writer nearly a
+generation ago. In 1831, Lerminier wrote these remarkable, and, as the
+result has proved, prophetic words: &lsquo;Il est temps de revenir à des
+sentimens plus respectueux pour la mémoire de Voltaire&hellip;.
+Voltaire a fait pour la France ce que Leibnitz a fait pour l'Allemagne;
+pendant trois-quarts de siècle il a représenté son pays, puissant à la
+manière de Luther et de Napoléon; il est destiné à survivre a
+bien des gloires, et je plains ceux qui se sont oubliés jusqu'à laisser
+tomber des paroles dédaigneuses sur le génie de cet homme.&rsquo; <i>Lerminier</i>,
+<i>Philosophie du Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 199. Compare the glowing eulogy in
+<i>Longchamp et Wagnière</i>, <i>Mémoires sur Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. pp. 388, 389,
+with the remarks of Saint-Lambert, in <i>Mém. d'Epinay</i>, vol. i. p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">[936]</span></a> <i>Vie de Montesquieu</i>, p. xiv., prefixed to his works.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">[937]</span></a> Before Montesquieu, the only two great thinkers who had
+really studied Roman history were Macchiavelli and Vico: but
+Macchiavelli did not attempt any thing approaching the generalizations
+of Montesquieu, and he suffered, moreover, from the serious deficiency
+of being too much occupied with the practical utility of his subject.
+Vico, whose genius was perhaps even more vast than that of Montesquieu,
+can hardly be considered his rival; for, though his <i>Scienza Nova</i>
+contains the most profound views on ancient history, they are rather
+glimpses of truth, than a systematic investigation of any one period.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">[938]</span></a> Which M. Guizot (<i>Civilisation en France</i>, vol. iv. p.
+36), in his remarks on the <i>Esprit des Lois</i>, does not take sufficiently
+into consideration. A juster appreciation of Montesquieu will be found
+in <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, part ii. vol. i. p. 182; and in
+<i>Comte</i>, <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. iv. pp. 243&ndash;252, 261. Compare
+<i>Charles Comte</i>, <i>Traité de Législation</i>, vol. i. p. 125, with <i>Meyer</i>,
+<i>Esprit des Institutions Judiciaires</i>, vol. i. p. lxi., respecting the
+vast innovations he introduced.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">[939]</span></a> He says of the emperor Maximin, &lsquo;il fut tué avec son fils
+par ses soldats. Les deux premiers Gordiens périrent en Afrique. Maxime,
+Balbin, et le troisième Gordien furent massacrés.&rsquo; <i>Grandeur et
+Décadence des Romains</i>, chap. xvi., in <i>&#338;uvres de Montesquieu</i>, p.
+167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">[940]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> chap. xi., in <i>&#338;uvres de Montesquieu</i>, pp.
+149&ndash;153. Compare a similar remark, respecting Charles XII., in <i>Esprit
+des Lois</i>, livre x. chap. xiii. <i>&#338;uvres</i>, p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">[941]</span></a> On the difference between cause and occasion, see
+<i>Grandeur et Décad.</i> chap. i. p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">[942]</span></a> &lsquo;Il y a des causes générales, soit morales, soit
+physiques, qui agissent dans chaque monarchie, l'élèvent, la
+maintiennent, ou la précipitent; tous les accidents sont soumis à ces
+causes; et si le hasard d'une bataille, c'est-à-dire une cause
+particulière, a ruiné un état, il y avoit une cause générale qui faisoit
+que cet état devoit périr par une seule bataille. En un mot, l'allure
+principale entraîne avec elle tous les accidente particuliers.&rsquo; <i>Grand.
+et Décad. des Romains</i>, chap. xviii. p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">[943]</span></a> <i>De l'Esprit des Lois</i>, books xiv. to xviii. inclusive;
+in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, pp. 300&ndash;336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">[944]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> livre xxiii. chap. xiii. p. 395. Compare
+<i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. ii. p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">[945]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> livre xvi. chap. iv., and livre xxiii. chap. xii.
+pp. 317, 395.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">[946]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> livre xiv. chap. ii., livre xvii. chap. ii., and
+elsewhere.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">[947]</span></a> On the supreme importance of method, see my defence of
+Bichat in the next chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">[948]</span></a> How completely futile this was, as regards results, is
+evident from the fact, that a hundred years after he wrote, we, with all
+our increased knowledge, can affirm nothing positively respecting the
+direct action of climate, food, and soil, in modifying individual
+character; though it has, I trust, appeared in the second chapter of
+this Introduction, that something can be ascertained respecting their
+indirect action, that is, their action on individual minds through the
+medium of social and economical organisation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">[949]</span></a> &lsquo;Il a créé en 1750 la philosophie de l'histoire dans ses
+deux discours prononcés en Sorbonne.&rsquo; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Philosophie</i>, I. série, vol. i. p. 147. There is a short notice of these
+striking productions in <i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Turgot</i>, pp. 11&ndash;16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">[950]</span></a> Nothing can be better than his summary of this vast
+conception: &lsquo;Tous les ages sont enchaînés par une suite de causes et
+d'effets qui lient l'état du monde à tous ceux qui l'ont précédé.&rsquo;
+<i>Second Discours en Sorbonne</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 52. Every thing Turgot wrote on history is a
+development of this pregnant sentence. That he understood the necessity
+of an historian being acquainted with physical science, and with the
+laws of the configuration of the earth, climate, soil, and the like, is
+evident in his fragment, <i>La Géographie Politique</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 166&ndash;208. It is no slight proof of his political sagacity, that
+in 1750 he distinctly foretold the freedom of the American colonies.
+Compare <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. ii. p. 66, with <i>Mém. sur Turgot</i>,
+vol. i. p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">[951]</span></a> A confidence which is apparent in his economical as well
+as in his historical works. In 1811, Sir James Mackintosh writes, that
+Turgot &lsquo;had more comprehensive views of the progress of society than any
+man since Bacon:&rsquo; <i>Mem. of Mackintosh</i>, vol. ii. p. 133; and see a
+similar remark by Dugald Stewart, in his <i>Philos. of the Mind</i>, vol. i.
+p. 246.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE
+MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>In the last chapter but one, I have attempted to ascertain
+what those circumstances were which, almost
+immediately after the death of Louis XIV., prepared
+the way for the French Revolution. The result of the
+inquiry has been, that the French intellect was stimulated
+into activity by the examples and teachings of
+England; and that this stimulus caused, or at all events
+encouraged, a great breach between the government of
+France and its literature;&mdash;a breach the more remarkable,
+because during the reign of Louis XIV. the
+literature, notwithstanding its temporary brilliancy, had
+been invariably submissive, and had intimately allied
+itself with the government, which was always ready to
+reward its services. We have also seen that, this rupture
+having arisen between the governing classes and
+the intellectual classes, it followed, that the former, true
+to their ancient instincts, began to chastise that spirit
+of inquiry to which they were unaccustomed: hence
+those persecutions which, with hardly a single exception,
+were directed against every man of letters, and hence
+too those systematic attempts to reduce literature to a
+subserviency similar to that in which it had been held
+under Louis XIV. It has, moreover, appeared, that the
+great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century, though
+smarting from the injuries constantly inflicted on them
+by the government and the church, abstained from attacking
+the government, but directed all their hostility
+against the church. This apparent anomaly, of the
+religious institutions being assailed, and the political
+institutions being spared, has been shown to be a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
+perfectly natural circumstance, arising out of the antecedents
+of the French nation; and an attempt has been
+made to explain what those antecedents were, and how
+they acted. In the present chapter, I purpose to complete
+this inquiry by examining the next great stage in the
+history of the French mind. It was needful that, before
+both church and state could fall, men should change the
+ground of their hostility, and should attack political
+abuses with the zeal they had hitherto reserved for religious
+ones. The question, therefore, now arises, as to
+the circumstances under which this change took place,
+and the period when it actually occurred.</p>
+
+<p>The circumstances which accompanied this great
+change are, as we shall presently see, very complicated;
+and, as they have never yet been studied in connexion
+with each other, I shall, in the remaining part of this
+volume, examine them at considerable length. On this
+point it will, I think, be practicable to arrive at some
+precise and well-defined results respecting the history of
+the French Revolution. But the other point, namely,
+the time at which the change took place, is not only
+much more obscure, but by its nature will never admit
+of complete precision. This, however, is a deficiency it
+possesses in common with every other change in the
+history of man. The circumstances of each change
+may always be known, provided the evidence is ample
+and authentic. But no amount of evidence can enable
+us to fix the date of the change itself. That to which
+attention is usually drawn by the compilers of history
+is, not the change, but is merely the external result
+which follows the change. The real history of the human
+race is the history of tendencies which are perceived
+by the mind, and not of events which are discerned by
+the senses. It is on this account that no historical
+epoch will ever admit of that chronological precision
+familiar to antiquaries and genealogists. The death of
+a prince, the loss of a battle, and the change of a dynasty,
+are matters which fall entirely within the province
+of the senses; and the moment in which they happen
+can be recorded by the most ordinary observers. But
+those great intellectual revolutions upon which all other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
+revolutions are based, cannot be measured by so simple
+a standard. To trace the movements of the human
+mind, it is necessary to contemplate it under several
+aspects, and then coördinate the results of what we
+have separately studied. By this means we arrive at
+certain general conclusions, which, like the ordinary
+estimate of averages, increase in value in proportion as
+we increase the number of instances from which they
+are collected. That this is a safe and available method,
+appears not only from the history of physical knowledge,<a name="FNanchor_952_952" id="FNanchor_952_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a>
+but also from the fact, that it is the basis of the empirical
+maxims by which all men of sound understanding are
+guided in those ordinary transactions of life to which
+the generalizations of science have not yet been applied.
+Indeed such maxims, which are highly valuable, and
+which in their aggregate form what is called common
+sense, are never collected with any thing like the precautions
+that the philosophic historian ought to feel
+himself bound to employ.</p>
+
+<p>The real objection, therefore, to generalizations respecting
+the development of the intellect of a nation is,
+not that they want certainty, but that they lack precision.
+This is just the point at which the historian
+diverges from the annalist. That the English intellect,
+for example, is gradually becoming more democratic, or,
+as it is termed, more liberal, is as certain as that the
+crown of this country is worn by Queen Victoria. But
+though both these statements are equally certain, the
+latter statement is more precise. We can tell the very
+day on which the Queen ascended the throne; the
+moment of her death will be known with equal precision;
+and there can be no doubt that many other
+particulars respecting her will be minutely and accurately
+preserved. In tracing, however, the growth of English
+liberalism, all such exactness deserts us. We can point
+out the year in which the Reform Bill was passed; but
+who can point out the year in which the Reform Bill
+first became necessary? In the same way, that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
+Jews will be admitted into parliament, is as certain as that
+the Catholics have been admitted. Both these measures
+are the inevitable result of that increasing indifference
+to theological disputes, which must now be obvious to
+every man who does not wilfully shut his eyes. But
+while we know the hour in which the bill for Catholic
+emancipation received the assent of the crown, there is
+no one now living who can tell even the year in which
+similar justice will be granted to the Jews. Both events
+are equally certain, but both events are not equally
+precise.</p>
+
+<p>This distinction between certainty and precision I
+have stated at some length, because it seems to be little
+understood,<a name="FNanchor_953_953" id="FNanchor_953_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a> and because it is intimately connected with
+the subject now before us. The fact of the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
+intellect having, during the eighteenth century, passed
+through two totally distinct epochs, can be proved
+by every description of evidence; but it is impossible
+to ascertain the precise time when one epoch
+succeeded the other. All that we can do is, to compare
+the different indications which the history of that age
+presents, and arrive at an approximation which may
+guide future inquirers. It would perhaps be more prudent
+to avoid making any particular statement; but as
+the employment of dates seems necessary to bring such
+matters clearly before the mind, I will, by way of provisional
+hypothesis, fix on the year 1750, as the period
+when those agitations of society which caused the
+French Revolution entered into their second and political
+stage.</p>
+
+<p>That this was about the period when the great movement,
+hitherto directed against the church, began to be
+turned against the state, is an inference which many
+circumstances seem to warrant. We know on the best
+authority, that towards the year 1750, the French began
+their celebrated inquiries respecting political economy,<a name="FNanchor_954_954" id="FNanchor_954_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a>
+and that, in their attempt to raise it to a science, they
+were led to perceive the immense injury which the interference
+of government had produced on the material
+interests of the country.<a name="FNanchor_955_955" id="FNanchor_955_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a> Hence a conviction arose that,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
+even in regard to the accumulation of wealth, the authority
+possessed by the rulers of France was mischievous,
+since it enabled them, under the notion of protecting commerce,
+to trouble the freedom of individual action, and to
+prevent trade from running into those profitable channels
+which traders are best able to select for themselves.
+Scarcely had a knowledge of this important truth been
+diffused, when its consequences were quickly seen in the
+national literature, and in the habits of national thought.
+The sudden increase in France of works relating to finance
+and to other questions of government, is, indeed, one of
+the most remarkable features of that age. With such
+rapidity did the movement spread, that we are told that,
+soon after 1755, the economists effected a schism between
+the nation and the government;<a name="FNanchor_956_956" id="FNanchor_956_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a> and Voltaire, writing
+in 1759, complains that the charms of lighter literature
+were entirely neglected amidst the general zeal for
+these new studies.<a name="FNanchor_957_957" id="FNanchor_957_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a> It is not necessary to follow the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
+subsequent history of this great change; nor need I
+trace the influence exercised shortly before the Revolution
+by the later economists, and particularly by Turgot,
+the most eminent of their leaders.<a name="FNanchor_958_958" id="FNanchor_958_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a> It is enough to say,
+that within about twenty years after the movement was
+first clearly seen, the taste for economical and financial
+inquiries became so common, that it penetrated those
+parts of society where habits of thought are not very
+frequent; since we find that, even in fashionable life,
+the conversation no longer turned upon new poems
+and new plays, but upon political questions, and subjects
+immediately connected with them.<a name="FNanchor_959_959" id="FNanchor_959_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a> Indeed, when
+Necker, in 1781, published his celebrated Report on the
+Finances of France, the eagerness to obtain it was
+beyond all bounds; six thousand copies were sold the
+first day; and the demand still increasing, two presses
+were kept constantly at work in order to satisfy the
+universal curiosity.<a name="FNanchor_960_960" id="FNanchor_960_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a> And what makes the democratic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
+tendency of all this the more obvious is, that Necker
+was at that time one of the servants of the crown; so
+that his work, looking at its general spirit, has been
+truly called an appeal to the people against the king by
+one of the ministers of the king himself.<a name="FNanchor_961_961" id="FNanchor_961_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a></p>
+
+<p>This evidence of the remarkable change which, in or
+about 1750, the French mind underwent, and which
+formed what I term the second epoch of the eighteenth
+century, might be easily strengthened by a wider survey
+of the literature of that time. Immediately after the
+middle of the century, Rousseau published those eloquent
+works, which exercised immense influence, and in
+which the rise of the new epoch is very observable; for
+this most powerful writer abstained from those attacks
+on Christianity,<a name="FNanchor_962_962" id="FNanchor_962_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a> which unhappily had been too frequent,
+and exerted himself almost exclusively against the civil
+and political abuses of the existing society.<a name="FNanchor_963_963" id="FNanchor_963_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a> To trace
+the effects which this wonderful, but in some instances
+misguided, man produced on the mind of his own and
+of the succeeding generation, would occupy too large a
+share of this Introduction; though the inquiry is full
+of interest, and is one which it were to be wished some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
+competent historian would undertake.<a name="FNanchor_964_964" id="FNanchor_964_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a> Inasmuch,
+however, as the philosophy of Rousseau was itself only
+a single phase of a far larger movement, I shall at present
+pass over the individual, in order to consider the
+general spirit of an age in which he played a vast, but
+still a subsidiary part.</p>
+
+<p>The formation of a new epoch in France, about the
+year 1750, may be further illustrated by three circumstances
+of considerable interest, all pointing in the same
+direction. The first circumstance is, that not a single
+great French writer attacked the political institutions
+of the country before the middle of the century; while,
+after that period, the attacks of the ablest men were
+incessant. The second circumstance is, that the only
+eminent Frenchmen who continued to assail the clergy,
+and yet refused to interfere in politics, were those who,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
+like Voltaire, had already reached an advanced age, and
+had, therefore, drawn their ideas from the preceding
+generation, in which the church had been the sole object
+of hostility. The third circumstance, which is even
+more striking than the other two, is, that almost at the
+same moment there was seen a change in the policy of
+the government; since, singularly enough, the ministers
+of the crown displayed for the first time an open enmity
+against the church, just as the intellect of the country
+was preparing for its decisive onslaught on the government
+itself. Of these three propositions, the first two
+will probably be admitted by every student of French
+literature: at all events, if they are false, they are so
+exact and peremptory, that it will be easy to refute them
+by giving examples to the contrary. But the third
+proposition, being more general, is less susceptible of a
+negative, and will therefore require the support of that
+special evidence which I will now adduce.</p>
+
+<p>The great French writers having by the middle of the
+eighteenth century succeeded in sapping the foundations
+of the church, it was natural that the government
+should step in and plunder an establishment which the
+course of events had weakened. This, which took place
+in France under Louis XV., was similar to what occurred
+in England under Henry VIII.; for in both cases a
+remarkable intellectual movement, directed against the
+clergy, preceded and facilitated the attacks made on
+them by the crown. It was in 1749 that the French
+government took the first decisive step against the
+church. And what proves the hitherto backward state
+of the country in such matters is, that this consisted of
+an edict against mortmain, a simple contrivance for
+weakening the ecclesiastical power, which we in England
+had adopted long before. Machault, who had recently
+been raised to the office of controller-general, has the
+glory of being the originator of this new policy. In
+August 1749,<a name="FNanchor_965_965" id="FNanchor_965_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a> he issued that celebrated edict which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
+forbade the formation of any religious establishment
+without the consent of the crown, duly expressed in
+letters-patent, and registered in parliament; effective
+precautions, which, says the great historian of France,
+show that Machault &lsquo;considered not only the increase,
+but even the existence of these ecclesiastical properties,
+as a mischief to the kingdom.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_966_966" id="FNanchor_966_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a></p>
+
+<p>This was an extraordinary step on the part of the
+French government; but what followed showed that it
+was only the beginning of a much larger design.<a name="FNanchor_967_967" id="FNanchor_967_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a>
+Machault, so far from being discountenanced, was, the
+year after he had issued this edict, intrusted with the
+seals in addition to the controllership;<a name="FNanchor_968_968" id="FNanchor_968_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a> for, as Lacretelle
+observes, the court &lsquo;thought the time had now
+come to tax the property of the clergy.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_969_969" id="FNanchor_969_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a> During the
+forty years which elapsed between this period and the
+beginning of the Revolution, the same anti-ecclesiastical
+policy prevailed. Among the successors of Machault,
+the only three of much ability were Choiseul, Necker,
+and Turgot, all of whom were strenuous opponents of
+that spiritual body, which no minister would have assailed
+in the preceding generation. Not only these
+eminent statesmen, but even such inferior men as
+Calonne, Malesherbes, and Terray, looked on it as a
+stroke of policy to attack privileges which superstition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
+had consecrated, and which the clergy had hitherto
+reserved, partly to extend their own influence, and
+partly to minister to those luxurious and profligate
+habits, which in the eighteenth century were a scandal
+to the ecclesiastical order.</p>
+
+<p>While these measures were being adopted against the
+clergy, another important step was taken in precisely
+the same direction. Now it was that the government
+began to favour that great doctrine of religious liberty,
+the mere defence of which it had hitherto punished as a
+dangerous speculation. The connexion between the
+attacks on the clergy and the subsequent progress of
+toleration, may be illustrated, not only by the rapidity
+with which one event succeeded the other, but also by
+the fact, that both of them emanated from the same
+quarter. Machault, who was the author of the edict of
+mortmain, was also the first minister who showed a
+wish to protect the Protestants against the persecutions
+of the Catholic priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_970_970" id="FNanchor_970_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a> In this he only partly
+succeeded; but the impetus thus given soon became
+irresistible. In 1760, that is only nine years later,
+there was seen a marked change in the administration
+of the laws; and the edicts against heresy, though not
+yet repealed, were enforced with unprecedented mildness.<a name="FNanchor_971_971" id="FNanchor_971_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a>
+The movement quickly spread from the capital
+to the remoter parts of the kingdom; and we are assured
+that, after the year 1762, the reaction was felt
+even in those provinces, which, from their backward
+condition, had always been most remarkable for religious
+bigotry.<a name="FNanchor_972_972" id="FNanchor_972_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> At the same time, as we shall presently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
+see, a great schism arose in the church itself, which
+lessened the power of the clergy, by dividing them into
+two hostile parties. Of these factions, one made
+common cause with the state, still further aiding the
+overthrow of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Indeed, the
+dissensions became so violent, that the last great blow
+dealt to spiritual ascendency by the government of
+Louis XVI. proceeded not from the hands of a layman,
+but from one of the leaders of the church; a man who,
+from his standing, would, under ordinary circumstances,
+have protected the interests which he now eagerly attacked.
+In 1787, only two years before the Revolution,
+Brienne, archbishop of Toulouse,<a name="FNanchor_973_973" id="FNanchor_973_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a> who was then minister,
+laid before the parliament of Paris a royal edict,
+by which the discouragement hitherto thrown upon
+heresy was suddenly removed. By this law, the Protestants
+were invested with all those civil rights which
+the Catholic clergy had long held out as the reward of
+adherence to their own opinions.<a name="FNanchor_974_974" id="FNanchor_974_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a> It was, therefore,
+natural that the more orthodox party should condemn,
+as an impious innovation,<a name="FNanchor_975_975" id="FNanchor_975_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a> a measure which, by placing
+the two sects, in some degree, on the same footing,
+seemed to sanction the progress of error; and which
+certainly deprived the French church of one of the chief
+attractions by which men had hitherto been induced to
+join her communion. Now, however, all these considerations
+were set at nought. Such was the prevailing
+temper, that the parliament, though then in a mood
+very refractory to the royal authority, did not hesitate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
+to register the edict of the king; and this great measure
+became law; the dominant party being astonished, we
+are told, how any doubt could be entertained as to the
+wisdom of the principles on which it was based.<a name="FNanchor_976_976" id="FNanchor_976_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were omens of the coming storm; signs of the
+time, which those who run may read. Nor are there
+wanting other marks, by which the true complexion of
+that age may be clearly seen. In addition to what has
+been just related, the government, soon after the middle
+of the eighteenth century, inflicted a direct and fatal
+injury upon the spiritual authority. This consisted in
+the expulsion of the Jesuits; which is an event, important
+not only for its ultimate effects, but also as an
+evidence of the feelings of men, and of what could be
+peaceably accomplished by the government of him who
+was called &lsquo;the most Christian king.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_977_977" id="FNanchor_977_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Jesuits, for at least fifty years after their institution,
+rendered immense services to civilization, partly
+by tempering with a secular element the more superstitious
+views of their great predecessors, the Dominicans
+and Franciscans, and partly by organizing a system
+of education far superior to any yet seen in Europe. In
+no university could there be found a scheme of instruction
+so comprehensive as theirs; and certainly no where
+was displayed such skill in the management of youth,
+or such insight into the general operations of the
+human mind. It must, in justice, be added, that this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
+illustrious society, notwithstanding its eager, and often
+unprincipled, ambition, was, during a considerable period,
+the steady friend of science, as well as of literature; and
+that it allowed to its members a freedom and a boldness
+of speculation which had never been permitted by any
+other monastic order.</p>
+
+<p>As, however, civilization advanced, the Jesuits, like
+every spiritual hierarchy the world has yet seen, began
+to lose ground; and this not so much from their own
+decay, as from a change in the spirit of those who surrounded
+them. An institution admirably adapted to an
+early form of society, was ill suited to the same society
+in its maturer state. In the sixteenth century, the
+Jesuits were before their age; in the eighteenth century,
+they were behind it. In the sixteenth century, they
+were the great missionaries of knowledge; because they
+believed that, by its aid, they could subjugate the consciences
+of men. But, in the eighteenth century, their
+materials were more refractory; they had to deal with
+a perverse and stiff-necked generation; they saw in
+every country the ecclesiastical authority rapidly declining;
+and they clearly perceived that their only
+chance of retaining their old dominion was, by checking
+that knowledge, the progress of which they had formerly
+done much to accelerate.<a name="FNanchor_978_978" id="FNanchor_978_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a></p>
+
+<p>Under these circumstances, the statesmen of France,
+almost immediately after the middle of the eighteenth
+century, determined to ruin an order which had long
+ruled the world, and which was still the greatest bulwark
+of the church. In this design they were aided by
+a curious movement which had taken place in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
+church itself, and which, being connected with views of
+much wider import, deserves the attention even of those
+for whom theological controversies have no interest.</p>
+
+<p>Among the many points on which metaphysicians
+have wasted their strength, that of free-will has provoked
+the hottest disputes. And what has increased
+the acerbity of their language, is, that this, which is
+eminently a metaphysical question, has been taken up
+by theologians, who have treated it with that warmth
+for which they are remarkable.<a name="FNanchor_979_979" id="FNanchor_979_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a> From the time of
+Pelagius, if not earlier,<a name="FNanchor_980_980" id="FNanchor_980_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a> Christianity has been divided
+into two great sects, which, though in some respects
+uniting by insensible shades, have always preserved the
+broad features of their original difference. By one sect,
+the freedom of the will is virtually, and often expressly,
+denied; for it is asserted, not only that we cannot of
+our own will effect anything meritorious, but that whatever
+good we may do will be useless, since the Deity
+has predestined some men to perdition, others to salvation.
+By the other sect, the freedom of the will is as
+strongly upheld; good works are declared essential to
+salvation; and the opposite party is accused of exaggerating
+that state of grace of which faith is a necessary
+accompaniment.<a name="FNanchor_981_981" id="FNanchor_981_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a></p>
+
+<p>These opposite principles, when pushed to their
+logical consequences, must lead the first sect into antinomianism,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_982_982" id="FNanchor_982_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a>
+and the second sect into the doctrine of
+supererogatory works.<a name="FNanchor_983_983" id="FNanchor_983_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a> But since on such subjects,
+men feel far more than they reason, it usually happens
+that they prefer following some common and accredited
+standard, or appealing to some ancient name:<a name="FNanchor_984_984" id="FNanchor_984_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a> and
+they, therefore, generally class themselves on the one
+side under Augustin, Calvin, and Jansenius; on the
+other side under Pelagius, Arminius, and Molina.</p>
+
+<p>Now, it is an interesting fact, that the doctrines
+which in England are called Calvinistic, have been
+always connected with a democratic spirit; while those
+of Arminianism have found most favour among the
+aristocratic or protective party. In the republics of
+Switzerland, of North America, and of Holland, Calvinism
+was always the popular creed.<a name="FNanchor_985_985" id="FNanchor_985_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a> On the other
+hand, in those evil days, immediately after the death of
+Elizabeth, when our liberties were in imminent peril;
+when the Church of England, aided by the crown,
+attempted to subjugate the consciences of men; and
+when the monstrous claim of the divine right of episcopacy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
+was first put forward;<a name="FNanchor_986_986" id="FNanchor_986_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a>&mdash;then it was that Arminianism
+became the cherished doctrine of the ablest and
+most ambitious of the ecclesiastical party.<a name="FNanchor_987_987" id="FNanchor_987_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a> And in
+that sharp retribution which followed, the Puritans and
+Independents, by whom the punishment was inflicted,
+were, with scarcely an exception, Calvinists:<a name="FNanchor_988_988" id="FNanchor_988_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a> nor
+should we forget, that the first open movement against
+Charles proceeded from Scotland, where the principles
+of Calvin had long been in the ascendant.</p>
+
+<p>This different tendency of these two creeds is so
+clearly marked, that an inquiry into its causes becomes
+a necessary part of general history, and as we shall
+presently see, is intimately connected with the history
+of the French Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>The first circumstance by which we must be struck
+is, that Calvinism is a doctrine for the poor, and Arminianism
+for the rich. A creed which insists upon the
+necessity of faith, must be less costly than one which
+insists upon the necessity of works. In the former case,
+the sinner seeks salvation by the strength of his belief;
+in the latter case, he seeks it by the fullness of his contributions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
+And as those contributions, wherever the
+clergy have much power, always flow in the same direction,
+we find that in countries which favour the Arminian
+doctrine of works, the priests are better paid, and
+the churches more richly ornamented, than they are
+where Calvinism has the upper hand. Indeed it is
+evident to the most vulgar calculation, that a religion
+which concentrates our charity upon ourselves, is less
+expensive than one which directs our charity to others.</p>
+
+<p>This is the first great practical divergence of the two
+creeds: a divergence which may be verified by any one
+who is acquainted with the histories of different Christian
+nations, or who has even travelled in countries where
+the different tenets are professed. It is also observable,
+that the Church of Rome, whose worship is addressed
+mainly to the senses, and who delights in splendid
+cathedrals and pompous ceremonies, has always displayed
+against the Calvinists an animosity far greater
+than she has done against any other Protestant sect.<a name="FNanchor_989_989" id="FNanchor_989_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a></p>
+
+<p>Out of these circumstances, inevitably arose the aristocratic
+tendency of Arminianism, and the democratic
+tendency of Calvinism. The people love pomp and
+pageantry as much as the nobles do, but they do not
+love to pay for them. Their untutored minds are easily
+captivated by the array of a numerous priesthood, and
+by the gorgeousness of a well-appointed temple. Still,
+they know full well that these things absorb a large part
+of that wealth which would otherwise flow into their
+own cottages. On the other hand, the aristocracy, by
+their standing, their habits, and the traditions of their
+education, naturally contract a taste for expense, which
+makes them unite splendour with religion, and connect
+pomp with piety. Besides this, they have an intuitive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
+and well-founded belief that their own interests are
+associated with the interests of the priesthood, and that
+whatever weakens the one will hasten the downfall of
+the other. Hence it is, that every Christian democracy
+has simplified its external worship; every Christian
+aristocracy has embellished it. By a parity of reasoning,
+the more any society tends to equality, the more
+likely it is that its theological opinions will be Calvinistic;
+while the more a society tends towards inequality,
+the greater the probability of those opinions being
+Arminian.</p>
+
+<p>It would be easy to push this contrast still further,
+and to show that Calvinism is more favourable to the
+sciences, Arminianism to the arts;<a name="FNanchor_990_990" id="FNanchor_990_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a> and that, on the
+same principle, the first is better suited to thinkers, the
+other to scholars.<a name="FNanchor_991_991" id="FNanchor_991_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a> But without pretending to trace
+the whole of this divergence, it is very important to
+observe, that the professors of the former religion are
+more likely to acquire habits of independent thinking
+than those of the latter. And this on two distinct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
+grounds. In the first place, even the most ordinary of
+the Calvinistic party are, by the very terms of their
+creed, led, in religious matters, to fix their attention on
+their own minds rather than on the minds of others.
+They, therefore, as a body, are intellectually more narrow
+than their opponents, but less servile; their views,
+though generalized from a smaller field, are more independent;
+they are less attached to antiquity, and more
+heedless of those traditions to which the Arminian scholars
+attach great importance. In the second place, those
+who associate metaphysics with their religion are led
+by Calvinism into the doctrine of necessity;<a name="FNanchor_992_992" id="FNanchor_992_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a> a theory
+which, though often misunderstood, is pregnant with
+great truths, and is better calculated than any other
+system to develop the intellect, because it involves
+that clear conception of law, the attainment of which is
+the highest point the human understanding can reach.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations will enable the reader to see
+the immense importance of that revival of Jansenism,
+which took place in the French church during the
+eighteenth century. For, Jansenism being essentially
+Calvinistic,<a name="FNanchor_993_993" id="FNanchor_993_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a> those tendencies appeared in France by
+which Calvinism is marked. There appeared the inquisitive,
+democratic, and insubordinate spirit, which has
+always accompanied that creed. A further confirmation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
+of the truth of the principles just laid down is, that
+Jansenism originated with a native of the Dutch Republic;<a name="FNanchor_994_994" id="FNanchor_994_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a>
+that it was introduced into France during the
+glimpse of freedom which preceded the power of Louis
+XIV.;<a name="FNanchor_995_995" id="FNanchor_995_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a> that it was forcibly repressed in his arbitrary
+reign;<a name="FNanchor_996_996" id="FNanchor_996_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a> and that before the middle of the eighteenth
+century, it again arose, as the natural product of a state
+of society by which the French Revolution was brought
+about.</p>
+
+<p>The connexion between the revival of Jansenism and
+the destruction of the Jesuits, is obvious. After the
+death of Louis XIV., the Jansenists rapidly gained
+ground, even in the Sorbonne;<a name="FNanchor_997_997" id="FNanchor_997_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a> and by the middle of
+the eighteenth century, they had organized a powerful
+party in the French parliament.<a name="FNanchor_998_998" id="FNanchor_998_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a> About the same
+period, their influence began to show itself in the executive
+government, and among the officers of the
+crown. Machault, who held the important post of controller-general,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
+was known to favour their opinions;<a name="FNanchor_999_999" id="FNanchor_999_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a>
+and a few years after his retirement, Choiseul was called
+to the head of affairs; a man of considerable ability,
+by whom they were openly protected.<a name="FNanchor_1000_1000" id="FNanchor_1000_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> Their views
+were likewise supported by Laverdy, controller-general
+in 1764, and by Terray, controller of finances in 1769.<a name="FNanchor_1001_1001" id="FNanchor_1001_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a>
+The procureur-general, Gilbert des Voisins, was a Jansenist;<a name="FNanchor_1002_1002" id="FNanchor_1002_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a>
+so also was one of his successors, Chauvelin;<a name="FNanchor_1003_1003" id="FNanchor_1003_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a>
+and so was the advocate-general Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau;<a name="FNanchor_1004_1004" id="FNanchor_1004_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a>
+and so too was Camus, the well-known
+advocate of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_1005_1005" id="FNanchor_1005_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a> Turgot, the greatest statesman
+of the age, is said to have embraced the same
+opinions;<a name="FNanchor_1006_1006" id="FNanchor_1006_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a> while Necker, who on two different occasions
+possessed almost supreme power, was notoriously
+a rigid Calvinist. To this may be added, that not only
+Necker, but also Rousseau, to whom a large share in
+causing the Revolution is justly ascribed, were born in
+Geneva, and drew their earliest ideas from that great
+nursery of the Calvinistic theology.</p>
+
+<p>In such a state of things as this, it was impossible
+that a body like the Jesuits should hold their ground.
+They were the last defenders of authority and tradition,
+and it was natural that they should fall in an age when
+statesmen were sceptics, and theologians were Calvinists.
+Even the people had already marked them for destruction;
+and when Damiens, in 1757, attempted to assassinate
+the king, it was generally believed that they were
+the instigators of the act.<a name="FNanchor_1007_1007" id="FNanchor_1007_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a> This we now know to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
+false; but the existence of such a rumour is evidence
+of the state of the popular mind. At all events, the
+doom of the Jesuits was fixed. In April 1761, parliament
+ordered their constitutions to be laid before them.<a name="FNanchor_1008_1008" id="FNanchor_1008_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a>
+In August, they were forbidden to receive novices, their
+colleges were closed, and a number of their most celebrated
+works were publicly burned by the common
+hangman.<a name="FNanchor_1009_1009" id="FNanchor_1009_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a> Finally, in 1762, another edict appeared,
+by which the Jesuits were condemned without even
+being heard in their own defence;<a name="FNanchor_1010_1010" id="FNanchor_1010_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a> their property was
+directed to be sold, and their order secularized; they
+were declared &lsquo;unfit to be admitted into a well-governed
+country,&rsquo; and their institute and society were formally
+abolished.<a name="FNanchor_1011_1011" id="FNanchor_1011_1011"></a><a href="#Footnote_1011_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the way in which this great society, long
+the terror of the world, fell before the pressure of public
+opinion. What makes its fall the more remarkable, is,
+that the pretext which was alleged to justify the examination
+of its constitutions, was one so slight, that no
+former government would have listened to it for a single
+moment. This immense spiritual corporation was
+actually tried by a temporal court for ill faith in a
+mercantile transaction, and for refusing to pay a sum of
+money said to be due!<a name="FNanchor_1012_1012" id="FNanchor_1012_1012"></a><a href="#Footnote_1012_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a> The most important body in
+the Catholic church, the spiritual leaders of France,
+the educators of her youth, and the confessors of her
+kings, were brought to the bar, and sued in their collective
+capacity, for the fraudulent repudiation of a
+common debt!<a name="FNanchor_1013_1013" id="FNanchor_1013_1013"></a><a href="#Footnote_1013_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a> So marked was the predisposition of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
+affairs, that it was not found necessary to employ for the
+destruction of the Jesuits any of those arts by which
+the popular mind is commonly inflamed. The charge
+upon which they were sentenced, was not that they had
+plotted against the state; nor that they had corrupted
+the public morals; nor that they wished to subvert
+religion. These were the accusations which were
+brought in the seventeenth century, and which suited
+the genius of that age. But in the eighteenth century,
+all that was required was some trifling accident, that
+might serve as a pretence to justify what the nation had
+already determined. To ascribe, therefore, this great
+event to the bankruptcy of a trader, or the intrigues of
+a mistress,<a name="FNanchor_1014_1014" id="FNanchor_1014_1014"></a><a href="#Footnote_1014_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a> is to confuse the cause of an act with the
+pretext under which the act is committed. In the eyes
+of the men of the eighteenth century, the real crime of
+the Jesuits was, that they belonged to the past rather
+than to the present, and that by defending the abuses
+of ancient establishments, they obstructed the progress
+of mankind. They stood in the way of the age, and the
+age swept them from its path. This was the real cause
+of their abolition: a cause not likely to be perceived by
+those writers, who, under the guise of historians, are
+only collectors of the prattle and gossip of courts; and
+who believe that the destinies of great nations can be
+settled in the ante-chambers of ministers, and in the
+councils of kings.</p>
+
+<p>After the fall of the Jesuits, there seemed to be
+nothing remaining which could save the French church
+from immediate destruction.<a name="FNanchor_1015_1015" id="FNanchor_1015_1015"></a><a href="#Footnote_1015_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a> The old theological spirit
+had been for some time declining, and the clergy were
+suffering from their own decay even more than from the
+attacks made upon them. The advance of knowledge
+was producing in France the same results as those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
+which I have pointed out in England; and the increasing
+attractions of science drew off many illustrious men,
+who in a preceding age would have been active members
+of the spiritual profession. That splendid eloquence,
+for which the French clergy had been remarkable, was
+now dying away, and there were no longer heard the
+voices of those great orators, at whose bidding the
+temples had formerly been filled.<a name="FNanchor_1016_1016" id="FNanchor_1016_1016"></a><a href="#Footnote_1016_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a> Massillon was the last
+of that celebrated race who had so enthralled the mind,
+and the magic of whose fascination it is even now hard
+to withstand. He died in 1742; and after him the
+French clergy possessed no eminent men of any kind,
+neither thinkers, nor orators, nor writers.<a name="FNanchor_1017_1017" id="FNanchor_1017_1017"></a><a href="#Footnote_1017_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a> Nor did
+there seem the least possibility of their recovering their
+lost position. While society was advancing they were
+receding. All the sources of their power were dried up.
+They had no active leaders; they had lost the confidence
+of government; they had forfeited the respect of the
+people; they had become a mark for the gibes of the
+age.<a name="FNanchor_1018_1018" id="FNanchor_1018_1018"></a><a href="#Footnote_1018_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a></p>
+
+<p>It does, at first sight, seem strange that, under these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span>
+circumstances, the French clergy should have been able,
+for nearly thirty years after the abolition of the Jesuits,
+to maintain their standing, so as to interfere with impunity
+in public affairs.<a name="FNanchor_1019_1019" id="FNanchor_1019_1019"></a><a href="#Footnote_1019_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a> The truth, however, is, that
+this temporary reprieve of the ecclesiastical order was
+owing to that movement which I have already noticed,
+and by virtue of which the French intellect, during the
+latter half of the eighteenth century, changed the ground
+of its attack, and, directing its energies against political
+abuses, neglected in some degree those spiritual
+abuses to which its attention had been hitherto confined.
+The result was, that in France the government enforced
+a policy which the great thinkers had indeed originated,
+but respecting which they were becoming less eager.
+The most eminent Frenchmen were beginning their
+attacks upon the state, and in the heat of their new
+warfare they slackened their opposition to the church.
+But in the mean time, the seeds they had sown germinated
+in the state itself. So rapid was the march of
+affairs, that those anti-ecclesiastical opinions which,
+a few years earlier, were punished as the paradoxes of
+designing men, were now taken up and put into execution
+by senators and ministers. The rulers of France
+carried into effect principles which had hitherto been
+simply a matter of theory; and thus it happened, as is
+always the case, that practical statesmen only apply and
+work out ideas which have long before been suggested
+by more advanced thinkers.</p>
+
+<p>Hence it followed, that at no period during the eighteenth
+century did the speculative classes and practical
+classes thoroughly combine against the church: since,
+in the first half of the century, the clergy were principally
+assailed by the literature, and not by the
+government; in the latter half of the century, by the
+government, and not by the literature. Some of the
+circumstances of this singular transition have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
+already stated, and I hope clearly brought before the
+mind of the reader. I now purpose to complete the
+generalization, by proving that a corresponding change
+was taking place in all other branches of inquiry; and
+that, while in the first period attention was chiefly
+directed towards mental phenomena, it was in the second
+period more directed towards physical phenomena.
+From this, the political movement received a vast accession
+of strength. For the French intellect, shifting
+the scene of its labours, diverted the thoughts of men
+from the internal to the external, and concentrating
+attention upon their material rather than upon their
+spiritual wants, turned against the encroachments of
+the state an hostility formerly reserved for the encroachments
+of the church. Whenever a tendency arises to
+prefer what comes from without to what comes from
+within, and thus to aggrandize matter at the expense of
+mind, there will also be a tendency to believe that an
+institution which hampers our opinions is less hurtful
+than one which controls our acts. Precisely in the same
+way, men who reject the fundamental truths of religion,
+will care little for the extent to which those truths are
+perverted. Men who deny the existence of the Deity
+and the immortality of the soul, will take no heed of
+the way in which a gross and formal worship obscures
+those sublime doctrines. All the idolatry, all the ceremonials,
+all the pomp, all the dogmas, and all the
+traditions by which religion is retarded, will give them
+no disquietude, because they consider the opinions that
+are checked to be equally false with those that are
+favoured. Why should they, to whom transcendental
+truths are unknown, labour to remove the superstitions
+which darken the truths? Such a generation, so far
+from attacking ecclesiastical usurpations, would rather
+look on the clergy as convenient tools to ensnare the
+ignorant and control the vulgar. Therefore it is that
+we rarely hear of a sincere atheist being a zealous
+polemic. But if that should occur, which a century
+ago occurred in France; if it should happen that men
+of great energy, and actuated by the feelings I have
+described, were to find themselves in the presence of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
+political despotism,&mdash;they would direct against it the
+whole of their powers; and they would act with the
+more determined vigour, because, believing that their
+all was at stake, temporal happiness would be to them
+not only the first, but also the sole consideration.</p>
+
+<p>It is from this point of view that the progress of those
+atheistical opinions, which now rose in France, becomes
+a matter of great though painful interest. And the
+date at which they appeared, fully corroborates what I
+have just said respecting the change that took place in
+the middle of the eighteenth century. The first great
+work in which they were openly promulgated, was the
+celebrated Encyclopædia, published in 1751.<a name="FNanchor_1020_1020" id="FNanchor_1020_1020"></a><a href="#Footnote_1020_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> Before
+that time such degrading opinions, though occasionally
+broached, were not held by any men of ability; nor
+could they in the preceding state of society have made
+much impression upon the age. But during the latter
+half of the eighteenth century, they affected every department
+of French literature. Between 1758 and
+1770, atheistical tenets rapidly gained ground;<a name="FNanchor_1021_1021" id="FNanchor_1021_1021"></a><a href="#Footnote_1021_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a> and in
+1770 was published the famous work, called the <i>System
+of Nature</i>; the success, and, unhappily, the ability of
+which, makes its appearance an important epoch in the
+history of France. Its popularity was immense;<a name="FNanchor_1022_1022" id="FNanchor_1022_1022"></a><a href="#Footnote_1022_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
+the views it contains are so clearly and methodically
+arranged, as to have earned for it the name of the code
+of atheism.<a name="FNanchor_1023_1023" id="FNanchor_1023_1023"></a><a href="#Footnote_1023_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a> Five years later, the Archbishop of Toulouse,
+in a formal address to the king on behalf of the
+clergy, declared that atheism had now become the prevailing
+opinion.<a name="FNanchor_1024_1024" id="FNanchor_1024_1024"></a><a href="#Footnote_1024_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> This, like all similar assertions, must
+have been an exaggeration; but that there was a large
+amount of truth in it, is known to whoever has studied
+the mental habits of the generation immediately preceding
+the Revolution. Among the inferior class of
+writers, Damilaville, Deleyre, Maréchal, Naigeon, Toussaint,
+were active supporters of that cold and gloomy
+dogma, which, in order to extinguish the hope of a
+future life, blots out from the mind of man the glorious
+instincts of his own immortality.<a name="FNanchor_1025_1025" id="FNanchor_1025_1025"></a><a href="#Footnote_1025_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a> And, strange to say,
+several even of the higher intellects were unable to
+escape the contagion. Atheism was openly advocated
+by Condorcet, by D'Alembert, by Diderot, by Helvétius,
+by Lalande, by Laplace, by Mirabeau, and by Saint
+Lambert.<a name="FNanchor_1026_1026" id="FNanchor_1026_1026"></a><a href="#Footnote_1026_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a> Indeed, so thoroughly did all this harmonize<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
+with the general temper, that in society men
+boasted of what, in other countries, and in other days,
+has been a rare and singular error, an eccentric taint,
+which those affected by it were willing to conceal. In
+1764 Hume met, at the house of Baron d'Holbach, a
+party of the most celebrated Frenchmen then residing
+in Paris. The great Scotchman, who was no doubt
+aware of the prevailing opinion, took occasion to raise
+an argument as to the existence of an atheist, properly
+so called; for his own part, he said, he had never
+chanced to meet with one. &lsquo;You have been somewhat
+unfortunate,&rsquo; replied Holbach; &lsquo;but at the present
+moment you are sitting at table with seventeen of
+them.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1027_1027" id="FNanchor_1027_1027"></a><a href="#Footnote_1027_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a></p>
+
+<p>This, sad as it is, only forms a single aspect of that
+immense movement, by which, during the latter half of
+the eighteenth century, the French intellect was withdrawn
+from the study of the internal, and concentrated
+upon that of the external world. Of this tendency, we
+find an interesting instance in the celebrated work of
+Helvétius, unquestionably the ablest and most influential
+treatise on morals which France produced at this period.
+It was published in 1758;<a name="FNanchor_1028_1028" id="FNanchor_1028_1028"></a><a href="#Footnote_1028_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a> and, although it bears the
+title of an essay on &lsquo;the Mind,&rsquo; it does not contain a
+single passage from which we could infer that the mind,
+in the sense in which the word is commonly used, has
+any existence. In this work, which, during fifty years,
+was the code of French morals, principles are laid down<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
+which bear exactly the same relation to ethics that
+atheism bears to theology. Helvétius, at the beginning
+of his inquiry, assumes, as an incontestable fact, that the
+difference between man and other animals is the result
+of a difference in their external form; and that if, for
+example, our wrists, instead of ending with hands and
+flexible fingers, had merely ended like a horse's foot, we
+should have always remained wanderers on the face of
+the earth, ignorant of every art, entirely defenceless,
+and having no other concern but to avoid the attacks of
+wild beasts, and find the needful supply of our daily
+food.<a name="FNanchor_1029_1029" id="FNanchor_1029_1029"></a><a href="#Footnote_1029_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a> That the structure of our bodies is the sole
+cause of our boasted superiority, becomes evident, when
+we consider that our thoughts are simply the product of
+two faculties, which we have in common with all other
+animals; namely, the faculty of receiving impressions
+from external objects, and the faculty of remembering
+those impressions after they are received.<a name="FNanchor_1030_1030" id="FNanchor_1030_1030"></a><a href="#Footnote_1030_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a> From
+this, says Helvétius, it follows, that the internal powers
+of man being the same as those of all other animals,
+our sensibility and our memory would be useless, if it
+were not for those external peculiarities by which we
+are eminently distinguished, and to which we owe every
+thing that is most valuable.<a name="FNanchor_1031_1031" id="FNanchor_1031_1031"></a><a href="#Footnote_1031_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a> These positions being
+laid down, it is easy to deduce all the essential principles
+of moral actions. For, memory being merely one
+of the organs of physical sensibility,<a name="FNanchor_1032_1032" id="FNanchor_1032_1032"></a><a href="#Footnote_1032_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a> and judgment
+being only a sensation,<a name="FNanchor_1033_1033" id="FNanchor_1033_1033"></a><a href="#Footnote_1033_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> all notions of duty and of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
+virtue must be tested by their relation to the senses; in
+other words, by the gross amount of physical enjoyment
+to which they give rise. This is the true basis of moral
+philosophy. To take any other view, is to allow ourselves
+to be deceived by conventional expressions, which
+have no foundation except in the prejudices of ignorant
+men. Our vices and our virtues are solely the result of
+our passions; and our passions are caused by our physical
+sensibility to pain and to pleasure.<a name="FNanchor_1034_1034" id="FNanchor_1034_1034"></a><a href="#Footnote_1034_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> It was in this
+way that the sense of justice first arose. To physical
+sensibility men owe pleasure and pain; hence the feeling
+of their own interests, and hence the desire of living
+together in societies. Being assembled in society, there
+grew up the notion of a general interest, since, without
+it, society could not hold together; and, as actions are
+only just or unjust in proportion as they minister to
+this general interest, a measure was established, by
+which justice is discriminated from injustice.<a name="FNanchor_1035_1035" id="FNanchor_1035_1035"></a><a href="#Footnote_1035_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a> With
+the same inflexible spirit, and with great fullness of
+illustration, Helvétius examines the origin of those
+other feelings which regulate human actions. Thus,
+he says that both ambition and friendship are entirely
+the work of physical sensibility. Men yearn after fame,
+on account either of the pleasure which they expect the
+mere possession of it will give, or else as the means of
+subsequently procuring other pleasures.<a name="FNanchor_1036_1036" id="FNanchor_1036_1036"></a><a href="#Footnote_1036_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a> As to friendship,
+the only use of it is to increase our pleasures or
+mitigate our pains; and it is with this object that a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
+man longs to hold communion with his friend.<a name="FNanchor_1037_1037" id="FNanchor_1037_1037"></a><a href="#Footnote_1037_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a> Beyond
+this, life has nothing to offer. To love what is good
+for the sake of the goodness, is as impossible as to love
+what is bad for the sake of the evil.<a name="FNanchor_1038_1038" id="FNanchor_1038_1038"></a><a href="#Footnote_1038_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a> The mother who
+weeps for the loss of her child, is solely actuated by
+selfishness; she mourns because a pleasure is taken
+from her, and because she sees a void difficult to fill
+up.<a name="FNanchor_1039_1039" id="FNanchor_1039_1039"></a><a href="#Footnote_1039_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a> So it is, that the loftiest virtues, as well as the
+meanest vices, are equally caused by the pleasure we
+find in the exercise of them.<a name="FNanchor_1040_1040" id="FNanchor_1040_1040"></a><a href="#Footnote_1040_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a> This is the great mover
+and originator of all. Every thing that we have, and
+every thing that we are, we owe to the external world;
+nor is Man himself aught else except what he is made
+by the objects which surround him.<a name="FNanchor_1041_1041" id="FNanchor_1041_1041"></a><a href="#Footnote_1041_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a></p>
+
+<p>The views put forward in this celebrated work I have
+stated at some length; not so much on account of the
+ability with which they are advocated, as on account of
+the clue they furnish to the movements of a most remarkable
+age. Indeed, so completely did they harmonize
+with the prevailing tendencies, that they not only
+quickly obtained for their author a vast European
+reputation,<a name="FNanchor_1042_1042" id="FNanchor_1042_1042"></a><a href="#Footnote_1042_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a> but, during many years, they continued to
+increase in influence, and, in France in particular, they
+exercised great sway.<a name="FNanchor_1043_1043" id="FNanchor_1043_1043"></a><a href="#Footnote_1043_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a> As that was the country in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
+which they arose, so also was it the country to which
+they were best adapted. Madame Dudeffand, who passed
+her long life in the midst of French society, and was
+one of the keenest observers of her time, has expressed
+this with great happiness. The work of Helvétius, she
+says, is popular, since he is the man who has told to all
+their own secret.<a name="FNanchor_1044_1044" id="FNanchor_1044_1044"></a><a href="#Footnote_1044_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a></p>
+
+<p>True it was, that, to the contemporaries of Helvétius,
+his views, notwithstanding their immense popularity,
+bore the appearance of a secret; because the connexion
+between them and the general march of events was, as
+yet, but dimly perceived. To us, however, who, after
+this interval of time, can examine the question with the
+resources of a larger experience, it is obvious how such
+a system met the wants of an age of which it was the
+exponent and the mouthpiece. That Helvétius must
+have carried with him the sympathies of his countrymen,
+is clear, not only from the evidence we have of his
+success, but also from a more comprehensive view of
+the general complexion of those times. Even while he
+was still pursuing his labours, and only four years
+before he published them, a work appeared in France,
+which, though displaying greater ability, and possessing
+a higher influence than that of Helvétius, did, nevertheless,
+point in exactly the same direction. I allude to
+the great metaphysical treatise by Condillac, in many
+respects one of the most remarkable productions of the
+eighteenth century; and the authority of which, during
+two generations, was so irresistible, that, without some
+acquaintance with it, we cannot possibly understand
+the nature of those complicated movements by which
+the French Revolution was brought about.</p>
+
+<p>In 1754,<a name="FNanchor_1045_1045" id="FNanchor_1045_1045"></a><a href="#Footnote_1045_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a> Condillac put forth his celebrated work<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
+on the mind; the very title of which was a proof of the
+bias with which it was written. Although this profound
+thinker aimed at nothing less than an exhaustive
+analysis of the human faculties, and although he is pronounced
+by a very able, but hostile critic, to be the only
+metaphysician France produced during the eighteenth
+century,<a name="FNanchor_1046_1046" id="FNanchor_1046_1046"></a><a href="#Footnote_1046_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a> still he found it utterly impossible to escape
+from those tendencies towards the external which
+governed his own age. The consequence was, that he
+called his work a &lsquo;Treatise on Sensations;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1047_1047" id="FNanchor_1047_1047"></a><a href="#Footnote_1047_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a> and in it
+he peremptorily asserts, that every thing we know is
+the result of sensation; by which he means the effect
+produced on us by the action of the external world.
+Whatever may be thought of the accuracy of this
+opinion, there can be no doubt that it is enforced with a
+closeness and severity of reasoning which deserves the
+highest praise. To examine, however, the arguments
+by which his view is supported, would lead to a discussion
+foreign to my present object, which is, merely
+to point out the relation between his philosophy and the
+general temper of his contemporaries. Without, therefore,
+pretending to anything like a critical examination
+of this celebrated book, I will simply bring together the
+essential positions on which it is based, in order to
+illustrate the harmony between it and the intellectual
+habits of the age in which it appeared.<a name="FNanchor_1048_1048" id="FNanchor_1048_1048"></a><a href="#Footnote_1048_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a></p>
+
+<p>The materials from which the philosophy of Condillac
+was originally drawn, were contained in the great work
+published by Locke about sixty years before this time.
+But though much of what was most essential was
+borrowed from the English philosopher, there was one
+very important point in which the disciple differed from
+his master. And this difference is strikingly characteristic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
+of the direction which the French intellect was
+now taking. Locke, with some looseness of expression,
+and possibly with some looseness of thought, had asserted
+the separate existence of a power of reflection,
+and had maintained that by means of that power the
+products of sensation became available.<a name="FNanchor_1049_1049" id="FNanchor_1049_1049"></a><a href="#Footnote_1049_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a> Condillac,
+moved by the prevailing temper of his own time, would
+not hear of such a distinction. He, like most of his
+contemporaries, was jealous of any claim which increased
+the authority of the internal, and weakened
+that of the external. He, therefore, altogether rejects
+the faculty of reflection as a source of our ideas; and
+this partly because it is but the channel through which
+ideas run from the senses, and partly because in its
+origin it is itself a sensation.<a name="FNanchor_1050_1050" id="FNanchor_1050_1050"></a><a href="#Footnote_1050_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a> Therefore, according to
+him, the only question is as to the way in which our
+contact with nature supplies us with ideas. For in this
+scheme, the faculties of man are solely caused by the
+operation of his senses. The judgments which we form
+are, says Condillac, often ascribed to the hand of the
+Deity; a convenient mode of reasoning, which has only
+arisen from the difficulty of analyzing them.<a name="FNanchor_1051_1051" id="FNanchor_1051_1051"></a><a href="#Footnote_1051_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a> By
+considering how our judgments actually arise, we can
+alone remove these obscurities. The fact is, that
+the attention we give to an object is nothing but the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
+sensation which that object excites;<a name="FNanchor_1052_1052" id="FNanchor_1052_1052"></a><a href="#Footnote_1052_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a> and what we call
+abstract ideas are merely different ways of being attentive.<a name="FNanchor_1053_1053" id="FNanchor_1053_1053"></a><a href="#Footnote_1053_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a>
+Ideas being thus generated, the subsequent
+process is very simple. To attend to two ideas at the
+same time, is to compare them; so that comparison is
+not a result of attention, but is rather the attention itself.<a name="FNanchor_1054_1054" id="FNanchor_1054_1054"></a><a href="#Footnote_1054_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a>
+This at once gives us the faculty of judging,
+because directly we institute a comparison, we do of
+necessity form a judgment.<a name="FNanchor_1055_1055" id="FNanchor_1055_1055"></a><a href="#Footnote_1055_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a> Thus, too, memory is a
+transformed sensation;<a name="FNanchor_1056_1056" id="FNanchor_1056_1056"></a><a href="#Footnote_1056_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a> while the imagination is
+nothing but memory, which, being carried to its highest
+possible vivacity, makes what is absent appear to be
+present.<a name="FNanchor_1057_1057" id="FNanchor_1057_1057"></a><a href="#Footnote_1057_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a> The impressions we receive from the external
+world being, therefore, not the cause of our
+faculties, but being the faculties themselves, the conclusion
+to which we are driven is inevitable. It follows,
+says Condillac, that in man nature is the beginning of
+all; that to nature we owe the whole of our knowledge;
+that we only instruct ourselves according to her lessons;
+and that the entire art of reasoning consists in continuing
+the work which she has appointed us to perform.<a name="FNanchor_1058_1058" id="FNanchor_1058_1058"></a><a href="#Footnote_1058_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is so impossible to mistake the tendency of these
+views, that I need not attempt to estimate their result<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
+otherwise than by measuring the extent to which they
+were adopted. Indeed, the zeal with which they were
+now carried into every department of knowledge, can
+only surprise those who, being led by their habits of
+mind to study history in its separate fragments, have not
+accustomed themselves to consider it as an united whole,
+and who, therefore, do not perceive that in every great
+epoch there is some one idea at work, which is more
+powerful than any other, and which shapes the events of
+the time and determines their ultimate issue. In France,
+during the latter half of the eighteenth century, this
+idea was, the inferiority of the internal to the external.
+It was this dangerous but plausible principle which
+drew the attention of men from the church to the state;
+which was seen in Helvétius the most celebrated of the
+French moralists, and in Condillac the most celebrated
+of the French metaphysicians. It was this same
+principle which, by increasing, if I may so say, the
+reputation of Nature, induced the ablest thinkers to
+devote themselves to a study of her laws, and to
+abandon those other pursuits which had been popular in
+the preceding age. In consequence of this movement,
+such wonderful additions were made to every branch of
+physical science, that more new truths concerning the
+external world were discovered in France during the
+latter half of the eighteenth century than during all the
+previous periods put together. The details of these
+discoveries, so far as they have been subservient to the
+general purposes of civilization, will be related in
+another place; at present I will indicate only the most
+prominent, in order that the reader may understand the
+course of the subsequent argument, and may see the
+connexion between them and the French Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>Taking a general view of the external world, we may
+say, that the three most important forces by which the
+operations of nature are effected, are heat, light, and
+electricity; including under this last magnetic and
+galvanic phenomena. On all these subjects, the French,
+for the first time, now exerted themselves with signal
+success. In regard to heat, not only were the materials
+for subsequent induction collected with indefatigable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
+industry, but before that generation passed away, the
+induction was actually made; for while the laws of its
+radiation were worked out by Prevost,<a name="FNanchor_1059_1059" id="FNanchor_1059_1059"></a><a href="#Footnote_1059_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a> those of its
+conduction were established by Fourier, who, just before
+the Revolution, employed himself in raising thermotics
+to a science by the deductive application of that celebrated
+mathematical theory which he contrived, and
+which still bears his name.<a name="FNanchor_1060_1060" id="FNanchor_1060_1060"></a><a href="#Footnote_1060_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> In regard to electricity,
+it is enough to notice, during the same period, the important
+experiments of D'Alibard, followed by those
+vast labours of Coulomb, which brought electrical
+phenomena under the jurisdiction of the mathematics,
+and thus completed what &#338;pinus had already prepared.<a name="FNanchor_1061_1061" id="FNanchor_1061_1061"></a><a href="#Footnote_1061_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a>
+As to the laws of light, those ideas were now
+accumulating which rendered possible the great steps
+that, at the close of the century, were taken by Malus,
+and still later by Fresnel.<a name="FNanchor_1062_1062" id="FNanchor_1062_1062"></a><a href="#Footnote_1062_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a> Both of these eminent
+Frenchmen not only made important additions to our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span>
+knowledge of double refraction, but Malus discovered
+the polarization of light, undoubtedly the most splendid
+contribution received by optical science since the
+analysis of the solar rays.<a name="FNanchor_1063_1063" id="FNanchor_1063_1063"></a><a href="#Footnote_1063_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a> It was also in consequence
+of this, that Fresnel began those profound researches
+which placed on a solid basis that great undulatory
+theory of which Hooke, Huygens, and above all Young,
+are to be deemed the founders, and by which the corpuscular
+theory of Newton was finally overthrown.<a name="FNanchor_1064_1064" id="FNanchor_1064_1064"></a><a href="#Footnote_1064_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus much as to the progress of French knowledge
+respecting those parts of nature which are in themselves
+invisible, and of which we cannot tell whether they have
+a material existence, or whether they are mere conditions
+and properties of other bodies.<a name="FNanchor_1065_1065" id="FNanchor_1065_1065"></a><a href="#Footnote_1065_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a> The immense
+value of these discoveries, as increasing the number of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
+known truths, is incontestable: but, at the same time,
+another class of discoveries was made, which, dealing
+more palpably with the visible world, and being also
+more easily understood, produced more immediate results,
+and, as I shall presently show, exercised a remarkable
+influence in strengthening that democratic tendency
+which accompanied the French Revolution. It is impossible,
+within the limits I have assigned to myself, to
+give anything like an adequate notion of the marvellous
+activity with which the French now pushed their researches
+into every department of the organic and inorganic
+world; still it is, I think, practicable to compress
+into a few pages such a summary of the more
+salient points as will afford the reader some idea of what
+was done by that generation of great thinkers which
+flourished in France during the latter half of the eighteenth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>If we confine our view to the globe we inhabit, it
+must be allowed that chemistry and geology are the two
+sciences which not only offer the fairest promise, but
+already contain the largest generalizations. The reason
+of this will become clear, if we attend to the ideas on
+which these two great subjects are based. The idea of
+chemistry, is the study of composition;<a name="FNanchor_1066_1066" id="FNanchor_1066_1066"></a><a href="#Footnote_1066_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a> the idea of
+geology, is the study of position. The object of the first
+is, to learn the laws which govern the properties of
+matter; the object of the second is, to learn the laws
+which govern its locality. In chemistry, we experiment;
+in geology, we observe. In chemistry, we deal with
+the molecular arrangement of the smallest atoms;<a name="FNanchor_1067_1067" id="FNanchor_1067_1067"></a><a href="#Footnote_1067_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a>
+in geology, with the cosmological arrangement of the
+largest masses. Hence it is that the chemist by his
+minuteness, and the geologist by his grandeur, touch<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
+the two extremes of the material universe; and,
+starting from these opposite points, have, as I could
+easily prove, a constantly increasing tendency to bring
+under their own authority sciences which have at
+present an independent existence, and which, for the
+sake of a division of labour, it is still convenient to
+study separately; though it must be the business of
+philosophy, properly so called, to integrate them into a
+complete and effective whole. Indeed it is obvious, that
+if we knew all the laws of the composition of matter,
+and likewise all the laws of its position, we should likewise
+know all the changes of which matter is capable
+spontaneously, that is, when uninterrupted by the mind
+of man. Every phenomenon which any given substance
+presents must be caused either by something taking
+place in the substance, or else by something taking
+place out of it, but acting upon it; while what occurs
+within must be explicable by its own composition,
+and what occurs without must be due to its position in
+relation to the objects by which it is affected. This is
+an exhaustive statement of every possible contingency,
+and to one of these two classes of laws every thing must
+be referrible; even those mysterious forces which, whether
+they be emanations from matter, or whether they
+be merely properties of matter, must in an ultimate
+analysis depend either on the internal arrangement, or
+else on the external locality of their physical antecedents.
+However convenient, therefore, it may be, in
+the present state of our knowledge, to speak of vital
+principles, imponderable fluids, and elastic æthers, such
+terms can only be provisional, and are to be considered
+as mere names for that residue of unexplained facts,
+which it will be the business of future ages to bring
+under generalizations wide enough to cover and include
+the whole.</p>
+
+<p>These ideas of composition and of position being thus
+the basis of all natural science, it is not surprising that
+chemistry and geology, which are their best, but still
+their insufficient representatives, should in modern times
+have made more progress than any other of the great
+branches of human knowledge. Although the chemists<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
+and geologists have not yet risen to the full height of
+their respective subjects,<a name="FNanchor_1068_1068" id="FNanchor_1068_1068"></a><a href="#Footnote_1068_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a> there are few things more
+curious than to note the way in which, during the last
+two generations, they have been rapidly expanding their
+views&mdash;encroaching on topics with which, at first sight,
+they appeared to have no concern&mdash;making other
+branches of inquiry tributary to their own&mdash;and collecting
+from every quarter that intellectual wealth which,
+long hidden in obscure corners, had been wasted in the
+cultivation of special and inferior pursuits. This, as
+being one of the great intellectual characteristics of the
+present age, I shall hereafter examine at considerable
+length; but what I have now to show is, that in these
+two vast sciences, which, though still very imperfect,
+must eventually be superior to all others, the first important
+steps were made by Frenchmen during the latter
+half of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>That we owe to France the existence of chemistry as
+a science, will be admitted by everyone who uses the
+word science in the sense in which alone it ought to be
+understood, namely, as a body of generalizations so
+irrefragably true, that, though they may be subsequently
+covered by higher generalizations, they cannot be overthrown
+by them; in other words, generalizations which
+may be absorbed, but not refuted. In this point of view,
+there are in the history of chemistry only three great
+stages. The first stage was the destruction of the
+phlogistic theory, and the establishment, upon its ruins,
+of the doctrines of oxidation, combustion, and respiration.
+The second stage was the establishment of the
+principle of definite proportions, and the application to
+it of the atomic hypothesis. The third stage, above
+which we have not yet risen, consists in the union of
+chemical and electrical laws, and in the progress we are
+making towards fusing into one generalization their
+separate phenomena. Which of these three stages was
+in its own age the most valuable, is not now the question;
+but it is certain that the first of them was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
+work of Lavoisier, by far the greatest of the French
+chemists. Before him several important points had
+been cleared up by the English chemists, whose experiments
+ascertained the existence of bodies formerly unknown.
+The links, however, to connect the facts, were
+still wanting; and until Lavoisier entered the field,
+there were no generalizations wide enough to entitle
+chemistry to be called a science; or, to speak more properly,
+the only large generalization commonly received
+was that by Stahl, which the great Frenchman proved
+to be not only imperfect, but altogether inaccurate. A
+notice of the vast discoveries of Lavoisier will be found
+in many well-known books:<a name="FNanchor_1069_1069" id="FNanchor_1069_1069"></a><a href="#Footnote_1069_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a> it is enough to say, that
+he not only worked out the laws of the oxidation of
+bodies and of their combustion, but that he is the author
+of the true theory of respiration, the purely chemical
+character of which he first demonstrated; thus laying
+the foundation of those views respecting the functions
+of food, which the German chemists subsequently developed,
+and which, as I have proved in the second
+chapter of this Introduction, may be applied to solve
+some great problems in the history of Man. The merit
+of this was so obviously due to France, that though the
+system now established was quickly adopted in other
+countries,<a name="FNanchor_1070_1070" id="FNanchor_1070_1070"></a><a href="#Footnote_1070_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a> it received the name of the French chemistry.<a name="FNanchor_1071_1071" id="FNanchor_1071_1071"></a><a href="#Footnote_1071_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a>
+At the same time, the old nomenclature
+being full of old errors, a new one was required, and
+here again France took the initiative; since this great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
+reformation was begun by four of her most eminent
+chemists, who flourished only a few years before the
+Revolution.<a name="FNanchor_1072_1072" id="FNanchor_1072_1072"></a><a href="#Footnote_1072_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a></p>
+
+<p>While one division of the French thinkers was reducing
+to order the apparent irregularities of chemical
+phenomena, another division of them was performing
+precisely the same service for geology. The first step
+towards popularizing this noble study was taken by
+Buffon, who, in the middle of the eighteenth century,
+broached a geological theory, which, though not quite
+original, excited attention by its eloquence, and by the
+lofty speculations with which he connected it.<a name="FNanchor_1073_1073" id="FNanchor_1073_1073"></a><a href="#Footnote_1073_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> This
+was followed by the more special but still important
+labours of Rouelle, Desmarest, Dolomieu, and Montlosier,
+who, in less than forty years, effected a complete
+revolution in the ideas of Frenchmen, by familiarizing
+them with the strange conception, that the surface of
+our planet, even where it appears perfectly stable, is
+constantly undergoing most extensive changes. It began
+to be understood, that this perpetual flux takes place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
+not only in those parts of nature which are obviously
+feeble and evanescent, but also in those which seem to
+possess every element of strength and permanence, such
+as the mountains of granite which wall the globe, and
+are the shell and encasement in which it is held. As
+soon as the mind became habituated to this notion of
+universal change, the time was ripe for the appearance
+of some great thinker, who should generalize the scattered
+observations, and form them into a science, by
+connecting them with some other department of knowledge,
+of which the laws, or, at all events, the empirical
+uniformities, had been already ascertained.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this point, and while the inquiries of geologists,
+notwithstanding their value, were still crude and
+unsettled, that the subject was taken up by Cuvier, one
+of the greatest naturalists Europe has ever produced. A
+few others there are who have surpassed him in depth;
+but in comprehensiveness it would be hard to find his
+superior; and the immense range of his studies gave
+him a peculiar advantage in surveying the operations
+and dependencies of the external world.<a name="FNanchor_1074_1074" id="FNanchor_1074_1074"></a><a href="#Footnote_1074_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a> This remarkable
+man is unquestionably the founder of geology
+as a science, since he is not only the first who saw the
+necessity of bringing to bear upon it the generalizations
+of comparative anatomy, but he is also the first who
+actually, executing this great idea, succeeded in coördinating
+the study of the strata of the earth with the
+study of the fossil animals found in them.<a name="FNanchor_1075_1075" id="FNanchor_1075_1075"></a><a href="#Footnote_1075_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a> Shortly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
+before his researches were published, many valuable
+facts had indeed been collected respecting the separate
+strata; the primary formations being investigated by
+the Germans, the secondary ones by the English.<a name="FNanchor_1076_1076" id="FNanchor_1076_1076"></a><a href="#Footnote_1076_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a>
+But these observations, notwithstanding their merit,
+were isolated; and they lacked that vast conception
+which gave unity and grandeur to the whole, by connecting
+inquiries concerning the inorganic changes of
+the surface of the globe with other inquiries concerning
+the organic changes of the animals the surface contained.</p>
+
+<p>How completely this immense step is due to France,
+is evident not only from the part played by Cuvier, but
+also from the admitted fact, that to the French we owe
+our knowledge respecting tertiary strata,<a name="FNanchor_1077_1077" id="FNanchor_1077_1077"></a><a href="#Footnote_1077_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a> in which the
+organic remains are most numerous, and the general
+analogy to our present state is most intimate.<a name="FNanchor_1078_1078" id="FNanchor_1078_1078"></a><a href="#Footnote_1078_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a> Another
+circumstance may likewise be added, as pointing to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
+same conclusion. This is, that the first application of
+the principles of comparative anatomy to the study of
+fossil bones was also the work of a Frenchman, the
+celebrated Daubenton. Hitherto these bones had been
+the object of stupid wonder; some saying that they
+were rained from heaven, others saying that they were
+the gigantic limbs of the ancient patriarchs, men who
+were believed to be tall because they were known to be
+old.<a name="FNanchor_1079_1079" id="FNanchor_1079_1079"></a><a href="#Footnote_1079_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a> Such idle conceits were for ever destroyed by
+Daubenton, in a Memoir he published in 1762;<a name="FNanchor_1080_1080" id="FNanchor_1080_1080"></a><a href="#Footnote_1080_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a> with
+which, however, we are not now concerned, except that
+it is evidence of the state of the French mind, and is
+worth noting as a precursor of the discoveries of Cuvier.</p>
+
+<p>By this union of geology and anatomy, there was first
+introduced into the study of nature a clear conception
+of the magnificent doctrine of universal change; while
+at the same time there grew up by its side a conception
+equally steady of the regularity with which the changes
+are accomplished, and of the undeviating laws by
+which they are governed. Similar ideas had no doubt
+been occasionally held in preceding ages; but the great
+Frenchmen of the eighteenth century were the first who
+applied them to the entire structure of the globe, and
+who thus prepared the way for that still higher view
+for which their minds were not yet ripe,<a name="FNanchor_1081_1081" id="FNanchor_1081_1081"></a><a href="#Footnote_1081_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a> but to which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
+in our own time the most advanced thinkers are rapidly
+rising. For it is now beginning to be understood, that
+since every addition to knowledge affords fresh proof
+of the regularity with which all the changes of nature
+are conducted, we are bound to believe that the same
+regularity existed long before our little planet assumed
+its present form, and long before man trod the surface
+of the earth. We have the most abundant evidence
+that the movements incessantly occurring in the material
+world have a character of uniformity; and this
+uniformity is so clearly marked, that in astronomy, the
+most perfect of all the sciences, we are able to predict
+events many years before they actually happen; nor
+can any one doubt, that if on other subjects our science
+were equally advanced, our predictions would be equally
+accurate. It is, therefore, clear, that the burden of proof
+lies not on those who assert the eternal regularity
+of nature, but rather on those who deny it; and who set
+up an imaginary period, to which they assign an imaginary
+catastrophe, during which they say new laws
+were introduced and a new order established. Such
+gratuitous assumptions, even if they eventually turn out
+to be true, are in the present state of knowledge unwarrantable,
+and ought to be rejected, as the last remains
+of those theological prejudices by which the
+march of every science has in its turn been hindered.
+These and all analagous notions work a double mischief.
+They are mischievous, because they cripple the human<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
+mind by imposing limits to its inquiries; and above all
+they are mischievous, because they weaken that vast
+conception of continuous and uninterrupted law, which
+few indeed are able firmly to seize, but on which the
+highest generalizations of future science must ultimately
+depend.</p>
+
+<p>It is this deep conviction, that changing phenomena
+have unchanging laws, and that there are principles of
+order to which all apparent disorder may be referred,&mdash;it
+is this, which, in the seventeenth century, guided in
+a limited field Bacon, Descartes, and Newton; which in
+the eighteenth century was applied to every part of the
+material universe; and which it is the business of the
+nineteenth century to extend to the history of the
+human intellect. This last department of inquiry we
+owe chiefly to Germany; for, with the single exception
+of Vico, no one even suspected the possibility of arriving
+at complete generalizations respecting the progress
+of man, until shortly before the French Revolution,
+when the great German thinkers began to cultivate
+this, the highest and most difficult of all studies. But
+the French themselves were too much occupied with
+physical science to pay attention to such matters;<a name="FNanchor_1082_1082" id="FNanchor_1082_1082"></a><a href="#Footnote_1082_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
+and speaking generally, we may say that, in the eighteenth
+century, each of the three leading nations of
+Europe had a separate part to play. England diffused
+a love of freedom; France, a knowledge of physical
+science; while Germany, aided in some degree by Scotland,
+revived the study of metaphysics, and created the
+study of philosophic history. To this classification
+some exceptions may of course be made; but that these
+were the marked characteristics of the three countries,
+is certain. After the death of Locke in 1704, and that
+of Newton in 1727, there was in England a singular
+dearth of great speculative thinkers; and this not
+because the ability was wanting, but because it was
+turned partly into practical pursuits, partly into political
+contests. I shall hereafter examine the causes of this
+peculiarity, and endeavour to ascertain the extent to
+which it has influenced the fortunes of the country.
+That the results were, on the whole, beneficial, I entertain
+no doubt; but they were unquestionably injurious
+to the progress of science, because they tended to divert
+it from all new truths, except those likely to produce
+obvious and practical benefit. The consequence was,
+that though the English made several great discoveries,
+they did not possess, during seventy years, a single man
+who took a really comprehensive view of the phenomena
+of nature; not one who could be compared with
+those illustrious thinkers who in France reformed every
+branch of physical knowledge. Nor was it until more
+than two generations after the death of Newton, that
+the first symptoms appeared of a remarkable reaction,
+which quickly displayed itself in nearly every department
+of the national intellect. In physics, it is enough
+to mention Dalton, Davy, and Young, each of whom
+was in his own field the founder of a new epoch; while
+on other subjects I can only just refer, first, to the influence
+of the Scotch school; and, secondly, to that
+sudden and well-deserved admiration for the German
+literature of which Coleridge was the principal exponent,
+and which infused into the English mind a taste
+for generalizations higher and more fearless than any
+hitherto known. The history of this vast movement,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
+which began early in the nineteenth century, will be
+traced in the future volumes of this work: at present
+I merely notice it, as illustrating the fact, that until
+the movement began, the English, though superior to
+the French in several matters of extreme importance,
+were for many years inferior to them in those large and
+philosophic views, without which not only is the most
+patient industry of no avail, but even real discoveries
+lose their proper value, for want of such habits of generalization
+as would trace their connexion with each
+other, and consolidate their severed fragments into one
+vast system of complete and harmonious truth.</p>
+
+<p>The interest attached to these inquiries has induced
+me to treat them at greater length than I had intended;
+perhaps at greater length than is suitable to the suggestive
+and preparatory character of this Introduction.
+But the extraordinary success with which the French
+now cultivated physical knowledge is so curious, on account
+of its connexion with the Revolution, that I must
+mention a few more of its most prominent instances:
+though, for the sake of brevity, I will confine myself
+to those three great divisions which, when put together,
+form what is called Natural History, and in all of which
+we shall see that the most important steps were taken in
+France during the latter half of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>In the first of these divisions, namely, the department
+of zoology, we owe to the Frenchmen of the eighteenth
+century those generalizations which are still the
+highest this branch of knowledge has reached. Taking
+zoology in the proper sense of the term, it consists only
+of two parts, the anatomical part, which is its statics,
+and the physiological part, which is its dynamics: the
+first referring to the structure of animals; the other,
+to their functions.<a name="FNanchor_1083_1083" id="FNanchor_1083_1083"></a><a href="#Footnote_1083_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a> Both of these were worked out,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
+nearly at the same time, by Cuvier and Bichat; and
+the leading conclusions at which they arrived, remain,
+after the lapse of sixty years, undisturbed in their
+essential points. In 1795, Cuvier laid down the great
+principle, that the study and classification of animals
+was to be, not as heretofore, with a view to external
+peculiarities, but with a view to internal organization;
+and that, therefore, no real advance could be made in
+our knowledge except by extending the boundaries of
+comparative anatomy.<a name="FNanchor_1084_1084" id="FNanchor_1084_1084"></a><a href="#Footnote_1084_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a> This step, simple as it now
+appears, was of immense importance, since by it zoology
+was at once rescued from the hands of the observer,
+and thrown into those of the experimenter: the consequence
+of which has been the attainment of that precision
+and accuracy of detail, which experiment alone can
+give, and which is every way superior to such popular
+facts as observation supplies. By thus indicating to
+naturalists the true path of inquiry, by accustoming
+them to a close and severe method, and by teaching
+them to despise those vague descriptions in which they
+had formerly delighted, Cuvier laid the foundation of
+a progress which, during the last sixty years, has surpassed
+the most sanguine expectations. This, then, is
+the real service rendered by Cuvier, that he overthrew
+the artificial system which the genius of Linnæus had
+raised up,<a name="FNanchor_1085_1085" id="FNanchor_1085_1085"></a><a href="#Footnote_1085_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> and substituted in its place that far superior
+scheme which gave the freest scope to future inquiry;
+since, according to it, all systems are to be deemed imperfect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
+and provisional so long as any thing remains to
+be learned respecting the comparative anatomy of the
+animal kingdom. The influence exercised by this great
+view was increased by the extraordinary skill and industry
+with which its proposer followed it out, and
+proved the practicability of his own precepts. His
+additions to our knowledge of comparative anatomy are
+probably more numerous than those made by any other
+man; but what has gained him most celebrity is, the
+comprehensive spirit with which he used what he acquired.
+Independently of other generalizations, he is
+the author of that vast classification of the whole animal
+kingdom into vertebrata, mollusca, articulata, and radiata;<a name="FNanchor_1086_1086" id="FNanchor_1086_1086"></a><a href="#Footnote_1086_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a>
+a classification which keeps its ground, and is
+one of the most remarkable instances of that large and
+philosophic spirit which France brought to bear upon
+the phenomena of the material world.<a name="FNanchor_1087_1087" id="FNanchor_1087_1087"></a><a href="#Footnote_1087_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a></p>
+
+<p>Great, however, as is the name of Cuvier, a greater<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span>
+still remains behind. I allude, of course, to Bichat,
+whose reputation is steadily increasing as our knowledge
+advances, and who, if we compare the shortness
+of his life with the reach and depth of his views, must
+be pronounced the most profound thinker and the most
+consummate observer by whom the organization of the
+animal frame has yet been studied.<a name="FNanchor_1088_1088" id="FNanchor_1088_1088"></a><a href="#Footnote_1088_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> He wanted, indeed,
+that comprehensive knowledge for which Cuvier
+was remarkable; but though, on this account, his generalizations
+were drawn from a smaller surface, they were,
+on the other hand, less provisional: they were, I think,
+more complete, and certainly they dealt with more momentous
+topics. For the attention of Bichat was preëminently
+directed to the human frame<a name="FNanchor_1089_1089" id="FNanchor_1089_1089"></a><a href="#Footnote_1089_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a> in the largest
+sense of the word; his object being so to investigate
+the organization of man, as to rise, if possible, to some
+knowledge concerning the causes and nature of life.
+In this magnificent enterprise, considered as a whole,
+he failed; but what he effected in certain parts of it is
+so extraordinary, and has given such an impetus to
+some of the highest branches of inquiry, that I will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
+briefly indicate his method, in order to compare it with
+that other method which, at the same moment, Cuvier
+adopted with immense success.</p>
+
+<p>The important step taken by Cuvier was, that he
+insisted on the necessity of a comprehensive study of the
+organs of animals, instead of following the old plan of
+merely describing their habits and external peculiarities.
+This was a vast improvement, since, in the place
+of loose and popular observations, he substituted direct
+experiment, and hence introduced into zoology a precision
+formerly unknown.<a name="FNanchor_1090_1090" id="FNanchor_1090_1090"></a><a href="#Footnote_1090_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a> But Bichat, with a still
+keener insight, saw that even this was not enough. He
+saw that, each organ being composed of different tissues,
+it was requisite to study the tissues themselves, before
+we could learn the way in which, by their combinations,
+the organs are produced. This, like all really great
+ideas, was not entirely struck out by a single man; for
+the physiological value of the tissues had been recognized
+by three or four of the immediate predecessors of
+Bichat, such as Carmichael, Smyth, Bonn, Bordeu, and
+Fallopius. These inquirers, however, notwithstanding
+their industry, had effected nothing of much moment,
+since, though they collected several special facts, there
+was in their observations that want of harmony and
+that general incompleteness always characteristic of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span>
+labours of men who do not rise to a commanding view
+of the subject with which they deal.<a name="FNanchor_1091_1091" id="FNanchor_1091_1091"></a><a href="#Footnote_1091_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was under these circumstances that Bichat began
+those researches, which, looking at their actual and still
+more at their prospective results, are probably the most
+valuable contribution ever made to physiology by a
+single mind. In 1801, only a year before his death,<a name="FNanchor_1092_1092" id="FNanchor_1092_1092"></a><a href="#Footnote_1092_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a>
+he published his great work on anatomy, in which the
+study of the organs is made altogether subservient to
+the study of the tissues composing them. He lays it
+down, that the body of man consists of twenty-one distinct
+tissues, all of which, though essentially different,
+have in common the two great properties of extensibility
+and contractility.<a name="FNanchor_1093_1093" id="FNanchor_1093_1093"></a><a href="#Footnote_1093_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> These tissues he, with indefatigable
+industry,<a name="FNanchor_1094_1094" id="FNanchor_1094_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> subjected to every sort of examination;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span>
+he examined them in different ages and diseases,
+with a view to ascertain the laws of their normal and
+pathological development.<a name="FNanchor_1095_1095" id="FNanchor_1095_1095"></a><a href="#Footnote_1095_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a> He studied the way each
+tissue is affected by moisture, air, and temperature;
+also the way in which their properties are altered by
+various chemical substances,<a name="FNanchor_1096_1096" id="FNanchor_1096_1096"></a><a href="#Footnote_1096_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a> and even their effect
+on the taste.<a name="FNanchor_1097_1097" id="FNanchor_1097_1097"></a><a href="#Footnote_1097_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a> By these means, and by many other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
+experiments tending in the same direction, he took so
+great and sudden a step, that he is to be regarded not
+merely as an innovator on an old science, but rather as
+the creator of a new one.<a name="FNanchor_1098_1098" id="FNanchor_1098_1098"></a><a href="#Footnote_1098_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a> And although subsequent
+observers have corrected some of his conclusions, this
+has only been done by following his method; the value
+of which is now so generally recognized, that it is
+adopted by nearly all the best anatomists, who, differing
+in other points, are agreed as to the necessity of basing
+the future progress of anatomy on a knowledge of the
+tissues, the supreme importance of which Bichat was
+the first to perceive.<a name="FNanchor_1099_1099" id="FNanchor_1099_1099"></a><a href="#Footnote_1099_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a></p>
+
+<p>The methods of Bichat and of Cuvier, when put<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
+together, exhaust the actual resources of zoological
+science; so that all subsequent naturalists have been
+compelled to follow one of these two schemes; that is,
+either to follow Cuvier in comparing the organs of
+animals, or else to follow Bichat in comparing the tissues
+which compose the organs.<a name="FNanchor_1100_1100" id="FNanchor_1100_1100"></a><a href="#Footnote_1100_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a> And inasmuch as one
+comparison is chiefly suggestive of function, and the
+other comparison of structure, it is evident, that to
+raise the study of the animal world to the highest point
+of which it is capable, both these great plans are
+necessary; but if we ask which of the two plans, unaided
+by the other, is more likely to produce important
+results, the palm must, I think, be yielded to that proposed
+by Bichat. Certainly, if we look at the question
+as one to be decided by authority, a majority of the most
+eminent anatomists and physiologists now incline to the
+side of Bichat, rather than to that of Cuvier; while, as
+a matter of history, it may be proved that the reputation
+of Bichat has, with the advance of knowledge,
+increased more rapidly than that of his great rival.
+What, however, appears to me still more decisive, is,
+that the two most important discoveries made in our
+time respecting the classification of animals, are entirely
+the result of the method which Bichat suggested. The
+first discovery is that made by Agassiz, who, in the
+course of his ichthyological researches, was led to
+perceive that the arrangement by Cuvier according
+to organs, did not fulfil its purpose in regard to fossil
+fishes, because in the lapse of ages the characteristics
+of their structure were destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_1101_1101" id="FNanchor_1101_1101"></a><a href="#Footnote_1101_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a> He, therefore,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
+adopted the only other remaining plan, and studied the
+tissues, which, being less complex than the organs, are
+oftener found intact. The result was the very remarkable
+discovery, that the tegumentary membrane of fishes is
+so intimately connected with their organization, that if
+the whole of a fish has perished except this membrane,
+it is practicable, by noting its characteristics, to reconstruct
+the animal in its most essential parts. Of the
+value of this principle of harmony, some idea may be
+formed from the circumstance, that on it Agassiz has
+based the whole of that celebrated classification, of
+which he is the sole author, and by which fossil ichthyology
+has for the first time assumed a precise and
+definite shape.<a name="FNanchor_1102_1102" id="FNanchor_1102_1102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1102_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a></p>
+
+<p>The other discovery, of which the application is much
+more extensive, was made in exactly the same way. It
+consists of the striking fact, that the teeth of each
+animal have a necessary connexion with the entire
+organization of its frame; so that, within certain
+limits, we can predict the organization by examining
+the tooth. This beautiful instance of the regularity of
+the operations of nature was not known until more than
+thirty years after the death of Bichat, and it is evidently
+due to the prosecution of that method which he sedulously
+inculcated. For the teeth never having been
+properly examined in regard to their separate tissues,
+it was believed that they were essentially devoid of
+structure, or, as some thought, were simply a fibrous
+texture.<a name="FNanchor_1103_1103" id="FNanchor_1103_1103"></a><a href="#Footnote_1103_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a> But by minute microscopic investigations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
+it has been recently ascertained that the tissues of the
+teeth are strictly analogous to those of other parts of
+the body;<a name="FNanchor_1104_1104" id="FNanchor_1104_1104"></a><a href="#Footnote_1104_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a> and that the ivory, or dentine, as it is now
+called,<a name="FNanchor_1105_1105" id="FNanchor_1105_1105"></a><a href="#Footnote_1105_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> is highly organized; that it, as well as the
+enamel, is cellular, and is, in fact, a development of
+the living pulp. This discovery, which, to the philosophic
+anatomist, is pregnant with meaning, was made
+about 1838; and though the preliminary steps were
+taken by Purkinjé, Retzius, and Schwann, the principal
+merit is due to Nasmyth and Owen,<a name="FNanchor_1106_1106" id="FNanchor_1106_1106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1106_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a> between whom
+it is disputed, but whose rival claims we are not here
+called upon to adjust.<a name="FNanchor_1107_1107" id="FNanchor_1107_1107"></a><a href="#Footnote_1107_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a> What I wish to observe is,
+that the discovery is similar to that which we owe to
+Agassiz; similar in the method by which it was worked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
+out, and also in the results which have followed from it.
+Both are due to a recognition of the fundamental
+maxim of Bichat, that the study of organs must be
+subordinate to the study of tissues, and both have
+supplied the most valuable aid to zoological classification.
+On this point, the service rendered by Owen is
+incontestable, whatever may be thought of his original
+claims. This eminent naturalist has, with immense
+industry, applied the discovery to all vertebrate animals;
+and in an elaborate work, specially devoted to the
+subject, he has placed beyond dispute the astonishing
+fact, that the structure of a single tooth is a criterion
+of the nature and organization of the species to which
+it belongs.<a name="FNanchor_1108_1108" id="FNanchor_1108_1108"></a><a href="#Footnote_1108_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whoever has reflected much on the different stages
+through which our knowledge has successively passed,
+must, I think, be led to the conclusion, that while fully
+recognizing the great merit of these investigators of the
+animal frame, our highest admiration ought to be
+reserved not for those who make the discoveries, but
+rather for those who point out how the discoveries are
+to be made.<a name="FNanchor_1109_1109" id="FNanchor_1109_1109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1109_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a> When the true path of inquiry has once
+been indicated, the rest is comparatively easy. The
+beaten highway is always open; and the difficulty is,
+not to find those who will travel the old road, but those
+who will make a fresh one. Every age produces in
+abundance men of sagacity and of considerable industry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
+who, while perfectly competent to increase the details
+of a science, are unable to extend its distant boundaries.
+This is because such extension must be accompanied by
+a new method,<a name="FNanchor_1110_1110" id="FNanchor_1110_1110"></a><a href="#Footnote_1110_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a> which, to be valuable as well as new,
+supposes on the part of its suggester, not only a complete
+mastery over the resources of his subject, but also
+the possession of originality and comprehensiveness,&mdash;the
+two rarest forms of human genius. In this consists
+the real difficulty of every great pursuit. As soon as
+any department of knowledge has been generalized into
+laws, it contains, either in itself or in its applications,
+three distinct branches; namely, inventions, discoveries,
+and method. Of these, the first corresponds to art; the
+second to science; and the third to philosophy. In this
+scale, inventions have by far the lowest place, and minds
+of the highest order are rarely occupied by them. Next
+in the series come discoveries; and here the province
+of intellect really begins, since here the first attempt
+is made to search after truth on its own account, and to
+discard those practical considerations to which inventions
+are of necessity referred. This is science properly
+so called; and how difficult it is to reach this stage, is
+evident from the fact, that all half-civilized nations have
+made many great inventions, but no great discoveries.
+The highest, however, of all the three stages, is the
+philosophy of method, which bears the same relation
+to science that science bears to art. Of its immense,
+and indeed supreme importance, the annals of knowledge
+supply abundant evidence; and for want of it, some
+very great men have effected absolutely nothing, consuming
+their lives in fruitless industry, not because their
+labour was slack, but because their method was sterile.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span>
+The progress of every science is affected more by the
+scheme according to which it is cultivated, than by the
+actual ability of the cultivators themselves. If they who
+travel in an unknown country, spend their force in running
+on the wrong road, they will miss the point at
+which they aim, and perchance may faint and fall by
+the way. In that long and difficult journey after truth,
+which the human mind has yet to perform, and of which
+we in our generation can only see the distant prospect,
+it is certain that success will depend not on the speed
+with which men hasten in the path of inquiry, but
+rather on the skill with which that path is selected for
+them by those great and comprehensive thinkers, who
+are as the lawgivers and founders of knowledge; because
+they supply its deficiencies, not by investigating particular
+difficulties, but by establishing some large and
+sweeping innovation, which opens up a new vein of
+thought, and creates fresh resources, which it is left for
+their posterity to work out and apply.</p>
+
+<p>It is from this point of view that we are to rate the
+value of Bichat, whose works, like those of all men of
+the highest eminence,&mdash;like those of Aristotle, Bacon,
+and Descartes,&mdash;mark an epoch in the history of the
+human mind; and as such, can only be fairly estimated
+by connecting them with the social and intellectual
+condition of the age in which they appeared. This
+gives an importance and a meaning to the writings of
+Bichat, of which few indeed are fully aware. The two
+greatest recent discoveries respecting the classification
+of animals are, as we have just seen, the result of his
+teaching; but his influence has produced other effects
+still more momentous. He, aided by Cabanis, rendered
+to physiology the incalculable service, of preventing
+it from participating in that melancholy reaction
+to which France was exposed early in the nineteenth
+century. This is too large a subject to discuss
+at present; but I may mention, that when Napoleon,
+not from feelings of conviction, but for selfish purposes
+of his own, attempted to restore the power of ecclesiastical
+principles, the men of letters, with disgraceful
+subserviency, fell into his view; and there began a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
+marked decline in that independent and innovating
+spirit, with which during fifty years the French had
+cultivated the highest departments of knowledge.
+Hence that metaphysical school arose, which, though
+professing to hold aloof from theology, was intimately
+allied with it; and whose showy conceits form, in their
+ephemeral splendour, a striking contrast to the severer
+methods followed in the preceding generation.<a name="FNanchor_1111_1111" id="FNanchor_1111_1111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1111_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a>
+Against this movement, the French physiologists have,
+as a body, always protested; and it may be clearly
+proved that their opposition, which even the great
+abilities of Cuvier were unable to win over, is partly
+due to the impetus given by Bichat, in enforcing in his
+own pursuit the necessity of rejecting those assumptions
+by which metaphysicians and theologians seek to control
+every science. As an illustration of this I may
+mention two facts worthy of note. The first is, that in
+England, where during a considerable period the influence
+of Bichat was scarcely felt, many, even of our
+eminent physiologists, have shown a marked disposition
+to ally themselves with the reactionary party; and have
+not only opposed such novelties as they could not
+immediately explain, but have degraded their own
+noble science by making it a handmaid to serve the
+purposes of natural theology. The other fact is, that
+in France the disciples of Bichat have, with scarcely an
+exception, rejected the study of final causes, to which
+the school of Cuvier still adheres: while as a natural<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
+consequence, the followers of Bichat are associated in
+geology with the doctrine of uniformity; in zoology,
+with that of the transmutation of species; and in astronomy,
+with the nebular hypothesis: vast and magnificent
+schemes, under whose shelter the human mind
+seeks an escape from that dogma of interference, which
+the march of knowledge every where reduces, and the
+existence of which is incompatible with those conceptions
+of eternal order, towards which, during the last
+two centuries, we have been constantly tending.</p>
+
+<p>These great phenomena, which the French intellect
+presents, and of which I have only sketched a rapid
+outline, will be related with suitable detail in the latter
+part of this work, when I shall examine the present
+condition of the European mind, and endeavour to estimate
+its future prospects. To complete, however, our
+appreciation of Bichat, it will be necessary to take
+notice of what some consider the most valuable of all
+his productions, in which he aimed at nothing less than
+an exhaustive generalization of the functions of life.
+It appears, indeed, to me, that in many important
+points Bichat here fell short; but the work itself still
+stands alone, and is so striking an instance of the genius
+of the author, that I will give a short account of its
+fundamental views.</p>
+
+<p>Life considered as a whole has two distinct branches;<a name="FNanchor_1112_1112" id="FNanchor_1112_1112"></a><a href="#Footnote_1112_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a>
+one branch being characteristic of animals, the other of
+vegetables. That which is confined to animals is called
+animal life; that which is common both to animals and
+vegetables is called organic life. While, therefore,
+plants have only one life, man has two distinct lives,
+which are governed by entirely different laws, and
+which, though intimately connected, constantly oppose
+each other. In the organic life, man exists solely for
+himself; in the animal life he comes in contact with
+others. The functions of the first are purely internal,
+those of the second are external. His organic life is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
+limited to the double process of creation and destruction:
+the creative process being that of assimilation, as
+digestion, circulation, and nutrition; the destructive
+process being that of excretion, such as exhalation and
+the like. This is what man has in common with
+plants; and of this life he, when in a natural state, is
+unconscious. But the characteristic of his animal life
+is consciousness, since by it he is made capable of
+moving, of feeling, of judging. By virtue of the first
+life he is merely a vegetable; by the addition of the
+second he becomes an animal.</p>
+
+<p>If now we look at the organs by which in man the
+functions of these two lives are carried on, we shall be
+struck by the remarkable fact, that the organs of his
+vegetable life are very irregular, those of his animal
+life very symmetrical. His vegetative, or organic, life
+is conducted by the stomach, the intestines, and the
+glandular system in general, such as the liver and the
+pancreas; all of which are irregular, and admit of the
+greatest variety of form and development, without their
+functions being seriously disturbed. But in his animal
+life the organs are so essentially symmetrical, that a
+very slight departure from the ordinary type impairs
+their action.<a name="FNanchor_1113_1113" id="FNanchor_1113_1113"></a><a href="#Footnote_1113_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a> Not only the brain, but also the organs<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
+of sense, as the eyes, the nose, the ears, are perfectly
+symmetrical; and they as well as the other organs of
+animal life, as the feet and hands, are double, presenting
+on each side of the body two separate parts which
+correspond with each other, and produce a symmetry
+unknown to our vegetative life, the organs of which are,
+for the most part, merely single, as in the stomach,
+liver, pancreas, and spleen.<a name="FNanchor_1114_1114" id="FNanchor_1114_1114"></a><a href="#Footnote_1114_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a></p>
+
+<p>From this fundamental difference between the organs
+of the two lives, there have arisen several other differences
+of great interest. Our animal life being double,
+while our organic life is single, it becomes possible for
+the former life to take rest, that is, stop part of its
+functions for a time, and afterwards renew them. But
+in organic life, to stop is to die. The life, which we
+have in common with vegetables, never sleeps; and if
+its movements entirely cease only for a single instant,
+they cease for ever. That process by which our bodies
+receive some substances and give out others, admits of
+no interruption; it is, by its nature, incessant, because,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>
+being single, it can never receive supplementary aid.
+The other life we may refresh, not only in sleep, but
+even when we are awake. Thus we can exercise the
+organs of movement while we rest the organs of
+thought; and it is even possible to relieve a function
+while we continue to employ it, because, our animal life
+being double, we are able for a short time, in case of
+one of its parts being fatigued, to avail ourselves of the
+corresponding part; using, for instance, a single eye or
+a single arm, in order to rest the one which circumstances
+may have exhausted; an expedient which the
+single nature of organic life entirely prevents.<a name="FNanchor_1115_1115" id="FNanchor_1115_1115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1115_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a></p>
+
+<p>Our animal life being thus essentially intermittent,
+and our organic life being essentially continuous,<a name="FNanchor_1116_1116" id="FNanchor_1116_1116"></a><a href="#Footnote_1116_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> it
+has necessarily followed that the first is capable of an
+improvement of which the second is incapable. There
+can be no improvement without comparison, since it is
+only by comparing one state with another that we can
+rectify previous errors, and avoid future ones. Now,
+our organic life does not admit of such comparison,
+because, being uninterrupted, it is not broken into
+stages, but when unchequered by disease, runs on in
+dull monotony. On the other hand, the functions of
+our animal life, such as thought, speech, sight, and
+motion, cannot be long exercised without rest; and as
+they are constantly suspended, it becomes practicable
+to compare them, and, therefore, to improve them. It
+is by possessing this resource that the first cry of the
+infant gradually rises into the perfect speech of the
+man, and the unformed habits of early thought are
+ripened into that maturity which nothing can give but
+a long series of successive efforts.<a name="FNanchor_1117_1117" id="FNanchor_1117_1117"></a><a href="#Footnote_1117_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a> But our organic
+life, which we have in common with vegetables, admits<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
+of no interruption, and consequently of no improvement.
+It obeys its own laws; but it derives no benefit from
+that repetition to which animal life is exclusively indebted.
+Its functions, such as nutrition and the like,
+exist in man several months before he is born, and
+while, his animal life not having yet begun, the faculty
+of comparison, which is the basis of improvement, is
+impossible.<a name="FNanchor_1118_1118" id="FNanchor_1118_1118"></a><a href="#Footnote_1118_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> And although, as the human frame increases
+in size, its vegetative organs become larger, it
+cannot be supposed that their functions really improve,
+since, in ordinary cases, their duties are performed as
+regularly and as completely in childhood as in middle
+age.<a name="FNanchor_1119_1119" id="FNanchor_1119_1119"></a><a href="#Footnote_1119_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it is, that although other causes conspire, it
+may be said that the progressiveness of animal life is
+due to its intermittence; the unprogressiveness of organic
+life to its continuity. It may, moreover, be said,
+that the intermittence of the first life results from the
+symmetry of its organs, while the continuity of the
+second life results from their irregularity. To this wide
+and striking generalization, many objections may be
+made, some of them apparently insuperable; but that
+it contains the germs of great truths I entertain little
+doubt, and, at all events, it is certain that the method<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
+cannot be too highly praised, for it unites the study of
+function and structure with that of embryology, of
+vegetable physiology, of the theory of comparison, and
+of the influence of habit; a vast and magnificent field,
+which the genius of Bichat was able to cover, but of
+which, since him, neither physiologists nor metaphysicians
+have even attempted a general survey.</p>
+
+<p>This stationary condition, during the present century,
+of a subject of such intense interest, is a decisive proof
+of the extraordinary genius of Bichat; since, notwithstanding
+the additions made to physiology, and to every
+branch of physics connected with it, nothing has been
+done at all comparable to that theory of life which he,
+with far inferior resources, was able to construct. This
+stupendous work he left, indeed, very imperfect; but
+even in its deficiencies we see the hand of the great
+master, whom, on his own subject, no one has yet approached.
+His essay on life may well be likened to
+those broken fragments of ancient art, which, imperfect
+as they are, still bear the impress of the inspiration
+which gave them birth, and present in each separate
+part that unity of conception which to us makes them
+a complete and living whole.</p>
+
+<p>From the preceding summary of the progress of physical
+knowledge, the reader may form some idea of the
+ability of those eminent men who arose in France
+during the latter half of the eighteenth century. To
+complete the picture, it is only necessary to examine
+what was done in the two remaining branches of natural
+history, namely, botany and mineralogy, in both of
+which the first great steps towards raising each study
+to a science were taken by Frenchmen a few years
+before the Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>In botany, although our knowledge of particular
+facts has, during the last hundred years, rapidly increased,<a name="FNanchor_1120_1120" id="FNanchor_1120_1120"></a><a href="#Footnote_1120_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a>
+we are only possessed of two generalizations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
+wide enough to be called laws of nature. The first
+generalization concerns the structure of plants; the
+other concerns their physiology. That concerning their
+physiology is the beautiful morphological law, according
+to which the different appearance of the various
+organs arises from arrested development: the stamens,
+pistils, corolla, calyx, and bracts being simple modifications
+or successive stages of the leaf. This is one of
+many valuable discoveries we owe to Germany; it being
+made by Göthe late in the eighteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_1121_1121" id="FNanchor_1121_1121"></a><a href="#Footnote_1121_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a> With
+its importance every botanist is familiar; while to the
+historian of the human mind it is peculiarly interesting,
+as strengthening that great doctrine of development,
+towards which the highest branches of knowledge are
+now hastening, and which, in the present century, has
+been also carried into one of the most difficult departments
+of animal physiology.<a name="FNanchor_1122_1122" id="FNanchor_1122_1122"></a><a href="#Footnote_1122_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But the most comprehensive truth with which we
+are acquainted respecting plants, is that which includes
+the whole of their general structure; and this we learnt
+from those great Frenchmen who, in the latter half of
+the eighteenth century, began to study the external
+world. The first steps were taken directly after the
+middle of the century, by Adanson, Duhamel de Monceau,
+and, above all, Desfontaines; three eminent thinkers,
+who proved the practicability of a natural method hitherto
+unknown, and of which even Ray himself had only a
+faint perception.<a name="FNanchor_1123_1123" id="FNanchor_1123_1123"></a><a href="#Footnote_1123_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> This, by weakening the influence
+of the artificial system of Linnæus,<a name="FNanchor_1124_1124" id="FNanchor_1124_1124"></a><a href="#Footnote_1124_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a> prepared the way
+for an innovation more complete than has been effected
+in any other branch of knowledge. In the very year in
+which the Revolution occurred, Jussieu put forward a
+series of botanical generalizations, of which the most
+important are all intimately connected, and still remain
+the highest this department of inquiry has reached.<a name="FNanchor_1125_1125" id="FNanchor_1125_1125"></a><a href="#Footnote_1125_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
+Among these, I need only mention the three vast propositions
+which are now admitted to form the basis of
+vegetable anatomy. The first is, that the vegetable
+kingdom, in its whole extent, is composed of plants
+either with one cotyledon, or with two cotyledons, or
+else with no cotyledon at all. The second proposition
+is, that this classification, so far from being artificial, is
+strictly natural; since it is a law of nature, that plants
+having one cotyledon are endogenous, and grow by
+additions made to the centre of their stems, while, on
+the other hand, plants having two cotyledons are exogenous,
+and are compelled to grow by additions made,
+not to the centre of their stems, but to the circumference.<a name="FNanchor_1126_1126" id="FNanchor_1126_1126"></a><a href="#Footnote_1126_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a>
+The third proposition is, that when plants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span>
+grow at their centre, the arrangement of the fruit and
+leaves is threefold; when, however, they grow at the
+circumference, it is nearly always fivefold.<a name="FNanchor_1127_1127" id="FNanchor_1127_1127"></a><a href="#Footnote_1127_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a></p>
+
+<p>This is what was effected by the Frenchmen of the
+eighteenth century for the vegetable kingdom:<a name="FNanchor_1128_1128" id="FNanchor_1128_1128"></a><a href="#Footnote_1128_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a> and
+if we now turn to the mineral kingdom, we shall find
+that our obligations to them are equally great. The
+study of minerals is the most imperfect of the three
+branches of natural history, because, notwithstanding
+its apparent simplicity, and the immense number of experiments
+which have been made, the true method of
+investigation has not yet been ascertained; it being
+doubtful whether mineralogy ought to be subordinated
+to the laws of chemistry, or to those of crystallography,
+or whether both sets of laws will have to be considered.<a name="FNanchor_1129_1129" id="FNanchor_1129_1129"></a><a href="#Footnote_1129_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a>
+At all events it is certain that, down to
+the present time, chemistry has shown itself unable to
+reduce mineralogical phenomena; nor has any chemist,
+possessing sufficient powers of generalization, attempted
+the task except Berzelius; and most of his conclusions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
+were overthrown by the splendid discovery of isomorphism,
+for which, as is well known, we are indebted to
+Mitscherlich, one of the many great thinkers Germany
+has produced.<a name="FNanchor_1130_1130" id="FNanchor_1130_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although the chemical department of mineralogy is
+in an unformed and indeed anarchical condition, its
+other department, namely, crystallography, has made
+great progress; and here again the earliest steps were
+taken by two Frenchmen, who lived in the latter half
+of the eighteenth century. About 1760, Romé De
+Lisle<a name="FNanchor_1131_1131" id="FNanchor_1131_1131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1131_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a> set the first example of studying crystals, according
+to a scheme so large as to include all the varieties
+of their primary forms, and to account for their irregularities,
+and the apparent caprice with which they were
+arranged. In this investigation he was guided by the
+fundamental assumption, that what is called an irregularity,
+is in truth perfectly regular, and that the operations
+of nature are invariable.<a name="FNanchor_1132_1132" id="FNanchor_1132_1132"></a><a href="#Footnote_1132_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> Scarcely had this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
+great idea been applied to the almost innumerable forms
+into which minerals crystallize, when it was followed
+up with still larger resources by Haüy, another eminent
+Frenchman.<a name="FNanchor_1133_1133" id="FNanchor_1133_1133"></a><a href="#Footnote_1133_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a> This remarkable man achieved a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
+complete union between mineralogy and geometry; and,
+bringing the laws of space to bear on the molecular
+arrangements of matter, he was able to penetrate into
+the intimate structure of crystals.<a name="FNanchor_1134_1134" id="FNanchor_1134_1134"></a><a href="#Footnote_1134_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> By this means, he
+succeeded in proving that the secondary forms of all
+crystals are derived from their primary forms by a
+regular process of decrement;<a name="FNanchor_1135_1135" id="FNanchor_1135_1135"></a><a href="#Footnote_1135_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a> and that, when a substance
+is passing from a liquid to a solid state, its particles
+are compelled to cohere, according to a scheme
+which provides for every possible change, since it includes
+even those subsequent layers which alter the
+ordinary type of the crystal, by disturbing its natural
+symmetry.<a name="FNanchor_1136_1136" id="FNanchor_1136_1136"></a><a href="#Footnote_1136_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a> To ascertain that such violations of symmetry
+are susceptible of mathematical calculation, was
+to make a vast addition to our knowledge; but what
+seems to me still more important is, that it indicates an
+approach to the magnificent idea, that every thing which
+occurs is regulated by law, and that confusion and disorder
+are impossible.<a name="FNanchor_1137_1137" id="FNanchor_1137_1137"></a><a href="#Footnote_1137_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a> For, by proving that even the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
+most uncouth and singular forms of minerals are the
+natural results of their antecedents, Haüy laid the
+foundation of what may be called the pathology of the
+inorganic world. However paradoxical such a notion
+may seem, it is certain that symmetry is to crystals
+what health is to animals; so that an irregularity of
+shape in the first, corresponds with an appearance of
+disease in the second.<a name="FNanchor_1138_1138" id="FNanchor_1138_1138"></a><a href="#Footnote_1138_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a> When, therefore, the minds of
+men became familiarized with the great truth, that in
+the mineral kingdom there is, properly speaking, no
+irregularity, it became more easy for them to grasp the
+still higher truth, that the same principle holds good
+of the animal kingdom, although, from the superior
+complexity of the phenomena, it will be long before we
+can arrive at an equal demonstration. But, that such a
+demonstration is possible, is the principle upon which
+the future progress of all organic, and indeed of all
+mental science, depends. And it is very observable,
+that the same generation which established the fact,
+that the apparent aberrations presented by minerals are
+strictly regular, also took the first steps towards establishing
+the far higher fact, that the aberrations of the
+human mind are governed by laws as unfailing as
+those which determine the condition of inert matter.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
+The examination of this would lead to a digression
+foreign to my present design; but I may mention that, at
+the end of the century, there was written in France the
+celebrated treatise on insanity, by Pinel; a work remarkable
+in many respects, but chiefly in this, that in it
+the old notions respecting the mysterious and inscrutable
+character of mental disease are altogether discarded:<a name="FNanchor_1139_1139" id="FNanchor_1139_1139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1139_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a>
+the disease itself is considered as a
+phenomenon inevitably occurring under certain given
+conditions, and the foundation laid for supplying another
+link in that vast chain of evidence which connects
+the material with the immaterial, and thus uniting
+mind and matter into a single study, is now preparing
+the way for some generalization, which, being common
+to both, shall serve as a centre round which the
+disjointed fragments of our knowledge may safely
+rally.</p>
+
+<p>These were the views which, during the latter half
+of the eighteenth century, began to dawn upon French
+thinkers. The extraordinary ability and success with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
+which these eminent men cultivated their respective
+sciences, I have traced at a length greater that I had
+intended, but still very inadequate to the importance
+of the subject. Enough, however, has been brought
+forward, to convince the reader of the truth of the proposition
+I wished to prove; namely, that the intellect
+of France was, during the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, concentrated upon the external world with unprecedented
+zeal, and thus aided that vast movement,
+of which the Revolution itself was merely a single consequence.
+The intimate connexion between scientific
+progress and social rebellion, is evident from the fact,
+that both are suggested by the same yearning after improvement,
+the same dissatisfaction with what has been
+previously done, the same restless, prying, insubordinate,
+and audacious spirit. But in France this general analogy
+was strengthened by the curious circumstances I
+have already noticed, by virtue of which, the activity of
+the country was, during the first half of the century,
+directed against the church rather than against the
+state; so that in order to complete the antecedents of
+the Revolution, it was necessary that, in the latter half
+of the century, the ground of attack should be shifted.
+This is precisely what was done by the wonderful impetus
+given to every branch of natural science. For,
+the attention of men being thus steadily fixed upon the
+external world, the internal fell into neglect; while, as
+the external corresponds to the state, and the internal
+to the church, it was part of the same intellectual
+development, that the assailers of the existing fabric
+should turn against political abuses the energy which
+the preceding generation had reserved for religious
+ones.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was that the French Revolution, like every
+great revolution the world has yet seen, was preceded
+by a complete change in the habits and associations of
+the national intellect. But besides this, there was also
+taking place, precisely at the same time, a vast social
+movement, which was intimately connected with the
+intellectual movement, and indeed formed part of it, in
+so far as it was followed by similar results and produced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
+by similar causes. The nature of this social revolution
+I shall examine only very briefly, because in a future
+volume it will be necessary to trace its history minutely,
+in order to illustrate the slighter but still remarkable
+changes which in the same period were going on in
+English society.</p>
+
+<p>In France, before the Revolution, the people, though
+always very social, were also very exclusive. The
+upper classes, protected by an imaginary superiority,
+looked with scorn upon those whose birth or titles were
+unequal to their own. The class immediately below
+them copied and communicated their example, and
+every order in society endeavoured to find some fanciful
+distinction which should guard them from the contamination
+of their inferiors. The only three real sources
+of superiority,&mdash;the superiority of morals, of intellect,
+and of knowledge,&mdash;were entirely overlooked in this
+absurd scheme; and men became accustomed to pride
+themselves not on any essential difference, but on those
+inferior matters, which, with extremely few exceptions,
+are the result of accident, and therefore no test of
+merit.<a name="FNanchor_1140_1140" id="FNanchor_1140_1140"></a><a href="#Footnote_1140_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a></p>
+
+<p>The first great blow to this state of things, was the
+unprecedented impulse given to the cultivation of
+physical science. Those vast discoveries which were
+being made, not only stimulated the intellect of thinking
+men, but even roused the curiosity of the more
+thoughtless parts of society. The lectures of chemists,
+of geologists, of mineralogists, and of physiologists,
+were attended by those who came to wonder, as well as
+by those who came to learn. In Paris, the scientific
+assemblages were crowded to overflowing.<a name="FNanchor_1141_1141" id="FNanchor_1141_1141"></a><a href="#Footnote_1141_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a> The halls<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
+and amphitheatres in which the great truths of nature
+were expounded, were no longer able to hold their
+audience, and in several instances it was found necessary
+to enlarge them.<a name="FNanchor_1142_1142" id="FNanchor_1142_1142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1142_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a> The sittings of the Academy,
+instead of being confined to a few solitary scholars,
+were frequented by every one whose rank or influence
+enabled them to secure a place.<a name="FNanchor_1143_1143" id="FNanchor_1143_1143"></a><a href="#Footnote_1143_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a> Even women of
+fashion, forgetting their usual frivolity, hastened to
+hear discussions on the composition of a mineral, on
+the discovery of a new salt, on the structure of plants,
+on the organization of animals, on the properties of the
+electric fluid.<a name="FNanchor_1144_1144" id="FNanchor_1144_1144"></a><a href="#Footnote_1144_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a> A sudden craving after knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span>
+seemed to have smitten every rank. The largest and
+the most difficult inquiries found favour in the eyes of
+those whose fathers had hardly heard the names of the
+sciences to which they belonged. The brilliant imagination
+of Buffon made geology suddenly popular; the
+same thing was effected for chemistry by the eloquence
+of Fourcroy, and for electricity by Nollet; while the
+admirable expositions of Lalande caused astronomy itself
+to be generally cultivated. In a word, it is enough
+to say, that during the thirty years preceding the
+Revolution, the spread of physical science was so rapid,
+that in its favour the old classical studies were despised;<a name="FNanchor_1145_1145" id="FNanchor_1145_1145"></a><a href="#Footnote_1145_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a>
+it was considered the essential basis of a good
+education, and some slight acquaintance with it was
+deemed necessary for every class, except those who
+were obliged to support themselves by their daily
+labour.<a name="FNanchor_1146_1146" id="FNanchor_1146_1146"></a><a href="#Footnote_1146_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The results produced by this remarkable change are
+very curious, and from their energy and rapidity were
+very decisive. As long as the different classes confined
+themselves to pursuits peculiar to their own sphere,
+they were encouraged to preserve their separate habits;
+and the subordination, or, as it were, the hierarchy, of
+society was easily maintained. But when the members
+of the various orders met in the same place with the
+same object, they became knit together by a new sympathy.
+The highest and most durable of all pleasures,
+the pleasure caused by the perception of fresh truths,
+was now a great link, which banded together those
+social elements that were formerly wrapped up in the
+pride of their own isolation. Besides this, there was
+also given to them not only a new pursuit, but also a
+new standard of merit. In the amphitheatre and the
+lecture-room, the first object of attention is the professor
+and the lecturer. The division is between those who
+teach and those who learn. The subordination of ranks
+makes way for the subordination of knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_1147_1147" id="FNanchor_1147_1147"></a><a href="#Footnote_1147_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> The
+petty and conventional distinctions of fashionable life
+are succeeded by those large and genuine distinctions,
+by which alone man is really separated from man. The
+progress of the intellect supplies a new object of veneration;
+the old worship of rank is rudely disturbed,
+and its superstitious devotees are taught to bow the
+knee before what to them is the shrine of a strange god.
+The hall of science is the temple of democracy. Those
+who come to learn, confess their own ignorance, abrogate
+in some degree their own superiority, and begin to
+perceive that the greatness of men has no connexion
+with the splendour of their titles, or the dignity
+of their birth; that it is not concerned with their
+quarterings, their escutcheons, their descents, their
+dexter-chiefs, their sinister-chiefs, their chevrons,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
+their bends, their azures, their gules, and the other
+trumperies of their heraldry; but that it depends upon
+the largeness of their minds, the powers of their
+intellect, and the fullness of their knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>These were the views which, in the latter half of the
+eighteenth century, began to influence those classes
+which had long been the undisputed masters of
+society.<a name="FNanchor_1148_1148" id="FNanchor_1148_1148"></a><a href="#Footnote_1148_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a> And what shows the strength of this great
+movement is, that it was accompanied by other social
+changes, which, though in themselves apparently
+trifling, become full of meaning when taken in connexion
+with the general history of the time.</p>
+
+<p>While the immense progress of physical knowledge
+was revolutionizing society, by inspiring the different
+classes with an object common to all, and thus raising
+a new standard of merit, a more trivial, but equally
+democratic tendency was observable even in the conventional
+forms of social life. To describe the whole of
+these changes would occupy a space disproportioned to
+the other parts of this Introduction; but it is certain
+that, until the changes have been carefully examined,
+it will be impossible for any one to write a history of
+the French Revolution. As a specimen of what I mean,
+I will notice two of these innovations which are very
+conspicuous, and are also interesting on account of
+their analogy with what has happened in English
+society.</p>
+
+<p>The first of these changes was an alteration in dress,
+and a marked contempt for those external appearances
+hitherto valued as one of the most important of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span>
+matters. During the reign of Louis XIV., and indeed
+during the first half of the reign of Louis XV., not only
+men of frivolous tastes, but even those distinguished for
+their knowledge, displayed in their attire a dainty
+precision, a nice and studied adjustment, a pomp of
+gold, of silver, and of ruffles, such as in our days can
+nowhere be seen, except in the courts of European
+princes, where a certain barbarian splendour is still
+retained. So far was this carried, that in the seventeenth
+century the rank of a person might be immediately
+known by his appearance; no one presuming
+to usurp a garb worn by the class immediately above
+his own.<a name="FNanchor_1149_1149" id="FNanchor_1149_1149"></a><a href="#Footnote_1149_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a> But in that democratic movement which
+preceded the French Revolution, the minds of men
+became too earnest, too intent upon higher matters, to
+busy themselves with those idle devices which engrossed
+the attention of their fathers. A contemptuous disregard
+of such distinctions became general. In Paris the
+innovation was seen even in those gay assemblies,
+where a certain amount of personal decoration is still
+considered natural. At dinners, suppers, and balls, it
+is noticed by contemporary observers, that the dress
+usually worn was becoming so simple as to cause a
+confusion of ranks, until at length every distinction was
+abandoned by both sexes; the men, on such occasions,
+coming in a common frock-coat, the women in their
+ordinary morning gowns.<a name="FNanchor_1150_1150" id="FNanchor_1150_1150"></a><a href="#Footnote_1150_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a> Nay, to such a pitch was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
+this carried, that we are assured by the Prince de
+Montbarey, who was in Paris at the time, that shortly
+before the Revolution, even those who had stars and
+orders were careful to hide them by buttoning their
+coats, so that these marks of superiority might no longer
+be seen.<a name="FNanchor_1151_1151" id="FNanchor_1151_1151"></a><a href="#Footnote_1151_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a></p>
+
+<p>The other innovation to which I have referred is
+equally interesting as characteristic of the spirit of the
+time. This is, that the tendency to amalgamate the
+different orders of society<a name="FNanchor_1152_1152" id="FNanchor_1152_1152"></a><a href="#Footnote_1152_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a> was shown in the institution
+of clubs; a remarkable contrivance, which to us
+seems perfectly natural because we are accustomed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span>
+it, but of which it may be truly said, that until the
+eighteenth century its existence was impossible. Before
+the eighteenth century, each class was so jealous of its
+superiority over the one below it, that to meet together
+on equal terms was impracticable; and although a
+certain patronizing familiarity towards one's inferiors
+might be safely indulged in, this only marked the
+immense interval of separation, since the great man had
+no fear of his condescension being abused. In those
+good old times a proper respect was paid to rank and
+birth; and he who could count his twenty ancestors
+was venerated to an extent of which we, in these degenerate
+days, can hardly form an idea. As to any thing
+like social equality, that was a notion too preposterous
+to be conceived; nor was it possible that any institution
+should exist which placed mere ordinary men on a level
+with those illustrious characters, whose veins were filled
+with the purest blood, and the quarterings of whose
+arms none could hope to rival.</p>
+
+<p>But in the eighteenth century the progress of knowledge
+became so remarkable, that the new principle of
+intellectual superiority made rapid encroachments on
+the old principle of aristocratic superiority. As soon
+as these encroachments had reached a certain point,
+they gave rise to an institution suited to them; and
+thus it was that there were first established clubs, in
+which all the educated classes could assemble, without
+regard to those other differences which, in the preceding
+period, kept them separate. The peculiarity of this
+was, that, for mere purposes of social enjoyment, men
+were brought into contact, who, according to the aristocratic
+scheme, had nothing in common, but who were
+now placed on the same footing in so far as they
+belonged to the same establishment, conformed to the
+same rules, and reaped the same advantages. It was,
+however, expected that the members, though varying in
+many other respects, were to be all, in some degree,
+educated; and in this way society first distinctly recognized
+a classification previously unknown; the division
+between noble and ignoble being succeeded by another
+division between educated and uneducated.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The rise and growth of clubs is, therefore, to the philosophic
+observer, a question of immense importance;
+and it is one which, as I shall hereafter prove, played a
+great part in the history of England during the latter
+half of the eighteenth century. In reference to our
+present subject, it is interesting to observe, that the first
+clubs, in the modern sense of the word, which ever
+existed in Paris, were formed about 1782, only seven
+years before the French Revolution. At the beginning
+they were merely intended to be social assemblages;
+but they quickly assumed a democratic character, conformable
+to the spirit of the age. Their first result, as
+was noticed by a keen observer of what was then passing,
+was to make the manners of the upper classes more
+simple than they had hitherto been, and to weaken that
+love of form and ceremony suitable to their earlier habits.
+These clubs likewise effected a remarkable separation
+between the sexes; and it is recorded, that after their
+establishment, women associated more with each other,
+and were oftener seen in public unaccompanied by
+men.<a name="FNanchor_1153_1153" id="FNanchor_1153_1153"></a><a href="#Footnote_1153_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a> This had the effect of encouraging among men
+a republican roughness, which the influence of the other
+sex would have tended to keep down. All these things
+effaced the old lines of demarcation between the different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
+ranks, and by merging the various classes into one,
+made the force of their united opposition irresistible,
+and speedily overthrew both the church and the state.
+The exact period at which the clubs became political
+cannot, of course, be ascertained, but the change seems
+to have taken place about 1784.<a name="FNanchor_1154_1154" id="FNanchor_1154_1154"></a><a href="#Footnote_1154_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a> From this moment
+all was over; and although the government, in 1787,
+issued orders to close the leading club, in which all
+classes discussed political questions, it was found impossible
+to stem the current. The order, therefore,
+was rescinded; the club re-assembled, and no further
+attempt was made to interrupt that course of affairs
+which a long train of preceding events had rendered
+inevitable.<a name="FNanchor_1155_1155" id="FNanchor_1155_1155"></a><a href="#Footnote_1155_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a></p>
+
+<p>While all these things were conspiring to overthrow
+the old institutions, an event suddenly occurred which
+produced the most remarkable effects in France, and is
+itself strikingly characteristic of the spirit of the eighteenth
+century. On the other side of the Atlantic, a
+great people, provoked by the intolerable injustice of
+the English government, rose in arms, turned on their
+oppressors, and, after a desperate struggle, gloriously<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span>
+obtained their independence. In 1776, the Americans
+laid before Europe that noble Declaration, which ought
+to be hung up in the nursery of every king, and blazoned
+on the porch of every royal palace. In words,
+the memory of which can never die, they declared, that
+the object of the institution of government is to secure
+the rights of the people; that from the people alone it
+derives its powers; and &lsquo;that whenever any form of
+government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the
+right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute
+a new government, laying its foundations on such
+principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as
+to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
+happiness.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1156_1156" id="FNanchor_1156_1156"></a><a href="#Footnote_1156_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a></p>
+
+<p>If this declaration had been made only one generation
+earlier, the whole of France, with the exception of a few
+advanced thinkers, would have rejected it with horror
+and with scorn. Such, however, was now the temper
+of the public mind, that the doctrines it contained were
+not merely welcomed by a majority of the French
+nation, but even the government itself was unable to
+withstand the general feeling.<a name="FNanchor_1157_1157" id="FNanchor_1157_1157"></a><a href="#Footnote_1157_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a> In 1776, Franklin
+arrived in France, as envoy from the American people.
+He met with the warmest reception from all classes,<a name="FNanchor_1158_1158" id="FNanchor_1158_1158"></a><a href="#Footnote_1158_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a>
+and succeeded in inducing the government to sign a
+treaty, engaging to defend the young republic in the
+rights it had gloriously won.<a name="FNanchor_1159_1159" id="FNanchor_1159_1159"></a><a href="#Footnote_1159_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a> In Paris, the enthusiasm<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
+was irresistible.<a name="FNanchor_1160_1160" id="FNanchor_1160_1160"></a><a href="#Footnote_1160_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a> From every quarter large bodies
+of men came forward, volunteering to cross the Atlantic
+and to fight for the liberties of America. The heroism
+with which these auxiliaries aided the noble struggle,
+forms a cheering passage in the history of that time;
+but is foreign to my present purpose, which is merely
+to notice its effect in hastening the approach of the
+French Revolution. And this effect was indeed most
+remarkable. Besides the indirect result produced by
+the example of a successful rebellion, the French were
+still further stimulated by actual contact with their new
+allies. The French officers and soldiers who served in
+America, introduced into their own country, on their
+return, those democratic opinions which they had imbibed
+in the infant republic.<a name="FNanchor_1161_1161" id="FNanchor_1161_1161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1161_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a> By this means, fresh
+strength was given to the revolutionary tendencies
+already prevalent; and it is worthy of remark, that
+Lafayette borrowed from the same source one of his
+most celebrated acts. He drew his sword on behalf of
+the Americans; and they, in their turn, communicated
+to him that famous doctrine respecting the rights of
+man, which, at his instigation, was formally adopted by
+the National Assembly.<a name="FNanchor_1162_1162" id="FNanchor_1162_1162"></a><a href="#Footnote_1162_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a> Indeed, there is reason to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
+believe, that the final blow the French government
+received was actually dealt by the hand of an American;
+for it is said that it was in consequence of the advice of
+Jefferson, that the popular part of the legislative body
+proclaimed itself the National Assembly, and thus set
+the crown at open defiance.<a name="FNanchor_1163_1163" id="FNanchor_1163_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a></p>
+
+<p>I have now brought to a close my examination of the
+causes of the French Revolution; but before concluding
+the present chapter, it appears to me that the variety of
+topics which have been discussed, makes it advisable
+that I should sum up their leading points; and should
+state, as briefly as possible, the steps of that long and
+complicated argument, by which I have attempted to
+prove, that the Revolution was an event inevitably
+arising out of preceding circumstances. Such a summary,
+by recalling the entire subject before the reader,
+will remedy any confusion which the fullness of detail
+may have produced, and will simplify an investigation
+which many will consider to have been needlessly
+protracted; but which could not have been abridged
+without weakening, in some essential part, the support
+of those general principles that I seek to establish.</p>
+
+<p>Looking at the state of France immediately after the
+death of Louis XIV., we have seen that, his policy
+having reduced the country to the brink of ruin, and
+having destroyed every vestige of free inquiry, a reaction
+became necessary; but that the materials for the
+reaction could not be found among a nation, which for
+fifty years had been exposed to so debilitating a system.
+This deficiency at home, caused the most eminent
+Frenchmen to turn their attention abroad, and gave rise
+to a sudden admiration for the English literature, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
+for those habits of thought which were then peculiar to
+the English people. New life being thus breathed into
+the wasted frame of French society, an eager and
+inquisitive spirit was generated, such as had not been
+seen since the time of Descartes. The upper classes,
+taking offence at this unexpected movement, attempted
+to stifle it, and made strenuous efforts to destroy that
+love of inquiry which was daily gaining ground. To
+effect their object, they persecuted literary men with
+such bitterness, as to make it evident that the intellect
+of France must either relapse into its former servility,
+or else boldly assume the offensive. Happily for the
+interests of civilization, the latter alternative was
+adopted; and, in or about 1750, a deadly struggle
+began, in which those principles of liberty which France
+borrowed from England, and which had hitherto been
+supposed only applicable to the church, were for the
+first time applied to the state. Coinciding with this
+movement, and indeed forming part of it, other circumstances
+occurred of the same character. Now it was
+that the political economists succeeded in proving that
+the interference of the governing classes had inflicted
+great mischief even upon the material interests of the
+country; and had, by their protective measures, injured
+what they were believed to have benefited. This
+remarkable discovery in favour of general freedom, put
+a fresh weapon into the hands of the democratic party;
+whose strength was still further increased by the unrivalled
+eloquence with which Rousseau assailed the
+existing fabric. Precisely the same tendency was
+exhibited in the extraordinary impulse given to every
+branch of physical science, which familiarized men with
+ideas of progress, and brought them into collision with
+the stationary and conservative ideas natural to government.
+The discoveries made respecting the external
+world, encouraged a restlessness and excitement of
+mind hostile to the spirit of routine, and therefore full
+of danger for institutions only recommended by their
+antiquity. This eagerness for physical knowledge also
+effected a change in education; and the ancient languages
+being neglected, another link was severed which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
+connected the present with the past. The church, the
+legitimate protector of old opinions, was unable to resist
+the passion for novelty, because she was weakened by
+treason in her own camp. For by this time, Calvinism
+had spread so much among the French clergy, as to
+break them into two hostile parties, and render it
+impossible to rally them against their common foe.
+The growth of this heresy was also important, because
+Calvinism being essentially democratic, a revolutionary
+spirit appeared even in the ecclesiastical profession, so
+that the feud in the church was accompanied by another
+feud between the government and the church. These
+were the leading symptoms of that vast movement
+which culminated in the French Revolution; and all of
+them indicated a state of society so anarchical and so
+thoroughly disorganized, as to make it certain that
+some great catastrophe was impending. At length,
+and when everything was ready for explosion, the news
+of the American Rebellion fell like a spark on the
+inflammatory mass, and ignited a flame which never
+ceased its ravages until it had destroyed all that
+Frenchmen once held dear, and had left for the
+instruction of mankind an awful lesson of the crimes
+into which continued oppression may hurry a generous
+and long-suffering people.</p>
+
+<p>Such is a rapid outline of the view which my studies
+have led me to take of the causes of the French Revolution.
+That I have ascertained all the causes, I do not
+for a moment suppose; but it will, I believe, be found
+that none of importance have been omitted. It is,
+indeed, true, that among the materials of which the
+evidence consists, many deficiencies will be seen; and a
+more protracted labour would have been rewarded by a
+greater success. Of these shortcomings I am deeply
+sensible; and I can only regret that the necessity of
+passing on to a still larger field has compelled me to
+leave so much for future inquirers to gather in. At the
+same time, it ought to be remembered, that this is the
+first attempt which has ever been made to study the
+antecedents of the French Revolution according to a
+scheme wide enough to include the whole of their intellectual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
+bearings. In defiance of sound philosophy, and,
+I may say, in defiance of common understanding, historians
+obstinately persist in neglecting those great
+branches of physical knowledge, in which in every
+civilized country the operations of the human mind
+may be most clearly seen, and therefore the mental
+habits most easily ascertained. The result is, that the
+French Revolution, unquestionably the most important,
+the most complicated, and the most glorious event in
+history, has been given over to authors, many of whom
+have displayed considerable ability, but all of whom
+have shown themselves destitute of that preliminary
+scientific education, in the absence of which it is impossible
+to seize the spirit of any period, or to take a
+comprehensive survey of its various parts. Thus, to
+mention only a single instance: we have seen that the
+extraordinary impulse given to the study of the external
+world was intimately connected with that democratic
+movement which overthrew the institutions of France.
+But this connexion historians have been unable to
+trace; because they were unacquainted with the progress
+of the various branches of natural philosophy and
+of natural history. Hence it is that they have exhibited
+their great subject maimed and mutilated, shorn of
+those fair proportions which it ought to possess. According
+to this scheme, the historian sinks into the
+annalist; so that, instead of solving a problem, he
+merely paints a picture. Without, therefore, disparaging
+the labours of those industrious men who have
+collected materials for a history of the French Revolution,
+we may assuredly say, that the history itself has
+never been written; since they who have attempted the
+task have not possessed such resources as would
+enable them to consider it as merely a single part of
+that far larger movement which was seen in every
+department of science, of philosophy, of religion, and of
+politics.</p>
+
+<p>Whether or not I have effected anything of real
+value towards remedying this deficiency, is a question
+for competent judges to decide. Of this, at least, I feel
+certain, that whatever imperfections may be observed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span>
+the fault consists, not in the method proposed, but in
+the extreme difficulty of any single man putting into
+full operation all the parts of so vast a scheme. It is
+on this point, and on this alone, that I feel the need of
+great indulgence. But, as to the plan itself, I have no
+misgivings; because I am deeply convinced that the
+time is fast approaching when the history of Man will
+be placed on its proper footing; when its study will be
+recognized as the noblest and most arduous of all pursuits;
+and when it will be clearly seen, that, to cultivate
+it with success, there is wanted a wide and comprehensive
+mind, richly furnished with the highest branches
+of human knowledge. When this is fully admitted,
+history will be written only by those whose habits fit
+them for the task; and it will be rescued from the
+hands of biographers, genealogists, collectors of anecdotes,
+chroniclers of courts, of princes, and of nobles,&mdash;those
+babblers of vain things, who lie in wait at every
+corner, and infest this the public highway of our
+national literature. That such compilers should trespass
+on a province so far above their own, and should think
+that by these means they can throw light on the affairs
+of men, is one of many proofs of the still backward
+condition of our knowledge, and of the indistinctness
+with which its boundaries have been mapped out. If I
+have done anything towards bringing these intrusions
+into discredit, and inspiring historians themselves with
+a sense of the dignity of their own calling, I shall have
+rendered in my time some little service, and I shall be
+well content to have it said, that in many cases I have
+failed in executing what I originally proposed. Indeed,
+that there are in this volume several instances of such
+failure, I willingly allow; and I can only plead the
+immensity of the subject, the shortness of a single life,
+and the imperfection of every single enterprise. I,
+therefore, wish this work to be estimated, not according
+to the finish of its separate parts, but according to the
+way in which those parts have been fused into a complete
+and symmetrical whole. This, in an undertaking
+of such novelty and magnitude, I have a right to expect.
+And I would, moreover, add, that if the reader has met<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span>
+with opinions adverse to his own, he should remember
+that his views are, perchance, the same as those which
+I too once held, and which I have abandoned, because,
+after a wider range of study, I found them unsupported
+by solid proof, subversive of the interests of Man, and
+fatal to the progress of his knowledge. To examine
+the notions in which we have been educated, and to
+turn aside from those which will not bear the test, is a
+task so painful, that they who shrink from the suffering
+should pause before they reproach those by whom the
+suffering is undergone. What I have put forward may,
+no doubt, be erroneous; but it is, at all events, the
+result of an honest searching after truth, of unsparing
+labour, of patient and anxious reflection. Conclusions
+arrived at in this way, are not to be overturned by
+stating that they endanger some other conclusions; nor
+can they be even affected by allegations against their
+supposed tendency. The principles which I advocate,
+are based upon distinct arguments, supported by well-ascertained
+facts. The only points, therefore, to be
+ascertained, are, whether the arguments are fair, and
+whether the facts are certain. If these two conditions
+have been obeyed, the principles follow by an inevitable
+inference. Their demonstration is, in the present
+volume, necessarily incomplete; and the reader must
+suspend his final judgment until the close of this Introduction,
+when the subject in all its bearings will be laid
+before him. The remaining part of the Introduction
+will be occupied, as I have already intimated, with an
+investigation of the civilizations of Germany, America,
+Scotland, and Spain; each of which presents a different
+type of intellectual development, and has, therefore,
+followed a different direction in its religious, scientific,
+social, and political history. The causes of these differences
+I shall attempt to ascertain. The next step will
+be to generalize the causes themselves; and having
+thus referred them to certain principles common to all,
+we shall be possessed of what may be called the fundamental
+laws of European thought; the divergence of
+the different countries being regulated either by the
+direction those laws take, or else by their comparative<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span>
+energy. To discover these fundamental laws will be
+the business of the Introduction; while, in the body of
+the work, I shall apply them to the history of England,
+and endeavour by their aid to work out the epochs
+through which we have successively passed, fix the
+basis of our present civilization, and indicate the path
+of our future progress.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_952_952" id="Footnote_952_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952_952"><span class="label">[952]</span></a> For a popular but able view of the value of averages in
+scientific inquiries, see <i>Herschel's Disc. on Nat. Philos.</i> pp.
+215&ndash;219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_953_953" id="Footnote_953_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953_953"><span class="label">[953]</span></a> As we see in the pretensions set forth by mathematicians,
+who often suppose that an amount of certainty can be attained in their
+own pursuits not to be found in any other. This error has probably
+arisen, as Locke suggests, from confusing clearness with certainty.
+<i>Essay on Human Understanding</i>, book iv. chap. ii. secs. 9 and 10, in
+<i>Works</i>, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74. See also <i>Comte</i>, <i>Philos. Pos.</i> vol. i.
+p. 103, where it is justly observed, that all branches of knowledge
+capable of being generalized into sciences admit of equal certainty, but
+not of equal precision: &lsquo;si d'après l'explication précédente, les
+diverses sciences doivent nécessairement présenter une précision
+très-inégale, il n'en est nullement ainsi de leur certitude.&rsquo; This is
+handled unsatisfactorily by Montucla (<i>Hist. des Mathémat.</i> vol. i. p.
+33), who says, that the principal cause of the peculiar certainty
+reached by the mathematician is, that &lsquo;d'une idée claire il ne déduit
+que des conséquences claires et incontestables.&rsquo; Similarly, Cudworth
+(<i>Intellect. System</i>, vol. iii. p. 377): &lsquo;nay the very essence of truth
+here is this clear perceptibility, or intelligibility.&rsquo; On the other
+hand, Kant, a far deeper thinker, avoided this confusion, by making
+mathematical clearness the mark of a <i>kind</i> of certainty rather than of
+a <i>degree</i> of it: &lsquo;Die mathematische Gewissheit heisst auch Evidenz,
+weil ein intuitives Erkenntniss klarer ist, als ein discursives.
+Obgleich also beides, das mathematische und das philosophische
+Vernunfterkenntniss an sich gleich gewiss ist, so ist doch die Art der
+Gewissheit in beiden verschieden.&rsquo; <i>Logik</i>, <i>Einleitung</i>, sec. 9, in
+<i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. i. p. 399. On the opinions of the ancients
+respecting certainty, compare <i>Matter</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>,
+vol. i. p. 195, with <i>Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philos.</i> vol. ii. p. 46,
+vol. iii. pp. 74, 426, 427, 484, 614.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_954_954" id="Footnote_954_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954_954"><span class="label">[954]</span></a> &lsquo;Vers 1750, deux hommes de génie, observateurs judicieux et
+profonds, conduits par une force d'attention très-soutenue à une logique
+rigoureuse, animés d'un noble amour pour la patrie et pour l'humanité,
+M. Quesnay et M. de Gournay, s'occupèrent avec suite de savoir si la
+nature des choses n'indiquerait pas une science de l'économie politique,
+et quels seraient les principes de cette science.&rsquo; <i>Additions aux
+&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. iii. p. 310. M. Blanqui (<i>Hist. de l'Economie
+Politique</i>, vol. ii. p. 78) also says, &lsquo;vers l'année 1750;&rsquo; and Voltaire
+(<i>Dict. Philos.</i> article <i>Blé</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. xxxvii. p. 384)
+says, &lsquo;vers l'an 1750, la nation, rassasiée de vers, de tragédies, de
+comédies, d'opéra, de romans, d'histoires romanesques, de réflexions
+morales plus romanesques encore, et de disputes théologiques sur la
+grâce et sur les convulsions, se mit enfin a raisonner sur les blés.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_955_955" id="Footnote_955_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955_955"><span class="label">[955]</span></a> The revolutionary tendency of this economical movement is
+noticed in <i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. i. pp. 184, 185; where, however, its
+commencement is erroneously assigned to &lsquo;about the year 1761.&rsquo; See also,
+on the hostility this caused against government, <i>Mém. de Campan</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 7, 8; <i>Mem. of Mallet du Pan</i>, vol. i. p. 32; and <i>Barruel</i>,
+<i>Hist. du Jacobinisme</i>, vol. i. p. 193, vol. ii. p. 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_956_956" id="Footnote_956_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956_956"><span class="label">[956]</span></a> &lsquo;D'ailleurs la nation s'étoit accoutumée à se séparer
+toujours de plus en plus de son gouvernement, en raison même de ce que
+ses écrivains avoient commencé à aborder les études politiques. C'étoit
+l'époque où la secte des économistes se donnoit le plus de mouvement,
+depuis que le marquis de Mirabeau avoit publié, en 1755, son <i>Ami des
+Hommes</i>.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist.
+des Franç.</i> vol. xxix. p. 269. Compare <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis
+XV</i>, vol. ii. p. 58. In this same year, 1755, Goldsmith was in Paris,
+and was so struck by the progress of insubordination, that he foretold
+the freedom of the people; though I need hardly say that he was not a
+man to understand the movement of the economists. <i>Prior's Life of
+Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. pp. 198, 199; <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. i.
+p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_957_957" id="Footnote_957_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957_957"><span class="label">[957]</span></a> In February 1759, he writes to Madame du Boccage: &lsquo;Il me
+paraît que les grâces et le bon goût sont bannis de France, et ont cédé
+la place à la métaphysique embrouillée, à la politique des cerveaux
+creux, à des discussions énormes sur les finances, sur le commerce, sur
+la population, qui ne mettront jamais dans l'état ni un écu, ni un homme
+de plus.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. lx. p. 485. In 1763 (vol. lxiii.
+p. 204): &lsquo;Adieu, nos beaux arts, si les choses continuent comme elles
+sont. La rage des remontrances et des projets sur les finances a saisi
+la nation.&rsquo; Many of the ablest men being thus drawn off from mere
+literary pursuits, there began, about twenty years before the
+Revolution, a marked deterioration in style, particularly among prose
+writers. Compare <i>Lettres de Dudeffand à Walpole</i>, vol. ii. p. 358, vol.
+iii. pp. 163, 299; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. ii. p. 374, vol. v. p. 123,
+vol. viii. pp. 180, 275; <i>Mercier sur Rousseau</i>, vol. ii. p. 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_958_958" id="Footnote_958_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958_958"><span class="label">[958]</span></a> Georgel, who hated Turgot, says of him: &lsquo;son cabinet et ses
+bureaux se transformèrent en ateliers où les économistes forgeoient leur
+système et leurs spéculations.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Georgel</i>, vol. i. p. 406: see
+also <i>Blanqui</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Écon. Politique</i>, vol. ii. pp. 96&ndash;112;
+<i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Turgot</i>, pp. 32&ndash;35; <i>Twiss</i>, <i>Progress of Political
+Econ.</i> pp. 142 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_959_959" id="Footnote_959_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959_959"><span class="label">[959]</span></a> Sismondi, under the year 1774, notices &lsquo;les écrits
+innombrables que chaque jour voyoit éclore sur la politique, et qui
+avoient désormais remplacé dans l'intérêt des salons ces nouveautés
+littéraires, ces vers, ces anecdotes galantes, dont peu d'années
+auparavant le public étoit uniquement occupé.&rsquo; <i>Hist. des Français</i>,
+vol. xxix. p. 495; and a similar remark in <i>Schlosser's Eighteenth
+Century</i>, vol. ii. p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_960_960" id="Footnote_960_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960_960"><span class="label">[960]</span></a> See the account, written in Feb. 1781, in <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Corr.
+Lit.</i> vol. xi. 260, where it is said of Necker's <i>Compte Rendu</i>, &lsquo;La
+sensation qu'a faite cet ouvrage est, je crois, sans exemple; il s'en
+est débité plus de six mille exemplaires le jour même qu'il a paru, et
+depuis, le travail continuel de deux imprimeries n'a pu suffire encore
+aux demandes multipliées de la capitale, des provinces, et des pays
+étrangers.&rsquo; Ségur (<i>Souvenirs</i>, vol. i. p. 138) mentions, that Necker's
+work was &lsquo;dans la poche de tous les abbés, et sur la toilette de toutes
+les dames.&rsquo; The daughter of Necker, Madame de Staël, says of her
+father's work, <i>Administration des Finances</i>, &lsquo;on en vendit quatre-vingt
+mille exemplaires.&rsquo; <i>De Staël sur la Révolution</i>, vol. i. p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_961_961" id="Footnote_961_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961_961"><span class="label">[961]</span></a> The expression of the Baron de Montyon: see <i>Adolphus's
+History of George III.</i> vol. iv. p. 290; and on the revolutionary
+tendency of Necker's financial works, <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. xxxvii. xxxviii., vol. iv. pp. 18, 143. Necker published a
+justification of his book, &lsquo;malgré la défense du roi.&rsquo; <i>Du Mesnil</i>,
+<i>Mém. sur Le Brun</i>, p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_962_962" id="Footnote_962_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962_962"><span class="label">[962]</span></a> So far as I remember, there is not a single instance in
+any of his works; and those who assail him on this ground should adduce
+the passages on which they rely, instead of bringing vague general
+charges. Compare <i>Life of Rousseau</i>, in <i>Brougham's Men of Letters</i>,
+vol. i. p. 189; <i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 442; <i>Mercier sur Rousseau</i>, 1791, vol. i. pp. 27&ndash;32, vol.
+ii. pp. 279, 280.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_963_963" id="Footnote_963_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963_963"><span class="label">[963]</span></a> &lsquo;Rousseau, qui déjà en 1753 avoit touché aux bases mêmes
+de la société humaine, dans son <i>Discours sur l'origine de l'inégalité
+parmi les hommes</i>.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>, vol. xxix. p. 270. Schlosser (<i>Hist. of
+the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. i. p. 138) notices &lsquo;the entirely new
+system of absolute democracy which was brought forward by J. J.
+Rousseau;&rsquo; see also p. 289, and <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol.
+v. p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_964_964" id="Footnote_964_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964_964"><span class="label">[964]</span></a> Napoleon said to Stanislas Girardin respecting Rousseau,
+&lsquo;sans lui la France n'auroit pas eu de révolution.&rsquo; <i>Holland's Foreign
+Reminiscences</i>, Lond. 1850, p. 261. This is certainly an exaggeration;
+but the influence of Rousseau was, during the latter half of the
+eighteenth century, most extraordinary. In 1765, Hume writes from Paris:
+&lsquo;It is impossible to express or imagine the enthusiasm of this nation in
+his favour; &hellip; no person ever so much engaged their attention as
+Rousseau. Voltaire and every body else are quite eclipsed by him.&rsquo;
+<i>Burton's Life of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p. 299. A letter written in 1754 (in
+<i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 122) says that his Dijon Discourse
+&lsquo;fit une espèce de révolution à Paris.&rsquo; The circulation of his works was
+unprecedented; and when <i>La Nouvelle Héloïse</i> appeared, &lsquo;les libraires
+ne pouvaient suffire aux demandes de toutes les classes. On louait
+l'ouvrage à tant par jour, ou par heure. Quand il parut, on exigeait
+douze sous par volume, en n'accordant que soixante minutes pour le
+lire.&rsquo; <i>Musset Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de Rousseau</i>, vol. ii. p. 361. For further
+evidence of the effect produced by his works, see <i>Lerminier</i>, <i>Philos.
+du Droit</i>, vol. ii. p. 251; <i>Mém. de Roland</i>, vol. i. p. 196, vol. ii.
+pp. 337, 359; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. v. p. 193, vol. vi. p. 14;
+<i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 170, vol. iii. p. 369, vol. iv. p. 376;
+<i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. p. 116; <i>Longchamp</i>, <i>Mém. sur Voltaire</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 50; <i>Life of Romilly</i>, vol. i. p. 267; <i>Mem. of Mallet du
+Pan</i>, vol. i. p. 127; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 482; <i>Cassagnac</i>,
+<i>Causes de la Rév.</i> vol. iii. p. 549; <i>Lamartine</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Girondins</i>, vol. ii. p. 38, vol. iv. p. 93, vol. viii. p. 125; <i>Wahrheit
+und Dichtung</i>, in <i>Göthe's Werke</i>, Stuttgart, 1837, vol. ii. part ii.
+pp. 83, 104; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond. Lit.</i> vol. xii. p. 222; <i>De Staël</i>,
+<i>Consid. sur la Rév.</i> vol. ii. p. 371.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_965_965" id="Footnote_965_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965_965"><span class="label">[965]</span></a> Sismondi (xxix. p. 20), Lacretelle (<i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 110), and Tocqueville (<i>Règne de Louis XV</i>, vol. ii. p. 103),
+give the date 1749; so that 1747, in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 46, is
+apparently a misprint.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_966_966" id="Footnote_966_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966_966"><span class="label">[966]</span></a> &lsquo;Laissant voir dans toute cette loi, qui est assez longue,
+qu'il regardoit non-seulement l'accroissement, mais l'existence de ces
+propriétés ecclésiastiques, comme un mal pour le royaume.&rsquo; <i>Sismondi</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Franç.</i> vol. xxix. p. 21. This, I suppose, is the edict
+mentioned by Turgot, who wished to push the principle still further.
+<i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. iii. pp. 254, 255; a bold and striking
+passage.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_967_967" id="Footnote_967_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967_967"><span class="label">[967]</span></a> Mably mentions the excitement caused by this proceeding of
+Machault, <i>Observations sur l'Histoire de France</i>, vol. ii. p. 415: &lsquo;On
+attaqua alors, dans plusieurs écrits, les immunités du clergé.&rsquo; On the
+dislike felt by the clergy against the minister, see <i>Ségur</i>,
+<i>Souvenirs</i>, vol. i. p. 35; <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 283, 310, vol. ii. p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_968_968" id="Footnote_968_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968_968"><span class="label">[968]</span></a> In 1750, &lsquo;Machault obtint les sceaux en conservant le
+contrôle-général.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_969_969" id="Footnote_969_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969_969"><span class="label">[969]</span></a> &lsquo;Croyait surtout que le temps était venu d'imposer les
+biens du clergé.&rsquo; <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 107.
+Nearly the same words are used in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_970_970" id="Footnote_970_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970_970"><span class="label">[970]</span></a> On which account, he still further provoked the
+indignation of the Catholic clergy. See <i>Felice</i>, <i>Hist. of the Protest.
+of France</i>, pp. 401, 402; a letter written in 1751.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_971_971" id="Footnote_971_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971_971"><span class="label">[971]</span></a> &lsquo;The approach of the year 1760 witnessed a sensible
+relaxation of persecution&hellip;. The clergy perceived this with dismay;
+and, in their general assembly of 1760, they addressed urgent
+remonstrances to the king against this remission of the laws.&rsquo; <i>Felice</i>,
+<i>Protest. of France</i>, p. 422. Comp. an interesting letter from Nismes in
+1776, in <i>Thicknesse's Journey through France</i>, London, 1777, vol. i. p.
+66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_972_972" id="Footnote_972_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972_972"><span class="label">[972]</span></a> Sismondi says of 1762, &lsquo;Dès lors, la réaction de l'opinion
+publique contre l'intolérance pénétra jusque dans les provinces les plus
+fanatiques.&rsquo; <i>Hist. des Franç.</i> vol. xxix. p. 296. See also a letter
+to Damilaville, dated 6th of May, 1765, in <i>Lettres inédites de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. i. p. 412; and two other letters in <i>&#338;uvres de
+Voltaire</i>, vol. lxiv. p. 225, vol. lxvi. p. 417.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_973_973" id="Footnote_973_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973_973"><span class="label">[973]</span></a> Of whom Hume, several years before, had formed a very high
+opinion. See <i>Burton's Life of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p. 497; a too favourable
+judgment, which should be contrasted with the opposite exaggerations, in
+<i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. ix. pp. 360&ndash;363, and <i>Barruel</i>, <i>Hist. du
+Jacobinisme</i>, vol. i. pp. 87, 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_974_974" id="Footnote_974_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974_974"><span class="label">[974]</span></a> <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Franç.</i> iii. 516; <i>Biog. Univ.</i>
+xxiv. p. 656.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_975_975" id="Footnote_975_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975_975"><span class="label">[975]</span></a> <i>Georgel</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. ii. pp. 293, 294; a violent
+outbreak against &lsquo;l'irréligieux édit &hellip; qui autorise tous les cultes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_976_976" id="Footnote_976_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976_976"><span class="label">[976]</span></a> &lsquo;Le parlement de Paris discutait l'édit sur les
+protestans. Vingt ans plus tôt, combien une telle résolution n'eût-elle
+pas agité et divisé les esprits? En 1787, on ne s'étonnait que d'une
+chose: c'était qu'il pût y avoir une discussion sur des principes
+évidens.&rsquo; <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. iii. pp. 342, 343. In
+1776, Malesherbes, who was then minister, wished to secure nearly the
+same privileges for the Protestants, but was prevented from doing so.
+<i>Dutens</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol. ii. pp. 56&ndash;58. Dutens was himself concerned
+in the negotiation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_977_977" id="Footnote_977_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977_977"><span class="label">[977]</span></a> Henry II. used to refer to this title, by way of
+justifying his persecution of the Protestants (<i>Ranke's Civil Wars in
+France</i>, vol. i. p. 241); and great account was made of it by that
+exemplary prince, Louis XV. <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. i. p.
+155. The French antiquaries trace it back to Pepin, the father of
+Charlemagne. <i>Barrington's Observations on the Statutes</i>, p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_978_978" id="Footnote_978_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978_978"><span class="label">[978]</span></a> The Prince de Montbarey, who was educated by the Jesuits
+about 1740, says, that, in their schools, the greatest attention was
+paid to pupils intended for the church; while the abilities of those
+destined for secular professions were neglected. See this statement,
+which, coming from such a quarter, is very remarkable, in <i>Mémoires de
+Montbarey</i>, vol. i. pp. 12, 13. Montbarey, so far from being prejudiced
+against the Jesuits, ascribes the Revolution to their overthrow. <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 94. For other evidence of the exclusive and unsecular
+character of their education in the eighteenth century, see <i>Schlosser's
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iv. pp. 29, 30, 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_979_979" id="Footnote_979_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979_979"><span class="label">[979]</span></a> See some singular observations in Parr's first sermon on
+faith and morals (<i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. vi. p. 598), where we are told
+that, in the management of the feud between Calvinists and Arminians,
+&lsquo;the steadiness of defence should be proportionate to the impetuosity of
+assault;&rsquo; unnecessary advice, so far as his own profession is concerned.
+However, the Mohammedan theologians are said to have been even keener
+than the Christians on the subject. See <i>Troyer's Discourse on the
+Dabistan</i>, vol. i. p. cxxxv.; an important work on the Asiatic
+religions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_980_980" id="Footnote_980_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980_980"><span class="label">[980]</span></a> Neander (<i>Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. iv. p. 105) finds the
+germ of the Pelagian controversy in the dispute between Athanasius and
+Apollinaris. Compare, respecting its origin, a note in <i>Milman's Hist.
+of Christianity</i>, 1840, vol. iii. pp. 270, 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_981_981" id="Footnote_981_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981_981"><span class="label">[981]</span></a> No writer I have met with, has stated so fairly and
+clearly the theological boundaries of these doctrines, as Göthe.
+<i>Wahrheit und Dichtung</i>, in <i>Werke</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p. 200,
+Stuttgart, 1837.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_982_982" id="Footnote_982_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982_982"><span class="label">[982]</span></a> Compare <i>Butler's Mem. of the Catholics</i>, vol. iii. p.
+224; <i>Copleston on Necessity and Predestination</i>, pp. 25, 26; <i>Mosheim's
+Eccles. History</i>, vol. ii. p. 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_983_983" id="Footnote_983_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983_983"><span class="label">[983]</span></a> Hence the theory of indulgences, constructed by the Church
+of Rome with perfect consistency, and against which most of the
+Protestant arguments are illogical.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_984_984" id="Footnote_984_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984_984"><span class="label">[984]</span></a> This seems to be the natural tendency, and has been
+observed by Neander in his instructive account of the Gnostics, <i>History
+of the Church</i>, vol. ii. p. 121: &lsquo;The custom with such sects to attach
+themselves to some celebrated name or other of antiquity.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_985_985" id="Footnote_985_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985_985"><span class="label">[985]</span></a> The Dutch church was the first which adopted, as an
+article of faith, the doctrine of election held at Geneva. <i>Mosheim's
+Eccles. History</i>, vol. ii. p. 112. See also, on this doctrine in the
+Netherlands, <i>Sinclair's Corresp.</i> vol. ii. p. 199; <i>Coventry's Speech
+in</i> 1672, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iv. p. 537; and <i>Stäudlin</i>,
+<i>Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften</i>, vol. i. p. 262: &lsquo;In den
+Niederlanden wurde der Calvinische Lehrbegriff zuerst in eine
+scholastische Form gebracht.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>As to the Calvinism of North America, compare <i>Bancroft's American
+Revolution</i>, vol. i. pp. 165, 173, 174, vol. ii. pp. 329, 363, vol. iii.
+p. 213; <i>Lyell's Second Visit to the United States</i>, 1849, vol. i. p.
+51; and <i>Combe's Notes on the United States</i>, vol. i. pp. 35, 99, 223,
+vol. iii. pp. 88, 118, 210, 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_986_986" id="Footnote_986_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986_986"><span class="label">[986]</span></a> It is sometimes said that this was advocated by Bancroft
+as early as 1588; but this assertion appears to be erroneous, and Mr.
+Hallam can find no instance before the reign of James I. <i>Const. Hist.</i>
+vol. i. p. 390. The dogma, though new in the Church of England, was of
+great antiquity. See, on its origin among the early Christians,
+<i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Hist. du Droit</i>, vol. i. p. 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_987_987" id="Footnote_987_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987_987"><span class="label">[987]</span></a> The spread of Arminianism was frequently noticed in
+Parliament during the reign of Charles I. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp.
+444, 452, 455, 470, 484, 487, 491, 660, 947, 1368. On the decline of
+Calvinism at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge early in the
+seventeenth century, see a curious letter from Beale, in <i>Boyle's
+Works</i>, vol. v. p. 483; and on this movement in the church after
+Elizabeth, compare <i>Yonge's Diary</i>, p. 93, edit. Camden Soc. 1848;
+<i>Orme's Life of Owen</i>, p. 32; <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 154&ndash;156, vol. ii. pp. 208, 213, 214; <i>Hutchinson's Mem.</i> pp. 66, 77;
+<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 466; <i>Des Maizeaux's Life of
+Chillingworth</i>, p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_988_988" id="Footnote_988_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988_988"><span class="label">[988]</span></a> Respecting the Calvinism of the opponents of the king, see
+<i>Clarendon's Rebellion</i>, pp. 36, 37; <i>Bulstrode's Memoirs</i>, pp. 8, 9;
+<i>Burton's Diary</i>, vol. iii. p. 206; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 68;
+and on its influence in the House of Commons in 1628, <i>Carwithen's Hist.
+of the Church of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_989_989" id="Footnote_989_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989_989"><span class="label">[989]</span></a> M Heber (<i>Life of Jeremy Taylor</i>, p. cxx.) says, that
+Calvinism is &lsquo;a system of all others the least attractive to the
+feelings of a Roman Catholic.&rsquo; Philip II., the great Catholic champion,
+especially hated the Calvinists, and in one of his edicts called their
+sect &lsquo;détestable,&rsquo; <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist.</i> vol. x. p. 705: compare vol. xi.
+p. 458. To give an earlier instance; when the Roman inquisition was
+revived in 1542, it was ordered that heretics, and in particular
+Calvinists, should not be tolerated: &lsquo;besonders Calvinisten.&rsquo; <i>Ranke</i>,
+<i>Die Päpste</i>, vol. i. p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_990_990" id="Footnote_990_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990_990"><span class="label">[990]</span></a> By way of illustrating this, I may mention, that an
+intelligent observer, who travelled all through Germany, remarked, in
+1780, that the Calvinists, though richer than their opponents, had less
+taste for the arts. <i>Riesbeck's Travels through Germany</i>, London, 1787,
+vol. ii. p. 240. An interesting passage; in which, however, the author
+has shown himself unable to generalize the facts which he indicates.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_991_991" id="Footnote_991_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991_991"><span class="label">[991]</span></a> The Arminians have had among them many men of great
+learning, particularly of patristic learning; but the most profound
+thinkers have been on the other side, as in the instances of Augustin,
+Pascal, and Jonathan Edwards. To these Calvinistic metaphysicians the
+Arminian party can oppose no one of equal ability; and it is remarkable,
+that the Jesuits, by far the most zealous Arminians in the Romish
+Church, have always been celebrated for their erudition, but have paid
+so little attention to the study of the mind, that, as Sir James
+Mackintosh says (<i>Dissert. on Ethical Philos.</i> p. 185), Buffier is &lsquo;the
+only Jesuit whose name has a place in the history of abstract
+philosophy.&rsquo; And it is interesting to observe, that this superiority of
+thought on the part of the Calvinists, accompanied by an inferiority of
+learning, existed from the beginning; for Neander (<i>History of the
+Church</i>, vol. iv. p. 299) remarks, that Pelagius &lsquo;was not possessed of
+the profound speculative spirit which we find in Augustin,&rsquo; but that &lsquo;in
+learning he was Augustin's superior.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_992_992" id="Footnote_992_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992_992"><span class="label">[992]</span></a> &lsquo;A philosophical necessity, grounded on the idea of God's
+foreknowledge, has been supported by theologians of the Calvinistic
+school, more or less rigidly, throughout the whole of the present
+century.&rsquo; <i>Morell's Speculative Philosophy of Europe</i>, 1846, vol. i. p.
+366. Indeed, this tendency is so natural, that we find the doctrine of
+necessity, or something extremely like it, laid down by Augustin. See
+the interesting extracts in <i>Neander's History of the Church</i>, vol. vi.
+pp. 424, 425; where, however, a loophole is left to let in the idea of
+interference, or at all events of superintendence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_993_993" id="Footnote_993_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993_993"><span class="label">[993]</span></a> &lsquo;The five principal tenets of Jansenism, which amount in
+fact to the doctrine of Calvin.&rsquo; <i>Palmer on the Church</i>, vol. i. p. 320;
+and see the remarks of Mackintosh in his <i>Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 411.
+According to the Jesuits, &lsquo;Paulus genuit Augustinum, Augustinus
+Calvinum, Calvinus Jansenium, Jansenius Sancryanum, Sancryanus Arnaldum
+et fratres ejus.&rsquo; <i>Des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iv. pp. 71, 72.
+Compare <i>Huetius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus</i>, p. 64: &lsquo;Jansenium
+dogmata sua ex Calvinianis fontibus derivasse.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_994_994" id="Footnote_994_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994_994"><span class="label">[994]</span></a> Jansenius was born in a village near Leerdam, and was
+educated, if I mistake not, in Utrecht.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_995_995" id="Footnote_995_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995_995"><span class="label">[995]</span></a> The introduction of Jansenism into France is superficially
+related by Duvernet (<i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 170&ndash;175); but
+the reader will find a contemporary and highly characteristic account in
+<i>Mém. de Motteville</i>, vol. ii. pp. 224&ndash;227. The connexion between it and
+the spirit of insubordination was remarked at the time; and Des Réaux,
+who wrote in the middle of the seventeenth century, mentions an opinion
+that the Fronde &lsquo;étoit venue du Jansénisme.&rsquo; <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. iv. p.
+72. Omer Talon too says that, in 1648, &lsquo;il se trouvoit que tous ceux qui
+étoient de cette opinion n'aimoient pas le gouvernement présent de
+l'état,&rsquo; <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 280, 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_996_996" id="Footnote_996_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996_996"><span class="label">[996]</span></a> Brienne, who knew Louis XIV. personally, says,
+&lsquo;Jansénisme, l'horreur du roi.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Brienne</i>, vol. ii. p. 240.
+Compare <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mém. Secrets</i>, vol. i. p. 112. At the end of his
+reign he promoted a bishop on the avowed ground of his opposition to the
+Jansenists; this was in 1713. <i>Lettres inédites de Maintenon</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 396, 406; and see further vol. i. pp. 220, 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_997_997" id="Footnote_997_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997_997"><span class="label">[997]</span></a> &lsquo;La Sorbonne, moliniste sous Louis XIV, fut janséniste
+sous le régent, et toujours divisée.&rsquo; <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Sorbonne</i>, vol. ii. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_998_998" id="Footnote_998_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998_998"><span class="label">[998]</span></a> On the strength of the Jansenists in the parliament of
+Paris, see <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XV</i>, vol. i. p. 352, vol. ii.
+p. 176; <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Diplomatie</i>, vol. vi. p. 486; <i>Mém. de Georgel</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 262; <i>Mém. de Bouillé</i>, vol. i. p. 67; <i>Palmer's Treatise on
+the Church</i>, vol. i. pp. 327, 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_999_999" id="Footnote_999_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999_999"><span class="label">[999]</span></a> <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1000_1000" id="Footnote_1000_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000_1000"><span class="label">[1000]</span></a> <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. i. pp. 31, 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1001_1001" id="Footnote_1001_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001_1001"><span class="label">[1001]</span></a> <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XV</i>, vol. ii. p. 385;
+<i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. liv. p. 275; <i>Mém. de Georgel</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 49&ndash;51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1002_1002" id="Footnote_1002_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002_1002"><span class="label">[1002]</span></a> <i>Duvernet</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1003_1003" id="Footnote_1003_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003_1003"><span class="label">[1003]</span></a> <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p. 119;
+<i>Lavallée</i>, vol. iii. p. 477.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1004_1004" id="Footnote_1004_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004_1004"><span class="label">[1004]</span></a> <i>Mém. de Georgel</i>, vol. i. p. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1005_1005" id="Footnote_1005_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005_1005"><span class="label">[1005]</span></a> <i>La Fayette</i>, <i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. p. 53; <i>Dumont</i>,
+<i>Souvenirs</i>, p. 154; <i>Georgel</i>, vol. ii. p. 353, vol. iii. p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1006_1006" id="Footnote_1006_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006_1006"><span class="label">[1006]</span></a> <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. iii. p. 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1007_1007" id="Footnote_1007_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007_1007"><span class="label">[1007]</span></a> &lsquo;The Jesuits are charged by the vulgar as promoters of
+that attempt.&rsquo; Letter from Stanley, written in 1761, in <i>Chatham
+Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 127. Compare <i>Campan</i>, <i>Mém. de Marie
+Antoinette</i>, vol. iii. pp. 19, 21; <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des Franç.</i> vol.
+xxix. pp. 111, 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1008_1008" id="Footnote_1008_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008_1008"><span class="label">[1008]</span></a> <i>Lavallée</i>, <i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. iii. p. 476.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1009_1009" id="Footnote_1009_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009_1009"><span class="label">[1009]</span></a> <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Diplomatie Franç.</i> vol. vi. p. 491.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1010_1010" id="Footnote_1010_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010_1010"><span class="label">[1010]</span></a> &lsquo;Sans que les accusés eussent été entendus.&rsquo; <i>Lavallée</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 477. &lsquo;Pas un seul n'a été entendu dans leur cause.&rsquo;
+<i>Barruel sur l'Hist. du Jacobinisme</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 264.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1011_1011" id="Footnote_1011_1011"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1011_1011"><span class="label">[1011]</span></a> <i>Lavallée</i>, iii. p. 477; <i>Flassan</i>, vi. pp. 504, 505;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, xxix. p. 234; and the letters written by Diderot, who,
+though he was in Paris at the time, gives rather an incomplete account,
+<i>Mém. de Diderot</i>, vol. ii. pp. 127, 130&ndash;132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1012_1012" id="Footnote_1012_1012"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1012_1012"><span class="label">[1012]</span></a> <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Hist. de la Diplomatie</i>, vol. vi. pp.
+486&ndash;488.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1013_1013" id="Footnote_1013_1013"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1013_1013"><span class="label">[1013]</span></a> &lsquo;Enfin ils furent mis en cause, et le parlement de Paris
+eut l'étonnement et la joie de voir les jésuites amenés devant lui comme
+de vils banqueroutiers.&rsquo; <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. ii. p.
+252. &lsquo;Condemned in France as fraudulent traders.&rsquo; <i>Schlosser's
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iv. p. 451.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1014_1014" id="Footnote_1014_1014"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1014_1014"><span class="label">[1014]</span></a> Several writers attribute the destruction of the Jesuits
+to the exertions of Madame de Pompadour!</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1015_1015" id="Footnote_1015_1015"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1015_1015"><span class="label">[1015]</span></a> Choiseul is reported to have said of the Jesuits: &lsquo;leur
+éducation détruite, tous les autres corps religieux tomberont
+d'eux-mêmes.&rsquo; <i>Barruel</i>, <i>Hist. du Jacobinisme</i>, vol. i. p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1016_1016" id="Footnote_1016_1016"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1016_1016"><span class="label">[1016]</span></a> In 1771, Horace Walpole writes from Paris that the
+churches and convents were become so empty, as to &lsquo;appear like abandoned
+theatres destined to destruction;&rsquo; and this he contrasts with his former
+experience of a different state of things. <i>Walpole's Letters</i>, vol. v.
+p. 310, edit. 1840.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1017_1017" id="Footnote_1017_1017"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1017_1017"><span class="label">[1017]</span></a> &lsquo;So low had the talents of the once illustrious church of
+France fallen, that in the latter part of the eighteenth century, when
+Christianity itself was assailed, not one champion of note appeared in
+its ranks; and when the convocation of the clergy, in 1770, published
+their famous anathema against the dangers of unbelief, and offered
+rewards for the best essays in defence of the Christian faith, the
+productions called forth were so despicable that they sensibly injured
+the cause of religion.&rsquo; <i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. i. pp. 180,
+181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1018_1018" id="Footnote_1018_1018"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1018_1018"><span class="label">[1018]</span></a> In 1766, the Rev. William Cole writes to Alban Butler: &lsquo;I
+travelled to Paris through Lille and Cambray in their public voitures,
+and was greatly scandalized and amazed at the open and unreserved
+disrespect, both of the trading and military people, for their clergy
+and religious establishment. When I got to Paris, it was much worse.&rsquo;
+<i>Ellis's Original Letters</i>, second series, vol. iv. p. 485. See also
+<i>Walpole's Letters to Lady Ossory</i>, vol. ii. p. 513, edit. 1848; and the
+complaint made at Besançon in 1761, in <i>Lepan</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p.
+113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1019_1019" id="Footnote_1019_1019"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1019_1019"><span class="label">[1019]</span></a> And also to retain their immense property, which, when the
+Revolution occurred, was estimated at 80,000,000<i>l.</i> English money,
+bringing in a yearly revenue of &lsquo;somewhat under 75,000,000 francs.&rsquo;
+<i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 183, vol. ii. p. 20, vol. xiv. pp. 122,
+123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1020_1020" id="Footnote_1020_1020"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1020_1020"><span class="label">[1020]</span></a> M. Barante (<i>Littérature Française au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, p.
+94) says, &lsquo;On arriva bientôt à tout nier; déjà l'incrédulité avait
+rejeté les preuves divines de la révélation, et avait abjuré les devoirs
+et les souvenirs chrétiens; on vit alors l'athéisme lever un front plus
+hardi, et proclamer que tout sentiment religieux était une rêverie et un
+désordre de l'esprit humain. C'est de l'époque de l'Encyclopédie que
+datent les écrits où cette opinion est le plus expressément professée.
+Ils furent peu imités.&rsquo; This last sentence is erroneous, I am sorry to
+say.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1021_1021" id="Footnote_1021_1021"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1021_1021"><span class="label">[1021]</span></a> &lsquo;Dans un intervalle de douze années, de 1758 à 1770, la
+littérature française fut souillée par un grand nombre d'ouvrages où
+l'athéisme étoit ouvertement professé.&rsquo; <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1022_1022" id="Footnote_1022_1022"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1022_1022"><span class="label">[1022]</span></a> Voltaire, who wrote against it, mentions its diffusion
+among all classes, and says it was read by &lsquo;des savants, des ignorants,
+des femmes.&rsquo; <i>Dict. Philos.</i> article <i>Dieu</i>, section iv., in <i>&#338;uvres
+de Voltaire</i>, vol. xxxviii. p. 366: see also vol. lxvii. p. 260;
+<i>Longchamp et Wagnière</i>, <i>Mém. sur Voltaire</i>, vol. i. pp. 13, 334;
+<i>Lettres inédites de Voltaire</i>, vol. ii. pp. 210, 216; and a letter from
+him in <i>Correspond. de Dudeffand</i>, vol. ii. p. 329. Compare <i>Tennemann</i>,
+<i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. xi. p. 320: &lsquo;mit ungetheiltem Beifalle
+aufgenommen worden und grossen Einfluss
+gehabt hat.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1023_1023" id="Footnote_1023_1023"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1023_1023"><span class="label">[1023]</span></a> &lsquo;Le code monstrueux d'athéisme.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxix.
+p. 88. Morellet, who in such matters was by no means a harsh judge,
+says, &lsquo;<i>Le Système de la Nature</i>, surtout, est un catéchisme d'athéisme
+complet.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. p. 133. Stäudlin (<i>Gesch. der
+theolog. Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. p. 440) calls it &lsquo;ein System des
+entschiedenen Atheismus:&rsquo; while Tennemann, who has given by far the best
+account of it I have met with, says, &lsquo;Es machte bei seinem Erscheinen
+gewaltiges Aufsehen, und ist fast immer als das Handbuch des Atheismus
+betrachtet worden.&rsquo; <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. xi. p. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1024_1024" id="Footnote_1024_1024"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1024_1024"><span class="label">[1024]</span></a> &lsquo;Le monstrueux athéisme est devenu l'opinion dominante.&rsquo;
+<i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. iii. p. 16: the address of the
+archbishop with a deputation, &lsquo;muni des pouvoirs de l'assemblée générale
+du clergé,&rsquo; in September 1775.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1025_1025" id="Footnote_1025_1025"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1025_1025"><span class="label">[1025]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. x. pp. 471, 669, vol. xxvii. p. 8, vol.
+xxx. p. 542; <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, vol. i. p. 305; <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Règne de
+Louis XV</i>, vol. ii. p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1026_1026" id="Footnote_1026_1026"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1026_1026"><span class="label">[1026]</span></a> <i>Mem. of Mallet du Pan</i>, vol. i. p. 50; <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne
+de Louis XVI</i>, vol. v. p. 127; <i>Barruel</i>, <i>Hist. du Jacobin.</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 104, 135, 225, vol. ii. p. 23, vol. iii. p. 200; <i>Life of Romilly</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 46, 145; <i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Theolog.
+Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. p. 440; <i>Georgel</i>, <i>Mém.</i> vol. ii. pp.
+250, 350; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. xv. p. 87;
+<i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. p. 130; <i>Lepan</i>, <i>Vie de Voltaire</i>, p. 369;
+<i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. xi. p. 350; <i>Musset Pathay</i>, <i>Vie
+de Rousseau</i>, vol. ii. pp. 177, 297; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. v. p. 180;
+<i>Hitchcock's Geol.</i> p. 263; <i>Mém. d'Epinay</i>, vol. ii. pp. 63, 66, 76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1027_1027" id="Footnote_1027_1027"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1027_1027"><span class="label">[1027]</span></a> This was related to Romilly by Diderot. <i>Life of Romilly</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 131, 132: see also <i>Burton's Life of Hume</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+220. Priestley, who visited France in 1774, says, that &lsquo;all the
+philosophical persons to whom I was introduced at Paris (were)
+unbelievers in Christianity, and even professed atheists.&rsquo; <i>Priestley's
+Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 74. See also a letter by Horace Walpole, written
+from Paris in 1765 (<i>Walpole's Letters</i>, edit. 1840, vol. v. p. 96):
+&lsquo;their avowed doctrine is atheism.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1028_1028" id="Footnote_1028_1028"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1028_1028"><span class="label">[1028]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xx. p. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1029_1029" id="Footnote_1029_1029"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1029_1029"><span class="label">[1029]</span></a> &lsquo;Si la nature, au lieu de mains et de doigts flexibles,
+eût terminé nos poignets par un pied de cheval; qui doute que les
+hommes, sans art, sans habitations, sans défense contre les animaux,
+tout occupés du soin de pourvoir à leur nourriture et d'éviter les bêtes
+féroces, ne fussent encore errants dans les forêts comme des troupeaux
+fugitifs?&rsquo; <i>Helvétius</i>, <i>De l'Esprit</i>, vol. i. p. 2. Had Helvétius ever
+read the attack of Aristotle against Anaxagoras for asserting that
+&#948;&#953;&#8048; &#964;&#8056; &#967;&#949;&#8150;&#959;&#945;&#962; &#7956;&#967;&#949;&#953;&#957;,
+&#966;&#961;&#959;&#957;&#953;&#956;&#8061;&#8061;&#964;&#945;&#964;&#959;&#957; &#949;&#8150;&#957;&#945;&#953; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#950;&#8061;&#969;&#957; &#964;&#8056;&#957;
+&#7940;&#957;&#952;&#961;&#969;&#960;&#959;&#957;? <i>Cudworth</i>, <i>Intellect. Syst.</i> vol. iii. p. 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1030_1030" id="Footnote_1030_1030"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1030_1030"><span class="label">[1030]</span></a> <i>De l'Esprit</i>, vol. i. p. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1031_1031" id="Footnote_1031_1031"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1031_1031"><span class="label">[1031]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1032_1032" id="Footnote_1032_1032"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1032_1032"><span class="label">[1032]</span></a> &lsquo;En effet la mémoire ne peut être qu'un des organes de la
+sensibilité physique.&rsquo; vol. i. p. 6. Compare what M. Lepelletier says on
+this, in his <i>Physiologie Médicale</i>, vol. iii. p. 272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1033_1033" id="Footnote_1033_1033"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1033_1033"><span class="label">[1033]</span></a> &lsquo;D'où je conclus que tout jugement n'est qu'une
+sensation.&rsquo; <i>De l'Esprit</i>, vol. i. p. 10; &lsquo;<i>juger</i>, comme je l'ai déjà
+prouvé, n'est proprement que <i>sentir</i>.&rsquo; p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1034_1034" id="Footnote_1034_1034"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1034_1034"><span class="label">[1034]</span></a> &lsquo;Né sensible à la douleur et au plaisir, c'est à la
+sensibilité physique que l'homme doit ses passions; et à ses passions,
+qu'il doit tous ses vices et toutes ses vertus.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 53;
+and see vol. i. p. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1035_1035" id="Footnote_1035_1035"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1035_1035"><span class="label">[1035]</span></a> &lsquo;Une fois parvenu à cette vérité, je découvre facilement
+la source des vertus humaines; je voie que sans la sensibilité à la
+douleur et au plaisir physique, les hommes, sans désirs, sans passions,
+également indifférents à tout, n'eussent point connu d'intérêt
+personnel; que sans intérêt personnel ils ne se fussent point rassemblés
+en société, n'eussent point fait entr'eux de conventions, qu'il n'y eût
+point eu d'intérêt général, par conséquent point d'actions justes ou
+injustes; et qu'ainsi la sensibilité physique et l'intérêt personnel ont
+été les auteurs de toute justice.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1036_1036" id="Footnote_1036_1036"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1036_1036"><span class="label">[1036]</span></a> <i>De l'Esprit</i>, vol. ii. pp. 19, 20, 30, 34, 293, 294, 318.
+Compare Epicurus, in <i>Diog. Laert. de Vit. Philos.</i> lib. x. seg. 120,
+vol. i. p. 654.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1037_1037" id="Footnote_1037_1037"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1037_1037"><span class="label">[1037]</span></a> <i>De l'Esprit</i>, vol. ii. p. 45. He sums up: &lsquo;il s'ensuit
+que l'amitié, ainsi que l'avarice, l'orgueil, l'ambition et les autres
+passions, est l'effet immédiat de la sensibilité physique.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1038_1038" id="Footnote_1038_1038"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1038_1038"><span class="label">[1038]</span></a> &lsquo;Il lui est aussi impossible d'aimer le bien pour le bien,
+que d'aimer le mal pour le mal.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1039_1039" id="Footnote_1039_1039"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1039_1039"><span class="label">[1039]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1040_1040" id="Footnote_1040_1040"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1040_1040"><span class="label">[1040]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1041_1041" id="Footnote_1041_1041"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1041_1041"><span class="label">[1041]</span></a> &lsquo;Nous sommes uniquement ce que nous font les objets qui
+nous environnent.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 306.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1042_1042" id="Footnote_1042_1042"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1042_1042"><span class="label">[1042]</span></a> Saint Surin, a zealous opponent of Helvétius, admits that
+&lsquo;les étrangers les plus éminents par leurs dignités ou par leurs
+lumières, désiraient d'être introduits chez un philosophe dont le nom
+retentissait dans toute l'Europe.&rsquo; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xx. p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1043_1043" id="Footnote_1043_1043"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1043_1043"><span class="label">[1043]</span></a> Brissot (<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. p. 339) says, that in 1775,
+&lsquo;le système d'Helvétius avait alors la plus grande vogue.&rsquo; Turgot, who
+wrote against it, complains that it was praised &lsquo;avec une sorte de
+fureur&rsquo; (<i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol. ix. p. 297); and Georgel
+(<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. ii. p. 256) says, &lsquo;ce livre, écrit avec un style plein
+de chaleur et d'images, se trouvoit sur toutes les toilettes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1044_1044" id="Footnote_1044_1044"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1044_1044"><span class="label">[1044]</span></a> &lsquo;D'ailleurs le siècle de Louis XV se
+reconnut dans l'ouvrage d'Helvétius, et on prête à Mme. Dudeffand ce mot
+fin et profond: &ldquo;C'est un homme qui a dit le secret de tout le monde.&rdquo;&rsquo;
+<i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> I. série, vol. iii. p. 201. Compare
+<i>Corresp. de Dudeffand</i>, vol. i. p. xxii.; and a similar sentiment in
+<i>Mém. de Roland</i>, vol. i. p. 104. The relation of Helvétius's work to
+the prevailing philosophy is noticed in <i>Comte's Philos. Pos.</i> vol. iii.
+pp. 791, 792. vol. v. pp. 744, 745.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1045_1045" id="Footnote_1045_1045"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1045_1045"><span class="label">[1045]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. ix. p. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1046_1046" id="Footnote_1046_1046"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1046_1046"><span class="label">[1046]</span></a> &lsquo;Condillac est le métaphysicien français du XVIII<sup>e</sup>
+siècle.&rsquo; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philos.</i> I. série, vol. iii. p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1047_1047" id="Footnote_1047_1047"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1047_1047"><span class="label">[1047]</span></a> &lsquo;Traité des Sensations,&rsquo; which, as M. Cousin says, is,
+&lsquo;sans comparaison, le chef-d'&oelig;uvre de Condillac.&rsquo; <i>Hist. de la
+Philos.</i> II. série, vol. ii. p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1048_1048" id="Footnote_1048_1048"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1048_1048"><span class="label">[1048]</span></a> On the immense influence of Condillac, compare <i>Renouard</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 355; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 387; <i>Broussais</i>, <i>Cours de Phrénologie</i>, pp. 45, 68&ndash;71, 829;
+<i>Pinel</i>, <i>Alién. Mentale</i>, p. 94; <i>Brown's Philos. of the Mind</i>, p.
+212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1049_1049" id="Footnote_1049_1049"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1049_1049"><span class="label">[1049]</span></a> Whether or not Locke held that reflection is an
+independent as well as a separate faculty, is uncertain; because
+passages could be quoted from his writings to prove either the
+affirmative or the negative. Dr. Whewell justly remarks, that Locke uses
+the word so vaguely as to &lsquo;allow his disciples to make of his doctrines
+what they please.&rsquo; <i>History of Moral Philosophy</i>, 1852, p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1050_1050" id="Footnote_1050_1050"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1050_1050"><span class="label">[1050]</span></a> &lsquo;Locke distingue deux sources de nos idées, les sens et la
+réflexion. Il seroit plus exact de n'en reconnoître qu'une, soit
+parceque la réflexion n'est dans son principe que la sensation même,
+soit parce qu'elle est moins la source des idées que le canal par lequel
+elles découlent des sens.&rsquo; <i>Condillac</i>, <i>Traité des Sensations</i>, p. 13:
+see also, at pp. 19, 216, the way in which sensation becomes reflection;
+and the summing up, at p. 416, &lsquo;que toutes nos connoissances viennent
+des sens, et particulièrement du toucher.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1051_1051" id="Footnote_1051_1051"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1051_1051"><span class="label">[1051]</span></a> He says of Mallebranche (<i>Traité des Sensations</i>, p.
+312), &lsquo;ne pouvant comprendre comment nous formerions nous-mêmes ces
+jugemens, il les attribue à Dieu; manière de raisonner fort commode, et
+presque toujours la ressource des philosophes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1052_1052" id="Footnote_1052_1052"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1052_1052"><span class="label">[1052]</span></a> &lsquo;Mais à peine j'arrête la vue sur un objet, que les
+sensations particulières que j'en reçois sont l'attention même que je
+lui donne.&rsquo; <i>Traité des Sensations</i>, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1053_1053" id="Footnote_1053_1053"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1053_1053"><span class="label">[1053]</span></a> &lsquo;Ne sont que différentes manières d'être attentif.&rsquo; p.
+122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1054_1054" id="Footnote_1054_1054"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1054_1054"><span class="label">[1054]</span></a> &lsquo;Dès qu'il y a double attention, il y a comparaison; car
+être attentif à deux idées ou les comparer, c'est la même chose.&rsquo; p.
+17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1055_1055" id="Footnote_1055_1055"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1055_1055"><span class="label">[1055]</span></a> &lsquo;Dès qu'il y a comparaison, il y a jugement.&rsquo; p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1056_1056" id="Footnote_1056_1056"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1056_1056"><span class="label">[1056]</span></a> &lsquo;La mémoire n'est donc que la sensation transformée.&rsquo; p.
+17. Compare p. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1057_1057" id="Footnote_1057_1057"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1057_1057"><span class="label">[1057]</span></a> &lsquo;L'imagination est la mémoire même, parvenue à toute la
+vivacité dont elle est susceptible.&rsquo; p. 78. &lsquo;Or j'ai appelé imagination
+cette mémoire vive qui fait paroître présent ce qui est absent.&rsquo; p. 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1058_1058" id="Footnote_1058_1058"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1058_1058"><span class="label">[1058]</span></a> &lsquo;Il résulte de cette vérité, que la nature commence tout
+en nous: aussi ai-je démontré que, dans le principe ou dans le
+commencement, nos connoissances sont uniquement son ouvrage, que nous ne
+nous instruisons que d'après ses leçons, et que tout l'art de raisonner
+consisté à continuer comme elle nous a fait commencer.&rsquo; p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1059_1059" id="Footnote_1059_1059"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1059_1059"><span class="label">[1059]</span></a> Compare <i>Powell on Radiant Heat</i>, p. 261, in <i>Second Rep.
+of Brit. Assoc.</i>; <i>Whewell's History of Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 526; and
+his <i>Philosophy</i>, vol. i. pp. 339, 340. Prevost was professor at Geneva;
+but his great views were followed up in France by Dulong and Petit; and
+the celebrated theory of dew by Dr. Wells is merely an application of
+them. <i>Herschel's Nat. Philosophy</i>, pp. 163, 315, 316. Respecting the
+further prosecution of these inquiries, and our present knowledge of
+radiant heat, see <i>Liebig and Kopp's Reports</i>, vol. i. p. 79, vol. iii.
+p. 30, vol. iv. p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1060_1060" id="Footnote_1060_1060"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1060_1060"><span class="label">[1060]</span></a> On Fourier's mathematical theory of conduction, see
+<i>Comte</i>, <i>Philos. Positive</i>, vol. i. pp. 142, 175, 345, 346, 351, vol.
+ii. pp. 453, 551; <i>Prout's Bridgewater Treatise</i>, pp. 203, 204; <i>Kelland
+on Heat</i>, p. 6, in <i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1841; <i>Erman's Siberia</i>, vol. i.
+p. 243; <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. i. p. 169; <i>Hitchcock's Geology</i>, p.
+198; <i>Pouillet</i>, <i>Elémens de Physique</i>, ii. 696, 697.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1061_1061" id="Footnote_1061_1061"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1061_1061"><span class="label">[1061]</span></a> Coulomb's memoirs on electricity and magnetism were
+published from 1782 to 1789. <i>Fifth Report of Brit. Assoc.</i> p. 4.
+Compare <i>Liebig and Kopp's Reports</i>, vol. iii. p. 128; and on his
+relation to &#338;pinus, who wrote in 1759, see <i>Whewell's Induc.
+Sciences</i>, vol. iii. pp. 24&ndash;26, 35, 36, and <i>Haüy</i>, <i>Traité de
+Minéralogie</i>, vol. iii. p. 44, vol. iv. p. 14. There is a still fuller
+account of what was effected by Coulomb in M. Pouillet's able work,
+<i>Elémens de Physique</i>, vol. i. part ii. pp. 63&ndash;79, 130&ndash;135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1062_1062" id="Footnote_1062_1062"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1062_1062"><span class="label">[1062]</span></a> Fresnel belongs to the present century; but M. Biot says
+that the researches of Malus began before the passage of the Rhine in
+1797. <i>Biot's Life of Malus</i>, in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 412.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1063_1063" id="Footnote_1063_1063"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1063_1063"><span class="label">[1063]</span></a> <i>Pouillet</i>, <i>Elémens de Physique</i>, vol. ii. part ii. pp.
+484, 514; <i>Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1832</i>, p. 314; <i>Leslie's Nat.
+Philos.</i> p. 83; <i>Whewell's Hist. of Sciences</i>, vol. ii. pp. 408&ndash;410;
+<i>Philos. of Sciences</i>, vol. i. p. 350, vol. ii. p. 25; <i>Herschel's Nat.
+Philos.</i> p. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1064_1064" id="Footnote_1064_1064"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1064_1064"><span class="label">[1064]</span></a> The struggle between these rival theories, and the ease
+with which a man of such immense powers as Young was put down, and, as
+it were, suppressed, by those ignorant pretenders who presumed to
+criticize him, will be related in another part of this work, as a
+valuable illustration of the history and habits of the English mind. At
+present the controversy is finished, so far as the advocates of emission
+are concerned; but there are still difficulties on the other side, which
+should have prevented Dr. Whewell from expressing himself with such
+extreme positiveness on an unexhausted subject. This able writer says:
+&lsquo;The undulatory theory of light; the only discovery which can stand by
+the side of the theory of universal gravitation, as a doctrine belonging
+to the same order, for its generality, its fertility, and its
+certainty.&rsquo; <i>Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 425;
+see also p. 508.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1065_1065" id="Footnote_1065_1065"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1065_1065"><span class="label">[1065]</span></a> As to the supposed impossibility of conceiving the
+existence of matter without properties which give rise to forces (note
+in <i>Paget's Lectures on Pathology</i>, 1853, vol. i. p. 61), there are two
+reasons which prevent me from attaching much weight to it. First, a
+conception which, in one stage of knowledge, is called impossible,
+becomes, in a later stage, perfectly easy, and so natural as to be often
+termed necessary. Secondly, however indissoluble the connexion may
+appear between force and matter, it was not found fatal to the dynamical
+theory of Leibnitz; it has not prevented other eminent thinkers from
+holding similar views; and the arguments of Berkeley, though constantly
+attacked, have never been refuted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1066_1066" id="Footnote_1066_1066"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1066_1066"><span class="label">[1066]</span></a> Every chemical decomposition being only a new form of
+composition. <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, vol. i. pp. 455,
+456, 498: &lsquo;de tout cela il résulte, que la dissolution est un cas
+particulier des combinaisons.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1067_1067" id="Footnote_1067_1067"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1067_1067"><span class="label">[1067]</span></a> What is erroneously called the atomic theory, is,
+properly speaking, an hypothesis, and not a theory: but hypothesis
+though it be, it is by its aid that we wield the doctrine of definite
+proportions, the corner stone of chemistry.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1068_1068" id="Footnote_1068_1068"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1068_1068"><span class="label">[1068]</span></a> Many of them being still fettered, in geology, by the
+hypothesis of catastrophes; in chemistry, by the hypothesis of vital
+forces.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1069_1069" id="Footnote_1069_1069"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1069_1069"><span class="label">[1069]</span></a> See, for instance, <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 32&ndash;34, 40; <i>Liebig's Letters on Chemistry</i>, p. 282; <i>Turner's
+Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 184, 185; <i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp.
+lxxxv.&ndash;lxxxix. 302; <i>Thomson's Animal Chemistry</i>, pp. 520, 634, and a
+great part of the second volume of his <i>History of Chemistry</i>; also
+<i>Müller's Physiol.</i> vol. i. pp. 90, 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1070_1070" id="Footnote_1070_1070"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1070_1070"><span class="label">[1070]</span></a> According to Mr. Harcourt (<i>Brit. Assoc. Report for
+1839</i>, p. 10), Cavendish has this merit, so far as England is concerned:
+&lsquo;He, first of all his contemporaries, did justice to the rival theory
+recently proposed by Lavoisier.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1071_1071" id="Footnote_1071_1071"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1071_1071"><span class="label">[1071]</span></a> La chimie française. <i>Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 101, 130. On the excitement caused by Lavoisier's views,
+see a letter which Jefferson wrote in Paris, in 1789, printed partly in
+<i>Tucker's Life of Jefferson</i>, vol. i. pp. 314, 315; and at length in
+<i>Jefferson's Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 453&ndash;455.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1072_1072" id="Footnote_1072_1072"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1072_1072"><span class="label">[1072]</span></a> &lsquo;The first attempt to form a systematic chemical
+nomenclature was made by Lavoisier, Berthollet, G. de Morveau, and
+Fourcroy, soon after the discovery of oxygen gas.&rsquo; <i>Turner's Chemistry</i>,
+vol. i. p. 127. Cuvier (<i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. i. p. 39) and Robin
+et Verdeil (<i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, vol. i. pp. 602, 603) ascribe the chief
+merit to De Morveau. Thomson says (<i>Hist. of Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p.
+133): &lsquo;This new nomenclature very soon made its way into every part of
+Europe, and became the common language of chemists, in spite of the
+prejudices entertained against it, and the opposition which it every
+where met with.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1073_1073" id="Footnote_1073_1073"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1073_1073"><span class="label">[1073]</span></a> The famous central heat of Buffon is often supposed to
+have been taken from Leibnitz; but, though vaguely taught by the
+ancients, the real founder of the doctrine appears to have been
+Descartes. See <i>Bordas Demoulin</i>, <i>Cartésianisme</i>, Paris, 1843, vol. i.
+p. 312. There is an unsatisfactory note on this in <i>Prichard's Physical
+Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 100. Compare <i>Experimental Hist. of Cold</i>, tit. 17, in
+<i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 308; <i>Brewster's Life of Newton</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 100. On the central heat of the Pythagoreans, see <i>Tennemann</i>,
+<i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. i. p. 149; and as to the central fire
+mentioned in the so-called Oracles of Zoroaster, see <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Hist.
+de Manichée</i>, vol. ii. p. 152. But the complete ignorance of the
+ancients respecting geology made these views nothing but guesses.
+Compare some sensible remarks in <i>Matter's Hist. de l'Ecole
+d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. ii. p. 282.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1074_1074" id="Footnote_1074_1074"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1074_1074"><span class="label">[1074]</span></a> This comprehensiveness of Cuvier is justly remarked by M.
+Flourens as the leading characteristic of his mind. <i>Flourens</i>, <i>Hist.
+des Travaux de Cuvier</i>, pp. 76, 142, 306: &lsquo;ce qui caractérise partout M.
+Cuvier, c'est l'esprit vaste.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1075_1075" id="Footnote_1075_1075"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1075_1075"><span class="label">[1075]</span></a> Hence he is called by Mr. Owen, &lsquo;the founder of
+palæontological science.&rsquo; <i>Owen on Fossil Mammalia</i>, in <i>Report of Brit.
+Assoc. for 1843</i>, p. 208. It was in 1796 that there were thus &lsquo;opened to
+him entirely new views of the theory of the earth.&rsquo; p. 209. See also
+<i>Bakewell's Geology</i>, p. 368; and <i>Milne Edwards</i>, <i>Zoologie</i>, part ii.
+p. 279. The importance of this step is becoming more evident every year;
+and it has been justly remarked, that without palæontology there would
+be, properly speaking, no geology. <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, 1849, p. 591. Sir
+R. Murchison (<i>Siluria</i>, 1854, p. 366) says, &lsquo;it is essentially the
+study of organic remains which has led to the clear subdivision of the
+vast mass of older rocks, which were there formerly merged under the
+unmeaning term &ldquo;Grauwacke.&rdquo;&rsquo; In the same able work, p. 465, we are told
+that, &lsquo;in surveying the whole series of formations, the practical
+geologist is fully impressed with the conviction that there has, at all
+periods, subsisted a very intimate connexion between the existence, or,
+at all events, the preservation of animals, and the media in which they
+have been fossilized.&rsquo; For an instance of this in the old red sandstone,
+see p. 329.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1076_1076" id="Footnote_1076_1076"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1076_1076"><span class="label">[1076]</span></a> <i>Whewell's Hist. of Sciences</i>, vol. iii. p. 679; <i>Lyell's
+Geol.</i> p. 59. Indeed gneiss received its name from the Germans.
+<i>Bakewell's Geol.</i> p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1077_1077" id="Footnote_1077_1077"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1077_1077"><span class="label">[1077]</span></a> Compare <i>Conybeare's Report on Geology</i>, p. 371 (<i>Brit.
+Assoc. for</i> 1832), with <i>Bakewell's Geol.</i> pp. 367, 368, 419, and
+<i>Lyell's Geol.</i> p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1078_1078" id="Footnote_1078_1078"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1078_1078"><span class="label">[1078]</span></a> In the older half of the secondary rocks, mammals are
+hardly to be found, and they do not become common until the tertiary.
+<i>Murchison's Siluria</i>, pp. 466, 467; and <i>Strickland on Ornithology</i>, p.
+210 (<i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1844). So, too, in the vegetable kingdom, many
+of the plants in the tertiary strata belong to genera still existing;
+but this is rarely the case with the secondary strata; while in the
+primary strata, even the families are different to those now found on
+the earth. <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, pp. 592, 593. Compare Wilson's additions
+to <i>Jussieu's Botany</i>, 1849, p. 746; and for further illustration of
+this remarkable law of the relation between advancing time and
+diminished similarity, a law suggesting the most curious speculations,
+see <i>Hitchcock's Geology</i>, p. 21; <i>Lyell's Geology</i>, p. 183; and <i>Owen's
+Lectures on the Invertebrata</i>, 1855, pp. 38, 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1079_1079" id="Footnote_1079_1079"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1079_1079"><span class="label">[1079]</span></a> Mr. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire (<i>Anomalies de
+l'Organisation</i>, vol. i. pp. 121&ndash;127) has collected some evidence
+respecting the opinions formerly held on these subjects. Among other
+instances, he mentions a learned man named Henrion, an academician, and,
+I suppose, a theologian, who in 1718 published a work, in which &lsquo;il
+assignait à Adam cent vingt-trois pieds neuf pouces;&rsquo; Noah being twenty
+feet shorter, and so on. The bones of elephants were sometimes taken for
+giants: see a pleasant circumstance in <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des Sciences</i>,
+part ii. p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1080_1080" id="Footnote_1080_1080"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1080_1080"><span class="label">[1080]</span></a> &lsquo;Daubenton a le premier détruit toutes ces idées; il a le
+premier appliqué l'anatomie comparée à la détermination de ces os&hellip;. Le
+mémoire où Daubenton a tenté, pour la première fois, la solution de ce
+problème important est de 1762.&rsquo; <i>Flourens</i>, <i>Travaux de Cuvier</i>, pp.
+36, 37. Agassiz (<i>Report on Fossil Fishes</i>, p. 82, <i>Brit. Assoc. for</i>
+1842) claims this merit too exclusively for Cuvier, overlooking the
+earlier researches of Daubenton; and the same mistake is made in
+<i>Hitchcock's Geol.</i> p. 249, and in <i>Bakewell's Geol.</i> p. 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1081_1081" id="Footnote_1081_1081"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1081_1081"><span class="label">[1081]</span></a> Even Cuvier held the doctrine of catastrophes; but, as
+Sir Charles Lyell says (<i>Principles of Geology</i>, p. 60), his own
+discoveries supplied the means of overthrowing it, and of familiarizing
+us with the idea of continuity. Indeed it was one of the fossil
+observations of Cuvier which first supplied the link between reptiles,
+fishes, and cetaceous mammals. See <i>Owen on Fossil Reptiles</i>, pp. 60,
+198, <i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1841; and compare <i>Carus's Comparative Anatomy</i>,
+vol. i. p. 155. To this I may add, that Cuvier unconsciously prepared
+the way for disturbing the old dogma of fixity of species, though he
+himself clung to it to the last. See some observations, which are very
+remarkable, considering the period when they were written, in <i>Cabanis</i>,
+<i>Rapports du Physique et du Moral</i>, pp. 427, 428: conclusions drawn from
+Cuvier, which Cuvier would have himself rejected.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1082_1082" id="Footnote_1082_1082"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1082_1082"><span class="label">[1082]</span></a> Neither Montesquieu nor Turgot appear to have believed in
+the possibility of generalizing the past, so as to predict the future;
+while as to Voltaire, the weakest point in his otherwise profound view
+of history was his love of the old saying, that great events spring from
+little causes; a singular error for so comprehensive a mind, because it
+depended on confusing causes with conditions. That a man like Voltaire
+should have committed what now seems so gross a blunder, is a mortifying
+reflection for those who are able to appreciate his vast and penetrating
+genius, and it may teach the best of us a wholesome lesson. This fallacy
+was avoided by Montesquieu and Turgot; and the former writer, in
+particular, displayed such extraordinary ability, that there can be
+little doubt, that had he lived at a later period, and thus had the
+means of employing in their full extent the resources of political
+economy and physical science, he would have had the honour not only of
+laying the basis, but also of rearing the structure of the philosophy of
+the history of Man. As it was, he failed in conceiving what is the final
+object of every scientific inquiry, namely, the power of foretelling the
+future: and after his death, in 1755, all the finest intellects in
+France, Voltaire alone excepted, concentrated their attention upon the
+study of natural phenomena.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1083_1083" id="Footnote_1083_1083"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1083_1083"><span class="label">[1083]</span></a> The line of demarcation between anatomy as statical, and
+physiology as dynamical, is clearly drawn by M. Comte (<i>Philos.
+Positive</i>, vol. iii. p. 303) and by MM. Robin et Verdeil (<i>Chimie
+Anatomique</i>, vol. i. pp. 11, 12, 40, 102, 188, 434). What is said by
+Carus (<i>Comparative Anatomy</i>, vol. ii. p. 356) and by Sir Benjamin
+Brodie (<i>Lectures on Pathology and Surgery</i>, p. 6) comes nearly to the
+same thing, though expressed with less precision. On the other hand, M.
+Milne Edwards (<i>Zoologie</i>, part i. p. 9) calls physiology &lsquo;la science de
+la vie;&rsquo; which, if true, would simply prove that there is no physiology
+at all, for there certainly is at present no science of life.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1084_1084" id="Footnote_1084_1084"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1084_1084"><span class="label">[1084]</span></a> In his <i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. i. pp. vi. vii., he says that
+preceding naturalists &lsquo;n'avaient guère considéré que les rapports
+extérieurs de ces espèces, et personne ne s'était occupé de coördonner
+les classes et les ordres d'après l'ensemble de la structure&hellip;. Je dus
+donc, et cette obligation me prit un temps considérable, je dus faire
+marcher de front l'anatomie et la zoologie, les dissections et le
+classement&hellip;. Les premiers résultats de ce double travail parurent en
+1795, dans un mémoire spécial sur une nouvelle division des animaux à
+sang blanc.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1085_1085" id="Footnote_1085_1085"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1085_1085"><span class="label">[1085]</span></a> On the opposition between the methods of Linnæus and of
+Cuvier, see <i>Jenyns' Report on Zoology</i>, pp. 144, 145, in <i>Brit. Assoc.
+for</i> 1834.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1086_1086" id="Footnote_1086_1086"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1086_1086"><span class="label">[1086]</span></a> The foundations of this celebrated arrangement was laid
+by Cuvier, in a paper read in 1795. <i>Whewell's History of the Induc.
+Sciences</i>, vol. iii. p. 494. It appears, however (<i>Flourens</i>, <i>Travaux
+de Cuvier</i>, pp. 69, 70), that it was in, or just after, 1791, that the
+dissection of some mollusca suggested to him the idea of reforming the
+classification of the whole animal kingdom. Compare <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Règne
+Animal</i>, vol. i. pp. 51, 52 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1087_1087" id="Footnote_1087_1087"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1087_1087"><span class="label">[1087]</span></a> The only formidable opposition made to Cuvier's
+arrangement has proceeded from the advocates of the doctrine of circular
+progression: a remarkable theory, of which Lamarck and Macleay are the
+real originators, and which is certainly supported by a considerable
+amount of evidence. Still, among the great majority of competent
+zoologists, the fourfold division holds its ground, although the
+constantly-increasing accuracy of microscopical observations has
+detected a nervous system much lower in the scale than was formerly
+suspected, and has thereby induced some anatomists to divide the radiata
+into acrita and nematoneura. <i>Owen's Invertebrata</i>, 1855, pp. 14, 15;
+and <i>Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom</i>, 1855, p. 4. As, however, it seems
+probable that all animals have a distinct nervous system, this
+subdivision is only provisional; and it is very likely that when our
+microscopes are more improved, we shall have to return to Cuvier's
+arrangement. Some of Cuvier's successors have removed the apodous
+echinoderms from the radiata; but in this Mr. Rymer Jones (<i>Animal
+Kingdom</i>, p. 211) vindicates the Cuverian classification.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1088_1088" id="Footnote_1088_1088"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1088_1088"><span class="label">[1088]</span></a> We may except Aristotle; but between Aristotle and Bichat
+I can find no middle man.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1089_1089" id="Footnote_1089_1089"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1089_1089"><span class="label">[1089]</span></a> But not exclusively. Mr. Blainville (<i>Physiol. comparée</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 304) says, &lsquo;celui qui, comme Bichat, bornait ses études à
+l'anatomie humaine;&rsquo; and at p. 350, &lsquo;quand on ne considère que ce qui se
+passe chez l'homme, ainsi que l'a fait Bichat.&rsquo; This, however, is much
+too positively stated. Bichat mentions &lsquo;les expériences nombreuses que
+j'ai faites sur les animaux vivans.&rsquo; <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol.
+i. p. 332; and for other instances of his experiments on animals below
+man, see the same work, vol. i. pp. 164, 284, 311, 312, 326, vol. ii.
+pp. 13, 25, 69, 73, 107, 133, 135, 225, 264, 423, vol. iii. pp. 151,
+218, 242, 262, 363, 364, 400, 478, 501, vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 34, 46,
+229, 247, 471: see also <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Recherches sur la Vie</i>, pp. 262, 265,
+277, 312, 336, 356, 358, 360, 368, 384, 400, 411, 439, 455, 476, 482,
+494, 512: and his <i>Traité des Membranes</i>, pp. 48, 64, 67, 130, 158, 196,
+201, 224. These are all experiments on inferior animals, which aided
+this great physiologist in establishing those vast generalizations,
+which, though applied to man, were by no means collected merely from
+human anatomy. The impossibility of understanding physiology without
+studying comparative anatomy, is well pointed out in Mr. Rymer Jones's
+work, <i>Organization of the Animal Kingdom</i>, 1855, pp. 601, 791.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1090_1090" id="Footnote_1090_1090"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1090_1090"><span class="label">[1090]</span></a> Mr. Swainson (<i>Geography and Classification of Animals</i>,
+p. 170) complains, strangely enough, that Cuvier &lsquo;rejects the more plain
+and obvious characters which every one can see, and which had been so
+happily employed by Linnæus, and makes the differences between these
+groups to depend upon circumstances which no one but an anatomist can
+understand.&rsquo; See also p. 173: &lsquo;characters which, however good, are not
+always comprehensible, except to the anatomist.&rsquo; (Compare <i>Hodgson on
+the Ornithology of Nepal</i>, in <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. xix. p. 179,
+Calcutta, 1836.) In other words, this is a complaint that Cuvier
+attempted to raise zoology to a science, and, therefore, of course,
+deprived it of some of its popular attractions, in order to invest it
+with other attractions of a far higher character. The errors introduced
+into the natural sciences by relying upon observation instead of
+experiment, have been noticed by many writers; and by none more
+judiciously than M. Saint Hilaire in his <i>Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>,
+vol. i. p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1091_1091" id="Footnote_1091_1091"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1091_1091"><span class="label">[1091]</span></a> It is very doubtful if Bichat was acquainted with the
+works of Smyth, Bonn, or Fallopius, and I do not remember that he any
+where even mentions their names. He had, however, certainly studied
+Bordeu; but I suspect that the author by whom he was most influenced was
+Pinel, whose pathological generalizations were put forward just about
+the time when Bichat began to write. Compare <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Traité des
+Membranes</i>, pp. 3, 4, 107, 191; <i>Béclard</i>, <i>Anat. Gén.</i> pp. 65, 66;
+<i>Bouillaud</i>, <i>Philos. Médicale</i>, p. 26; <i>Blainville</i>, <i>Physiol.
+comparée</i>, vol. i. p. 284, vol. ii. pp. 19, 252; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Anat. Gén.</i>
+vol. i. pp. 119, 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1092_1092" id="Footnote_1092_1092"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1092_1092"><span class="label">[1092]</span></a> <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. iv. pp. 468, 469.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1093_1093" id="Footnote_1093_1093"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1093_1093"><span class="label">[1093]</span></a> For a list of the tissues, see <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Anat. Gén.</i>
+vol. i. p. 49. At p. 50 he says, &lsquo;en effet, quel que soit le point de
+vue sous lequel on considère ces tissus, ils ne se ressemblent
+nullement: c'est la nature, et non la science, qui a tiré une ligne de
+démarcation entre eux.&rsquo; There is, however, now reason to think, that
+both animal and vegetable tissues are, in all their varieties,
+referrible to a cellular origin. This great view, which M. Schwann
+principally worked out, will, if fully established, be the largest
+generalization we possess respecting the organic world, and it would be
+difficult to overrate its value. Still there is danger lest, in
+prematurely reaching at so vast a law, we should neglect the
+subordinate, but strongly-marked differences between the tissues as they
+actually exist. Burdach (<i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. vi. pp. 195, 196)
+has made some good remarks on the confusion introduced into the study of
+tissues, by neglecting those salient characteristics which were
+indicated by Bichat.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1094_1094" id="Footnote_1094_1094"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1094_1094"><span class="label">[1094]</span></a> Pinel says, &lsquo;dans on seul hiver il ouvrit plus de six
+cents cadavres.&rsquo; <i>Notice sur Bichat</i>, p. xiii., in vol. i of <i>Anat.
+Gén.</i> By such enormous labour, and by working day and night in a
+necessarily polluted atmosphere, he laid the foundation for that
+diseased habit which caused a slight accident to prove fatal, and
+carried him off at the age of thirty-one. &lsquo;L'esprit a peine à concevoir
+que la vie d'un seul homme puisse suffire à tant de travaux, à tant de
+découvertes, faites ou indiquées: Bichat est mort avant d'avoir accompli
+sa trente-deuxième année!&rsquo; <i>Pinel</i>, p. xvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1095_1095" id="Footnote_1095_1095"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1095_1095"><span class="label">[1095]</span></a> To this sort of comparative anatomy (if it may be so
+called), which before his time scarcely existed, Bichat attached great
+importance, and clearly saw that it would eventually become of the
+utmost value for pathology. <i>Anat. Gén.</i> vol. i. pp. 331, 332, vol. ii.
+pp. 234&ndash;241, vol. iv. p. 417, &amp;c. Unfortunately these investigations
+were not properly followed up by his immediate successors; and Müller,
+writing long after his death, was obliged to refer chiefly to Bichat for
+&lsquo;the true principles of general pathology.&rsquo; <i>Müller's Physiology</i>, 1840,
+vol. i. p. 808. M. Vogel too, in his <i>Pathological Anatomy</i>, 1847, pp.
+398, 413, notices the error committed by the earlier pathologists, in
+looking at changes in the organs, and neglecting those in the tissues;
+and the same remark is made in <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>,
+1853, vol. i. p. 45; and in <i>Henle</i>, <i>Traité d'Anatomie</i>, vol. i. p.
+vii., Paris, 1843. That &lsquo;structural anatomy,&rsquo; and &lsquo;structural
+development,&rsquo; are to be made the foundations of pathology, is, moreover,
+observed in <i>Simon's Pathology</i>, 1850, p. 115 (compare <i>Williams's
+Principles of Medicine</i>, 1848, p. 67), who ascribes the chief merit of
+this &lsquo;rational pathology&rsquo; to Henle and Schwann: omitting to mention that
+they only executed Bichat's scheme and (be it said
+with every respect for these eminent men) executed it with a
+comprehensiveness much inferior to that displayed by their great
+predecessor. In <i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. iv.
+pp. 106, 107, there are some just and liberal observations on the
+immense service which Bichat rendered to pathology. See also <i>Béclard</i>,
+<i>Anatomie</i>, Paris, 1852, p. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1096_1096" id="Footnote_1096_1096"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1096_1096"><span class="label">[1096]</span></a> <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Anat. Gén.</i> vol. i. pp. 51, 160, 161, 259,
+372, vol. ii. pp. 47, 448, 449, vol. iii. pp. 33, 168, 208, 309, 406,
+435, vol. iv. pp. 21, 52, 455&ndash;461, 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1097_1097" id="Footnote_1097_1097"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1097_1097"><span class="label">[1097]</span></a> According to M. Comte (<i>Philos. Pos.</i> vol. iii. p. 319),
+no one had thought of this before Bichat. MM. Robin et Verdeil, in their
+recent great work, fully admit the necessity of employing this singular
+resource. <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, 1853, vol. i. pp. 18, 125, 182, 357,
+531.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1098_1098" id="Footnote_1098_1098"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1098_1098"><span class="label">[1098]</span></a> &lsquo;Dès-lors il créa une science nouvelle, l'anatomie
+générale.&rsquo; <i>Pinel sur Bichat</i>, p. xii. &lsquo;A Bichat appartient
+véritablement la gloire d'avoir conçu et surtout exécuté, le premier, le
+plan d'une anatomie nouvelle.&rsquo; <i>Bouillaud</i>, <i>Philos. Médicale</i>, p. 27.
+&lsquo;Bichat fut le créateur de l'histologie en assignant des caractères
+précis à chaque classe de tissus.&rsquo; <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Physiologie</i>, vol. vii.
+p. 111. &lsquo;Le créateur de l'anatomie générale fut Bichat.&rsquo; <i>Henle</i>,
+<i>Anatomie</i>, vol. i. p. 120. Similar remarks will be found in
+<i>Saint-Hilaire</i>, <i>Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>, vol. i. p. 10; and in
+<i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anat.</i> vol. i. p. xviii., vol. iii. p. 405.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1099_1099" id="Footnote_1099_1099"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1099_1099"><span class="label">[1099]</span></a> In <i>Béclard</i>, <i>Anat. Gén. 1852</i>, p. 61, it is said that
+&lsquo;la recherche de ces tissus élémentaires, ou éléments organiques, est
+devenue la préoccupation presque exclusive des anatomistes de nos
+jours.&rsquo; Compare <i>Blainville</i>, <i>Physiol. Gén. et Comp.</i> vol. i. p. 93:
+&lsquo;Aujourd'hui nous allons plus avant, nous pénétrons dans la structure
+intime, non seulement de ces organes, mais encore des tissus qui
+concourent à leur composition; nous faisons en un mot de la véritable
+anatomie, de l'anatomie proprement dite.&rsquo; And at p. 105: &lsquo;c'est un genre
+de recherches qui a été cultivé avec beaucoup d'activité, et qui a reçu
+une grande extension depuis la publication du bel ouvrage de Bichat.&rsquo;
+See also vol. ii. p. 303.</p>
+
+<p>In consequence of this movement, there has sprung up, under the name of
+<i>Degenerations of Tissues</i>, an entirely new branch of morbid anatomy, of
+which, I believe, no instance will be found before the time of Bichat,
+but the value of which is now recognized by most pathologists. Compare
+<i>Paget's Surgical Pathology</i>, vol. i. pp. 98&ndash;112; <i>Williams's Principles
+of Medicine</i>, pp. 369&ndash;376; <i>Burdach's Physiologie</i>, vol. viii. p. 367;
+<i>Reports of Brit. Assoc.</i> vol. vi. p. 147; <i>Jones's and Sieveking's
+Pathological Anatomy</i>, 1854, pp. 154&ndash;156, 302&ndash;304, 555&ndash;558. &lsquo;They are,&rsquo;
+say these last writers, &lsquo;of extremely frequent occurrence; but their
+nature has scarcely been recognized until of late.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1100_1100" id="Footnote_1100_1100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1100_1100"><span class="label">[1100]</span></a> Cuvier completely neglected the study of tissues; and in
+the very few instances in which he mentions them, his language is
+extremely vague. Thus, in his <i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. i. p. 12, he says of
+living bodies, &lsquo;leur tissu est donc composé de réseaux et de mailles, ou
+de fibres et de lames solides, qui renferment des liquides dans leurs
+intervalles.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1101_1101" id="Footnote_1101_1101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1101_1101"><span class="label">[1101]</span></a> A well-known ornithologist makes the same complaint
+respecting the classification of birds. <i>Strickland on Ornithology</i>,
+<i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1844, pp. 209, 210. Even in regard to living species,
+Cuvier (<i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. ii. p. 126) says: &lsquo;La classe des poissons
+est de toutes celle qui offre le plus de difficultés quand on veut la
+subdiviser en ordres d'après des caractères fixes et sensibles.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1102_1102" id="Footnote_1102_1102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1102_1102"><span class="label">[1102]</span></a> The discoveries of M. Agassiz are embodied in his great
+work, <i>Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles</i>: but the reader who may not
+have an opportunity of consulting that costly publication, will find two
+essays by this eminent naturalist, which will give an idea of his
+treatment of the subject, in <i>Reports of Brit. Assoc. for 1842</i>, pp.
+80&ndash;88, and for 1844, pp. 279&ndash;310. How essential this study is to the
+geologist, appears from the remark of Sir R. Murchison (<i>Siluria</i>, 1854,
+p. 417), that &lsquo;fossil fishes have everywhere proved the most exact
+chronometers of the age of rocks.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1103_1103" id="Footnote_1103_1103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1103_1103"><span class="label">[1103]</span></a> That they were composed of fibres, was the prevailing
+doctrine, until the discovery of their tubes, in 1835, by Purkinjé.
+Before Purkinjé, only one observer, Leeuwenh&oelig;k, had announced their
+tubular structure; but no one believed what he said, and Purkinjé was
+unacquainted with his researches. Compare <i>Nasmyth's Researches on the
+Teeth</i>, 1839, p. 159; <i>Owen's Odontography</i>, 1840&ndash;1845, vol. i. pp. ix.
+x.; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Anat. Gén.</i> vol. ii. p. 457; <i>Reports of Brit. Assoc.</i>
+vol. vii. pp. 135, 136 (<i>Transac. of Sections</i>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1104_1104" id="Footnote_1104_1104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1104_1104"><span class="label">[1104]</span></a> Mr. Nasmyth, in his valuable, but, I regret to add,
+posthumous work, notices, as the result of these discoveries, &lsquo;the close
+affinity subsisting between the dental and other organized tissues of
+the animal frame.&rsquo; <i>Researches on the Development, &amp;c. of the Teeth</i>,
+1849, p. 198. This is, properly speaking, a continuation of Mr.
+Nasmyth's former book, which bore the same title, and was published in
+1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1105_1105" id="Footnote_1105_1105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1105_1105"><span class="label">[1105]</span></a> This name, which Mr. Owen appears to have first
+suggested, has been objected to, though, as it seems to me, on
+insufficient grounds. Compare <i>Owen's Odontography</i>, vol. i. p. iii.,
+with <i>Nasmyth's Researches</i>, 1849, pp. 3, 4. It is adopted in
+<i>Carpenter's Human Physiol.</i> 1846, p. 154; and in <i>Jones and Sieveking's
+Patholog. Anat.</i> 1854, pp. 483, 486.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1106_1106" id="Footnote_1106_1106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1106_1106"><span class="label">[1106]</span></a> See the correspondence in <i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1841, Sec.,
+pp. 2&ndash;23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1107_1107" id="Footnote_1107_1107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1107_1107"><span class="label">[1107]</span></a> In the notice of it in <i>Whewell's Hist. of Sciences</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 678, nothing is said about Mr. Nasmyth; while in that in
+<i>Wilson's Human Anatomy</i>, p. 65, edit. 1851, nothing is said about Mr.
+Owen. A specimen of the justice with which men treat their
+contemporaries. Dr. Grant (<i>Supplement to Hooper's Medical Dict.</i> 1848,
+p. 1390) says, &lsquo;the researches of Mr. Owen tend to confirm those of Mr.
+Nasmyth.&rsquo; Nasmyth, in his last work (<i>Researches on the Teeth</i>, 1849, p.
+81), only refers to Owen to point out an error; while Owen
+(<i>Odontography</i>, vol. i. pp. xlvi.&ndash;lvi.) treats Nasmyth as an impudent
+plagiarist.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1108_1108" id="Footnote_1108_1108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1108_1108"><span class="label">[1108]</span></a> Dr. Whewell (<i>Hist. of Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. iii. p.
+678) says, that &lsquo;he has carried into every part of the animal kingdom an
+examination, founded upon this discovery, and has published the results
+of this in his <i>Odontography</i>.&rsquo; If this able, but rather hasty writer,
+had read the <i>Odontography</i>, he would have found that Mr. Owen, so far
+from carrying the examination &lsquo;into every part of the animal kingdom,&rsquo;
+distinctly confines himself to &lsquo;one of the primary divisions of the
+animal kingdom&rsquo; (I quote his own words from <i>Odontography</i>, vol. i. p.
+lxvii.), and appears to think, that below the vertebrata, the inquiry
+would furnish little or no aid for the purposes of classification.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1109_1109" id="Footnote_1109_1109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1109_1109"><span class="label">[1109]</span></a> But in comparing the merits of discoverers themselves, we
+must praise him who proves rather than him who suggests. See some
+sensible remarks in <i>Owen's Odontography</i>, vol. i. p. xlix.; which,
+however, do not affect my observations on the superiority of method.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1110_1110" id="Footnote_1110_1110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1110_1110"><span class="label">[1110]</span></a> By a new method of inquiring into a subject, I mean an
+application to it of generalizations from some other subject, so as to
+widen the field of thought. To call this a new method, is rather vague;
+but there is no other word to express the process. Properly speaking,
+there are only two methods, the inductive and the deductive; which,
+though essentially different, are so mixed together, as to make it
+impossible wholly to separate them. The discussion of the real nature of
+this difference I reserve for my comparison, in the next volume, of the
+German and American civilizations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1111_1111" id="Footnote_1111_1111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1111_1111"><span class="label">[1111]</span></a> In literature and in theology, Chateaubriand and De
+Maistre were certainly the most eloquent, and were probably the most
+influential leaders of this reaction. Neither of them liked induction,
+but preferred reasoning deductively from premises which they assumed,
+and which they called first principles. De Maistre, however, was a
+powerful dialectician, and on that account his works are read by many
+who care nothing for the gorgeous declamation of Chateaubriand. In
+metaphysics, a precisely similar movement occurred; and Laromiguière,
+Royer Collard, and Maine de Biran, founded that celebrated school which
+culminated in M. Cousin, and which is equally characterized by an
+ignorance of the philosophy of induction, and by a want of sympathy with
+physical science.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1112_1112" id="Footnote_1112_1112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1112_1112"><span class="label">[1112]</span></a> <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort</i>, pp. 5&ndash;9,
+226; and his <i>Anat. Gén.</i> vol. i. p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1113_1113" id="Footnote_1113_1113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1113_1113"><span class="label">[1113]</span></a> &lsquo;C'est de là, sans doute, que naît cette autre différence
+entre les organes des deux vies, savoir, que la nature se livre bien
+plus rarement à des écarts de conformation dans la vie animale que dans
+la vie organique&hellip;. C'est une remarque qui n'a pu échapper à celui dont
+les dissections ont été un peu multipliées, que les fréquentes
+variations de formes, de grandeur, de position, de direction des organes
+internes, comme la rate, le foie, l'estomac, les reins, les organes
+salivaires, etc&hellip;. Jetons maintenant les yeux sur les organes de la vie
+animale, sur les sens, les nerfs, le cerveau, les muscles volontaires,
+le larynx; tout y est exact, précis, rigoureusement déterminé dans la
+forme, la grandeur et la position. On n'y voit presque jamais de
+variétés, de conformation; s'il en existe, les fonctions sont troublées,
+anéanties; tandis qu'elles restent les mêmes dans la vie organique, au
+milieu des altérations diverses des parties.&rsquo; <i>Bichat sur la Vie</i>, pp.
+23&ndash;25. Part of this view is corroborated by the evidence collected
+by Saint Hilaire (<i>Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>, vol. i. pp. 248 seq.)
+of the extraordinary aberrations to which the vegetative organs are
+liable; and he mentions (vol. ii. p. 8) the case of a man, in whose body,
+on dissection, &lsquo;on reconnut que tous les viscères étaient transposés.&rsquo;
+Comparative anatomy supplies another illustration. The bodies of
+mollusca are less symmetrical than those of articulata; and in the
+former, the &lsquo;vegetal series of organs,&rsquo; says Mr. Owen, are more
+developed than the animal series; while in the articulata, &lsquo;the advance
+is most conspicuous in the organs peculiar to animal life.&rsquo; <i>Owen's
+Invertebrata</i>, p. 470. Compare <i>Burdach's Physiologie</i>, vol. i. pp. 153,
+189; and a confirmation of the &lsquo;unsymmetrical&rsquo; organs of the gasterpoda,
+in <i>Grant's Comparative Anatomy</i>, p. 461. This curious antagonism is
+still further seen in the circumstance, that idiots, whose functions of
+nutrition and of excretion are often very active, are at the same time
+remarkable for a want of symmetry in the organs of sensation.
+<i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. ii. pp. 331, 332.</p>
+
+<p>A result, though perhaps an unconscious one, of the application and
+extension of these ideas, is, that within the last few years there has
+arisen a pathological theory of what are called &lsquo;symmetrical diseases,&rsquo;
+the leading facts of which have been long known, but are now only
+beginning to be generalized. See <i>Paget's Pathology</i>, vol. i. pp. 18&ndash;22,
+vol. ii. pp. 244, 245; <i>Simon's Pathology</i>, pp. 210, 211; <i>Carpenter's
+Human Physiol.</i> pp. 607, 608.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1114_1114" id="Footnote_1114_1114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1114_1114"><span class="label">[1114]</span></a> <i>Bichat sur la Vie</i>, pp. 15&ndash;21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1115_1115" id="Footnote_1115_1115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1115_1115"><span class="label">[1115]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 21&ndash;50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1116_1116" id="Footnote_1116_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116_1116"><span class="label">[1116]</span></a> On intermittence as a quality of animal life, see
+<i>Holland's Medical Notes</i>, pp. 313, 314, where Bichat is mentioned as
+its great expounder. As to the essential continuity of organic life, see
+<i>Burdach's Physiologie</i>, vol. vii. p. 420. M. Comte has made some
+interesting remarks on Bichat's law of intermittence. <i>Philos.
+Positive</i>, vol. iii. pp. 300, 395, 744, 745, 750, 751.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1117_1117" id="Footnote_1117_1117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1117_1117"><span class="label">[1117]</span></a> On the development arising from practice, see <i>Bichat sur
+la Vie</i>, pp. 207&ndash;225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1118_1118" id="Footnote_1118_1118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1118_1118"><span class="label">[1118]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 189&ndash;203, 225&ndash;230. M. Broussais also (in his
+able work, <i>Cours de Phrénologie</i>, p. 487) says, that comparison only
+begins after birth; but surely this must be very doubtful. Few
+physiologists will deny that embryological phenomena, though neglected
+by metaphysicians, play a great part in shaping the future character;
+and I do not see how any system of psychology can be complete which
+ignores considerations, probable in themselves, and not refuted by
+special evidence. So carelessly, however, has this subject been
+investigated, that we have the most conflicting statements respecting
+even the <i>vagitus uterinus</i>, which, if it exists to the extent alleged
+by some physiologists, would be a decisive proof that animal life (in
+the sense of Bichat) does begin during the f&oelig;tal period. Compare
+<i>Burdach</i>, <i>Physiol.</i> vol. iv. pp. 113, 114, with <i>Wagner's Physiol.</i> p.
+182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1119_1119" id="Footnote_1119_1119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1119_1119"><span class="label">[1119]</span></a> &lsquo;Les organes internes qui entrent alors en exercice, ou
+qui accroissent beaucoup leur action, n'ont besoin d'aucune éducation;
+ils atteignent tout à coup une perfection à laquelle ceux de la vie
+animale ne parviennent que par habitude d'agir souvent.&rsquo; <i>Bichat sur la
+Vie</i>, p. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1120_1120" id="Footnote_1120_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120_1120"><span class="label">[1120]</span></a> Dioscorides and Galen knew from 450 to 600 plants
+(<i>Winckler</i>, <i>Geschichte der Botanik</i>, 1854, pp. 34, 40); but, according
+to Cuvier (<i>Eloges</i>, vol. iii. p. 468), Linnæus, in 1778, &lsquo;en indiquait
+environ huit mille espèces;&rsquo; and Meyen (<i>Geog. of Plants</i>, p. 4) says, at
+the time of Linnæus's death, &lsquo;about 8,000 species were known.&rsquo; (Dr.
+Whewell, in his <i>Bridgewater Treatise</i>, p. 247, says, &lsquo;about 10,000.&rsquo;)
+Since then the progress has been uninterrupted; and in <i>Henslow's
+Botany</i>, 1837, p. 136, we are told that &lsquo;the number of species already
+known and classified in works of botany amounts to about 60,000.&rsquo; Ten
+years later, Dr. Lindley (<i>Vegetable Kingdom</i>, 1847, p. 800) states them
+at 92,930; and two years afterwards, Mr. Balfour says &lsquo;about 100,000.&rsquo;
+<i>Balfour's Botany</i>, 1849, p. 560. Such is the rate at which our
+knowledge of nature is advancing. To complete this historical note, I
+ought to have mentioned, that in 1812, Dr. Thomson says &lsquo;nearly 30,000
+species of plants have been examined and described.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Hist. of
+the Royal Society</i>, p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1121_1121" id="Footnote_1121_1121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1121_1121"><span class="label">[1121]</span></a> It was published in 1790. <i>Winckler</i>, <i>Gesch. der
+Botanik</i>, p. 389. But the historians of botany have overlooked a short
+passage in Göthe's works, which proves that he had glimpses of the
+discovery in or before 1786. See <i>Italiänische Reise</i>, in <i>Göthe's
+Werke</i>, vol. ii. part ii. p. 286, Stuttgart, 1837, where he writes from
+Padua, in September 1786, &lsquo;Hier in dieser neu mir entgegen tretenden
+Mannigfaltigkeit wird jener Gedanke immer lebendiger: dass man sich alle
+Pflanzengestalten vielleicht aus Einer entwickeln könne.&rsquo; There are some
+interesting remarks on this brilliant generalization in <i>Owen's
+Parthenogenesis</i>, 1849, pp. 53 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1122_1122" id="Footnote_1122_1122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1122_1122"><span class="label">[1122]</span></a> That is, into the study of animal monstrosities, which,
+however capricious they may appear, are now understood to be the
+necessary result of preceding events. Within the last thirty years
+several of the laws of these unnatural births, as they used to be
+called, have been discovered; and it has been proved that, so far from
+being unnatural, they are strictly natural. A fresh science has thus
+been created, under the name of Teratology, which is destroying the old
+<i>lusus naturæ</i> in one of its last and favourite strongholds.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1123_1123" id="Footnote_1123_1123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1123_1123"><span class="label">[1123]</span></a> Dr. Lindley (<i>Third Report of Brit. Assoc.</i> p. 33) says,
+that Desfontaines was the first who demonstrated the opposite modes of
+increase in dicotyledonous and monocotyledonous stems. See also
+<i>Richard</i>, <i>Eléments de Botanique</i>, p. 131; and <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, vol.
+i. p. 64. In regard to the steps taken by Adanson and De Monceau, see
+<i>Winckler</i>, <i>Gesch. der Botanik</i>, pp. 204, 205; <i>Thomson's Chemistry of
+Vegetables</i>, p. 951; <i>Lindley's Introduc. to Botany</i>, vol. ii. p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1124_1124" id="Footnote_1124_1124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1124_1124"><span class="label">[1124]</span></a> It is curious to observe how even good botanists clung to
+the Linnæan system long after the superiority of a natural system was
+proved. This is the more noticeable, because Linnæus, who was a man of
+undoubted genius, and who possessed extraordinary powers of combination,
+always allowed that his own system was merely provisional, and that the
+great object to be attained was a classification according to natural
+families. See <i>Winckler</i>, <i>Geschichte der Botanik</i>, p. 202; and
+<i>Richard</i>, <i>Eléments de Botanique</i>, p. 570. Indeed, what could be
+thought of the permanent value of a scheme which put together the reed
+and the barberry, because they were both hexandria; and forced sorrel to
+associate with saffron, because both were trigynia? <i>Jussieu's Botany</i>,
+1849, p. 524.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1125_1125" id="Footnote_1125_1125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1125_1125"><span class="label">[1125]</span></a> <i>The Genera Plantarum</i> of Antoine Jussieu was printed at
+Paris in 1789; and, though it is known to have been the result of many
+years of continued labour, some writers have asserted that the ideas in
+it were borrowed from his uncle, Bernard Jussieu. But assertions of this
+kind rarely deserve attention; and as Bernard did not choose to publish
+anything of his own, his reputation ought to suffer for his
+uncommunicativeness. Compare <i>Winckler</i>, <i>Gesch. der Botanik</i>, pp.
+261&ndash;272, with <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxii. pp. 162&ndash;166. I will only add the
+following remarks from a work of authority, <i>Richard</i>, <i>Eléments de
+Botanique</i>, Paris, 1846, p. 572: &lsquo;Mais ce ne fut qu'en 1789 que l'on eut
+véritablement un ouvrage complet sur la méthode des familles naturelles.
+Le <i>Genera Plantarum</i> d'A. L. de Jussieu présenta la science des
+végétaux sous un point de vue si nouveau, par la précision et l'élégance
+qui y règnent, par la profondeur et la justesse des principes généraux
+qui y sont exposés pour la première fois, que c'est depuis cette époque
+seulement que la méthode des familles naturelles a été véritablement
+créée, et que date la nouvelle ère de la science des
+végétaux&hellip;. L'auteur du <i>Genera Plantarum</i> posa le premier les bases de
+la science, en faisant voir quelle était l'importance relative des
+différents organes entre eux, et par conséquent leur valeur dans la
+classification&hellip;. Il a fait, selon la remarque de Cuvier, la même
+révolution dans les sciences d'observation que la chimie de Lavoisier
+dans les sciences d'expérience. En effet, il a non seulement changé la
+face de la botanique; mais son influence s'est également exercée sur les
+autres branches de l'histoire naturelle, et y a introduit cet esprit de
+recherches, de comparaison, et cette méthode philosophique et naturelle,
+vers le perfectionnement de laquelle tendent désormais les efforts de
+tous les naturalistes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1126_1126" id="Footnote_1126_1126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1126_1126"><span class="label">[1126]</span></a> Hence the removal of a great source
+of error; since it is now understood that in dicotyledons alone can age
+be known with certainty. <i>Henslow's Botany</i>, p. 243: compare <i>Richard</i>,
+<i>Eléments de Botanique</i>, p. 159, aphorisme xxiv. On the stems of
+endogenous plants, which, being mostly tropical, have been less studied
+than the exogenous, see <i>Lindley's Botany</i>, vol. i. pp. 221&ndash;236; where
+there is also an account, pp. 229 seq., of the views which Schleiden
+advanced on this subject in 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1127_1127" id="Footnote_1127_1127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1127_1127"><span class="label">[1127]</span></a> On the arrangement of the leaves, now called phyllotaxis,
+see <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, p. 92; <i>Burdach's Physiologie</i>, vol. v. p. 518.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1128_1128" id="Footnote_1128_1128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1128_1128"><span class="label">[1128]</span></a> The classification by cotyledons has been so successful,
+that, &lsquo;with very few exceptions, however, nearly all plants may be
+referred by any botanist, at a single glance, and with unerring
+certainty, to their proper class; and a mere fragment even of the stem,
+leaf, or some other part, is often quite sufficient to enable him to
+decide this question.&rsquo; <i>Henslow's Botany</i>, p. 30. In regard to some
+difficulties still remaining in the way of the threefold cotyledonous
+division of the whole vegetable world, see <i>Lindley's Botany</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 61 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1129_1129" id="Footnote_1129_1129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1129_1129"><span class="label">[1129]</span></a> Mr. Swainson (<i>Study of Natural History</i>, p. 356) says
+&lsquo;mineralogy, indeed, which forms but a part of chemistry.&rsquo; This is
+deciding the question very rapidly; but in the meantime, what becomes of
+the geometrical laws of minerals? and what are we to do with that
+relation between their structure and optical phenomena, which Sir David
+Brewster has worked out with signal ability?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1130_1130" id="Footnote_1130_1130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1130_1130"><span class="label">[1130]</span></a> The difficulties introduced into the study of minerals by
+the discovery of isomorphism and polymorphism, are no doubt
+considerable; but M. Beudant (<i>Minéralogie</i>, Paris, 1841, p. 37) seems
+to me to exaggerate their effect upon &lsquo;l'importance des formes
+crystallines.&rsquo; They are much more damaging to the purely chemical
+arrangement, because our implements for measuring the minute angles of
+crystals are still very imperfect, and the goniometer may fail in
+detecting differences which really exist; and, therefore, many alleged
+cases of isomorphism are probably not so in reality. Wollaston's
+reflecting goniometer has been long considered the best instrument
+possessed by crystallographers; but I learn from <i>Liebig and Kopp's
+Reports</i>, vol. i. pp. 19, 20, that Frankenheim has recently invented one
+for measuring the angles of &lsquo;microscopic crystals.&rsquo; On the amount of
+error in the measurement of angles, see <i>Phillips's Mineralogy</i>, 1837,
+p. viii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1131_1131" id="Footnote_1131_1131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1131_1131"><span class="label">[1131]</span></a> He says, &lsquo;depuis plus de vingt ans que je m'occupe de cet
+objet.&rsquo; <i>Romé de Lisle</i>, <i>Cristallographie, ou Description des Formes
+propres à tous les Corps du Règne Minéral</i>, Paris, 1783, vol. i. p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1132_1132" id="Footnote_1132_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132_1132"><span class="label">[1132]</span></a> See his <i>Essai de Cristallographie</i>, Paris, 1772, p. x.:
+&lsquo;un de ceux qui m'a le plus frappé ce sont les formes régulières et
+constantes que prennent naturellement certains corps que nous désignons
+par le nom de cristaux.&rsquo; In the same work, p. 13: &lsquo;il faut
+nécessairement supposer que les molécules intégrantes des corps ont
+chacune, suivant qui lui est propre, une figure constante et
+déterminée.&rsquo; In his later treatise (<i>Cristallographie</i>, 1783, vol. i. p.
+70), after giving some instances of the extraordinary complications
+presented by minerals, he adds: &lsquo;Il n'est donc pas étonnant que
+d'habiles chimistes n'aient rien vu de constant ni de déterminé dans les
+formes cristallines, tandis qu'il n'en est aucune qu'on ne puisse, avec
+un peu d'attention rapporter à la figure élémentaire et primordiale dont
+elle dérive.&rsquo; Even Buffon, notwithstanding his fine perception of law,
+had just declared, &lsquo;qu'en général la forme de cristallisation n'est pas
+un caractère constant, mais plus équivoque et plus variable qu'aucun
+autre des caractères par lesquels on doit distinguer les minéraux.&rsquo; <i>De
+Lisle</i>, vol. i. p. xviii. Compare, on this great achievement of De
+Lisle's, <i>Herschel's Nat. Philos.</i> p. 239: &lsquo;he first ascertained the
+important fact of the constancy of the angles at which their faces
+meet.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1133_1133" id="Footnote_1133_1133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1133_1133"><span class="label">[1133]</span></a> The first work of Haüy appeared in 1784 (<i>Quérard</i>,
+<i>France Littéraire</i>, vol. iv. p. 41); but he had read two special
+memoirs in 1781. <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, vol. iii. p. 138. The intellectual
+relation between his views and those of his predecessor must be obvious
+to every mineralogist; but Dr. Whewell, who has noticed this judiciously
+enough, adds (<i>Hist. of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. iii. pp. 229, 230):
+&lsquo;Unfortunately Romé de Lisle and Haüy were not only rivals, but in some
+measure enemies&hellip;. Haüy revenged himself by rarely mentioning Romé in
+his works, though it was manifest that his obligations to him were
+immense; and by recording his errors while he corrected them.&rsquo; The
+truth, however, is, that so far from rarely mentioning De Lisle, he
+mentions him incessantly; and I have counted upwards of three hundred
+instances in Haüy's great work, in which he is named, and his writings
+are referred to. On one occasion he says of De Lisle, &lsquo;En un mot, sa
+cristallographie est le fruit d'un travail immense par son étendue,
+presque entièrement neuf par son objet, et très-précieux par son
+utilité.&rsquo; <i>Haüy</i>, <i>Traité de Minéralogie</i>, Paris, 1801, vol. i. p. 17.
+Elsewhere he calls him, &lsquo;cet habile naturaliste; ce savant célèbre,&rsquo;
+vol. ii. p. 323; &lsquo;ce célèbre naturaliste,&rsquo; vol. iii. p. 442; see also
+vol. iv. pp. 51, &amp;c. In a work of so much merit as Dr. Whewell's, it is
+important that these errors should be indicated, because we have no
+other book of value on the general history of the sciences; and many
+authors have deceived themselves and their readers, by implicitly
+adopting the statements of this able and industrious writer. I would
+particularly caution the student in regard to the physiological part of
+Dr. Whewell's History, where, for instance, the antagonism between the
+methods of Cuvier and Bichat is entirely lost sight of, and while whole
+pages are devoted to Cuvier, Bichat is disposed of in four lines.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1134_1134" id="Footnote_1134_1134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1134_1134"><span class="label">[1134]</span></a> &lsquo;Haüy est donc le seul véritable auteur de la science
+mathématique des cristaux.&rsquo; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. i. p.
+8; see also p. 317. Dr. Clarke, whose celebrated lectures on mineralogy
+excited much attention among his hearers, was indebted for some of his
+principal views to his conversations with Haüy: see <i>Otter's Life of
+Clarke</i>, vol. ii. p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1135_1135" id="Footnote_1135_1135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1135_1135"><span class="label">[1135]</span></a> See an admirable statement of the three forms of
+decrement, in <i>Haüy</i>, <i>Traité de Minéralogie</i>, vol. i. pp. 285, 286.
+Compare <i>Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences</i>, vol. iii. pp. 224,
+225; who, however, does not mention Haüy's classification of
+&lsquo;décroissemens sur les bords,&rsquo; &lsquo;décroissemens sur les angles,&rsquo; and
+&lsquo;décroissemens intermédiaires.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1136_1136" id="Footnote_1136_1136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1136_1136"><span class="label">[1136]</span></a> And, as he clearly saw, the proper method was to study
+the laws of symmetry, and then apply them deductively to minerals,
+instead of rising inductively from the aberrations actually presented by
+minerals. This is interesting to observe, because it is analogous to the
+method of the best pathologists, who seek the philosophy of their
+subject in physiological phenomena, rather than in pathological ones;
+striking downwards from the normal to the abnormal. &lsquo;<i>La symétrie des
+formes</i> sous lesquelles se présentent les solides que nous avons
+considérés jusqu'ici, <i>nous a fourni des données</i> pour exprimer les lois
+de décroissemens dont ces solides sont susceptibles.&rsquo; <i>Haüy</i>, <i>Traité de
+Minéralogie</i>, vol. i. p. 442; compare vol. ii. p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1137_1137" id="Footnote_1137_1137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1137_1137"><span class="label">[1137]</span></a> &lsquo;Un coup d'&oelig;il peu attentif, jeté sur les cristaux,
+les fit appeler d'abord de <i>purs jeux de la nature</i>, ce qui n'étoit
+qu'une manière plus élégante de faire l'aveu de son ignorance. Un examen
+réfléchi nous y découvre des lois d'arrangement, à l'aide desquelles le
+calcul représente et enchaîne l'un à l'autre les résultats observés;
+lois si variables et en même temps si précises et si régulières;
+ordinairement très-simples, sans rien perdre de leur fécondité.&rsquo; <i>Haüy</i>,
+<i>Minéralogie</i>, vol. i. pp. xiii. xiv. Again, vol. ii. p. 57, &lsquo;notre but,
+qui est de prouver que les lois d'où dépend la structure du cristal sont
+les plus simples possibles dans leur ensemble.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1138_1138" id="Footnote_1138_1138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1138_1138"><span class="label">[1138]</span></a> On the remarkable power possessed by crystals, in common
+with animals, of repairing their own injuries, see <i>Paget's Pathology</i>,
+1853, vol. i. pp. 152, 153, confirming the experiments of Jordan on this
+curious subject: &lsquo;The ability to repair the damages sustained by injury
+&hellip; is not an exclusive property of living beings; for even crystals
+will repair themselves when, after pieces have been broken from them,
+they are placed in the same conditions in which they were first
+formed.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1139_1139" id="Footnote_1139_1139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1139_1139"><span class="label">[1139]</span></a> &lsquo;M. Pinel a imprimé une marche nouvelle à l'étude de la
+folie&hellip;. En la rangeant simplement, et sans différences aucunes, au
+nombre des autres dérangemens de nos organes, en lui assignant une place
+dans le cadre nosographique, il fit faire un pas immense à son
+histoire.&rsquo; <i>Georget</i>, <i>de la Folie</i>, Paris, 1820, p. 69. In the same work,
+p. 295, &lsquo;M. Pinel, le premier en France, on pourrait dire en Europe,
+jeta les fondemens d'un traitement vraiment rationnel en rangeant la
+folie au nombre des autres affections organiques.&rsquo; M. Esquirol, who
+expresses the modern and purely scientific view, says in his great work
+(<i>Des Maladies Mentaes</i>, Paris, 1838, vol. i. p. 336), &lsquo;L'aliénation
+mentale, que les anciens peuples regardaient comme une inspiration ou
+une punition des dieux, qui dans la suite fut prise pour la possession
+des démons, qui dans d'autres temps passa pour une &oelig;uvre de la magie;
+l'aliénation mentale, dis-je, avec toutes ses espèces et ses variétés
+innombrables, ne diffère en rien des autres maladies.&rsquo; The recognition
+of this he expressly ascribes to his predecessor: &lsquo;grâce aux principes
+exposés par Pinel.&rsquo; p. 340. Pinel himself clearly saw the connexion
+between his own opinions and the spirit of the age: see <i>Pinel</i>, <i>Traité
+Médico-Philosophique sur l'Aliénation Mentale</i>, p. xxxii.: &lsquo;Un ouvrage
+de médecine, publié en France à la fin du dix-huitième siècle, doit
+avoir un autre caractère que s'il avoit été écrit à une époque
+antérieure.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1140_1140" id="Footnote_1140_1140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1140_1140"><span class="label">[1140]</span></a> Comp. <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 23, with the
+Introduction to <i>Des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>, vol. i. p. 34. A good
+illustration of this is, that the Prince de Montbarey, in his Memoirs,
+gently censures Louis XV., not for his scandalous profligacy, but
+because he selected for his mistresses some women who were not of high
+birth. <i>Mém. de Montbarey</i>, vol. i. p. 341, and see vol. iii. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1141_1141" id="Footnote_1141_1141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1141_1141"><span class="label">[1141]</span></a> And that too even on such a subject as anatomy. In 1768,
+Antoine Petit began his anatomical lectures in the great amphitheatre of
+the Jardin du Roi; and the press to hear him was so great, that not only
+all the seats were occupied, but the very window-ledges were crowded.
+See the animated description in <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xxxiii. p. 494.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1142_1142" id="Footnote_1142_1142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1142_1142"><span class="label">[1142]</span></a> Dr. Thomson (<i>History of Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p. 169)
+says of Fourcroy's lectures on chemistry, which began in 1784: &lsquo;Such
+were the crowds, both of men and women, who flocked to hear him, that it
+was twice necessary to enlarge the size of the lecture-room.&rsquo; This
+circumstance is also mentioned in <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges</i>, vol. ii. p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1143_1143" id="Footnote_1143_1143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1143_1143"><span class="label">[1143]</span></a> In 1779, it was remarked that &lsquo;les séances publiques de
+l'Académie Française sont devenues une espèce de spectacle fort à la
+mode:&rsquo; and as this continued to increase, the throng became at length so
+great, that in 1785 it was found necessary to diminish the number of
+tickets of admission, and it was even proposed that ladies should be
+excluded, in consequence of some uproarious scenes which had happened.
+<i>Grimm et Diderot</i>, <i>Correspond. Lit.</i> vol. x. p. 341, vol. xiv. pp. 148,
+149, 185, 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1144_1144" id="Footnote_1144_1144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1144_1144"><span class="label">[1144]</span></a> Goldsmith, who was in Paris in 1755, says with surprise,
+&lsquo;I have seen as bright a circle of beauty at the chemical lectures of
+Rouelle, as gracing the court of Versailles.&rsquo; <i>Prior's Life of
+Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. p. 180; <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. p. 65.
+In the middle of the century, electricity was very popular among the
+Parisian ladies; and the interest felt in it was revived several years
+later by Franklin. Compare <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspondance</i>, vol. vii. p. 122,
+with <i>Tucker's Life of Jefferson</i>, vol. i. pp. 190, 191. Cuvier
+(<i>Eloges</i>, vol. i. p. 56) tells us that even the anatomical descriptions
+which Daubenton wrote for Buffon were to be found &lsquo;sur la toilette des
+femmes.&rsquo; This change of taste is also noticed, though in a jeering
+spirit, in <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. vi. p. 32. Compare the account given
+by Townsend, who visited France in 1786, on his way to Spain: &lsquo;A
+numerous society of gentlemen and ladies of the first fashion meet to
+hear lectures on the sciences, delivered by men of the highest rank in
+their profession&hellip;. I was much struck with the fluency and elegance of
+language with which the anatomical professor spoke, and not a little so
+with the deep attention of his auditors.&rsquo; <i>Townsend's Journey through
+Spain</i>, vol. i. p. 41: see also <i>Smith's Tour on the Continent in 1786</i>,
+vol. i. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1145_1145" id="Footnote_1145_1145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1145_1145"><span class="label">[1145]</span></a> In a letter written in 1756, it is said, &lsquo;Mais c'est
+peine perdue aujourd'hui que de plaisanter les érudits; il n'y en a plus
+en France.&rsquo; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 15. In 1764, &lsquo;Il est
+honteux et incroyable à quel point l'étude des anciens est négligée.&rsquo;
+vol. iv. p. 97. In 1768, &lsquo;Une autre raison qui rendra les traductions
+des auteurs anciens de plus en plus rares en France, c'est que depuis
+long temps on n'y sait plus le Grec, et qu'on néglige l'étude du Latin
+tous les jours davantage.&rsquo; vol. vi. p. 140. Sherlock (<i>New Letters from
+an English Traveller</i>, London, 1781, p. 86) says, &lsquo;It is very rare to
+meet a man in France that understands Greek.&rsquo; In 1785, Jefferson writes
+from Paris to Madison, &lsquo;Greek and Roman authors are dearer here than, I
+believe, any where in the world; nobody here reads them, wherefore they
+are not reprinted.&rsquo; <i>Jefferson's Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 301. See
+further, on this neglect of the ancients, a significant precursor of the
+Revolution, <i>Mém. de Montbarey</i>, vol. iii. p. 181; <i>Villemain</i>,
+<i>Littérature au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle</i>, vol. iii. pp. 243&ndash;248; <i>Schlosser's
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. i. p. 344.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1146_1146" id="Footnote_1146_1146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1146_1146"><span class="label">[1146]</span></a> For further evidence of the popularity of physical
+knowledge, and of its study, even by those who might have been expected
+to neglect it, see <i>Mém. de Roland</i>, vol. i. pp. 115, 268, 324, 343;
+<i>Mém. de Morellet</i>, vol. i. p. 16; <i>Dupont de Nemours</i>, <i>Mém. sur
+Turgot</i>, pp. 45, 52, 53, 411; <i>Mém. de Brissot</i>, vol. i. pp. 62, 151,
+319, 336, 338, 357; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. i. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1147_1147" id="Footnote_1147_1147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1147_1147"><span class="label">[1147]</span></a> A celebrated writer has well said, though in a somewhat
+different point of view, &lsquo;Il ne peut y avoir dans les sciences
+morales, pas plus que dans les sciences physiques, ni
+maîtres, ni esclaves, ni rois, ni sujets, ni citoyens, ni étrangers.&rsquo;
+<i>Comte</i>, <i>Traité de Législation</i>, vol. i. p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1148_1148" id="Footnote_1148_1148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1148_1148"><span class="label">[1148]</span></a> The remarks which Thomas made upon Descartes in 1765, in
+an <i>éloge</i> crowned by the Academy, illustrate the opinions which, in the
+latter half of the eighteenth century, were becoming rapidly diffused in
+France. See the passage beginning &lsquo;O préjugés! ô ridicule fierté des
+places et du rang!&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. i. p. 74.
+Certainly no one would have used such language, on such an occasion,
+thirty years earlier. So, too, the Count de Ségur says of the younger
+nobles before the Revolution, &lsquo;nous préférions un mot d'éloges de
+D'Alembert, de Diderot, à la faveur la plus signalée d'un prince.&rsquo; <i>Mém.
+de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 142: see also vol. ii. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1149_1149" id="Footnote_1149_1149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1149_1149"><span class="label">[1149]</span></a> Among many other illustrations which might be given of
+this distinction of classes by dress, see <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers
+Etats</i>, vol. vii. pp. 7&ndash;10; and <i>Tallemant des Réaux</i>, <i>Historiettes</i>,
+vol. i. p. 36 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1150_1150" id="Footnote_1150_1150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1150_1150"><span class="label">[1150]</span></a> In August 1787, Jefferson writes from Paris
+(<i>Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 224): &lsquo;In society, the <i>habit habillé</i> is
+almost banished, and they begin to go even to great suppers in frock: the
+court and diplomatic corps, however, must always be excepted. They are
+too high to be reached by any improvement. They are the last refuge from
+which etiquette, formality, and folly will be driven. Take away these,
+and they would be on a level with other people.&rsquo; Jefferson was a
+statesman and a diplomatist, and was well acquainted with his profession.
+The change, however, which he noticed, had been coming on some years
+earlier. In a letter written in May 1786, it is said: &lsquo;Il est rare
+aujourd'hui de rencontrer dans le monde des personnes qui soient ce qu'on
+appelle habillées. Lee femmes sont en chemise et en chapeau, les hommes
+en froc et en gilet.&rsquo; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. xiv. p. 485; and on the
+increased simplicity of attire in 1780, see vol. xi. pp. 141, 142. Ségur,
+who witnessed these changes, and was much displeased by them, says of
+their advocates, &lsquo;ils ne voyaient pas que les frocs, remplaçant les
+amples et imposans vêtemens de l'ancienne cour, présagaient un penchant
+général pour l'égalité.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 131. Soulavie
+(<i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. vi. p. 38) observes, that &lsquo;les grands, vers
+les approches de la révolution, n'avoient plus que des habits simples et
+peu coûteux;&rsquo; and that &lsquo;on ne distingua plus une duchesse d'une actrice,&rsquo;
+p. 43: see also an extract from Montjoye, in <i>Alison's History</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 352, 353. Compare <i>Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette</i>, vol. i. pp. 226, 372,
+vol. ii. p. 174, and <i>Mém. de Madame au Hausset</i>, introduc. p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1151_1151" id="Footnote_1151_1151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1151_1151"><span class="label">[1151]</span></a> &lsquo;Les personnes du premier rang et même d'un âge mûr, qui
+avaient travaillé toute leur vie pour obtenir les ordres du roi, preuve
+de la plus haute faveur, s'habituèrent à en cacher les marques
+distinctives sous le froc le plus simple, qui leur permettait de courir
+à pied dans les rues et de se confondre dans la foule.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Montbarey</i>, vol. iii. pp. 161, 162. Another alteration of the same
+tendency is worth recording. The Baroness d'Oberkirch, who revisited
+Paris in 1784, remarked, on her arrival, that &lsquo;gentlemen began about
+this time to go about unarmed, and wore swords only in full dress&hellip;.
+And thus the French nobility laid aside a usage which the example of
+their fathers had consecrated through centuries.&rsquo; <i>D'Oberkirch's
+Memoirs</i>, Lond. 1852, vol. ii. p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1152_1152" id="Footnote_1152_1152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1152_1152"><span class="label">[1152]</span></a> A striking instance of which was, moreover, seen in the
+number of <i>mésalliances</i>, which first became frequent about the middle
+of the reign of Louis XV. Compare <i>Mém. de Montbarey</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+116, 156, 157; <i>Lacretelle</i>, <i>Dix-huitième Siècle</i>, vol. iii. p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1153_1153" id="Footnote_1153_1153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1153_1153"><span class="label">[1153]</span></a> &lsquo;Nous commençâmes aussi à avoir des clubs: les hommes s'y
+réunissaient, non encore pour discuter, mais pour dîner, jouer au wisk,
+et lire tous les ouvrages nouveaux. Ce premier pas, alors presque
+inaperçu, eut dans la suite de grandes, et momentanément de funestes
+conséquences. Dans le commencement, son premier résultat fut de séparer
+les hommes des femmes, et d'apporter ainsi un notable changement dans
+nos m&oelig;urs: elles devinrent moins frivoles, mais moins polies; plus
+fortes, mais moins aimables: la politique y gagna, la société y perdit.&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. ii. p. 28. By the spring of 1786, this separation
+of the sexes had become still more marked; and it was a common
+complaint, that ladies were obliged to go to the theatre alone, men
+being at their clubs. See the very curious observations in <i>Grimm</i>,
+<i>Correspond.</i> vol. xiv. pp. 486&ndash;489, where there is also a notice of &lsquo;le
+prodigieux succès qu'a eu l'établissement des clubs à l'anglaise.&rsquo; See
+also, on the diminished attention paid to women, <i>Williams's Letters
+from France</i>, vol. ii. p. 80; 3rd edit. 1796.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1154_1154" id="Footnote_1154_1154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1154_1154"><span class="label">[1154]</span></a> The remarks of Georgel appear to apply to the political
+clubs only: &lsquo;A Paris les assemblées de nouvellistes, les clubs qui
+s'étoient formés à l'instar de ceux des Anglais, s'expliquaient
+hautement et sans retenue sur les droits de l'homme, sur les avantages
+de la liberté, sur les grands abus de l'inégalité des conditions. Ces
+clubs, trop accrédités, avoient commencé à se former en 1784.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de
+Georgel</i>, vol. ii. p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1155_1155" id="Footnote_1155_1155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1155_1155"><span class="label">[1155]</span></a> &lsquo;Le lieutenant de police fit fermer le club nommé <i>Club
+du Salon</i>; ordre arbitraire et inutile: ce club alors était composé de
+personnes distinguées de la noblesse ou de la haute bourgeoisie, ainsi
+que des artistes et des hommes de lettres les plus considérés. Cette
+réunion offrait, pour la première fois, l'image d'une égalité qui
+devient bientôt, plus que la liberté même, le v&oelig;u le plus ardent de
+la plus grande partie de la nation. Aussi le mécontentement produit par
+la clôture de ce club fut si vif, que l'autorité se crut obligée de la
+rouvrir.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. iii. pp. 258, 259. On the increase of
+these clubs from 1787 to 1789, compare <i>Du Mesnil</i>, <i>Mém. sur Le Brun</i>,
+p. 148; <i>Mém. de Lafayette</i>, vol. i. pp. 312, 322, 391, 434, vol. ii. p.
+9; <i>Barruel</i>, <i>Hist. du Jacob.</i> vol. i. p. 40, vol. ii. p. 310, vol. v.
+pp. 101, 168; <i>Thiers</i>, <i>Hist. de la Révolution</i>, vol. i. p. 36, Paris,
+1834.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1156_1156" id="Footnote_1156_1156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1156_1156"><span class="label">[1156]</span></a> <i>Mem. of Franklin</i>, vol. ii. pp. 14 seq.; and <i>Mem. of
+Jefferson</i>, vol. i. pp. 17&ndash;22, where the passages are given which
+Congress altered.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1157_1157" id="Footnote_1157_1157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1157_1157"><span class="label">[1157]</span></a> Ségur (<i>Mém.</i> vol. i. p. 111) says that his father had
+been frequently told by Maurepas that public opinion forced the
+government, against its own wishes, to side with America. Compare <i>Mém.
+de Georgel</i>, vol. iv. p. 370; and <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Diplomatie Française</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 166.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1158_1158" id="Footnote_1158_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158_1158"><span class="label">[1158]</span></a> The news of which soon reached England. In January 1777,
+Burke writes (<i>Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 394), &lsquo;I hear that Dr. Franklin has
+had a most extraordinary reception at Paris from all ranks of people.&rsquo;
+Soulavie (<i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. ii. p. 50) says, &lsquo;J'ai vu Francklin
+devenir un objet de culte.&rsquo; See also, on his popularity, <i>Mém.
+d'Epinay</i>, vol. iii. p. 419.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1159_1159" id="Footnote_1159_1159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1159_1159"><span class="label">[1159]</span></a> <i>Flassan</i>, <i>Diplomatie Française</i>, vol. vii. p. 159;
+<i>Life of Franklin</i>, <i>by Himself</i>, vol. ii. pp. 60, 61; <i>Mahon's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. vii. pp. 197, 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1160_1160" id="Footnote_1160_1160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1160_1160"><span class="label">[1160]</span></a> The sneering letter written from Paris by Lord Stormont,
+as early as December 1774 (<i>Adolphus's
+George III.</i> vol. ii. p. 316), should be compared with <i>Lafayette</i>,
+<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. i. pp. 24, 169, 229; <i>Dutens</i>, <i>Mém. d'un Voyageur</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 317; <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 149; and <i>Schlosser's
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. v. p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1161_1161" id="Footnote_1161_1161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1161_1161"><span class="label">[1161]</span></a> <i>De Staël sur la Révolution</i>, vol. i. p. 88; <i>Mém. de
+Montbarey</i>, vol. iii. pp. 134, 186; <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. p. 277;
+<i>Campan</i>, <i>Mém. de Marie Antoinette</i>, vol. i. p. 233, vol. iii. pp. 96,
+116; <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Règne de Louis XVI</i>, vol. ii. pp. xxiv. li. iii.;
+<i>Dumont</i>, <i>Souvenirs sur Mirabeau</i>, p. 176; <i>Mém. de Du Hausset</i>,
+introduc. p. 40; <i>Mém. de Genlis</i>, vol. vi. p. 57; <i>Jefferson's Mem. and
+Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 59; and Maitland's speech, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxx. pp. 198, 199; also the remarks of the Duke of Bedford, vol. xxxi.
+p. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1162_1162" id="Footnote_1162_1162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1162_1162"><span class="label">[1162]</span></a> <i>Lamartine</i>, <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. i. p. 46. Dumont
+(<i>Souvenirs</i>, p. 97) calls this &lsquo;une idée américaine;&rsquo; and see to the
+same effect, <i>Mém. de Lafayette</i>, vol. i. pp. 193, 268, 269, 416, vol.
+ii. pp. 139, 140; <i>Jefferson's Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 90; <i>Barruel</i>,
+<i>Hist. du Jacobinisme</i>, vol. v. p. 311. The influence which the American
+Revolution exercised over the mind of Lafayette is noticed by Bouillé,
+his cousin and his enemy. <i>Mém. de Bouillé</i>, vol. i. p. 102, vol. ii.
+pp. 131, 183.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1163_1163" id="Footnote_1163_1163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1163_1163"><span class="label">[1163]</span></a> &lsquo;The Duke of Dorset, the English ambassador, writing to
+Mr. Pitt from Paris, July 9th, 1789, said, &ldquo;Mr. Jefferson, the American
+minister at this court, has been a great deal consulted by the principal
+leaders of the <i>tiers état</i>; and I have great reason to think that it
+was owing to his advice that order called itself <i>L'Assemblée
+Nationale</i>.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Tomline's Life of Pitt</i>, vol. ii. p. 266.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE
+FIFTH TO THE MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>In the preceding chapters, I have endeavoured to establish
+four leading propositions, which, according to my view,
+are to be deemed the basis of the history of civilization.
+They are: 1st, That the progress of mankind depends
+on the success with which the laws of phenomena are
+investigated, and on the extent to which a knowledge
+of those laws is diffused. 2nd, That before such investigation
+can begin, a spirit of scepticism must arise,
+which, at first aiding the investigation, is afterwards
+aided by it. 3rd, That the discoveries thus made, increase
+the influence of intellectual truths, and diminish,
+relatively not absolutely, the influence of moral truths;
+moral truths being more stationary than intellectual
+truths, and receiving fewer additions. 4th, That the
+great enemy of this movement, and therefore the great
+enemy of civilization, is the protective spirit; by which
+I mean the notion that society cannot prosper, unless
+the affairs of life are watched over and protected at
+nearly every turn by the state and the church; the
+state teaching men what they are to do, and the church
+teaching them what they are to believe. Such are the
+propositions which I hold to be the most essential for
+a right understanding of history, and which I have defended
+in the only two ways any proposition can be
+defended; namely, inductively and deductively. The
+inductive defence comprises a collection of historical
+and scientific facts, which suggest and authorize the
+conclusions drawn from them; while the deductive defence
+consists of a verification of those conclusions, by
+showing how they explain the history of different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span>
+countries and their various fortunes. To the former,
+or inductive method of defence, I am at present unable to
+add anything new; but the deductive defence I hope to
+strengthen considerably, and by the aid of the following
+chapters, confirm not only the four cardinal propositions
+just stated, but also several minor propositions, which,
+though strictly speaking flowing from them, will require
+separate verification. According to the plan
+already sketched, the remaining part of the introduction
+will contain an examination of the history of
+Spain, of Scotland, of Germany, and of the United
+States of America, with the object of elucidating principles
+on which the history of England supplies inadequate
+information. And as Spain is the country where
+what I conceive to be the fundamental conditions of
+national improvement have been most flagrantly violated,
+so also shall we find that it is the country where
+the penalty paid for the violation has been most heavy,
+and where, therefore, it is most instructive to ascertain
+how the prevalence of certain opinions causes the decay
+of the people among whom they predominate.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that the old tropical civilizations were
+accompanied by remarkable features which I have termed
+Aspects of Nature, and which, by inflaming the imagination,
+encouraged superstition, and prevented men
+from daring to analyze such threatening physical phenomena;
+in other words, prevented the creation of the
+physical sciences. Now, it is an interesting fact that,
+in these respects, no European country is so analogous
+to the tropics as Spain. No other part of Europe is so
+clearly designated by nature as the seat and refuge of
+superstition. Recurring to what has been already
+proved,<a name="FNanchor_1164_1164" id="FNanchor_1164_1164"></a><a href="#Footnote_1164_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a> it will be remembered that among the most
+important physical causes of superstition are famines,
+epidemics, earthquakes, and that general unhealthiness
+of climate, which, by shortening the average duration
+of life, increases the frequency and earnestness with
+which supernatural aid is invoked. These peculiarities,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span>
+taken together, are more prominent in Spain than anywhere
+else in Europe; it will therefore be useful to
+give such a summary of them as will exhibit the mischievous
+effects they have produced in shaping the
+national character.</p>
+
+<p>If we except the northern extremity of Spain, we
+may say that the two principal characteristics of the
+climate are heat and dryness, both of which are favoured
+by the extreme difficulty which nature has interposed
+in regard to irrigation. For, the rivers which intersect
+the land, run mostly in beds too deep to be made available
+for watering the soil, which consequently is, and
+always has been, remarkably arid.<a name="FNanchor_1165_1165" id="FNanchor_1165_1165"></a><a href="#Footnote_1165_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a> Owing to this, and
+to the infrequency of rain, there is no European country
+as richly endowed in other respects, where droughts
+and therefore famines have been so frequent and
+serious.<a name="FNanchor_1166_1166" id="FNanchor_1166_1166"></a><a href="#Footnote_1166_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a> At the same time the vicissitudes of climate,
+particularly in the central parts, make Spain habitually
+unhealthy; and this general tendency being
+strengthened in the middle ages by the constant occurrence
+of famine, caused the ravages of pestilence to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span>
+unusually fatal.<a name="FNanchor_1167_1167" id="FNanchor_1167_1167"></a><a href="#Footnote_1167_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a> When we moreover add that in the
+Peninsula, including Portugal, earthquakes have been
+extremely disastrous,<a name="FNanchor_1168_1168" id="FNanchor_1168_1168"></a><a href="#Footnote_1168_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a> and have excited all those superstitious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span>
+feelings which they naturally provoke, we may
+form some idea of the insecurity of life, and of the ease<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span>
+with which an artful and ambitious priesthood could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span>
+turn such insecurity into an engine for the advancement
+of their own power.<a name="FNanchor_1169_1169" id="FNanchor_1169_1169"></a><a href="#Footnote_1169_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Another feature of this singular country is the prevalence
+of a pastoral life, mainly caused by the difficulty
+of establishing regular habits of agricultural industry.
+In most parts of Spain, the climate renders it impossible
+for the labourer to work the whole of the day;<a name="FNanchor_1170_1170" id="FNanchor_1170_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a>
+and this forced interruption encourages among the
+people an irregularity and instability of purpose, which
+makes them choose the wandering avocations of a shepherd,
+rather than the more fixed pursuits of agriculture.<a name="FNanchor_1171_1171" id="FNanchor_1171_1171"></a><a href="#Footnote_1171_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span>
+And during the long and arduous war which they waged
+against their Mohammedan invaders, they were subject
+to such incessant surprises and forays on the part of
+the enemy, as to make it advisable that their means of
+subsistence should be easily removed; hence they preferred
+the produce of their flocks to that of their lands,
+and were shepherds instead of agriculturists, simply
+because by that means they would suffer less in case of
+an unfavourable issue. Even after the capture of Toledo,
+late in the eleventh century, the inhabitants of the
+frontier in Estramadura, La Mancha, and New Castile,
+were almost entirely herdsmen, and their cattle were
+pastured not in private meadows but in the open
+fields.<a name="FNanchor_1172_1172" id="FNanchor_1172_1172"></a><a href="#Footnote_1172_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a> All this increased the uncertainty of life, and
+strengthened that love of adventure, and that spirit of
+romance, which, at a later period, gave a tone to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span>
+popular literature. Under such circumstances, everything
+grew precarious, restless, and unsettled; thought
+and inquiry were impossible; doubt was unknown;
+and the way was prepared for those superstitious habits,
+and for that deep-rooted and tenacious belief, which
+have always formed a principal feature in the history
+of the Spanish nation.</p>
+
+<p>To what extent these circumstances would, if they
+stood by themselves, have affected the ultimate destiny
+of Spain, is a question hardly possible to answer; but
+there can be no doubt that their effects must always
+have been important, though, from the paucity of evidence,
+we are unable to measure them with precision.
+In regard, however, to the actual result, this point is of
+little moment, because a long chain of other and still
+more influential events became interwoven with those
+just mentioned, and, tending in precisely the same
+direction, produced a combination which nothing could
+resist, and from which we may trace with unerring
+certainty the steps by which the nation subsequently
+declined. The history of the causes of the degradation
+of Spain will indeed become too clear to be mistaken, if
+studied in reference to those general principles which
+I have enunciated, and which will themselves be confirmed
+by the light they throw on this instructive
+though melancholy subject.</p>
+
+<p>After the subversion of the Roman Empire, the first
+leading fact in the history of Spain is the settlement of
+the Visigoths, and the establishment of their opinions in
+the Peninsula. They, as well as the Suevi, who immediately
+preceded them, were Arians, and Spain during
+a hundred and fifty years became the rallying point of
+that famous heresy,<a name="FNanchor_1173_1173" id="FNanchor_1173_1173"></a><a href="#Footnote_1173_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a> to which indeed most of the Gothic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span>
+tribes then adhered. But, at the end of the fifth century,
+the Franks, on their conversion from Paganism,
+adopted the opposite and orthodox creed, and were encouraged
+by their clergy to make war upon their heretical
+neighbours. Clovis, who was then king of the
+Franks, was regarded by the church as the champion
+of the faith, in whose behalf he attacked the unbelieving
+Visigoths.<a name="FNanchor_1174_1174" id="FNanchor_1174_1174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1174_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a> His successors, moved by the same
+motives, pursued the same policy;<a name="FNanchor_1175_1175" id="FNanchor_1175_1175"></a><a href="#Footnote_1175_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a> and, during nearly
+a century, there was a war of opinions between France
+and Spain, by which the Visigothic Empire was seriously
+endangered, and was more than once on the verge of
+dissolution. Hence, in Spain, a war for national independence
+became also a war for national religion,<a name="FNanchor_1176_1176" id="FNanchor_1176_1176"></a><a href="#Footnote_1176_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span>
+an intimate alliance was formed between the Arian
+kings and the Arian clergy. The latter class were, in
+those ages of ignorance, sure to gain by such a compact,<a name="FNanchor_1177_1177" id="FNanchor_1177_1177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1177_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a>
+and they received considerable temporal advantages
+in return for the prayers which they offered up
+against the enemy, as also for the miracles which they
+occasionally performed. Thus early a foundation was
+laid for the immense influence which the Spanish priesthood
+have possessed ever since, and which was strengthened
+by subsequent events. For, late in the sixth
+century, the Latin clergy converted their Visigothic
+masters, and the Spanish government, becoming orthodox,
+naturally conferred upon its teachers an authority
+equal to that wielded by the Arian hierarchy.<a name="FNanchor_1178_1178" id="FNanchor_1178_1178"></a><a href="#Footnote_1178_1178" class="fnanchor">[1178]</a> Indeed,
+the rulers of Spain, grateful to those who had shown
+them the error of their ways, were willing rather to
+increase the power of the church than to diminish it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span>
+The clergy took advantage of this disposition; and the
+result was, that before the middle of the seventh century
+the spiritual classes possessed more influence in
+Spain than in any other part of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_1179_1179" id="FNanchor_1179_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a> The ecclesiastical
+synods became not only councils of the church,
+but also parliaments of the realm.<a name="FNanchor_1180_1180" id="FNanchor_1180_1180"></a><a href="#Footnote_1180_1180" class="fnanchor">[1180]</a> At Toledo, which
+was then the capital of Spain, the power of the clergy
+was immense, and was so ostentatiously displayed, that
+in a council they held there in the year 633, we find the
+king literally prostrating himself on the ground before
+the bishops;<a name="FNanchor_1181_1181" id="FNanchor_1181_1181"></a><a href="#Footnote_1181_1181" class="fnanchor">[1181]</a> and half a century later, the ecclesiastical
+historian mentions that this humiliating practice
+was repeated by another king, having become, he says,
+an established custom.<a name="FNanchor_1182_1182" id="FNanchor_1182_1182"></a><a href="#Footnote_1182_1182" class="fnanchor">[1182]</a> That this was not a mere
+meaningless ceremony, is moreover evident from other
+and analogous facts. Exactly the same tendency is seen
+in their jurisprudence; since, by the Visigothic code,
+any layman, whether plaintiff or defendant, might insist
+on his cause being tried not by the temporal magistrate,
+but by the bishop of the diocese. Nay, even if<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span>
+both parties to the suit were agreed in preferring the
+civil tribunal, the bishop still retained the power of revoking
+the decision, if in his opinion it was incorrect;
+and it was his especial business to watch over the administration
+of justice, and to instruct the magistrates
+how to perform their duty.<a name="FNanchor_1183_1183" id="FNanchor_1183_1183"></a><a href="#Footnote_1183_1183" class="fnanchor">[1183]</a> Another, and more painful
+proof of the ascendency of the clergy, is that the
+laws against heretics were harsher in Spain than in any
+other country; the Jews in particular being persecuted
+with unrelenting rigour.<a name="FNanchor_1184_1184" id="FNanchor_1184_1184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1184_1184" class="fnanchor">[1184]</a> Indeed, the desire of upholding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span>
+the faith was strong enough to produce a
+formal declaration that no sovereign should be acknowledged,
+unless he promised to preserve its purity; the
+judges of the purity being of course the bishops themselves,
+to whose suffrage the king owed his throne.<a name="FNanchor_1185_1185" id="FNanchor_1185_1185"></a><a href="#Footnote_1185_1185" class="fnanchor">[1185]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the circumstances which, in and before
+the seventh century, secured to the Spanish Church an
+influence unequalled in any other part of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_1186_1186" id="FNanchor_1186_1186"></a><a href="#Footnote_1186_1186" class="fnanchor">[1186]</a>
+Early in the eighth century, an event occurred which
+apparently broke up and dispersed the hierarchy, but
+which in reality was extremely favourable to them. In
+711 the Mohammedans sailed from Africa, landed in the
+south of Spain, and in the space of three years conquered
+the whole country, except the almost inaccessible
+regions of the north-west. The Spaniards, secure
+in their native mountains,<a name="FNanchor_1187_1187" id="FNanchor_1187_1187"></a><a href="#Footnote_1187_1187" class="fnanchor">[1187]</a> soon recovered heart, rallied
+their forces, and began in their turn to assail the invaders.
+A desperate struggle ensued, which lasted
+nearly eight centuries, and in which, a second time in
+the history of Spain, a war for independence was also a
+war for religion; the contest between Arabian Infidels
+and Spanish Christians, succeeding that formerly carried<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span>
+on between the Trinitarians of France and the Arians
+of Spain. Slowly, and with infinite difficulty, the Christians
+fought their way. By the middle of the ninth
+century, they reached the line of the Douro.<a name="FNanchor_1188_1188" id="FNanchor_1188_1188"></a><a href="#Footnote_1188_1188" class="fnanchor">[1188]</a> Before
+the close of the eleventh century, they conquered as far
+as the Tagus, and Toledo, their ancient capital, fell into
+their hands in 1085.<a name="FNanchor_1189_1189" id="FNanchor_1189_1189"></a><a href="#Footnote_1189_1189" class="fnanchor">[1189]</a> Even then much remained to be
+done. In the south, the struggle assumed its deadliest
+form, and there it was prolonged with such obstinacy,
+that it was not until the capture of Malaga in 1487,
+and of Granada in 1492, that the Christian empire was
+re-established, and the old Spanish monarchy finally
+restored.<a name="FNanchor_1190_1190" id="FNanchor_1190_1190"></a><a href="#Footnote_1190_1190" class="fnanchor">[1190]</a></p>
+
+<p>The effect of all this on the Spanish character was
+most remarkable. During eight successive centuries,
+the whole country was engaged in a religious crusade;
+and those holy wars which other nations occasionally
+waged, were, in Spain, prolonged and continued for
+more than twenty generations.<a name="FNanchor_1191_1191" id="FNanchor_1191_1191"></a><a href="#Footnote_1191_1191" class="fnanchor">[1191]</a> The object being not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span>
+only to regain a territory, but also to re-establish a
+creed, it naturally happened that the expounders of
+that creed assumed a prominent and important position.
+In the camp, and in the council-chamber, the voice of
+ecclesiastics was heard and obeyed; for as the war
+aimed at the propagation of Christianity, it seemed
+right that her ministers should play a conspicuous part
+in a matter which particularly concerned them.<a name="FNanchor_1192_1192" id="FNanchor_1192_1192"></a><a href="#Footnote_1192_1192" class="fnanchor">[1192]</a> The
+danger to which the country was exposed being moreover
+very imminent, those superstitious feelings were
+excited which danger is apt to provoke, and to which,
+as I have elsewhere shown,<a name="FNanchor_1193_1193" id="FNanchor_1193_1193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1193_1193" class="fnanchor">[1193]</a> the tropical civilizations
+owed some of their leading peculiarities. Scarcely were
+the Spanish Christians driven from their homes and
+forced to take refuge in the north, when this great
+principle began to operate. In their mountainous retreat,
+they preserved a chest filled with relics of the
+saints, the possession of which they valued as their
+greatest security.<a name="FNanchor_1194_1194" id="FNanchor_1194_1194"></a><a href="#Footnote_1194_1194" class="fnanchor">[1194]</a> This was to them a national standard,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span>
+round which they rallied, and by the aid of which
+they gained miraculous victories over their infidel opponents.
+Looking upon themselves as soldiers of the
+cross, their minds became habituated to supernatural
+considerations to an extent which we can now hardly
+believe, and which distinguished them in this respect
+from every other European nation.<a name="FNanchor_1195_1195" id="FNanchor_1195_1195"></a><a href="#Footnote_1195_1195" class="fnanchor">[1195]</a> Their young men
+saw visions, and their old men dreamed dreams.<a name="FNanchor_1196_1196" id="FNanchor_1196_1196"></a><a href="#Footnote_1196_1196" class="fnanchor">[1196]</a>
+Strange sights were vouchsafed to them from heaven;
+on the eve of a battle mysterious portents appeared;
+and it was observed that whenever the Mohammedans
+violated the tomb of a Christian saint, thunder and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span>
+lightning were sent to rebuke the misbelievers, and, if
+need be, to punish their audacious invasion.<a name="FNanchor_1197_1197" id="FNanchor_1197_1197"></a><a href="#Footnote_1197_1197" class="fnanchor">[1197]</a></p>
+
+<p>Under circumstances like these, the clergy could not
+fail to extend their influence; or, we may rather say, the
+course of events extended it for them. The Spanish
+Christians, pent up for a considerable time in the mountains
+of Asturias, and deprived of their former resources,
+quickly degenerated, and soon lost the scanty civilization
+to which they had attained. Stripped of all their
+wealth, and confined to what was comparatively a barren
+region, they relapsed into barbarism, and remained, for
+at least a century, without arts, or commerce, or literature.<a name="FNanchor_1198_1198" id="FNanchor_1198_1198"></a><a href="#Footnote_1198_1198" class="fnanchor">[1198]</a>
+As their ignorance increased, so also did their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span>
+superstition; while this last, in its turn, strengthened
+the authority of their priests. The order of affairs,
+therefore, was very natural. The Mohammedan invasion
+made the Christians poor; poverty caused ignorance;
+ignorance caused credulity; and credulity,
+depriving men both of the power and of the desire to
+investigate for themselves, encouraged a reverential
+spirit, and confirmed those submissive habits, and that
+blind obedience to the Church, which form the leading
+and most unfortunate peculiarity of Spanish history.</p>
+
+<p>From this it appears, that there were three ways in
+which the Mohammedan invasion strengthened the
+devotional feelings of the Spanish people. The first
+way was by promoting a long and obstinate religious
+war; the second was by the presence of constant and
+imminent dangers; and the third way was by the
+poverty, and therefore the ignorance, which it produced
+among the Christians.</p>
+
+<p>These events being preceded by the great Arian war,
+and being accompanied and perpetually reinforced by
+those physical phenomena which I have indicated as
+tending in the same direction, worked with such combined
+and accumulative energy, that in Spain the theological
+element became not so much a component of the
+national character, but rather the character itself. The
+ablest and most ambitious of the Spanish kings were
+compelled to follow in the general wake; and, despots
+though they were, they succumbed to that pressure of
+opinions which they believed they were controlling.
+The war with Granada, late in the fifteenth century,
+was theological far more than temporal; and Isabella,
+who made the greatest sacrifices in order to conduct it,
+and who in capacity as well as in honesty was superior
+to Ferdinand, had for her object not so much the acquisition
+of territory as the propagation of the Christian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span>
+faith.<a name="FNanchor_1199_1199" id="FNanchor_1199_1199"></a><a href="#Footnote_1199_1199" class="fnanchor">[1199]</a> Indeed, any doubts which could be entertained
+respecting the purpose of the contest must have been
+dissipated by subsequent events. For, scarcely was the
+war brought to a close, when Ferdinand and Isabella
+issued a decree expelling from the country every Jew
+who refused to deny his faith; so that the soil of Spain
+might be no longer polluted by the presence of unbelievers.<a name="FNanchor_1200_1200" id="FNanchor_1200_1200"></a><a href="#Footnote_1200_1200" class="fnanchor">[1200]</a>
+To make them Christians, or, failing in that,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span>
+to exterminate them, was the business of the Inquisition,
+which was established in the same reign, and
+which before the end of the fifteenth century was in full
+operation.<a name="FNanchor_1201_1201" id="FNanchor_1201_1201"></a><a href="#Footnote_1201_1201" class="fnanchor">[1201]</a> During the sixteenth century, the throne
+was occupied by two princes of eminent ability, who
+pursued a similar course. Charles V., who succeeded
+Ferdinand in 1516, governed Spain for forty years, and
+the general character of his administration was the
+same as that of his predecessors. In regard to his
+foreign policy, his three principal wars were against
+France, against the German princes, and against Turkey.
+Of these, the first was secular; but the two last were
+essentially religious. In the German war, he defended
+the church against innovation; and at the battle of
+Muhlberg, he so completely humbled the Protestant
+princes, as to retard for some time the progress of the
+Reformation.<a name="FNanchor_1202_1202" id="FNanchor_1202_1202"></a><a href="#Footnote_1202_1202" class="fnanchor">[1202]</a> In his other great war, he, as the champion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span>
+of Christianity against Mohammedanism, consummated
+what his grandfather Ferdinand had begun.
+Charles defeated and dislodged the Mohammedans in
+the east, just as Ferdinand had done in the west; the
+repulse of the Turks before Vienna being to the sixteenth
+century what the conquest of the Arabs of
+Granada was to the fifteenth.<a name="FNanchor_1203_1203" id="FNanchor_1203_1203"></a><a href="#Footnote_1203_1203" class="fnanchor">[1203]</a> It was, therefore, with
+reason that Charles, at the close of his career, could
+boast that he had always preferred his creed to his
+country, and that the first object of his ambition had
+been to maintain the interests of Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_1204_1204" id="FNanchor_1204_1204"></a><a href="#Footnote_1204_1204" class="fnanchor">[1204]</a> The
+zeal with which he struggled for the faith, also appears
+in his exertions against heresy in the Low Countries.
+According to contemporary and competent authorities,
+from fifty thousand to a hundred thousand persons
+were put to death in the Netherlands during his reign
+on account of their religious opinions.<a name="FNanchor_1205_1205" id="FNanchor_1205_1205"></a><a href="#Footnote_1205_1205" class="fnanchor">[1205]</a> Later inquirers
+have doubted the accuracy of this statement,<a name="FNanchor_1206_1206" id="FNanchor_1206_1206"></a><a href="#Footnote_1206_1206" class="fnanchor">[1206]</a> which
+is probably exaggerated; but we know that, between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span>
+1520 and 1550, he published a series of laws, to the
+effect that those who were convicted of heresy should
+be beheaded, or burned alive, or buried alive. The
+penalties were thus various, to meet the circumstances
+of each case. Capital punishment, however, was always
+to be inflicted on whoever bought an heretical book, or
+sold it, or even copied it for his own use.<a name="FNanchor_1207_1207" id="FNanchor_1207_1207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1207_1207" class="fnanchor">[1207]</a> His last
+advice to his son, well accorded with these measures.
+Only a few days before his death, he signed a codicil to
+his will, recommending that no favour should ever be
+shown to heretics; that they should all be put to death;
+and that care should be taken to uphold the Inquisition,
+as the best means of accomplishing so desirable an
+end.<a name="FNanchor_1208_1208" id="FNanchor_1208_1208"></a><a href="#Footnote_1208_1208" class="fnanchor">[1208]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>This barbarous policy is to be ascribed, not to the
+vices, nor to the temperament of the individual ruler,
+but to the operation of large general causes, which
+acted upon the individual, and impelled him to the
+course he pursued. Charles was by no means a vindictive
+man; his natural disposition was to mercy
+rather than to rigour; his sincerity is unquestionable;
+he performed what he believed to be his duty; and he
+was so kind a friend, that those who knew him best
+were precisely those who loved him most.<a name="FNanchor_1209_1209" id="FNanchor_1209_1209"></a><a href="#Footnote_1209_1209" class="fnanchor">[1209]</a> Little,
+however, could all that avail in shaping his public
+conduct. He was obliged to obey the tendencies of the
+age and country in which he lived. And what those
+tendencies were, appeared still more clearly after his
+death, when the throne of Spain was occupied upwards
+of forty years by a prince who inherited it in the prime
+of life, and whose reign is particularly interesting as a
+symptom and a consequence of the disposition of the
+people over whom he ruled.</p>
+
+<p>Philip II., who succeeded Charles V. in 1555, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span>
+indeed eminently a creature of the time, and the ablest
+of his biographers aptly terms him the most perfect
+type of the national character.<a name="FNanchor_1210_1210" id="FNanchor_1210_1210"></a><a href="#Footnote_1210_1210" class="fnanchor">[1210]</a> His favourite maxim,
+which forms the key to his policy, was, &lsquo;That it is
+better not to reign at all than to reign over heretics.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1211_1211" id="FNanchor_1211_1211"></a><a href="#Footnote_1211_1211" class="fnanchor">[1211]</a>
+Armed with supreme power, he bent all his energies
+towards carrying this principle into effect. Directly
+that he heard that the Protestants were making converts
+in Spain, he strained every nerve to stifle the
+heresy;<a name="FNanchor_1212_1212" id="FNanchor_1212_1212"></a><a href="#Footnote_1212_1212" class="fnanchor">[1212]</a> and so admirably was he seconded by the
+general temper of the people, that he was able without
+risk to suppress opinions which convulsed every other
+part of Europe. In Spain, the Reformation, after a
+short struggle, died completely away, and in about ten
+years the last vestige of it disappeared.<a name="FNanchor_1213_1213" id="FNanchor_1213_1213"></a><a href="#Footnote_1213_1213" class="fnanchor">[1213]</a> The Dutch
+wished to adopt, and in many instances did adopt, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span>
+reformed doctrine; therefore Philip waged against
+them a cruel war, which lasted thirty years, and which
+he continued till his death, because he was resolved to
+extirpate the new creed.<a name="FNanchor_1214_1214" id="FNanchor_1214_1214"></a><a href="#Footnote_1214_1214" class="fnanchor">[1214]</a> He ordered that every
+heretic who refused to recant should be burned. If
+the heretic did recant, some indulgence was granted;
+but having once been tainted, he must die. Instead of
+being burned, he was therefore to be executed.<a name="FNanchor_1215_1215" id="FNanchor_1215_1215"></a><a href="#Footnote_1215_1215" class="fnanchor">[1215]</a> Of
+the number of those who actually suffered in the Low
+Countries, we have no precise information;<a name="FNanchor_1216_1216" id="FNanchor_1216_1216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1216_1216" class="fnanchor">[1216]</a> but Alva
+triumphantly boasted that, in the five or six years of
+his administration, he had put to death in cold blood
+more than eighteen thousand, besides a still greater
+number whom he had slain on the field of battle.<a name="FNanchor_1217_1217" id="FNanchor_1217_1217"></a><a href="#Footnote_1217_1217" class="fnanchor">[1217]</a>
+This, even during his short tenure of power, would
+make about forty thousand victims; an estimate probably
+not far from the truth, since we know, from other
+sources, that in one year more than eight thousand were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span>
+either executed or burned.<a name="FNanchor_1218_1218" id="FNanchor_1218_1218"></a><a href="#Footnote_1218_1218" class="fnanchor">[1218]</a> Such measures were the
+result of instructions issued by Philip, and formed a
+necessary part of his general scheme.<a name="FNanchor_1219_1219" id="FNanchor_1219_1219"></a><a href="#Footnote_1219_1219" class="fnanchor">[1219]</a> The desire
+paramount in his mind, and to which he sacrificed all
+other considerations, was to put down the new creed,
+and to reinstate the old one. To this, even his immense
+ambition and his inordinate love of power were subordinate.
+He aimed at the empire of Europe, because he
+longed to restore the authority of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_1220_1220" id="FNanchor_1220_1220"></a><a href="#Footnote_1220_1220" class="fnanchor">[1220]</a> All
+his policy, all his negotiations, all his wars, pointed to
+this one end. Soon after his accession, he concluded
+an ignominious treaty with the Pope, that it might not
+be said that he bore arms against the head of the Christian
+world.<a name="FNanchor_1221_1221" id="FNanchor_1221_1221"></a><a href="#Footnote_1221_1221" class="fnanchor">[1221]</a> And his last great enterprise, in some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span>
+respects the most important of all, was to fit out, at an
+incredible cost, that famous Armada with which he
+hoped to humble England, and to nip the heresy of
+Europe in its bud, by depriving the Protestants of their
+principal support, and of the only asylum where they
+were sure to find safe and honourable refuge.<a name="FNanchor_1222_1222" id="FNanchor_1222_1222"></a><a href="#Footnote_1222_1222" class="fnanchor">[1222]</a></p>
+
+<p>While Philip, following the course of his predecessors,
+was wasting the blood and treasure of Spain in
+order to propagate religious opinions,<a name="FNanchor_1223_1223" id="FNanchor_1223_1223"></a><a href="#Footnote_1223_1223" class="fnanchor">[1223]</a> the people, instead
+of rebelling against so monstrous a system, acquiesced
+in it, and cordially sanctioned it. Indeed, they
+not only sanctioned it, but they almost worshipped the
+man by whom it was enforced. There probably never
+lived a prince who, during so long a period, and amid
+so many vicissitudes of fortune, was adored by his subjects
+as Philip II. was. In evil report, and in good
+report, the Spaniards clung to him with unshaken
+loyalty. Their affection was not lessened, either by his
+reverses, or by his forbidding deportment, or by his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span>
+cruelty, or by his grievous exactions. In spite of all,
+they loved him to the last. Such was his absurd arrogance,
+that he allowed none, not even the most powerful
+nobles, to address him, except on their knees, and, in
+return, he only spoke in half sentences, leaving them to
+guess the rest, and to fulfil his commands as best they
+might.<a name="FNanchor_1224_1224" id="FNanchor_1224_1224"></a><a href="#Footnote_1224_1224" class="fnanchor">[1224]</a> And ready enough they were to obey his
+slightest wishes. A contemporary of Philip, struck by
+the universal homage which he received, says that the
+Spanish did &lsquo;not merely love, not merely reverence,
+but absolutely adore him, and deem his commands so
+sacred, that they could not be violated without offence
+to God.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1225_1225" id="FNanchor_1225_1225"></a><a href="#Footnote_1225_1225" class="fnanchor">[1225]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>That a man like Philip II., who never possessed a
+friend, and whose usual demeanour was of the most
+repulsive kind, a harsh master, a brutal parent, a bloody
+and remorseless ruler,&mdash;that he should be thus reverenced
+by a nation among whom he lived, and who had
+their eyes constantly on his actions; that this should
+have happened, is surely one of the most surprising,
+and, at first sight, one of the most inexplicable facts in
+modern history. Here we have a king who, though
+afflicted by every quality most calculated to excite terror
+and disgust, is loved far more than he is feared, and is
+the idol of a very great people during a very long reign.
+This is so remarkable as to deserve our serious attention;
+and in order to clear up the difficulty, it will be
+necessary to inquire into the causes of that spirit of
+loyalty which, during several centuries, has distinguished
+the Spaniards above every other European
+people.</p>
+
+<p>One of the leading causes was undoubtedly the immense
+influence possessed by the clergy. For the
+maxims inculcated by that powerful body have a natural
+tendency to make the people reverence their princes
+more than they would otherwise do. And that there
+is a real and practical connexion between loyalty and
+superstition, appears from the historical fact that the
+two feelings have nearly always flourished together and
+decayed together. Indeed, this is what we should expect
+on mere speculative grounds, seeing that both
+feelings are the product of those habits of veneration
+which make men submissive in their conduct and credulous
+in their belief.<a name="FNanchor_1226_1226" id="FNanchor_1226_1226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1226_1226" class="fnanchor">[1226]</a> Experience, therefore, as well as
+reason, points to this as a general law of the mind,
+which, in its operation, may be occasionally disturbed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span>
+but which holds good in a large majority of cases.
+Probably the only instance in which the principle fails
+is, when a despotic government so misunderstands its
+own interests as to offend the clergy, and separate itself
+from them. Whenever this is done, a struggle will
+arise between loyalty and superstition; the first being
+upheld by the political classes, the other by the spiritual
+classes. Such a warfare was exhibited in Scotland;
+but history does not afford many examples of it, and
+certainly it never took place in Spain, where, on the
+contrary, several circumstances occurred to cement the
+union between the Crown and the Church, and to accustom
+the people to look up to both with almost equal
+reverence.</p>
+
+<p>By far the most important of these circumstances
+was the great Arab invasion, which drove the Christians
+into a corner of Spain, and reduced them to such
+extremities, that nothing but the strictest discipline,
+and the most unhesitating obedience to their leaders,
+could have enabled them to make head against their
+enemies. Loyalty to their princes became not merely
+expedient, but necessary; for if the Spaniards had
+been disunited, they would, in the face of the fearful
+odds against which they fought, have had no chance
+of preserving their national existence. The long war
+which ensued, being both political and religious, caused
+an intimate alliance between the political and religious
+classes, since the kings and the clergy had an equal
+interest in driving the Mohammedans from Spain.
+During nearly eight centuries, this compact between
+Church and State was a necessity forced upon the
+Spaniards by the peculiarities of their position; and,
+after the necessity had subsided, it naturally happened
+that the association of ideas survived the original
+danger, and that an impression had been made upon the
+popular mind which it was hardly possible to efface.</p>
+
+<p>Evidence of this impression, and of the unrivalled
+loyalty it produced, crowds upon us at every turn. In no
+other country are the old ballads so numerous and so
+intimately connected with the national history. It has,
+however, been observed, that their leading characteristic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span>
+is the zeal with which they inculcate obedience and
+devotion to princes, and that from this source, even
+more than from military achievements, they draw their
+most favourite examples of virtue.<a name="FNanchor_1227_1227" id="FNanchor_1227_1227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1227_1227" class="fnanchor">[1227]</a> In literature the
+first great manifestation of the Spanish mind was the
+poem of <i>The Cid</i>, written at the end of the twelfth
+century, in which we find fresh proof of that extraordinary
+loyalty which circumstances had forced upon
+the people.<a name="FNanchor_1228_1228" id="FNanchor_1228_1228"></a><a href="#Footnote_1228_1228" class="fnanchor">[1228]</a> The ecclesiastical councils display a similar
+tendency; for, notwithstanding a few exceptions,
+no other church has been equally eager in upholding
+the rights of kings.<a name="FNanchor_1229_1229" id="FNanchor_1229_1229"></a><a href="#Footnote_1229_1229" class="fnanchor">[1229]</a> In civil legislation, we see the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span>
+same principle at work; it being asserted, on high
+authority, that in no system of laws is loyalty carried
+to such extreme height as in the Spanish codes.<a name="FNanchor_1230_1230" id="FNanchor_1230_1230"></a><a href="#Footnote_1230_1230" class="fnanchor">[1230]</a> Even
+their dramatic writers were unwilling to represent an
+act of rebellion on the stage, lest they should appear to
+countenance what, in the eyes of every good Spaniard,
+was one of the most heinous of all offences.<a name="FNanchor_1231_1231" id="FNanchor_1231_1231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1231_1231" class="fnanchor">[1231]</a> Whatever
+the king came in contact with, was in some degree
+hallowed by his touch. No one might mount a horse
+which he had ridden;<a name="FNanchor_1232_1232" id="FNanchor_1232_1232"></a><a href="#Footnote_1232_1232" class="fnanchor">[1232]</a> no one might marry a mistress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span>
+whom he had deserted.<a name="FNanchor_1233_1233" id="FNanchor_1233_1233"></a><a href="#Footnote_1233_1233" class="fnanchor">[1233]</a> Horse and mistress alike
+were sacred, and it would have been impious for any
+subject to meddle with what had been honoured by the
+Lord's anointed. Nor were such rules confined to the
+prince actually reigning. On the contrary, they survived
+him, and, working with a sort of posthumous
+force, forbade any woman whom he had taken as a
+wife, to marry, even after he was dead. She had been
+chosen by the king; such choice had already raised her
+above the rest of mortals; and the least she could do
+was to retire to a convent, and spend her life mourning
+over her irreparable loss. These regulations were
+enforced by custom rather than by law.<a name="FNanchor_1234_1234" id="FNanchor_1234_1234"></a><a href="#Footnote_1234_1234" class="fnanchor">[1234]</a> They were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span>
+upheld by the popular will, and were the result of the
+excessive loyalty of the Spanish nation. Of that loyalty
+their writers often boast, and with good reason, since
+it was certainly matchless, and nothing seemed able to
+shake it. To bad kings and to good kings it equally
+applied. It was in full strength amid the glory of
+Spain in the sixteenth century; it was conspicuous
+when the nation was decaying in the seventeenth
+century; and it survived the shock of civil wars early
+in the eighteenth.<a name="FNanchor_1235_1235" id="FNanchor_1235_1235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1235_1235" class="fnanchor">[1235]</a> Indeed, the feeling had so worked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span>
+itself into the traditions of the country, as to become
+not only a national passion, but almost an article of
+national faith. Clarendon, in his History of that great
+English Rebellion, the like of which, as he well knew,
+could never have happened in Spain, makes on this
+subject a just and pertinent remark. He says that a
+want of respect for kings is regarded by the Spaniards
+as a &lsquo;monstrous crime;&rsquo; &lsquo;submissive reverence to their
+princes being a vital part of their religion.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1236_1236" id="FNanchor_1236_1236"></a><a href="#Footnote_1236_1236" class="fnanchor">[1236]</a></p>
+
+<p>These, then, were the two great elements of which
+the Spanish character was compounded. Loyalty and
+superstition; reverence for their kings and reverence
+for their clergy were the leading principles which
+influenced the Spanish mind, and governed the march
+of Spanish history. The peculiar and unexampled circumstances
+under which they arose, have been just
+indicated; and having seen their origin, we will now
+endeavour to trace their consequences. Such an examination
+of results will be the more important, not only
+because nowhere else in Europe have these feelings
+been so strong, so permanent, and so unmixed, but also
+because Spain, being seated at the further extremity of
+the Continent, from which it is cut off by the Pyrenees,
+has, from physical causes, as well as from moral ones,
+come little into contact with other nations.<a name="FNanchor_1237_1237" id="FNanchor_1237_1237"></a><a href="#Footnote_1237_1237" class="fnanchor">[1237]</a> The course<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span>
+of affairs being, therefore, undisturbed by foreign
+habits, it becomes easier to discover the pure and
+natural consequences of superstition and loyalty, two
+of the most powerful and disinterested feelings which
+have ever occupied the human heart, and to whose
+united action we may clearly trace the leading events
+in the history of Spain.</p>
+
+<p>The results of this combination were, during a considerable
+period, apparently beneficial, and certainly
+magnificent. For, the church and the crown making
+common cause with each other, and being inspirited by
+the cordial support of the people, threw their whole
+soul into their enterprises, and displayed an ardour
+which could hardly fail to insure success. Gradually
+advancing from the north of Spain, the Christians,
+fighting their way inch by inch, pressed on till they
+reached the southern extremity, completely subdued
+the Mohammedans, and brought the whole country
+under one rule and one creed. This great result was
+achieved late in the fifteenth century, and it cast an
+extraordinary lustre on the Spanish name.<a name="FNanchor_1238_1238" id="FNanchor_1238_1238"></a><a href="#Footnote_1238_1238" class="fnanchor">[1238]</a> Spain,
+long occupied by her own religious wars, had hitherto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span>
+been little noticed by foreign powers, and had possessed
+little leisure to notice them. Now, however, she
+formed a compact and undivided monarchy, and at
+once assumed an important position in European
+affairs.<a name="FNanchor_1239_1239" id="FNanchor_1239_1239"></a><a href="#Footnote_1239_1239" class="fnanchor">[1239]</a> During the next hundred years, her power
+advanced with a speed of which the world had seen no
+example since the days of the Roman Empire. So late
+as 1478 Spain was still broken up into independent and
+often hostile states; Granada was possessed by the
+Mohammedans; the throne of Castile was occupied by
+one prince, the throne of Aragon by another. Before
+the year 1590, not only were these fragments firmly
+consolidated into one kingdom, but acquisitions were
+made abroad so rapidly as to endanger the independence
+of Europe. The history of Spain, during
+this period, is the history of one long and uninterrupted
+success. That country, recently torn by civil
+wars, and distracted by hostile creeds, was able in
+three generations to annex to her territory the whole
+of Portugal, Navarre, and Roussillon. By diplomacy,
+or by force of arms, she acquired Artois and Franche
+Comté, and the Netherlands; also the Milanese, Naples,
+Sicily, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands, and the Canaries.
+One of her kings was emperor of Germany; while his
+son influenced the councils of England, whose queen
+he married. The Turkish power, then one of the most
+formidable in the world, was broken and beaten back
+on every side. The French monarchy was humbled.
+French armies were constantly worsted; Paris was
+once in imminent jeopardy; and a king of France,
+after being defeated on the field, was taken captive, and
+led prisoner to Madrid. Out of Europe, the deeds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span>
+of Spain were equally wonderful. In America, the
+Spaniards became possessed of territories which covered
+sixty degrees of latitude, and included both the tropics.
+Besides Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, New
+Granada, Peru, and Chili, they conquered Cuba, San
+Domingo, Jamaica, and other islands. In Africa, they
+obtained Ceuta, Melilla, Oran, Bougiah, and Tunis, and
+overawed the whole coast of Barbary. In Asia, they
+had settlements on each side of the Deccan; they held
+part of Malacca; and they established themselves in
+the Spice Islands. Finally, by the conquest of the noble
+archipelago of the Philippines, they connected their
+most distant acquisitions, and secured a communication
+between every part of that enormous empire which
+girdled the world.</p>
+
+<p>In connexion with this, a great military spirit arose,
+such as no other modern nation has ever exhibited. All
+the intellect of the country which was not employed in
+the service of the Church was devoted to the profession
+of arms. Indeed, the two pursuits were often united;
+and it is said that the custom of ecclesiastics going to
+war was practised in Spain long after it was abandoned
+in other parts of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_1240_1240" id="FNanchor_1240_1240"></a><a href="#Footnote_1240_1240" class="fnanchor">[1240]</a> At all events, the general
+tendency is obvious. A mere list of successful battles
+and sieges in the sixteenth and part of the fifteenth century,
+would prove the vast superiority of the Spaniards,
+in this respect, over their contemporaries, and would
+show how much genius they had expended in maturing
+the arts of destruction. Another illustration, if another
+were required, might be drawn from the singular fact
+that since the time of ancient Greece, no country has
+produced so many eminent literary men who were also
+soldiers. Calderon, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega
+risked their lives in fighting for their country. The
+military profession was also adopted by many other
+celebrated authors, among whom may be mentioned,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span>
+Argote de Molina, Acuña, Bernal Diaz del Castillo,
+Boscan, Carrillo, Cetina, Ercilla, Espinel, Francisco de
+Figueroa, Garcilasso de la Vega, Guillen de Castro,
+Hita, Hurtado de Mendoza, Marmol Carvajal, Perez de
+Guzman, Pulgar, Rebolledo, Roxas, and Virues; all of
+whom bore, in this manner, unconscious testimony to
+the spirit by which Spain was universally pervaded.</p>
+
+<p>Here, then, we have a combination which many
+readers will still consider with favour, and which, at
+the time it occurred, excited the admiration, albeit the
+terror, of Europe. We have a great people glowing
+with military, patriotic, and religious ardour, whose
+fiery zeal was heightened, rather than softened, by a
+respectful obedience to their clergy, and by a chivalrous
+devotion to their kings. The energy of Spain, being
+thus both animated and controlled, became wary as
+well as eager; and to this rare union of conflicting
+qualities we must ascribe the great deeds which have
+just been related. But the unsound part of a progress
+of this sort is, that it depends too much upon individuals,
+and therefore cannot be permanent. Such a
+movement can only last as long as it is headed by able
+men. When, however, competent leaders are succeeded
+by incompetent ones, the system immediately falls to
+the ground, simply because the people have been accustomed
+to supply to every undertaking the necessary
+zeal, but have not been accustomed to supply the skill
+by which the zeal is guided. A country in this state,
+if governed by hereditary princes, is sure to decay;
+inasmuch as, in the ordinary course of affairs, incapable
+rulers must sometimes arise. Directly this happens,
+the deterioration begins; for the people, habituated to
+indiscriminate loyalty, will follow wherever they are
+led, and will yield to foolish counsels the same obedience
+that they had before paid to wise ones. This leads us
+to perceive the essential difference between the civilization
+of Spain and the civilization of England. We, in
+England, are a critical, dissatisfied, and captious people,
+constantly complaining of our rulers, suspecting their
+schemes, discussing their measures in a hostile spirit,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span>
+allowing very little power either to the Church or to the
+Crown, managing our own affairs in our own way, and
+ready, on the slightest provocation, to renounce that
+conventional, lip-deep loyalty, which, having never
+really touched our hearts, is a habit lying on the surface,
+but not a passion rooted in the mind. The loyalty of
+Englishmen is not of that sort which would induce
+them to sacrifice their liberties to please their prince,
+nor does it ever, for a moment, blind them to a keen
+sense of their own interests. The consequence is, that
+our progress is uninterrupted, whether our kings are
+good or whether they are bad. Under either condition,
+the great movement goes on. Our sovereigns have had
+their full share of imbecility and of crime. Still, even
+men like Henry III. and Charles II. were unable to do
+us harm. In the same way, during the eighteenth and
+many years of the nineteenth century, when our improvement
+was very conspicuous, our rulers were very
+incompetent. Anne and the first two Georges were
+grossly ignorant; they were wretchedly educated, and
+nature had made them at once weak and obstinate.
+Their united reigns lasted nearly sixty years; and after
+they had passed away, we, for another period of sixty
+years, were governed by a prince who was long incapacitated
+by disease, but of whom we must honestly say
+that, looking at his general policy, he was least mischievous
+when he was most incapable. This is not the
+place to expose the monstrous principles advocated by
+George III., and to which posterity will do that justice
+from which contemporary writers are apt to shrink;
+but it is certain that neither his contracted understanding,
+nor his despotic temper, nor his miserable
+superstition, nor the incredible baseness of that ignoble
+voluptuary who succeeded him on the throne, could do
+aught to stop the march of English civilization, or to
+stem the tide of English prosperity. We went on our
+way rejoicing, caring for none of these things. We
+were not to be turned aside from our path by the folly
+of our rulers, because we know full well that we hold
+our own fate in our own hands, and that the English
+people possess within themselves those resources and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span>
+that fertility of contrivance by which alone men can be
+made great, and happy, and wise.</p>
+
+<p>In Spain, however, directly the government slackened
+its hold, the nation fell to pieces.<a name="FNanchor_1241_1241" id="FNanchor_1241_1241"></a><a href="#Footnote_1241_1241" class="fnanchor">[1241]</a> During that prosperous
+career which has just been noticed, the Spanish
+throne was invariably filled by very able and intelligent
+princes. Ferdinand and Isabella, Charles V. and Philip
+II., formed a line of sovereigns not to be matched in any
+other country for a period of equal length. By them,
+the great things were effected, and by their care, Spain
+apparently flourished. But, what followed when they
+were withdrawn from the scene, showed how artificial
+all this was, and how rotten, even to the core, is that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span>
+system of government which must be fostered before it
+can thrive, and which, being based on the loyalty and
+reverence of the people, depends for success not on the
+ability of the nation, but on the skill of those to whom
+the interests of the nation are entrusted.</p>
+
+<p>Philip II., the last of the great kings of Spain, died
+in 1598, and after his death the decline was portentously
+rapid.<a name="FNanchor_1242_1242" id="FNanchor_1242_1242"></a><a href="#Footnote_1242_1242" class="fnanchor">[1242]</a> From 1598 to 1700, the throne was
+occupied by Philip III., Philip IV., and Charles II. The
+contrast between them and their predecessors was most
+striking.<a name="FNanchor_1243_1243" id="FNanchor_1243_1243"></a><a href="#Footnote_1243_1243" class="fnanchor">[1243]</a> Philip III. and Philip IV. were idle, ignorant,
+infirm of purpose, and passed their lives in the
+lowest and most sordid pleasures. Charles II., the last
+of that Austrian dynasty which had formerly been so
+distinguished, possessed nearly every defect which can
+make a man ridiculous and contemptible. His mind
+and his person were such as, in any nation less loyal
+than Spain, would have exposed him to universal derision.
+Although his death took place while he was
+still in the prime of life, he looked like an old and worn-out
+debauchee. At the age of thirty-five, he was
+completely bald; he had lost his eyebrows; he was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span>
+paralyzed; he was epileptic; and he was notoriously
+impotent.<a name="FNanchor_1244_1244" id="FNanchor_1244_1244"></a><a href="#Footnote_1244_1244" class="fnanchor">[1244]</a> His general appearance was absolutely
+revolting, and was that of a drivelling idiot. To an
+enormous mouth, he added a nether jaw protruding so
+hideously that his teeth could never meet, and he was
+unable to masticate his food.<a name="FNanchor_1245_1245" id="FNanchor_1245_1245"></a><a href="#Footnote_1245_1245" class="fnanchor">[1245]</a> His ignorance would
+be incredible, if it were not substantiated by unimpeachable
+evidence. He did not know the names of
+the large towns, or even of the provinces, in his dominions;
+and during the war with France he was heard
+to pity England for losing cities which in fact formed
+part of his own territory.<a name="FNanchor_1246_1246" id="FNanchor_1246_1246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1246_1246" class="fnanchor">[1246]</a> Finally, he was immersed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span>
+in the most grovelling superstition; he believed himself
+to be constantly tempted by the devil; he allowed
+himself to be exorcised as one possessed by evil spirits;
+and he would not retire to rest, except with his confessor
+and two friars, who had to lie by his side during
+the night.<a name="FNanchor_1247_1247" id="FNanchor_1247_1247"></a><a href="#Footnote_1247_1247" class="fnanchor">[1247]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it was that men might clearly see on how sandy
+a foundation the grandeur of Spain was built. When
+there were able sovereigns, the country prospered;
+when there were weak ones, it declined. Nearly everything
+that had been done by the great princes of the
+sixteenth century, was undone by the little princes of
+the seventeenth. So rapid was the fall of Spain, that
+in only three reigns after the death of Philip II., the
+most powerful monarchy existing in the world was depressed
+to the lowest point of debasement, was insulted
+with impunity by foreign nations, was reduced more
+than once to bankruptcy, was stripped of her fairest
+possessions, was held up to public opprobrium, was
+made a theme on which school-boys and moralists loved
+to declaim respecting the uncertainty of human affairs,
+and, at length, was exposed to the bitter humiliation of
+seeing her territories mapped out and divided by a treaty
+in which she took no share, but the provisions of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span>
+which she was unable to resent.<a name="FNanchor_1248_1248" id="FNanchor_1248_1248"></a><a href="#Footnote_1248_1248" class="fnanchor">[1248]</a> Then, truly, did she
+drink to the dregs the cup of her own shame. Her
+glory had departed from her, she was smitten down
+and humbled. Well might a Spaniard of that time
+who compared the present with the past, mourn over
+his country, the chosen abode of chivalry and romance,
+of valour and of loyalty. The mistress of the world,
+the queen of the ocean, the terror of nations, was gone;
+her power was gone, no more to return. To her might
+be applied that bitter lamentation, which, on a much
+slighter occasion, the greatest of the sons of men has
+put into the mouth of a dying statesman. Good reason,
+indeed, had the sorrowing patriot to weep, as one who
+refused to be comforted, for the fate of his earth, his
+realm, his land of dear souls, his dear, dear land, long
+dear for her reputation through the world, but now
+leased out like to a tenement or pelting farm.<a name="FNanchor_1249_1249" id="FNanchor_1249_1249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1249_1249" class="fnanchor">[1249]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It would be a weary and unprofitable task to relate
+the losses and disasters of Spain during the seventeenth
+century. The immediate cause of them was
+undoubtedly bad government and unskilful rulers; but
+the real and overriding cause, which determined the
+whole march and tone of affairs, was the existence of
+that loyal and reverential spirit which made the people
+submit to what any other country would have spurned,
+and, by accustoming them to place extreme confidence
+in individual men reduced the nation to that precarious
+position in which a succession of incompetent
+princes was sure to overthrow the edifice which competent
+ones had built up.<a name="FNanchor_1250_1250" id="FNanchor_1250_1250"></a><a href="#Footnote_1250_1250" class="fnanchor">[1250]</a></p>
+
+<p>The increasing influence of the Spanish Church was
+the first and most conspicuous consequence of the
+declining energy of the Spanish government. For,
+loyalty and superstition being the main ingredients of
+the national character, and both of them being the
+result of habits of reverence, it was to be expected that,
+unless the reverence could be weakened, what was
+taken from one ingredient would be given to the other.
+As, therefore, the Spanish government, during the
+seventeenth century, did, owing to its extreme imbecility,
+undoubtedly lose some part of the hold it
+possessed over the affections of the people, it naturally
+happened that the Church stepped in, and occupying
+the vacant place, received what the crown had forfeited.
+Besides this, the weakness of the executive government
+encouraged the pretensions of the priesthood, and
+emboldened the clergy to acts of usurpation, which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span>
+Spanish sovereigns of the sixteenth century, superstitious
+though they were, would not have allowed for
+a single moment.<a name="FNanchor_1251_1251" id="FNanchor_1251_1251"></a><a href="#Footnote_1251_1251" class="fnanchor">[1251]</a> Hence the very striking fact, that,
+while in every other great country, Scotland alone
+excepted, the power of the Church diminished during
+the seventeenth century, it, in Spain, actually increased.
+The results of this are well worth the attention, not
+only of philosophic students of history, but also of
+every one who cares for the welfare of his own country,
+or feels an interest in the practical management of
+public affairs.</p>
+
+<p>For twenty-three years after the death of Philip II.,
+the throne was occupied by Philip III., a prince as
+distinguished by his weakness as his predecessors had
+been by their ability. During more than a century
+the Spaniards had been accustomed to be entirely ruled
+by their kings, who, with indefatigable industry, personally
+superintended the most important transactions,
+and in other matters exercised the strictest supervision
+over their ministers. But Philip III., whose listlessness
+almost amounted to fatuity, was unequal to such
+labour, and delegated the powers of government to
+Lerma, who wielded supreme authority for twenty
+years.<a name="FNanchor_1252_1252" id="FNanchor_1252_1252"></a><a href="#Footnote_1252_1252" class="fnanchor">[1252]</a> Among a people so loyal as the Spaniards,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span>
+this unusual proceeding could not fail to weaken the
+executive; since, in their eyes, the immediate and irresistible
+interference of the sovereign was essential to
+the management of affairs, and to the well-being of the
+nation. Lerma, well aware of this feeling, and conscious
+that his own position was very precarious,
+naturally desired to strengthen himself by additional
+support, so that he might not entirely depend on the
+favour of the king. He therefore formed a strict
+alliance with the clergy, and, from the beginning to the
+end of his long administration did everything in his
+power to increase their authority.<a name="FNanchor_1253_1253" id="FNanchor_1253_1253"></a><a href="#Footnote_1253_1253" class="fnanchor">[1253]</a> Thus the influence
+lost by the crown was gained by the Church, to whose
+advice a deference was paid even greater than had
+been accorded by the superstitious princes of the
+sixteenth century. In this arrangement, the interests
+of the people were of course unheeded. Their welfare
+formed no part of the general scheme. On the contrary,
+the clergy, grateful to a government so sensible
+of their merits, and so religiously disposed, used all
+their influence in its favour; and the yoke of a double<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span>
+despotism was riveted more firmly than ever upon the
+neck of that miserable nation, which was now about to
+reap the bitter fruit of a long and ignominious submission.<a name="FNanchor_1254_1254" id="FNanchor_1254_1254"></a><a href="#Footnote_1254_1254" class="fnanchor">[1254]</a></p>
+
+<p>The increasing power of the Spanish Church during
+the seventeenth century, may be proved by nearly every
+description of evidence. The convents and churches
+multiplied with such alarming speed, and their wealth
+became so prodigious, that even the Cortes, broken and
+humbled though they were, ventured on a public remonstrance.
+In 1626, only five years after the death
+of Philip III., they requested that some means might
+be taken to prevent what they described as a constant
+invasion on the part of the Church. In this remarkable
+document, the Cortes, assembled at Madrid, declared
+that never a day passed in which laymen were not
+deprived of their property to enrich ecclesiastics; and
+the evil, they said, had grown to such a height, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span>
+there were then in Spain upwards of nine thousand
+monasteries, besides nunneries.<a name="FNanchor_1255_1255" id="FNanchor_1255_1255"></a><a href="#Footnote_1255_1255" class="fnanchor">[1255]</a> This extraordinary
+statement has, I believe, never been contradicted, and
+its probability is enhanced by several other circumstances.
+Davila, who lived in the reign of Philip III.,
+affirms that in 1623, the two orders of Dominicans and
+Franciscans alone amounted to thirty-two thousand.<a name="FNanchor_1256_1256" id="FNanchor_1256_1256"></a><a href="#Footnote_1256_1256" class="fnanchor">[1256]</a>
+The other clergy increased in proportion. Before the
+death of Philip III., the number of ministers performing
+in the Cathedral of Seville had swelled to one
+hundred; and in the diocese of Seville, there were
+fourteen thousand chaplains; in the diocese of Calahorra,
+eighteen thousand.<a name="FNanchor_1257_1257" id="FNanchor_1257_1257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1257_1257" class="fnanchor">[1257]</a> Nor did there seem any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span>
+prospect of remedying this frightful condition. The
+richer the Church became, the greater was the inducement
+for laymen to enter it; so that there appeared to
+be no limit to the extent to which the sacrifice of
+temporal interests might be carried.<a name="FNanchor_1258_1258" id="FNanchor_1258_1258"></a><a href="#Footnote_1258_1258" class="fnanchor">[1258]</a> Indeed, the
+movement, notwithstanding its suddenness, was perfectly
+regular, and was facilitated by a long train of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span>
+preceding circumstances. Since the fifth century, the
+course of events, as we have already seen, invariably
+tended in this direction, and insured to the clergy a
+dominion which no other nation would have tolerated.
+The minds of the people being thus prepared, the
+people themselves looked on in silence at what it would
+have been impious to oppose; for, as a Spanish historian
+observes, every proposition was deemed heretical which
+tended to lessen the amount, or even to check the
+growth of that enormous wealth which was now possessed
+by the Spanish Church.<a name="FNanchor_1259_1259" id="FNanchor_1259_1259"></a><a href="#Footnote_1259_1259" class="fnanchor">[1259]</a></p>
+
+<p>How natural all this was, appears also from another
+fact of considerable interest. In Europe generally, the
+seventeenth century was distinguished by the rise of a
+secular literature in which ecclesiastical theories were
+disregarded; the most influential writers, such as Bacon
+and Descartes, being laymen, rather hostile to the
+Church than friendly to it, and composing their works
+with views purely temporal. But in Spain, no change
+of this sort occurred.<a name="FNanchor_1260_1260" id="FNanchor_1260_1260"></a><a href="#Footnote_1260_1260" class="fnanchor">[1260]</a> In that country, the Church<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span>
+retained her hold over the highest as well as over the
+lowest intellects. Such was the pressure of public
+opinion, that authors of every grade were proud to
+count themselves members of the ecclesiastical profession,
+the interests of which they advocated with a zeal
+worthy of the Dark Ages. Cervantes, three years
+before his death, became a Franciscan monk.<a name="FNanchor_1261_1261" id="FNanchor_1261_1261"></a><a href="#Footnote_1261_1261" class="fnanchor">[1261]</a> Lope
+de Vega was a priest; he was an officer of the Inquisition;
+and in 1623 he assisted at an auto da fé, in
+which, amid an immense concourse of people, a heretic
+was burned outside the gate of Alcalá at Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_1262_1262" id="FNanchor_1262_1262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1262_1262" class="fnanchor">[1262]</a>
+Moreto, one of the three greatest dramatists Spain has
+produced, assumed the monastic habit during the last
+twelve years of his life.<a name="FNanchor_1263_1263" id="FNanchor_1263_1263"></a><a href="#Footnote_1263_1263" class="fnanchor">[1263]</a> Montalvan, whose plays are
+still remembered, was a priest, and held office in the
+Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_1264_1264" id="FNanchor_1264_1264"></a><a href="#Footnote_1264_1264" class="fnanchor">[1264]</a> Tarrega, Mira de Mescua, and Tirso de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span>
+Molina, were all successful writers for the stage, and
+were all clergymen.<a name="FNanchor_1265_1265" id="FNanchor_1265_1265"></a><a href="#Footnote_1265_1265" class="fnanchor">[1265]</a> Solis, the celebrated historian
+of Mexico, was also a clergyman.<a name="FNanchor_1266_1266" id="FNanchor_1266_1266"></a><a href="#Footnote_1266_1266" class="fnanchor">[1266]</a> Sandoval, whom
+Philip III. appointed historiographer, and who is the
+principal authority for the reign of Charles V., was at
+first a Benedictine monk, afterwards became bishop of
+Tuy, and later still, was raised to the see of Pampeluna.<a name="FNanchor_1267_1267" id="FNanchor_1267_1267"></a><a href="#Footnote_1267_1267" class="fnanchor">[1267]</a>
+Davila, the biographer of Philip III., was a priest.<a name="FNanchor_1268_1268" id="FNanchor_1268_1268"></a><a href="#Footnote_1268_1268" class="fnanchor">[1268]</a>
+Mariana was a Jesuit;<a name="FNanchor_1269_1269" id="FNanchor_1269_1269"></a><a href="#Footnote_1269_1269" class="fnanchor">[1269]</a> and Miñana, who continued
+his History, was superior of a convent in Valencia.<a name="FNanchor_1270_1270" id="FNanchor_1270_1270"></a><a href="#Footnote_1270_1270" class="fnanchor">[1270]</a>
+Martin Carrillo was a jurisconsult as well as an historian,
+but, not satisfied with his double employment,
+he too entered the Church, and became canon of Saragossa.<a name="FNanchor_1271_1271" id="FNanchor_1271_1271"></a><a href="#Footnote_1271_1271" class="fnanchor">[1271]</a>
+Antonio, the most learned bibliographer
+Spain ever possessed, was a canon of Seville.<a name="FNanchor_1272_1272" id="FNanchor_1272_1272"></a><a href="#Footnote_1272_1272" class="fnanchor">[1272]</a> Gracian,
+whose prose works have been much read, and who
+was formerly deemed a great writer, was a Jesuit.<a name="FNanchor_1273_1273" id="FNanchor_1273_1273"></a><a href="#Footnote_1273_1273" class="fnanchor">[1273]</a>
+Among the poets, the same tendency was exhibited.
+Paravicino was for sixteen years a popular preacher at
+the courts of Philip III. and Philip IV.<a name="FNanchor_1274_1274" id="FNanchor_1274_1274"></a><a href="#Footnote_1274_1274" class="fnanchor">[1274]</a> Zamora was
+a monk.<a name="FNanchor_1275_1275" id="FNanchor_1275_1275"></a><a href="#Footnote_1275_1275" class="fnanchor">[1275]</a> Argensola was a canon of Saragossa.<a name="FNanchor_1276_1276" id="FNanchor_1276_1276"></a><a href="#Footnote_1276_1276" class="fnanchor">[1276]</a>
+Gongora was a priest;<a name="FNanchor_1277_1277" id="FNanchor_1277_1277"></a><a href="#Footnote_1277_1277" class="fnanchor">[1277]</a> and Rioja received a high post<a name="FNanchor_1278_1278" id="FNanchor_1278_1278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1278_1278" class="fnanchor">[1278]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span>
+in the Inquisition. Calderon was chaplain to Philip
+IV.;<a name="FNanchor_1279_1279" id="FNanchor_1279_1279"></a><a href="#Footnote_1279_1279" class="fnanchor">[1279]</a> and so fanatical are the sentiments which tarnish
+his brilliant genius, that he has been termed the
+poet of the Inquisition.<a name="FNanchor_1280_1280" id="FNanchor_1280_1280"></a><a href="#Footnote_1280_1280" class="fnanchor">[1280]</a> His love for the Church was
+a passion, and he scrupled at nothing which could
+advance its interests. In Spain, such feelings were
+natural; though to other nations they seem so strange,
+that an eminent critic has declared that it is hardly
+possible to read his works without indignation.<a name="FNanchor_1281_1281" id="FNanchor_1281_1281"></a><a href="#Footnote_1281_1281" class="fnanchor">[1281]</a> If
+this be so, the indignation should be extended to nearly
+all his contemporary countrymen, great or small. There
+was hardly a Spaniard of that period who did not entertain
+similar sentiments. Even Villaviciosa, author of
+one of the very best mock-heroic poems Spain has produced,
+was not only an officer in the Inquisition, but, in
+his last will, he strongly urged upon his family and all
+his descendants, that they too should, if possible, enter
+the service of that noble institution, taking whatever
+place in it they could obtain, since all its offices were,
+he said, worthy of veneration.<a name="FNanchor_1282_1282" id="FNanchor_1282_1282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1282_1282" class="fnanchor">[1282]</a> In such a state of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span>
+society, anything approaching to a secular or scientific
+spirit was, of course, impossible. Every one believed;
+no one inquired. Among the better classes, all were
+engaged in war or theology, and most were occupied
+with both. Those who made literature a profession,
+ministered, as professional men too often do, to the
+prevailing prejudice. Whatever concerned the Church
+was treated not only with respect, but with timid veneration.
+Skill and industry worthy of a far better cause,
+were expended in eulogizing every folly which superstition
+had invented. The more cruel and preposterous
+a custom was, the greater the number of persons who
+wrote in its favour, albeit no one had ventured to assail
+it. The quantity of Spanish works to prove the necessity
+of religious persecution is incalculable; and this
+took place in a country where not one man in a thousand
+doubted the propriety of burning heretics. As to
+miracles, which form the other capital resource of
+theologians, they, in the seventeenth century, were constantly
+happening, and as constantly being recorded.
+All literary men were anxious to say something on that
+important subject. Saints, too, being in great repute,
+their biographies were written in profusion, and with
+an indifference to truth which usually characterizes
+that species of composition. With these and kindred
+topics, the mind of Spain was chiefly busied. Monasteries,
+nunneries, religious orders, and cathedrals
+received equal attention, and huge books were written
+about them, in order that every particular might be
+preserved. Indeed, it often happened that a single
+convent, or a single cathedral, would have more than
+one historian; each seeking to distance his immediate
+competitor, and all striving which could do most to
+honour the Church and to uphold the interests of which
+the Church was the guardian.<a name="FNanchor_1283_1283" id="FNanchor_1283_1283"></a><a href="#Footnote_1283_1283" class="fnanchor">[1283]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such, was the preponderance of the ecclesiastical
+profession, and such was the homage paid to ecclesiastical
+interests by the Spaniards during the seventeenth
+century.<a name="FNanchor_1284_1284" id="FNanchor_1284_1284"></a><a href="#Footnote_1284_1284" class="fnanchor">[1284]</a> They did everything to strengthen the
+Church in that very age when other nations first set
+themselves in earnest to weaken it. This unhappy
+peculiarity was undoubtedly the effect of preceding
+events; but it was the immediate cause of the decline
+of Spain, since, whatever may have been the case in
+former periods, it is certain that, in modern times, the
+prosperity of nations depends on principles to which
+the clergy, as a body, are invariably opposed. Under
+Philip III. they gained an immense accession of
+strength; and in that very reign they signalized this
+new epoch of their power by obtaining, with circumstances
+of horrible barbarity, the expulsion of the
+whole Moorish nation. This was an act so atrocious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span>
+in itself,<a name="FNanchor_1285_1285" id="FNanchor_1285_1285"></a><a href="#Footnote_1285_1285" class="fnanchor">[1285]</a> and so terrible in its consequences, that
+some writers have ascribed to it alone, the subsequent
+ruin of Spain; forgetting that other causes, far more
+potent, were also at work, and that this stupendous
+crime could never have been perpetrated, except in a
+country which, being long accustomed to regard heresy
+as the most heinous of all offences, was ready, at any
+cost, to purge the land and to free itself from men
+whose mere presence was regarded as an insult to the
+Christian faith.</p>
+
+<p>After the reduction, late in the fifteenth century, of
+the last Mohammedan kingdom in Spain, the great
+object of the Spaniards became to convert those whom
+they had conquered.<a name="FNanchor_1286_1286" id="FNanchor_1286_1286"></a><a href="#Footnote_1286_1286" class="fnanchor">[1286]</a> They believed that the future
+welfare of a whole people was at stake; and finding
+that the exhortations of their clergy had no effect, they
+had recourse to other means, and persecuted the men
+they were unable to persuade. By torturing some,
+by burning others, and by threatening all, they at
+length succeeded; and we are assured that, after the
+year 1526, there was no Mohammedan in Spain, who
+had not been converted to Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_1287_1287" id="FNanchor_1287_1287"></a><a href="#Footnote_1287_1287" class="fnanchor">[1287]</a> Immense<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span>
+numbers of them were baptized by force; but being
+baptized, it was held that they belonged to the Church,
+and were amenable to her discipline.<a name="FNanchor_1288_1288" id="FNanchor_1288_1288"></a><a href="#Footnote_1288_1288" class="fnanchor">[1288]</a> That discipline
+was administered by the Inquisition, which,
+during the rest of the sixteenth century, subjected
+these new Christians, or Moriscoes, as they were now
+called,<a name="FNanchor_1289_1289" id="FNanchor_1289_1289"></a><a href="#Footnote_1289_1289" class="fnanchor">[1289]</a> to the most barbarous treatment. The
+genuineness of their forced conversion was doubted;
+it therefore became the business of the Church to
+inquire into their sincerity.<a name="FNanchor_1290_1290" id="FNanchor_1290_1290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1290_1290" class="fnanchor">[1290]</a> The civil government
+lent its aid; and among other enactments, an edict was
+issued by Philip II. in 1566, ordering the Moriscoes to
+abandon everything which by the slightest possibility
+could remind them of their former religion. They
+were commanded, under severe penalties, to learn
+Spanish, and to give up all their Arabic books. They
+were forbidden to read their native language, or to
+write it, or even to speak it in their own houses.
+Their ceremonies and their very games were strictly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span>
+prohibited. They were to indulge in no amusements
+which had been practised by their fathers; neither
+were they to wear such clothes as they had been
+accustomed to. Their women were to go unveiled; and
+as bathing was a heathenish custom, all public baths
+were to be destroyed, and even all baths in private
+houses.<a name="FNanchor_1291_1291" id="FNanchor_1291_1291"></a><a href="#Footnote_1291_1291" class="fnanchor">[1291]</a></p>
+
+<p>By these and similar measures,<a name="FNanchor_1292_1292" id="FNanchor_1292_1292"></a><a href="#Footnote_1292_1292" class="fnanchor">[1292]</a> these unhappy
+people were at length goaded into rebellion; and in
+1568 they took the desperate step of measuring their
+force against that of the whole Spanish monarchy.
+The result could hardly be doubted; but the Moriscoes
+maddened by their sufferings, and fighting for their all,
+protracted the contest till 1571, when the insurrection<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span>
+was finally put down.<a name="FNanchor_1293_1293" id="FNanchor_1293_1293"></a><a href="#Footnote_1293_1293" class="fnanchor">[1293]</a> By this unsuccessful effort,
+they were greatly reduced in numbers and in strength;
+and, during the remaining twenty-seven years of the
+reign of Philip II. we hear comparatively little of
+them. Notwithstanding an occasional outbreak, the
+old animosities were subsiding, and in the course of
+time would probably have disappeared. At all events,
+there was no pretence for violence on the part of the
+Spaniards, since it was absurd to suppose that the
+Moriscoes, weakened in every way, humbled, broken,
+and scattered through the kingdom, could, even if
+they desired it, effect any thing against the resources
+of the executive government.</p>
+
+<p>But, after the death of Philip II., that movement
+began which I have just described, and which, contrary
+to the course of affairs in other nations, secured
+to the Spanish clergy in the seventeenth century, more
+power than they had possessed in the sixteenth. The
+consequences of this were immediately apparent.
+The clergy did not think that the steps taken by
+Philip II. against the Moriscoes were sufficiently decisive;
+and even during his lifetime they looked forward
+to a new reign, in which these Christians of doubtful
+sincerity should be either destroyed or driven from
+Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1294_1294" id="FNanchor_1294_1294"></a><a href="#Footnote_1294_1294" class="fnanchor">[1294]</a> While he was on the throne, the prudence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span>
+of the government restrained in some degree the eagerness
+of the Church; and the king, following the
+advice of his ablest ministers, refused to adopt the
+measures to which he was urged, and to which his
+own disposition prompted him.<a name="FNanchor_1295_1295" id="FNanchor_1295_1295"></a><a href="#Footnote_1295_1295" class="fnanchor">[1295]</a> But, under his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span>
+successor, the clergy, as we have already seen, gained
+fresh strength, and they soon felt themselves sufficiently
+powerful to begin another and final crusade
+against the miserable remains of the Moorish nation.<a name="FNanchor_1296_1296" id="FNanchor_1296_1296"></a><a href="#Footnote_1296_1296" class="fnanchor">[1296]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Archbishop of Valencia was the first to take
+the field. In 1602, this eminent prelate presented a
+memorial to Philip III. against the Moriscoes; and
+finding that his views were cordially supported by the
+clergy, and not discouraged by the crown, he followed
+up the blow by another memorial having the same
+object.<a name="FNanchor_1297_1297" id="FNanchor_1297_1297"></a><a href="#Footnote_1297_1297" class="fnanchor">[1297]</a> The Archbishop, who spoke as one having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span>
+authority, and who from his rank and position was a
+natural representative of the Spanish Church, assured
+the king that all the disasters which had befallen the
+monarchy, had been caused by the presence of these
+unbelievers, whom it was now necessary to root out,
+even as David had done to the Philistines, and Saul to the
+Amalekites.<a name="FNanchor_1298_1298" id="FNanchor_1298_1298"></a><a href="#Footnote_1298_1298" class="fnanchor">[1298]</a> He declared that the Armada,
+which Philip II. sent against England in 1588, had
+been destroyed, because God would not allow even
+that pious enterprise to succeed, while those who
+undertook it, left heretics undisturbed at home. For
+the same reason, the late expedition to Algiers had
+failed; it being evidently the will of Heaven that
+nothing should prosper while Spain was inhabited by
+apostates.<a name="FNanchor_1299_1299" id="FNanchor_1299_1299"></a><a href="#Footnote_1299_1299" class="fnanchor">[1299]</a> He, therefore, exhorted the king to exile<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span>
+all the Moriscoes, except some whom he might condemn
+to work in the galleys, and others who could become
+slaves, and labour in the mines of America.<a name="FNanchor_1300_1300" id="FNanchor_1300_1300"></a><a href="#Footnote_1300_1300" class="fnanchor">[1300]</a> This,
+he added, would make the reign of Philip glorious to
+all posterity, and would raise his fame far above that
+of his predecessors, who in this matter had neglected
+their obvious duty.<a name="FNanchor_1301_1301" id="FNanchor_1301_1301"></a><a href="#Footnote_1301_1301" class="fnanchor">[1301]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These remonstrances, besides being in accordance
+with the known views of the Spanish Church, were
+warmly supported by the personal influence of the
+Archbishop of Toledo, the primate of Spain. In only
+one respect did he differ from the views advocated by
+the Archbishop of Valencia. The Archbishop of
+Valencia thought that children under seven years of
+age need not share in the general banishment, but
+might, without danger to the faith, be separated from
+their parents, and kept in Spain. To this, the Archbishop
+of Toledo strongly objected. He was unwilling,
+he said, to run the risk of pure Christian blood being
+polluted by infidels; and he declared that sooner than
+leave one of these unbelievers to corrupt the land, he
+would have the whole of them, men, women, and
+children, at once put to the sword.<a name="FNanchor_1302_1302" id="FNanchor_1302_1302"></a><a href="#Footnote_1302_1302" class="fnanchor">[1302]</a></p>
+
+<p>That they should all be slain, instead of being
+banished, was the desire of a powerful party in the
+Church, who thought that such signal punishment
+would work good by striking terror into the heretics
+of every nation. Bleda, the celebrated Dominican,
+one of the most influential men of his time, wished
+this to be done, and to be done thoroughly. He said,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span>
+that, for the sake of example, every Morisco in Spain
+should have his throat cut, because it was impossible
+to tell which of them were Christians at heart, and it
+was enough to leave the matter to God, who knew his
+own, and who would reward in the next world those
+who were really Catholics.<a name="FNanchor_1303_1303" id="FNanchor_1303_1303"></a><a href="#Footnote_1303_1303" class="fnanchor">[1303]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was evident that the fate of the wretched remnant
+of a once splendid nation was now sealed. The religious
+scruples of Philip III. forbade him to struggle with
+the Church; and his minister Lerma would not
+risk his own authority by even the show of opposition.
+In 1609, he announced to the king, that the expulsion
+of the Moriscoes had become necessary. &lsquo;The resolution,&rsquo;
+replied Philip, &lsquo;is a great one; let it be
+executed.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_1304_1304" id="FNanchor_1304_1304"></a><a href="#Footnote_1304_1304" class="fnanchor">[1304]</a> And executed it was, with unflinching
+barbarity. About one million of the most industrious
+inhabitants of Spain were hunted out like wild beasts,
+because the sincerity of their religious opinions was
+doubtful.<a name="FNanchor_1305_1305" id="FNanchor_1305_1305"></a><a href="#Footnote_1305_1305" class="fnanchor">[1305]</a> Many were slain, as they approached the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span>
+coast; others were beaten and plundered; and the
+majority, in the most wretched plight, sailed for Africa.
+During the passage, the crew, in many of the ships, rose
+upon them, butchered the men, ravished the women,
+and threw the children into the sea. Those who escaped
+this fate, landed on the coast of Barbary, where they
+were attacked by the Bedouins, and many of them put
+to the sword. Others made their way into the desert,
+and perished from famine. Of the number of lives actually
+sacrificed, we have no authentic account; but it
+is said, on very good authority, that in one expedition,
+in which 140,000 were carried to Africa, upwards of
+100,000 suffered death in its most frightful forms
+within a few months after their expulsion from Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1306_1306" id="FNanchor_1306_1306"></a><a href="#Footnote_1306_1306" class="fnanchor">[1306]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Now, for the first time, the Church was really triumphant.<a name="FNanchor_1307_1307" id="FNanchor_1307_1307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1307_1307" class="fnanchor">[1307]</a>
+For the first time, there was not a heretic
+to be seen between the Pyrenees and the Straits of
+Gibraltar. All were orthodox, and all were loyal.
+Every inhabitant of that great country obeyed the
+Church, and feared the king. And from this happy
+combination, it was believed that the prosperity and
+grandeur of Spain were sure to follow. The name of
+Philip III. was to be immortal, and posterity would
+never weary of admiring that heroic act by which the
+last remains of an infidel race were cast out from the
+land. Those who had even remotely participated in
+the glorious consummation, were to be rewarded by
+the choicest blessings. Themselves, and their families,
+were under the immediate protection of Heaven. The
+earth should bear more fruit, and the trees should clap
+their hands. Instead of the thorn should come up the
+fir-tree, and instead of the brier, the myrtle. A new
+era was now inaugurated, in which Spain, purged of her
+heresy, was to be at ease, and men, living in safety,
+were to sleep under the shade of their own vineyards,
+sow their gardens in peace, and eat of the fruit of the
+trees they had planted.<a name="FNanchor_1308_1308" id="FNanchor_1308_1308"></a><a href="#Footnote_1308_1308" class="fnanchor">[1308]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These were the promises held out by the Church,
+and believed by the people. It is our business to
+inquire how far the expectations were fulfilled, and
+what the consequences were of an act which was instigated
+by the clergy, welcomed by the nation, and eagerly
+applauded by some of the greatest men of genius
+Spain has produced.<a name="FNanchor_1309_1309" id="FNanchor_1309_1309"></a><a href="#Footnote_1309_1309" class="fnanchor">[1309]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The effects upon the material prosperity of Spain
+may be stated in a few words. From nearly every part
+of the country, large bodies of industrious agriculturists
+and expert artificers were suddenly withdrawn.
+The best systems of husbandry then known, were
+practised by the Moriscoes, who tilled and irrigated
+with indefatigable labour.<a name="FNanchor_1310_1310" id="FNanchor_1310_1310"></a><a href="#Footnote_1310_1310" class="fnanchor">[1310]</a> The cultivation of rice,
+cotton, and sugar, and the manufacture of silk and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span>
+paper, were almost confined to them.<a name="FNanchor_1311_1311" id="FNanchor_1311_1311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1311_1311" class="fnanchor">[1311]</a> By their expulsion,
+all this was destroyed at a blow, and most of
+it was destroyed for ever. For, the Spanish Christians
+considered such pursuits beneath their dignity. In
+their judgment, war and religion were the only two
+avocations worthy of being followed. To fight for the
+king, or to enter the Church was honourable; but
+everything else was mean and sordid.<a name="FNanchor_1312_1312" id="FNanchor_1312_1312"></a><a href="#Footnote_1312_1312" class="fnanchor">[1312]</a> When, therefore,
+the Moriscoes were thrust out of Spain, there was
+no one to fill their place; arts and manufactures either
+degenerated, or were entirely lost, and immense regions
+of arable land were left uncultivated. Some of the
+richest parts of Valencia and Granada were so neglected,
+that means were wanting to feed even the
+scanty population which remained there.<a name="FNanchor_1313_1313" id="FNanchor_1313_1313"></a><a href="#Footnote_1313_1313" class="fnanchor">[1313]</a> Whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span>
+districts were suddenly deserted, and down to the
+present day have never been repeopled. These solitudes
+gave refuge to smugglers and brigands, who
+succeeded the industrious inhabitants formerly occupying
+them; and it is said, that from the expulsion of the
+Moriscoes is to be dated the existence of those organized
+bands of robbers, which, after this period, became the
+scourge of Spain, and which no subsequent government
+has been able entirely to extirpate.<a name="FNanchor_1314_1314" id="FNanchor_1314_1314"></a><a href="#Footnote_1314_1314" class="fnanchor">[1314]</a></p>
+
+<p>To these disastrous consequences, others were added,
+of a different, and, if possible, of a still more serious
+kind. The victory gained by the Church increased
+both her power and her reputation. During the rest
+of the seventeenth century, not only were the interests
+of the clergy deemed superior to the interests of laymen,
+but the interests of laymen were scarcely thought of.
+The greatest men, with hardly an exception, became
+ecclesiastics, and all temporal considerations, all views
+of earthly policy, were despised and set at nought.
+No one inquired; no one doubted; no one presumed
+to ask if all this was right. The minds of men succumbed
+and were prostrate. While every other
+country was advancing, Spain alone was receding.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span>
+Every other country was making some addition to
+knowledge, creating some art, or enlarging some
+science. Spain, numbed into a death-like torpor, spellbound
+and entranced by the accursed superstition
+which preyed on her strength, presented to Europe a
+solitary instance of constant decay. For her, no hope
+remained; and, before the close of the seventeenth
+century, the only question was, by whose hands the
+blow should be struck, which would dismember that
+once mighty empire, whose shadow had covered the
+world, and whose vast remains were imposing even in
+their ruin.</p>
+
+<p>To indicate the different steps which mark the
+decline of Spain would be hardly possible, since even
+the Spaniards, who, when it was too late, were stung
+with shame, have abstained from writing what would
+only be the history of their own humiliation; so that
+there is no detailed account of the wretched reigns of
+Philip IV. and Charles II., which together comprise a
+period of nearly eighty years.<a name="FNanchor_1315_1315" id="FNanchor_1315_1315"></a><a href="#Footnote_1315_1315" class="fnanchor">[1315]</a> Some facts, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span>
+I have been able to collect, and they are very significant.
+At the beginning of the seventeenth century,
+the population of Madrid was estimated to be 400,000;
+at the beginning of the eighteenth century, less than
+200,000.<a name="FNanchor_1316_1316" id="FNanchor_1316_1316"></a><a href="#Footnote_1316_1316" class="fnanchor">[1316]</a> Seville, one of the richest cities in Spain,
+possessed in the sixteenth century upwards of sixteen
+thousand looms, which gave employment to a hundred
+and thirty thousand persons.<a name="FNanchor_1317_1317" id="FNanchor_1317_1317"></a><a href="#Footnote_1317_1317" class="fnanchor">[1317]</a> By the reign of Philip<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span>
+V., these sixteen thousand looms had dwindled away
+to less than three hundred;<a name="FNanchor_1318_1318" id="FNanchor_1318_1318"></a><a href="#Footnote_1318_1318" class="fnanchor">[1318]</a> and, in a report which
+the Cortes made to Philip IV., in 1662, it is stated that
+the city contained only a quarter of its former number
+of inhabitants, and that even the vines and olives cultivated
+in its neighbourhood, and which comprised a
+considerable part of its wealth, were almost entirely
+neglected.<a name="FNanchor_1319_1319" id="FNanchor_1319_1319"></a><a href="#Footnote_1319_1319" class="fnanchor">[1319]</a> Toledo, in the middle of the sixteenth
+century, had upwards of fifty woollen manufactories;
+in 1665, it had only thirteen, almost the whole of the
+trade having been carried away by the Moriscoes, and
+established at Tunis.<a name="FNanchor_1320_1320" id="FNanchor_1320_1320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1320_1320" class="fnanchor">[1320]</a> Owing to the same cause, the
+art of manufacturing silk, for which Toledo was celebrated,
+was entirely lost, and nearly forty thousand
+persons, who depended on it, were deprived of their
+means of support.<a name="FNanchor_1321_1321" id="FNanchor_1321_1321"></a><a href="#Footnote_1321_1321" class="fnanchor">[1321]</a> Other branches of industry
+shared the same fate. In the sixteenth century, and
+early in the seventeenth, Spain enjoyed great repute
+for the manufacture of gloves, which were made in
+enormous quantities, and shipped to many parts, being
+particularly valued in England and France, and being
+also exported to the Indies. But Martinez de Mata,
+who wrote in the year 1655, assures us that at that
+time this source of wealth had disappeared; the manufacture
+of gloves having quite ceased, though formerly,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span>
+he says, it had existed in every city in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1322_1322" id="FNanchor_1322_1322"></a><a href="#Footnote_1322_1322" class="fnanchor">[1322]</a> In
+the once-flourishing province of Castile, every thing
+was going to ruin. Even Segovia lost its manufactures,
+and retained nothing but the memory of its
+former wealth.<a name="FNanchor_1323_1323" id="FNanchor_1323_1323"></a><a href="#Footnote_1323_1323" class="fnanchor">[1323]</a> The decay of Burgos was equally
+rapid; the trade of that famous city perished; and the
+deserted streets and empty houses formed such a
+picture of desolation, that a contemporary, struck by
+the havoc, emphatically declared that Burgos had lost
+every thing except its name.<a name="FNanchor_1324_1324" id="FNanchor_1324_1324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1324_1324" class="fnanchor">[1324]</a> In other districts, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span>
+results were equally fatal. The beautiful provinces of
+the south, richly endowed by nature, had formerly
+been so wealthy, that their contributions alone sufficed,
+in time of need, to replenish the imperial treasury; but
+they now deteriorated with such rapidity, that, by the
+year 1640, it was found hardly possible to impose a tax
+on them which would be productive.<a name="FNanchor_1325_1325" id="FNanchor_1325_1325"></a><a href="#Footnote_1325_1325" class="fnanchor">[1325]</a> During the
+latter half of the seventeenth century, matters became
+still worse, and the poverty and wretchedness of the
+people surpass all description. In the villages near
+Madrid, the inhabitants were literally famishing; and
+those farmers who had a stock of food refused to sell<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span>
+it, because, much as they needed money, they were apprehensive
+of seeing their families perish around them.
+The consequence was, that the capital was in danger
+of being starved; and ordinary threats producing no
+effect, it was found necessary, in 1664, that the President
+of Castile, with an armed force, and accompanied
+by the public executioner, should visit the adjacent
+villages, and compel the inhabitants to bring their supplies
+to the markets of Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_1326_1326" id="FNanchor_1326_1326"></a><a href="#Footnote_1326_1326" class="fnanchor">[1326]</a> All over Spain, the
+same destitution prevailed. That once rich and
+prosperous country was covered with a rabble of
+monks and clergy, whose insatiate rapacity absorbed
+the little wealth yet to be found. Hence it happened,
+that the government, though almost penniless, could
+obtain no supplies. The tax-gatherers, urged to make
+up the deficiency, adopted the most desperate expedients.
+They not only seized the beds and all the
+furniture, but they unroofed the houses, and sold the
+materials of the roof, for whatever they would fetch.
+The inhabitants were forced to fly; the fields were left
+uncultivated; vast multitudes died from want and exposure;
+entire villages were deserted; and in many of the
+towns, upwards of two-thirds of the houses were, by
+the end of the seventeenth century, utterly destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_1327_1327" id="FNanchor_1327_1327"></a><a href="#Footnote_1327_1327" class="fnanchor">[1327]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[506]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In the midst of these calamities, the spirit and
+energy of Spain were extinguished. In every department,
+all power and life disappeared. The Spanish
+troops were defeated at Rocroy in 1643; and several
+writers ascribe to that battle the destruction of
+the military reputation of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1328_1328" id="FNanchor_1328_1328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1328_1328" class="fnanchor">[1328]</a> This, however,
+was only one of many symptoms.<a name="FNanchor_1329_1329" id="FNanchor_1329_1329"></a><a href="#Footnote_1329_1329" class="fnanchor">[1329]</a> In 1656, it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[507]</a></span>
+proposed to fit out a small fleet; but the fisheries on the
+coast had so declined, that it was found impossible to
+procure sailors enough to man even the few ships
+which were required.<a name="FNanchor_1330_1330" id="FNanchor_1330_1330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1330_1330" class="fnanchor">[1330]</a> The charts which had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[508]</a></span>
+made, were either lost or neglected; and the ignorance
+of the Spanish pilots became so notorious, that no one
+was willing to trust them.<a name="FNanchor_1331_1331" id="FNanchor_1331_1331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1331_1331" class="fnanchor">[1331]</a> As to the military
+service, it is stated, in an account of Spain, late in the
+seventeenth century, that most of the troops had
+deserted their colours, and that the few who were faithful
+were clothed in rags, received no pay, and were
+dying of hunger.<a name="FNanchor_1332_1332" id="FNanchor_1332_1332"></a><a href="#Footnote_1332_1332" class="fnanchor">[1332]</a> Another account describes this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[509]</a></span>
+once mighty kingdom as utterly unprotected; the
+frontier towns ungarrisoned; the fortifications dilapidated
+and crumbling away; the magazines without
+ammunition; the arsenals empty; the workshops unemployed;
+and even the art of building ships entirely
+lost.<a name="FNanchor_1333_1333" id="FNanchor_1333_1333"></a><a href="#Footnote_1333_1333" class="fnanchor">[1333]</a></p>
+
+<p>While the country at large was thus languishing, as
+if it had been stricken by some mortal distemper, the
+most horrible scenes were occurring in the capital,
+under the eyes of the sovereign. The inhabitants of
+Madrid were starving; and the arbitrary measures
+which had been adopted to supply them with food,
+could only produce temporary relief. Many persons
+fell down in the streets exhausted, and died where they
+fell; others were seen in the public highway evidently
+dying, but no one had wherewithal to feed them. At
+length the people became desperate, and threw off all
+control. In 1680, not only the workmen of Madrid, but
+large numbers of the tradesmen, organized themselves
+into bands, broke open private houses, and robbed and
+murdered the inhabitants in the face of day.<a name="FNanchor_1334_1334" id="FNanchor_1334_1334"></a><a href="#Footnote_1334_1334" class="fnanchor">[1334]</a> During<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[510]</a></span>
+the remaining twenty years of the seventeenth century,
+the capital was in a state, not of insurrection, but of
+anarchy. Society was loosened, and seemed to be
+resolving itself into its elements. To use the emphatic
+language of a contemporary, liberty and restraint were
+equally unknown.<a name="FNanchor_1335_1335" id="FNanchor_1335_1335"></a><a href="#Footnote_1335_1335" class="fnanchor">[1335]</a> The ordinary functions of the
+executive government were suspended. The police of
+Madrid, unable to obtain the arrears of their pay, disbanded,
+and gave themselves up to rapine. Nor did
+there seem any means of remedying these evils. The
+exchequer was empty, and it was impossible to replenish
+it. Such was the poverty of the court, that
+money was wanting to pay the wages of the king's
+private servants, and to meet the daily expenses of his
+household.<a name="FNanchor_1336_1336" id="FNanchor_1336_1336"></a><a href="#Footnote_1336_1336" class="fnanchor">[1336]</a> In 1693, payment was suspended of every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[511]</a></span>
+life-pension; and all officers and ministers of the crown
+were mulcted of one-third of their salaries.<a name="FNanchor_1337_1337" id="FNanchor_1337_1337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1337_1337" class="fnanchor">[1337]</a> Nothing,
+however, could arrest the mischief. Famine and poverty
+continued to increase;<a name="FNanchor_1338_1338" id="FNanchor_1338_1338"></a><a href="#Footnote_1338_1338" class="fnanchor">[1338]</a> and, in 1699, Stanhope, the
+British minister then residing in Madrid, writes, that
+never a day passed in which people were not killed in
+the streets scuffling for bread; that his own secretary
+had seen five women stifled to death by the crowd
+before a bakehouse; and that, to swell the catalogue of
+misery, upwards of twenty thousand additional beggars
+from the country had recently flocked into the capital.<a name="FNanchor_1339_1339" id="FNanchor_1339_1339"></a><a href="#Footnote_1339_1339" class="fnanchor">[1339]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[512]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>If this state of things had continued for another
+generation, the wildest anarchy must have ensued, and
+the whole frame of society been broken up.<a name="FNanchor_1340_1340" id="FNanchor_1340_1340"></a><a href="#Footnote_1340_1340" class="fnanchor">[1340]</a> The
+only chance of saving Spain from a relapse into barbarism,
+was that it should fall, and fall quickly, under
+foreign dominion. Such a change was indispensable;
+and there was reason to fear that it might come in a
+form which would have been inexpressibly odious to
+the nation. For, late in the seventeenth century,
+Ceuta was besieged by the Mohammedans; and as the
+Spanish Government had neither troops nor ships, the
+greatest apprehensions were entertained respecting the
+fate of this important fortress; there being little doubt,
+that if it fell, Spain would be again overrun by the
+infidels, who, this time, at least, would have found
+little difficulty in dealing with a people weakened by
+suffering, half famished, and almost worn out.<a name="FNanchor_1341_1341" id="FNanchor_1341_1341"></a><a href="#Footnote_1341_1341" class="fnanchor">[1341]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[513]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Fortunately, in the year 1700, when affairs were at
+their worst, Charles II., the idiot king, died; and Spain
+fell into the hands of Philip V., the grandson of Louis
+XIV. This change from the Austrian dynasty to the
+Bourbon,<a name="FNanchor_1342_1342" id="FNanchor_1342_1342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1342_1342" class="fnanchor">[1342]</a> brought with it many other changes.
+Philip, who reigned from 1700 to 1746,<a name="FNanchor_1343_1343" id="FNanchor_1343_1343"></a><a href="#Footnote_1343_1343" class="fnanchor">[1343]</a> was a Frenchman,
+not only by birth and education, but also in feelings
+and habits.<a name="FNanchor_1344_1344" id="FNanchor_1344_1344"></a><a href="#Footnote_1344_1344" class="fnanchor">[1344]</a> Just before he entered Spain, Louis
+charged him never to forget that he was a native of
+France, the throne of which he might some day ascend.<a name="FNanchor_1345_1345" id="FNanchor_1345_1345"></a><a href="#Footnote_1345_1345" class="fnanchor">[1345]</a>
+After he became king, he neglected the
+Spaniards, despised their advice, and threw all the
+power he could command into the hands of his own
+countrymen.<a name="FNanchor_1346_1346" id="FNanchor_1346_1346"></a><a href="#Footnote_1346_1346" class="fnanchor">[1346]</a> The affairs of Spain were now administered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[514]</a></span>
+by subjects of Louis XIV., whose ambassador
+at Madrid frequently performed the functions of prime
+minister.<a name="FNanchor_1347_1347" id="FNanchor_1347_1347"></a><a href="#Footnote_1347_1347" class="fnanchor">[1347]</a> What had once been the most powerful
+monarchy in the world, became little else than a province
+of France; all important matters being decided
+in Paris, from whence Philip himself received his instructions.<a name="FNanchor_1348_1348" id="FNanchor_1348_1348"></a><a href="#Footnote_1348_1348" class="fnanchor">[1348]</a></p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that Spain, broken and prostrate, was
+unable to supply ability of any kind; and if the government
+of the country was to be carried on, it was
+absolutely necessary that foreigners should be called<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[515]</a></span>
+in.<a name="FNanchor_1349_1349" id="FNanchor_1349_1349"></a><a href="#Footnote_1349_1349" class="fnanchor">[1349]</a> Even in 1682, that is, eighteen years before the
+accession of Philip V., there was not to be found a single
+native well acquainted with the art of war; so that
+Charles II. was obliged to intrust the military defence
+of the Spanish Netherlands to De Grana, the Austrian
+ambassador at Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_1350_1350" id="FNanchor_1350_1350"></a><a href="#Footnote_1350_1350" class="fnanchor">[1350]</a> When, therefore, the War
+of the Succession broke out, in 1702, even the Spaniards
+themselves desired that their troops should be commanded
+by a foreigner.<a name="FNanchor_1351_1351" id="FNanchor_1351_1351"></a><a href="#Footnote_1351_1351" class="fnanchor">[1351]</a> In 1704, the extraordinary
+spectacle was exhibited of the Duke of Berwick, an
+Englishman, leading Spanish soldiers against the
+enemy, and being in fact generalissimo of the Spanish
+army.<a name="FNanchor_1352_1352" id="FNanchor_1352_1352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1352_1352" class="fnanchor">[1352]</a> The King of Spain, dissatisfied with his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[516]</a></span>
+proceedings, determined to remove him; but, instead of
+filling his place with a native, he applied to Louis XIV.
+for another general; and this important post was confided
+to Marshal Tessé, a Frenchman.<a name="FNanchor_1353_1353" id="FNanchor_1353_1353"></a><a href="#Footnote_1353_1353" class="fnanchor">[1353]</a> A little later,
+Berwick was again summoned to Madrid, and ordered
+to put himself at the head of the Spanish troops, and
+defend Estremadura and Castile.<a name="FNanchor_1354_1354" id="FNanchor_1354_1354"></a><a href="#Footnote_1354_1354" class="fnanchor">[1354]</a> This he effected
+with complete success; and, in the battle of Almansa,
+which he fought in 1707, he overthrew the invaders,
+ruined the party of the pretender Charles,<a name="FNanchor_1355_1355" id="FNanchor_1355_1355"></a><a href="#Footnote_1355_1355" class="fnanchor">[1355]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[517]</a></span>
+secured the seat of Philip on the throne.<a name="FNanchor_1356_1356" id="FNanchor_1356_1356"></a><a href="#Footnote_1356_1356" class="fnanchor">[1356]</a> As the war,
+however, still continued, Philip, in 1710, wrote to
+Paris for another general, and requested that the Duke
+de Vendôme might be sent to him.<a name="FNanchor_1357_1357" id="FNanchor_1357_1357"></a><a href="#Footnote_1357_1357" class="fnanchor">[1357]</a> This able commander,
+on his arrival, infused new vigour into the
+Spanish counsels, and utterly defeated the allies;<a name="FNanchor_1358_1358" id="FNanchor_1358_1358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1358_1358" class="fnanchor">[1358]</a> so
+that the war by which the independence of Spain was
+established, owed its success to the ability of foreigners,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[518]</a></span>
+and to the fact that the campaigns were planned and
+conducted, not by natives, but by French and English
+generals.</p>
+
+<p>In the same way, the finances were, by the end of
+the seventeenth century, in such deplorable confusion,
+that Portocarrero, who at the accession of Philip V.
+was the nominal minister of Spain, expressed a desire
+that they should be administered by some one sent
+from Paris, who could restore them.<a name="FNanchor_1359_1359" id="FNanchor_1359_1359"></a><a href="#Footnote_1359_1359" class="fnanchor">[1359]</a> He felt that no
+one in Spain was equal to the task, and he was by no
+means singular in this opinion. In 1701, Louville
+wrote to Torcy, that if a financier did not soon arrive
+from France, there would shortly be no finances to
+administer.<a name="FNanchor_1360_1360" id="FNanchor_1360_1360"></a><a href="#Footnote_1360_1360" class="fnanchor">[1360]</a> The choice fell upon Orry, who reached
+Madrid in the summer of 1701.<a name="FNanchor_1361_1361" id="FNanchor_1361_1361"></a><a href="#Footnote_1361_1361" class="fnanchor">[1361]</a> He found everything
+in the most miserable condition; and the incompetence
+of the Spaniards was so obvious, that he was
+soon forced to undertake the management, not only of
+the finances, but also of the war-department. To save
+appearances, Canalez became the ostensible minister at
+war; but he, being completely ignorant of affairs,
+merely performed the drudgery of that office, the real
+duties of which were fulfilled by Orry himself.<a name="FNanchor_1362_1362" id="FNanchor_1362_1362"></a><a href="#Footnote_1362_1362" class="fnanchor">[1362]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[519]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>This dominion of the French continued, without interruption,
+until the second marriage of Philip V., in
+1714, and the death of Louis XIV., in 1715, both of
+which events weakened their influence, and for a time
+almost destroyed it. The authority, however, which
+they lost, was transferred, not to Spaniards, but to
+other foreigners. Between 1714 and 1726, the two
+most powerful and conspicuous men in Spain were
+Alberoni, an Italian, and Ripperda, a Dutchman. Ripperda
+was dismissed in 1726;<a name="FNanchor_1363_1363" id="FNanchor_1363_1363"></a><a href="#Footnote_1363_1363" class="fnanchor">[1363]</a> and after his fall, the
+affairs of Spain were controlled by Konigseg, who
+was a German, and who, indeed, was the Austrian
+ambassador residing at Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_1364_1364" id="FNanchor_1364_1364"></a><a href="#Footnote_1364_1364" class="fnanchor">[1364]</a> Even Grimaldo,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[520]</a></span>
+who held office before and after the dismissal of Ripperda,
+was a disciple of the French school, and had
+been brought up under Orry.<a name="FNanchor_1365_1365" id="FNanchor_1365_1365"></a><a href="#Footnote_1365_1365" class="fnanchor">[1365]</a> All this was not the
+result of accident, nor is it to be ascribed to the caprice
+of the court. In Spain, the national spirit had so died
+away, that none but foreigners, or men imbued with
+foreign ideas, were equal to the duties of government.
+To the evidence already quoted on this point, I will
+add two other testimonies. Noailles, a very fair judge,
+and by no means prejudiced against the Spaniards, emphatically
+stated, in 1710, that, notwithstanding their
+loyalty, they were incapable of ruling, inasmuch as
+they were ignorant both of war and of politics.<a name="FNanchor_1366_1366" id="FNanchor_1366_1366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1366_1366" class="fnanchor">[1366]</a> In
+1711, Bonnac mentions that a resolution had been
+formed to place no Spaniard at the head of affairs, because
+those hitherto employed had proved to be either
+unfortunate or unfaithful.<a name="FNanchor_1367_1367" id="FNanchor_1367_1367"></a><a href="#Footnote_1367_1367" class="fnanchor">[1367]</a></p>
+
+<p>The government of Spain being taken from the
+Spaniards, now began to show some signs of vigour.
+The change was slight, but it was in the right direction,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[521]</a></span>
+though, as we shall presently see, it could not
+regenerate Spain, owing to the unfavourable operation
+of general causes. Still, the intention was good. For
+the first time, attempts were made to vindicate the
+rights of laymen, and to diminish the authority of
+ecclesiastics. Scarcely had the French established
+their dominion, when they suggested that it might be
+advisable to relieve the necessities of the state, by
+compelling the clergy to give up some of the wealth
+which they had accumulated in their churches.<a name="FNanchor_1368_1368" id="FNanchor_1368_1368"></a><a href="#Footnote_1368_1368" class="fnanchor">[1368]</a>
+Even Louis XIV. insisted that the important office of
+President of Castile should not be conferred on an
+ecclesiastic, because, he said, in Spain the priests and
+monks had already too much power.<a name="FNanchor_1369_1369" id="FNanchor_1369_1369"></a><a href="#Footnote_1369_1369" class="fnanchor">[1369]</a> Orry, who for
+several years possessed immense influence, exerted it
+in the same direction. He endeavoured to lessen the
+immunities possessed by the clergy, in regard to taxation,
+and also in regard to their exemption from lay
+jurisdiction. He opposed the privilege of sanctuary;
+he sought to deprive churches of their right of asylum.
+He even attacked the Inquisition, and worked so
+powerfully on the mind of the king, that Philip, at
+one time, determined to suspend that dreadful tribunal,
+and abolish the office of grand inquisitor.<a name="FNanchor_1370_1370" id="FNanchor_1370_1370"></a><a href="#Footnote_1370_1370" class="fnanchor">[1370]</a> This intention
+was very properly abandoned; for there can be
+no doubt that if it had been enforced, it would have
+caused a revolution, in which Philip would probably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[522]</a></span>
+have lost his crown.<a name="FNanchor_1371_1371" id="FNanchor_1371_1371"></a><a href="#Footnote_1371_1371" class="fnanchor">[1371]</a> In such case, a reaction would
+have set in, which would have left the Church stronger
+than ever. Many things, however, were done for
+Spain in spite of the Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_1372_1372" id="FNanchor_1372_1372"></a><a href="#Footnote_1372_1372" class="fnanchor">[1372]</a> In 1707, the clergy
+were forced to contribute to the state a small part
+of their enormous wealth; the tax being disguised
+under the name of a loan.<a name="FNanchor_1373_1373" id="FNanchor_1373_1373"></a><a href="#Footnote_1373_1373" class="fnanchor">[1373]</a> Ten years later, during
+the administration of Alberoni, this disguise was thrown<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[523]</a></span>
+off; and not only did government exact what was now
+called &lsquo;the ecclesiastical tax,&rsquo; but it imprisoned or
+exiled those priests who, refusing to pay, stood up for
+the privileges of their order.<a name="FNanchor_1374_1374" id="FNanchor_1374_1374"></a><a href="#Footnote_1374_1374" class="fnanchor">[1374]</a> This was a bold step
+to be taken in Spain, and it was one on which, at that
+time, no Spaniard would have ventured. Alberoni,
+however, as a foreigner, was unversed in the traditions
+of the country, which, indeed, on another memorable
+occasion, he set at defiance. The government of
+Madrid, acting in complete unison with public opinion,
+had always been unwilling to negotiate with infidels;
+meaning by infidels every people whose religious
+notions differed from their own. Sometimes, such
+negotiations were unavoidable, but they were entered
+into with fear and trembling, lest the pure Spanish faith
+should be tainted by too close a contact with unbelievers.
+Even in 1698, when it was evident that the
+monarchy was at its last gasp, and that nothing could
+save it from the hands of the spoiler, the prejudice was
+so strong, that the Spaniards refused to receive aid
+from the Dutch, because the Dutch were heretics. At
+that time, Holland was in the most intimate relation
+with England, whose interest it was to secure the
+independence of Spain against the machinations of
+France. Obvious, however, as this was, the Spanish
+theologians, being consulted respecting the proposal,
+declared that it was inadmissible, since it would enable
+the Dutch to propagate their religious opinions; so that,
+according to this view, it was better to be subjugated
+by a Catholic enemy, than to be assisted by a Protestant
+friend.<a name="FNanchor_1375_1375" id="FNanchor_1375_1375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1375_1375" class="fnanchor">[1375]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[524]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Still, much as the Spaniards hated Protestants, they
+hated Mohammedans yet more.<a name="FNanchor_1376_1376" id="FNanchor_1376_1376"></a><a href="#Footnote_1376_1376" class="fnanchor">[1376]</a> They could never
+forget how the followers of that creed had once conquered
+nearly the whole of Spain, and had, during
+several centuries, possessed the fairest portion of it.
+The remembrance of this strengthened their religious
+animosity, and caused them to be the chief supporters
+of nearly every war which was waged against the
+Mohammedans, both of Turkey and of Africa.<a name="FNanchor_1377_1377" id="FNanchor_1377_1377"></a><a href="#Footnote_1377_1377" class="fnanchor">[1377]</a> But
+Alberoni, being a foreigner, was unmoved by these
+considerations, and, to the astonishment of all Spain,
+he, on the mere ground of political expediency, set at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[525]</a></span>
+naught the principles of the Church, and not only concluded
+an alliance with the Mohammedans, but supplied
+them with arms and with money.<a name="FNanchor_1378_1378" id="FNanchor_1378_1378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1378_1378" class="fnanchor">[1378]</a> It is, indeed,
+true, that, in these and similar measures, Alberoni
+opposed himself to the national will, and that he lived
+to repent of his boldness. It is, however, also true, that
+his policy was part of a great secular and anti-theological
+movement, which, during the eighteenth century,
+was felt all over Europe. The effects of that movement
+were seen in the government of Spain, but not
+in the people. This was because the government for
+many years was wielded by foreigners, or by natives
+imbued with a foreign spirit. Hence we find that,
+during the greater part of the eighteenth century, the
+politicians of Spain formed a class more isolated, and,
+if I may so say, more living on their own intellectual
+resources, than the politicians of any other country
+during the same period. That this indicated a state of
+disease, and that no political improvement can produce
+real good, unless it is desired by the people before
+being conferred on them, will be admitted by whoever
+has mastered the lessons which history contains. The
+results actually produced in Spain, we shall presently
+see. But it will first be advisable that I should give
+some further evidence of the extent to which the influence
+of the Church had prostrated the national<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[526]</a></span>
+intellect, and by discouraging all inquiry, and fettering
+all freedom of thought, had at length reduced the
+country to such a plight, that the faculties of men,
+rusted by disuse, were no longer equal to fulfil the
+functions required from them; so that in every department,
+whether of political life, or of speculative
+philosophy, or even of mechanical industry, it was
+necessary that foreigners should be called in, to do
+that work, which the natives had become unable to
+perform.</p>
+
+<p>The ignorance in which the force of adverse circumstances
+had sunk the Spaniards, and their inactivity,
+both bodily and mental, would be utterly incredible, if
+it were not attested by every variety of evidence.
+Gramont, writing from personal knowledge of the
+state of Spain, during the latter half of the seventeenth
+century, describes the upper classes as not only unacquainted
+with science or literature, but as knowing
+scarcely any thing even of the commonest events
+which occurred out of their own country. The lower
+ranks, he adds, are equally idle, and rely upon foreigners
+to reap their wheat, to cut their hay, and to build their
+houses.<a name="FNanchor_1379_1379" id="FNanchor_1379_1379"></a><a href="#Footnote_1379_1379" class="fnanchor">[1379]</a> Another observer of society, as it existed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[527]</a></span>
+in Madrid in 1679, assures us that men, even of the highest
+position, never thought it necessary that their
+sons should study; and that those who were destined
+for the army could not learn mathematics, if they desired
+to do so, inasmuch as there were neither schools
+nor masters to teach them.<a name="FNanchor_1380_1380" id="FNanchor_1380_1380"></a><a href="#Footnote_1380_1380" class="fnanchor">[1380]</a> Books, unless they
+were books of devotion, were deemed utterly useless;
+no one consulted them; no one collected them; and,
+until the eighteenth century, Madrid did not possess a
+single public library.<a name="FNanchor_1381_1381" id="FNanchor_1381_1381"></a><a href="#Footnote_1381_1381" class="fnanchor">[1381]</a> In other cities professedly devoted
+to purposes of education, similar ignorance prevailed.
+Salamanca was the seat of the most ancient
+and most famous university in Spain, and there, if anywhere,
+we might look for the encouragement of
+science.<a name="FNanchor_1382_1382" id="FNanchor_1382_1382"></a><a href="#Footnote_1382_1382" class="fnanchor">[1382]</a> But De Torres, who was himself a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[528]</a></span>
+Spaniard, and was educated at Salamanca, early in
+the eighteenth century, declares that he had studied
+at that university for five years before he had heard
+that such things as the mathematical sciences
+existed.<a name="FNanchor_1383_1383" id="FNanchor_1383_1383"></a><a href="#Footnote_1383_1383" class="fnanchor">[1383]</a> So late as the year 1771, the same university
+publicly refused to allow the discoveries of
+Newton to be taught; and assigned as a reason, that
+the system of Newton was not so consonant with revealed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[529]</a></span>
+religion as the system of Aristotle.<a name="FNanchor_1384_1384" id="FNanchor_1384_1384"></a><a href="#Footnote_1384_1384" class="fnanchor">[1384]</a> All over
+Spain, a similar plan was adopted. Everywhere,
+knowledge was spurned, and inquiry discouraged.
+Feijoo, who, notwithstanding his superstition, and a
+certain slavishness of mind, from which no Spaniard of
+that age could escape, did, on matters of science, seek
+to enlighten his countrymen, has left upon record his
+deliberate opinion, that whoever had acquired all that
+was taught in his time under the name of philosophy,
+would, as the reward of his labour, be more ignorant
+than he was before he began.<a name="FNanchor_1385_1385" id="FNanchor_1385_1385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1385_1385" class="fnanchor">[1385]</a> And there can be
+no doubt that he was right. There can be no doubt
+that, in Spain, the more a man was taught, the less he
+would know. For, he was taught that inquiry was sinful,
+that intellect must be repressed, and that credulity
+and submission were the first of human attributes. The
+Duke de Saint Simon, who, in 1721 and 1722, was the
+French ambassador at Madrid, sums up his observations
+by the remark, that, in Spain, science is a crime,
+and ignorance a virtue.<a name="FNanchor_1386_1386" id="FNanchor_1386_1386"></a><a href="#Footnote_1386_1386" class="fnanchor">[1386]</a> Fifty years later, another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[530]</a></span>
+shrewd observer, struck with amazement at the condition
+of the national mind, expresses his opinion in a
+sentence equally pithy and almost equally severe.
+Searching for an illustration to convey his sense of the
+general darkness, he emphatically says, that the common
+education of an English gentleman would, in
+Spain, constitute a man of learning.<a name="FNanchor_1387_1387" id="FNanchor_1387_1387"></a><a href="#Footnote_1387_1387" class="fnanchor">[1387]</a></p>
+
+<p>Those who know what the common education of an
+English gentleman was eighty years ago, will appreciate
+the force of this comparison, and will understand how
+benighted a country must have been, to which such a
+taunt was applicable. To expect that, under such a
+state of things, the Spaniards should make any of the
+discoveries which accelerate the march of nations,
+would be idle indeed; for they would not even receive
+the discoveries, which other nations had made for them,
+and had cast into the common lap. So loyal and
+orthodox a people had nothing to do with novelties,
+which, being innovations on ancient opinions, were
+fraught with danger. The Spaniards desired to walk
+in the ways of their ancestors, and not have their faith
+in the past rudely disturbed. In the inorganic world,
+the magnificent discoveries of Newton were contumeliously
+rejected; and, in the organic world, the circulation
+of the blood was denied, more than a hundred and
+fifty years after Harvey had proved it.<a name="FNanchor_1388_1388" id="FNanchor_1388_1388"></a><a href="#Footnote_1388_1388" class="fnanchor">[1388]</a> These things<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[531]</a></span>
+were new, and it was better to pause a little, and not
+receive them too hastily. On the same principle, when,
+in the year 1760, some bold men in the government
+proposed that the streets of Madrid should be cleansed,
+so daring a suggestion excited general anger. Not
+only the vulgar, but even those who were called educated,
+were loud in their censure. The medical profession,
+as the guardians of the public health, were
+desired, by the government, to give their opinion.
+This, they had no difficulty in doing. They had no
+doubt that the dirt ought to remain. To remove it, was
+a new experiment; and of new experiments, it was impossible
+to foresee the issue. Their fathers having lived
+in the midst of it, why should not they do the same?
+Their fathers were wise men, and must have had good
+reasons for their conduct. Even the smell, of which
+some persons complained, was most likely wholesome.
+For, the air being sharp and piercing, it was extremely
+probable that bad smells made the atmosphere heavy,
+and in that way deprived it of some of its injurious
+properties. The physicians of Madrid were, therefore,
+of opinion that matters had better remain as their ancestors
+had left them, and that no attempts should be
+made to purify the capital by removing the filth which
+lay scattered on every side.<a name="FNanchor_1389_1389" id="FNanchor_1389_1389"></a><a href="#Footnote_1389_1389" class="fnanchor">[1389]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[532]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>While such notions prevailed respecting the preservation
+of health,<a name="FNanchor_1390_1390" id="FNanchor_1390_1390"></a><a href="#Footnote_1390_1390" class="fnanchor">[1390]</a> it is hardly to be supposed that the
+treatment of disease should be very successful. To
+bleed and to purge, were the only remedies prescribed
+by the Spanish physicians.<a name="FNanchor_1391_1391" id="FNanchor_1391_1391"></a><a href="#Footnote_1391_1391" class="fnanchor">[1391]</a> Their ignorance of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[533]</a></span>
+commonest functions of the human body was altogether
+surprising, and can only be explained on the supposition,
+that in medicine, as in other departments, the
+Spaniards of the eighteenth century knew no more than
+their progenitors of the sixteenth. Indeed, in some respects,
+they appeared to know less. For, their treatment
+was so violent, that it was almost certain death to submit
+to it for any length of time.<a name="FNanchor_1392_1392" id="FNanchor_1392_1392"></a><a href="#Footnote_1392_1392" class="fnanchor">[1392]</a> Their own king,
+Philip V., did not dare to trust himself in their hands,
+but preferred having an Irishman for his physician.<a name="FNanchor_1393_1393" id="FNanchor_1393_1393"></a><a href="#Footnote_1393_1393" class="fnanchor">[1393]</a>
+Though the Irish had no great medical reputation, anything
+was better than a Spanish doctor.<a name="FNanchor_1394_1394" id="FNanchor_1394_1394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1394_1394" class="fnanchor">[1394]</a> The arts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[534]</a></span>
+incidental to medicine and surgery, were equally backward.
+The instruments were rudely made, and the
+drugs badly prepared. Pharmacy being unknown, the
+apothecaries' shops, in the largest towns, were entirely
+supplied from abroad; while, in the smaller towns, and
+in districts remote from the capital, the medicines were
+of such a quality, that the best which could be hoped of
+them was, that they might be innocuous. For, in the
+middle of the eighteenth century, Spain did not possess
+one practical chemist. Indeed, we are assured by
+Campomanes himself, that, so late as the year 1776,
+there was not to be found in the whole country a single
+man who knew how to make the commonest drugs,
+such as magnesia, Glauber's salts, and the ordinary
+preparations of mercury and antimony. This eminent
+statesman adds, however, that a chemical laboratory
+was about to be established in Madrid; and although
+the enterprise, being without a precedent, would surely
+be regarded as a portentous novelty, he expresses a
+confident expectation, that, by its aid, the universal
+ignorance of his countrymen would in time be remedied.<a name="FNanchor_1395_1395" id="FNanchor_1395_1395"></a><a href="#Footnote_1395_1395" class="fnanchor">[1395]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whatever was useful in practice, or whatever subserved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[535]</a></span>
+the purposes of knowledge, had to come from
+abroad. Ensenada, the well-known minister of Ferdinand
+VI., was appalled by the darkness and apathy of
+the nation, which he tried, but tried in vain, to remove.
+When he was at the head of affairs, in the middle of
+the eighteenth century, he publicly declared that in
+Spain there was no professorship of public law, or of
+physics, or of anatomy, or of botany. He further added,
+that there were no good maps of Spain, and that there
+was no person who knew how to construct them. All
+the maps which they had, came from France and Holland.
+They were, he said, very inaccurate; but the
+Spaniards, being unable to make any, had nothing else
+to rely on. Such a state of things he pronounced to be
+shameful. For, as he bitterly complained, if it were
+not for the exertions of Frenchmen and Dutchmen, it
+would be impossible for any Spaniard to know either
+the position of his own town, or the distance from one
+place to another.<a name="FNanchor_1396_1396" id="FNanchor_1396_1396"></a><a href="#Footnote_1396_1396" class="fnanchor">[1396]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[536]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The only remedy for all this, seemed to be foreign
+aid; and Spain being now ruled by a foreign dynasty,
+that aid was called in. Cervi established the Medical
+Societies of Madrid and of Seville; Virgili founded the
+College of Surgery at Cadiz; and Bowles endeavoured
+to promote among the Spaniards the study of mineralogy.<a name="FNanchor_1397_1397" id="FNanchor_1397_1397"></a><a href="#Footnote_1397_1397" class="fnanchor">[1397]</a>
+Professors were sought for, far and wide;
+and application was made to Linnæus to send a person
+from Sweden who could impart some idea of botany to
+physiological students.<a name="FNanchor_1398_1398" id="FNanchor_1398_1398"></a><a href="#Footnote_1398_1398" class="fnanchor">[1398]</a> Many other and similar steps
+were taken by the government, whose indefatigable
+exertions would deserve our warmest praise, if we did
+not know how impossible it is for any government to
+enlighten a nation, and how absolutely essential it is
+that the desire for improvement should, in the first
+place, proceed from the people themselves. No progress
+is real, unless it is spontaneous. The movement,
+to be effective, must emanate from within, and not
+from without; it must be due to general causes acting
+on the whole country, and not to the mere will of a few
+powerful individuals. During the eighteenth century,
+all the means of improvement were lavishly supplied to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[537]</a></span>
+the Spaniards; but the Spaniards did not want to improve.
+They were satisfied with themselves; they were
+sure of the accuracy of their own opinions; they were
+proud of the notions which they inherited, and which
+they did not wish either to increase or to diminish.
+Being unable to doubt, they were, therefore, unwilling
+to inquire. New and beautiful truths, conveyed in the
+clearest and most attractive language, could produce
+no effect upon men whose minds were thus hardened
+and enslaved.<a name="FNanchor_1399_1399" id="FNanchor_1399_1399"></a><a href="#Footnote_1399_1399" class="fnanchor">[1399]</a> An unhappy combination of events,
+working without interruption since the fifth century,
+had predetermined the national character in a particular
+direction, and neither statesmen, nor kings, nor legislators,
+could effect aught against it. The seventeenth
+century was, however, the climax of all. In that age,
+the Spanish nation fell into a sleep, from which, as a
+nation, it has never since awakened. It was a sleep,
+not of repose, but of death. It was a sleep, in which
+the faculties, instead of being rested, were paralyzed,
+and in which a cold and universal torpor succeeded that
+glorious, though partial, activity, which, while it made
+the name of Spain terrible in the world, had insured
+the respect even of her bitterest enemies.</p>
+
+<p>Even the fine arts, in which the Spaniards had
+formerly excelled, partook of the general degeneracy,
+and, according to the confession of their own writers,
+had, by the beginning of the eighteenth century, fallen
+into complete decay.<a name="FNanchor_1400_1400" id="FNanchor_1400_1400"></a><a href="#Footnote_1400_1400" class="fnanchor">[1400]</a> The arts which secure national<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[538]</a></span>
+safety, were in the same predicament as those which
+minister to national pleasure. There was no one in
+Spain who could build a ship; there was no one who
+knew how to rig it, after it was built. The consequence
+was, that, by the close of the seventeenth century, the
+few ships which Spain possessed, were so rotten, that,
+says an historian, they could hardly support the fire of
+their own guns.<a name="FNanchor_1401_1401" id="FNanchor_1401_1401"></a><a href="#Footnote_1401_1401" class="fnanchor">[1401]</a> In 1752, the government, being
+determined to restore the navy, found it necessary to
+send to England for shipwrights; and they were also
+obliged to apply to the same quarter for persons who
+could make ropes and canvass; the skill of the natives
+being unequal to such arduous achievements.<a name="FNanchor_1402_1402" id="FNanchor_1402_1402"></a><a href="#Footnote_1402_1402" class="fnanchor">[1402]</a> In
+this way, the ministers of the Crown, whose ability and
+vigour, considering the difficult circumstances in which
+the incapacity of the people placed them, were extremely
+remarkable, contrived to raise a fleet superior
+to any which had been seen in Spain for more than a
+century.<a name="FNanchor_1403_1403" id="FNanchor_1403_1403"></a><a href="#Footnote_1403_1403" class="fnanchor">[1403]</a> They also took many other steps towards
+putting the national defences into a satisfactory condition;
+though in every instance, they were forced to
+rely on the aid of foreigners. Both the military and
+the naval service were in utter confusion, and had to
+be organized afresh. The discipline of the infantry<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[539]</a></span>
+was remodelled by O'Reilly, an Irishman, to whose
+superintendence the military schools of Spain were intrusted.<a name="FNanchor_1404_1404" id="FNanchor_1404_1404"></a><a href="#Footnote_1404_1404" class="fnanchor">[1404]</a>
+At Cadiz, a great naval academy was
+formed, but the head of it was Colonel Godin, a French
+officer.<a name="FNanchor_1405_1405" id="FNanchor_1405_1405"></a><a href="#Footnote_1405_1405" class="fnanchor">[1405]</a> The artillery, which like everything else,
+had become almost useless, was improved by Maritz,
+the Frenchman; while the same service was rendered
+to the arsenals by Gazola, the Italian.<a name="FNanchor_1406_1406" id="FNanchor_1406_1406"></a><a href="#Footnote_1406_1406" class="fnanchor">[1406]</a></p>
+
+<p>The mines, which form one of the greatest natural
+sources of the wealth of Spain, had likewise suffered
+from that ignorance and apathy into which the force
+of circumstances had plunged the country. They
+were either completely neglected, or if worked, they
+were worked by other nations. The celebrated cobalt-mine,
+situated in the valley of Gistan, in Aragon, was
+entirely in the hands of the Germans, who, during the
+first half of the eighteenth century, derived immense
+profit from it.<a name="FNanchor_1407_1407" id="FNanchor_1407_1407"></a><a href="#Footnote_1407_1407" class="fnanchor">[1407]</a> In the same way, the silver-mines of
+Guadalcanal, the richest in Spain, were undertaken,
+not by natives, but by foreigners. Though they had
+been discovered in the sixteenth century, they, as well
+as other matters of importance, had been forgotten in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[540]</a></span>
+the seventeenth, and were reopened, in 1728, by
+English adventurers; the enterprise, the tools, the
+capital, and even the miners, all coming from England.<a name="FNanchor_1408_1408" id="FNanchor_1408_1408"></a><a href="#Footnote_1408_1408" class="fnanchor">[1408]</a>
+Another, and still more famous, mine is that
+of Almaden in La Mancha, which produces mercury of
+the finest quality, and in great profusion. This metal,
+besides being indispensable for many of the commonest
+arts, was of peculiar value to Spain, because without
+it the gold and silver of the New World could not be
+extracted from their ores. From Almaden, where
+every natural facility exists for collecting it, and where
+the cinnibar in which it is found is unusually rich, vast
+supplies had formerly been drawn; but they had for
+some time been diminishing, although the demand,
+especially from foreign countries, was on the increase.
+Under these circumstances, the Spanish government,
+fearing that so important a source of wealth might
+altogether perish, determined to institute an inquiry
+into the manner in which the mine was worked. As,
+however, no Spaniard possessed the knowledge requisite
+for such an investigation, the advisers of the
+Crown were obliged to call on foreigners to help them.
+In 1752, an Irish naturalist, named Bowles, was commissioned
+to visit Almaden, and ascertain the cause of
+the failure. He found that the miners had acquired a
+habit of sinking their shafts perpendicularly, instead
+of following the direction of the vein.<a name="FNanchor_1409_1409" id="FNanchor_1409_1409"></a><a href="#Footnote_1409_1409" class="fnanchor">[1409]</a> So absurd a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[541]</a></span>
+process was quite sufficient to account for their want of
+success; and Bowles reported to the government, that
+if a shaft were to be sunk obliquely, the mine would,
+no doubt, again be productive. The government approved
+of the suggestion, and ordered it to be carried
+into effect. But the Spanish miners were too tenacious
+of their old customs to give way. They sank
+their shafts in the same manner as their fathers had
+done; and what their fathers had done must be right.
+The result was, that the mine had to be taken out
+of their hands; but as Spain could supply no other
+labourers, it was necessary to send to Germany for
+fresh ones.<a name="FNanchor_1410_1410" id="FNanchor_1410_1410"></a><a href="#Footnote_1410_1410" class="fnanchor">[1410]</a> After their arrival, matters rapidly improved.
+The mine, being superintended by an Irishman,
+and worked by Germans, assumed quite a different
+appearance; and, notwithstanding the disadvantages
+with which new comers always have to contend, the
+immediate consequence of the change was, that the
+yield of mercury was doubled, and its cost to the consumer
+correspondingly lowered.<a name="FNanchor_1411_1411" id="FNanchor_1411_1411"></a><a href="#Footnote_1411_1411" class="fnanchor">[1411]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such ignorance, pervading the whole nation, and
+extending to every department of life, is hardly conceivable,
+considering the immense advantages which
+the Spaniards had formerly enjoyed. It is particularly
+striking, when contrasted with the ability of the
+government, which, for more than eighty years, constantly
+laboured to improve the condition of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[542]</a></span>
+country. Early in the eighteenth century, Ripperda,
+in the hopes of stimulating Spanish industry, established
+a large woollen manufactory at Segovia, which
+had once been a busy and prosperous city. But the
+commonest processes had now been forgotten; and he
+was obliged to import manufacturers from Holland, to
+teach the Spaniards how to make up the wool, though
+that was an art for which in better days they had been
+especially famous.<a name="FNanchor_1412_1412" id="FNanchor_1412_1412"></a><a href="#Footnote_1412_1412" class="fnanchor">[1412]</a> In 1757, Wall, who was then
+minister, constructed, upon a still larger scale, a
+similar manufactory at Guadalajara in New Castile.
+Soon, however, something went wrong with the machinery;
+and as the Spaniards neither knew nor cared
+anything about these matters, it was necessary to
+send to England for a workman to put it right.<a name="FNanchor_1413_1413" id="FNanchor_1413_1413"></a><a href="#Footnote_1413_1413" class="fnanchor">[1413]</a>
+At length the advisers of Charles III., despairing of
+rousing the people by ordinary means, devised a more
+comprehensive scheme, and invited thousands of
+foreign artisans to settle in Spain; trusting that their
+example, and the suddenness of their influx might
+invigorate this jaded nation.<a name="FNanchor_1414_1414" id="FNanchor_1414_1414"></a><a href="#Footnote_1414_1414" class="fnanchor">[1414]</a> All was in vain.
+The spirit of the country was broken, and nothing
+could retrieve it. Among other attempts which were
+made, the formation of a National Bank was a
+favourite idea of politicians, who expected great things
+from an institution which was to extend credit, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[543]</a></span>
+make advances to persons engaged in business. But,
+though the design was executed, it entirely failed in
+effecting its purpose. When the people are not enterprising,
+no effort of government can make them so.
+In a country like Spain, a great bank was an exotic,
+which might live with art, but could never thrive by
+nature. Indeed, both in its origin and in its completion,
+it was altogether foreign, having been first
+proposed by the Dutchman Ripperda,<a name="FNanchor_1415_1415" id="FNanchor_1415_1415"></a><a href="#Footnote_1415_1415" class="fnanchor">[1415]</a> and owing its
+final organization to the Frenchman Cabarrus.<a name="FNanchor_1416_1416" id="FNanchor_1416_1416"></a><a href="#Footnote_1416_1416" class="fnanchor">[1416]</a></p>
+
+<p>In everything, the same law prevailed. In diplomacy,
+the ablest men were not Spaniards, but foreigners;
+and during the eighteenth century the strange
+spectacle was frequently exhibited, of Spain being
+represented by French, Italian, and even Irish ambassadors.<a name="FNanchor_1417_1417" id="FNanchor_1417_1417"></a><a href="#Footnote_1417_1417" class="fnanchor">[1417]</a>
+Nothing was indigenous; nothing was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[544]</a></span>
+done by Spain herself. Philip V., who reigned from
+1700 to 1746, and possessed immense power, always
+clung to the ideas of his own country, and was a
+Frenchman to the last. For thirty years after his
+death, the three most prominent names in Spanish
+politics were, Wall, who was born in France, of Irish
+parents;<a name="FNanchor_1418_1418" id="FNanchor_1418_1418"></a><a href="#Footnote_1418_1418" class="fnanchor">[1418]</a> Grimaldi, who was a native of Genoa; <a name="FNanchor_1419_1419" id="FNanchor_1419_1419"></a><a href="#Footnote_1419_1419" class="fnanchor">[1419]</a>
+and Esquilache, who was a native of Sicily.<a name="FNanchor_1420_1420" id="FNanchor_1420_1420"></a><a href="#Footnote_1420_1420" class="fnanchor">[1420]</a>
+Esquilache administered the finances for several years;
+and, after enjoying the confidence of Charles III. to an
+extent rarely possessed by any minister, was only
+dismissed, in 1766, in consequence of the discontents
+of the people at the innovations introduced by this
+bold foreigner.<a name="FNanchor_1421_1421" id="FNanchor_1421_1421"></a><a href="#Footnote_1421_1421" class="fnanchor">[1421]</a> Wall, a much more remarkable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[545]</a></span>
+man, was, in the absence of any good Spanish diplomatist,
+sent envoy to London in 1747; and after
+exercising great influence in matters of state, he was
+placed at the head of affairs in 1754, and remained
+supreme till 1763.<a name="FNanchor_1422_1422" id="FNanchor_1422_1422"></a><a href="#Footnote_1422_1422" class="fnanchor">[1422]</a> When this eminent Irishman relinquished
+office, he was succeeded by the Genoese,
+Grimaldi, who ruled Spain from 1763 to 1777, and
+was entirely devoted to the French views of policy.<a name="FNanchor_1423_1423" id="FNanchor_1423_1423"></a><a href="#Footnote_1423_1423" class="fnanchor">[1423]</a>
+His principal patron was Choiseul, who had imbued
+him with his own notions, and by whose advice he was
+chiefly guided.<a name="FNanchor_1424_1424" id="FNanchor_1424_1424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1424_1424" class="fnanchor">[1424]</a> Indeed, Choiseul, who was then the
+first minister in France, used to boast, with exaggeration,
+but not without a considerable amount of truth,
+that his influence in Madrid was even greater than it
+was in Versailles.<a name="FNanchor_1425_1425" id="FNanchor_1425_1425"></a><a href="#Footnote_1425_1425" class="fnanchor">[1425]</a></p>
+
+<p>However this may be, it is certain that four years
+after Grimaldi took office, the ascendency of France
+was exhibited in a remarkable way. Choiseul, who
+hated the Jesuits, and had just expelled them from
+France, endeavoured also to expel them from Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1426_1426" id="FNanchor_1426_1426"></a><a href="#Footnote_1426_1426" class="fnanchor">[1426]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[546]</a></span>
+The execution of the plan was confided to Aranda,
+who, though a Spaniard by birth, derived his intellectual
+culture from France, and had contracted, in the
+society of Paris, an intense hatred of every form of
+ecclesiastical power.<a name="FNanchor_1427_1427" id="FNanchor_1427_1427"></a><a href="#Footnote_1427_1427" class="fnanchor">[1427]</a> The scheme, secretly prepared,
+was skilfully accomplished.<a name="FNanchor_1428_1428" id="FNanchor_1428_1428"></a><a href="#Footnote_1428_1428" class="fnanchor">[1428]</a> In 1767, the
+Spanish government, without hearing what the Jesuits
+had to say in their defence, and indeed, without giving
+them the least notice, suddenly ordered their expulsion;
+and with such animosity were they driven from
+the country, in which they sprung up, and had long been
+cherished, that not only was their wealth confiscated,
+and they themselves reduced to a wretched pittance,
+but even that was directed to be taken from them, if
+they published anything in their own vindication;
+while it was also declared that whoever ventured to
+write respecting them, should, if we were a subject<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[547]</a></span>
+of Spain, be put to death, as one guilty of high
+treason.<a name="FNanchor_1429_1429" id="FNanchor_1429_1429"></a><a href="#Footnote_1429_1429" class="fnanchor">[1429]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such boldness on the part of the government<a name="FNanchor_1430_1430" id="FNanchor_1430_1430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1430_1430" class="fnanchor">[1430]</a>
+caused even the Inquisition to tremble. That once
+omnipotent tribunal, threatened and suspected by the
+civil authorities, became more wary in its proceedings,
+and more tender in its treatment of heretics. Instead
+of extirpating unbelievers by hundreds or by thousands,
+it was reduced to such pitiful straits, that between 1746
+and 1759, it was only able to burn ten persons; and
+between 1759 and 1788, only four persons.<a name="FNanchor_1431_1431" id="FNanchor_1431_1431"></a><a href="#Footnote_1431_1431" class="fnanchor">[1431]</a> The
+extraordinary diminution during the latter period, was
+partly owing to the great authority wielded by Aranda,
+the friend of the encyclopædists and of other French
+sceptics. This remarkable man was President of
+Castile till 1773,<a name="FNanchor_1432_1432" id="FNanchor_1432_1432"></a><a href="#Footnote_1432_1432" class="fnanchor">[1432]</a> and he issued an order forbidding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[548]</a></span>
+the Inquisition to interfere with the civil courts.<a name="FNanchor_1433_1433" id="FNanchor_1433_1433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1433_1433" class="fnanchor">[1433]</a> He
+also formed a scheme for entirely abolishing it; but
+his plan was frustrated, owing to its premature
+announcement by his friends in Paris, to whom it had
+been confided.<a name="FNanchor_1434_1434" id="FNanchor_1434_1434"></a><a href="#Footnote_1434_1434" class="fnanchor">[1434]</a> His views, however, were so far successful,
+that after 1781, there is no instance in Spain
+of a heretic being burned; the Inquisition being too
+terrified by the proceedings of government to do anything
+which might compromise the safety of the Holy
+Institution.<a name="FNanchor_1435_1435" id="FNanchor_1435_1435"></a><a href="#Footnote_1435_1435" class="fnanchor">[1435]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1777, Grimaldi, one of the chief supporters of
+that anti-theological policy which France introduced
+into Spain, ceased to be Minister; but he was succeeded
+by Florida Blanca, who was his creature, and to whom
+he transmitted his policy as well as his power.<a name="FNanchor_1436_1436" id="FNanchor_1436_1436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1436_1436" class="fnanchor">[1436]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[549]</a></span>
+progress, therefore, of political affairs continued in the
+same direction. Under the new minister, as under his
+immediate predecessors, a determination was shown to
+abridge the authority of the Church, and to vindicate
+the rights of laymen. In everything, the ecclesiastical
+interests were treated as subordinate to the secular. Of
+this, many instances might be given; but one is too
+important to be omitted. We have seen, that early in
+the eighteenth century, Alberoni, when at the head of
+affairs, was guilty of what in Spain was deemed the
+enormous offence of contracting an alliance with
+Mohammedans; and there can be no doubt that this
+was one of the chief causes of his fall, since it was held,
+that no prospect of mere temporal advantages could
+justify an union, or even a peace, between a Christian
+nation and a nation of unbelievers.<a name="FNanchor_1437_1437" id="FNanchor_1437_1437"></a><a href="#Footnote_1437_1437" class="fnanchor">[1437]</a> But the Spanish
+government, which, owing to the causes I have related,
+was far in advance of Spain itself, was gradually
+becoming bolder, and growing more and more disposed
+to force upon the country, views, which, abstractedly
+considered, where extremely enlightened, but which the
+popular mind was unable to receive. The result was,
+that, in 1782, Florida Blanca concluded a treaty with
+Turkey, which put an end to the war of religious
+opinions; to the astonishment, as we are told, of the
+other European powers, who could hardly believe that
+the Spaniards would thus abandon their long-continued
+efforts to destroy the infidels.<a name="FNanchor_1438_1438" id="FNanchor_1438_1438"></a><a href="#Footnote_1438_1438" class="fnanchor">[1438]</a> Before, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[550]</a></span>
+Europe had time to recover from its amazement, other
+and similar events occurred equally startling. In 1784,
+Spain signed a peace with Tripoli; and in 1785, one
+with Algiers.<a name="FNanchor_1439_1439" id="FNanchor_1439_1439"></a><a href="#Footnote_1439_1439" class="fnanchor">[1439]</a> And scarcely had these been ratified,
+when, in 1786, a treaty was also concluded with
+Tunis.<a name="FNanchor_1440_1440" id="FNanchor_1440_1440"></a><a href="#Footnote_1440_1440" class="fnanchor">[1440]</a> So that the Spanish people to their no small
+surprise, found themselves on terms of amity with
+nations, whom for more than ten centuries they had
+been taught to abhor, and whom, in the opinion of the
+Spanish Church, it was the first duty of a Christian
+government to make war upon, and, if possible, to
+extirpate.</p>
+
+<p>Putting aside, for a moment, the remote and intellectual
+consequences of these transactions, there can be
+no doubt that the immediate and material consequences
+were very salutary; though, as we shall presently see,
+they produced no lasting benefit, because they were
+opposed by the unfavourable operation of more powerful
+and more general causes. Still, it must be confessed
+that the direct results were extremely advantageous;
+and to those who take only a short view of human
+affairs, it might well appear that the advantages would
+be permanent. The immense line of coast from the
+kingdoms of Fez and Morocco to the furthest extremity
+of the Turkish empire was no longer allowed to pour
+forth those innumerable pirates who, heretofore, swept
+the seas, captured Spanish ships, and made slaves of
+Spanish subjects. Formerly, vast sums of money were
+annually consumed in ransoming these unhappy prisoners;<a name="FNanchor_1441_1441" id="FNanchor_1441_1441"></a><a href="#Footnote_1441_1441" class="fnanchor">[1441]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[551]</a></span>
+but now all such evils were ended. At the
+same time, great impetus was given to the commerce of
+Spain; a new trade was thrown open, and her ships
+could safely appear in the rich countries of the Levant.
+This increased her wealth; which was moreover aided
+by another circumstance growing out of these events.
+For, the most fertile parts of Spain are those which are
+washed by the Mediterranean, and which had for
+centuries been the prey of Mohammedan corsairs, who
+frequently landing by surprise, had at length caused
+such constant fear, that the inhabitants gradually
+retired towards the interior, and abstained from cultivating
+the richest soil in their country. But, by the
+treaties just concluded, such dangers were at once
+removed; the people returned to their former abodes;
+the earth again gave forth its fruits; regular industry
+reappeared; villages sprung up; even manufactures
+were established; and the foundation seemed to be
+laid for a prosperity, the like of which had not been
+known since the Mohammedans were driven out of
+Granada.<a name="FNanchor_1442_1442" id="FNanchor_1442_1442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1442_1442" class="fnanchor">[1442]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[552]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>I have now laid before the reader a view of the most
+important steps which were taken by those able and
+vigorous politicians, who ruled Spain during the
+greater part of the eighteenth century. In considering
+how these reforms were effected, we must not
+forget the personal character of Charles III., who
+occupied the throne from 1759 to 1788.<a name="FNanchor_1443_1443" id="FNanchor_1443_1443"></a><a href="#Footnote_1443_1443" class="fnanchor">[1443]</a> He was a
+man of great energy, and though born in Spain, had
+little in common with it. When he became king, he had
+been long absent from his native country, and had contracted
+a taste for customs, and, above all, for opinions,
+totally dissimilar to those natural to the Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_1444_1444" id="FNanchor_1444_1444"></a><a href="#Footnote_1444_1444" class="fnanchor">[1444]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[553]</a></span>
+Comparing him with his subjects, he was enlightened
+indeed. They cherished in their hearts, the most
+complete, and therefore the worst, form of spiritual
+power which has ever been exhibited in Europe. That
+very power, he made it his business to restrain. In
+this, as in other respects, he far surpassed Ferdinand
+VI. and Philip V., though they, under the influence of
+French ideas, had proceeded to what was deemed a
+dangerous length.<a name="FNanchor_1445_1445" id="FNanchor_1445_1445"></a><a href="#Footnote_1445_1445" class="fnanchor">[1445]</a> The clergy, indignant at such
+proceedings, murmured, and even threatened.<a name="FNanchor_1446_1446" id="FNanchor_1446_1446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1446_1446" class="fnanchor">[1446]</a> They
+declared that Charles was despoiling the Church,
+taking away her rights, insulting her ministers, and
+thus ruining Spain beyond human remedy.<a name="FNanchor_1447_1447" id="FNanchor_1447_1447"></a><a href="#Footnote_1447_1447" class="fnanchor">[1447]</a> The
+king, however, whose disposition was firm, and somewhat
+obstinate, persevered in his policy; and as he and
+his ministers were men of undoubted ability, they,
+notwithstanding the opposition they encountered, succeeded
+in accomplishing most of their plans. Mistaken
+and short-sighted though they were, it is impossible
+to refrain from admiring the honesty, the courage, and
+the disinterestedness, which they displayed in endeavouring
+to alter the destiny of that superstitions
+and half barbarous country over which they ruled.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[554]</a></span>
+We must not, however, conceal from ourselves, that in
+this, as in all similar cases, they, by attacking evils
+which the people were resolved to love, increased the
+affection which the evils inspired. To seek to change
+opinions by laws is worse than futile. It not only
+fails, but it causes a reaction, which leaves the opinions
+stronger than ever. First alter the opinion, and
+then you may alter the law. As soon as you have convinced
+men that superstition is mischievous, you may
+with advantage take active steps against those classes
+who promote superstition and live by it. But, however
+pernicious any interest or any great body may be,
+beware of using force against it, unless the progress
+of knowledge has previously sapped it at its base, and
+loosened its hold over the national mind. This has
+always been the error of the most ardent reformers,
+who, in their eagerness to effect their purpose, let the
+political movement outstrip the intellectual one, and,
+thus inverting the natural order, secure misery either
+to themselves or to their descendants. They touch the
+altar, and fire springs forth to consume them. Then
+comes another period of superstition and of despotism;
+another dark epoch in the annals of the human race.
+And this happens merely because men will not bide
+their time, but will insist on precipitating the march of
+affairs. Thus, for instance, in France and Germany, it
+is the friends of freedom who have strengthened
+tyranny; it is the enemies of superstition who have
+made superstition more permanent. In those countries,
+it is still believed that government can regenerate
+society; and therefore, directly they who hold liberal
+opinions get possession of the government, they use
+their power too lavishly, thinking that by doing so,
+they will best secure the end at which they aim. In
+England, the same delusion, though less general, is far
+too prevalent; but as, with us, public opinion controls
+politicians, we escape from evils which have happened
+abroad, because we will not allow any government to
+enact laws which the nation disapproves. In Spain,
+however, the habits of the people were so slavish, and
+their necks had so long been bowed under the yoke,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[555]</a></span>
+that though the government, in the eighteenth century,
+opposed their dearest prejudices, they rarely ventured
+to resist, and they had no legal means of making their
+voice heard. But not the less did they feel. The
+materials for reaction were silently accumulating; and
+before that century had passed away the reaction itself
+was manifest. As long as Charles III. lived, it was
+kept under; and this was owing partly to the fear
+which his active and vigorous government inspired,
+and partly to the fact that many of the reforms which
+he introduced were so obviously beneficial as to shed a
+lustre on his reign, which all classes could perceive.
+Besides the exemption which his policy insured from
+the incessant ravages of pirates, he also succeeded in
+obtaining for Spain the most honourable peace which
+any Spanish government had signed for two centuries;
+thus recalling to the popular mind the brightest and
+most glorious days of Philip II.<a name="FNanchor_1448_1448" id="FNanchor_1448_1448"></a><a href="#Footnote_1448_1448" class="fnanchor">[1448]</a> When Charles
+came to the throne, Spain was hardly a third-rate
+power; when he died, she might fairly claim to be a
+first-rate one, since she had for some years negotiated
+on equal terms with France, England, and Austria,
+and had taken a leading part in the councils of Europe.
+To this, the personal character of Charles greatly
+contributed; he being respected for his honesty, as well
+as feared for his vigour.<a name="FNanchor_1449_1449" id="FNanchor_1449_1449"></a><a href="#Footnote_1449_1449" class="fnanchor">[1449]</a> Merely as a man, he
+bore high repute; while, as a sovereign, none of his
+contemporaries were in any way equal to him, except<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[556]</a></span>
+Frederick of Prussia, whose vast abilities, were,
+however, tarnished by a base rapacity, and by an incessant
+desire to overreach his neighbours. Charles
+III. had nothing of this; but he carefully increased
+the defences of Spain, and, raising her establishments
+to a war-footing, he made her more formidable than
+she had been since the sixteenth century. Instead of
+being liable to insult from every petty potentate who
+chose to triumph over her weakness, the country had
+now the means of resisting, and if need be, of attacking.
+While the army was greatly improved in the
+quality of the troops, in their discipline, and in the
+attention paid to their comforts, the navy was nearly
+doubled in number, and more than doubled in efficiency.<a name="FNanchor_1450_1450" id="FNanchor_1450_1450"></a><a href="#Footnote_1450_1450" class="fnanchor">[1450]</a>
+And this was done without imposing fresh
+burdens on the people. Indeed, the national resources
+were becoming so developed, that, in the reign of
+Charles III., a large amount of taxation could have
+been easier paid than a small one under his predecessors.
+A regularity, hitherto unknown, was introduced
+into the method both of assessing imposts, and of
+collecting them.<a name="FNanchor_1451_1451" id="FNanchor_1451_1451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1451_1451" class="fnanchor">[1451]</a> The laws of mortmain were
+relaxed, and steps were taken towards diminishing the
+rigidity of entails.<a name="FNanchor_1452_1452" id="FNanchor_1452_1452"></a><a href="#Footnote_1452_1452" class="fnanchor">[1452]</a> The industry of the country
+was liberated from many of the trammels which had
+long been imposed upon it, and the principles of free
+trade were so far recognized, that, in 1765, the old<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[557]</a></span>
+laws respecting corn were repealed; its exportation
+was allowed, and also its transit from one part of
+Spain to another, uninterrupted by those absurd precautions,
+which preceding governments had thought it
+advisable to invent.<a name="FNanchor_1453_1453" id="FNanchor_1453_1453"></a><a href="#Footnote_1453_1453" class="fnanchor">[1453]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was also in the reign of Charles III. that the
+American Colonies were, for the first time, treated according
+to the maxims of a wise and liberal policy.
+The behaviour of the Spanish government in this
+respect, contrasts most favourably with the conduct
+pursued at the same time towards our great Colonies
+by that narrow and incompetent man who then filled
+the English throne. While the violence of George III.
+was fomenting rebellion in the British Colonies,
+Charles III. was busily engaged in conciliating the
+Spanish ones. Towards this end, and with the object
+of giving fair play to the growth of their wealth, he
+did everything which the knowledge and resources of
+that age allowed him to do. In 1764, he accomplished,
+what was then considered the great feat of establishing
+every month a regular communication with
+America, in order that the reforms which he projected
+might be more easily introduced, and the grievances of
+the Colonies attended to.<a name="FNanchor_1454_1454" id="FNanchor_1454_1454"></a><a href="#Footnote_1454_1454" class="fnanchor">[1454]</a> In the very next year,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[558]</a></span>
+free trade was conceded to the West Indian Islands,
+whose abundant commodities were now, for the first
+time, allowed to circulate, to their own benefit, as well
+as to the benefit of their neighbours.<a name="FNanchor_1455_1455" id="FNanchor_1455_1455"></a><a href="#Footnote_1455_1455" class="fnanchor">[1455]</a> Into the
+Colonies generally, vast improvements were introduced,
+many oppressions were removed, the tyranny of
+officials was checked, and the burdens of the people
+were lightened.<a name="FNanchor_1456_1456" id="FNanchor_1456_1456"></a><a href="#Footnote_1456_1456" class="fnanchor">[1456]</a> Finally, in 1778, the principles of
+free trade having been successfully tried in the
+American Islands, were now extended to the American
+Continent; the ports of Peru and of New Spain were
+thrown open; and by this means an immense impetus
+was given to the prosperity of those magnificent
+colonies, which nature intended to be rich, but which
+the meddling folly of man had forced to be poor.<a name="FNanchor_1457_1457" id="FNanchor_1457_1457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1457_1457" class="fnanchor">[1457]</a></p>
+
+<p>All this reacted upon the mother country with such
+rapidity, that scarcely was the old system of monopoly
+broken up, when the trade of Spain began to advance,
+and continued to improve, until the exports and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[559]</a></span>
+imports had reached a height that even the authors of
+the reform could hardly have expected; it being said
+that the export of foreign commodities was tripled,
+that the export of home-produce was multiplied fivefold,
+and the returns from America ninefold.<a name="FNanchor_1458_1458" id="FNanchor_1458_1458"></a><a href="#Footnote_1458_1458" class="fnanchor">[1458]</a></p>
+
+<p>Many of the taxes, which bore heavily on the lower
+ranks, were repealed, and the industrious classes, being
+relieved of their principal burdens, it was hoped that
+their condition would speedily improve.<a name="FNanchor_1459_1459" id="FNanchor_1459_1459"></a><a href="#Footnote_1459_1459" class="fnanchor">[1459]</a> And to
+benefit them still more, such alterations were effected
+in the administration of the law, as might enable them
+to receive justice from the public tribunals, when they
+had occasion to complain of their superiors. Hitherto,
+a poor man had not the least chance of succeeding
+against a rich one; but in the reign of Charles III.,
+government introduced various regulations, by which
+labourers and mechanics could obtain redress, if their
+masters defrauded them of their wages, or broke the
+contracts made with them.<a name="FNanchor_1460_1460" id="FNanchor_1460_1460"></a><a href="#Footnote_1460_1460" class="fnanchor">[1460]</a></p>
+
+<p>Not only the labouring classes, but also the literary
+and scientific classes, were encouraged and protected.
+One source of danger, to which they had long been
+exposed, was considerably lessened by the steps which
+Charles took to curtail the power of the Inquisition.
+The king, was, moreover, always ready to reward
+them; he was a man of cultivated tastes, and he delighted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[560]</a></span>
+in being thought the patron of learning.<a name="FNanchor_1461_1461" id="FNanchor_1461_1461"></a><a href="#Footnote_1461_1461" class="fnanchor">[1461]</a>
+Soon after his accession, he issued an order, exempting
+from military service all printers, and all persons immediately
+connected with printing, such as casters of
+type, and the like.<a name="FNanchor_1462_1462" id="FNanchor_1462_1462"></a><a href="#Footnote_1462_1462" class="fnanchor">[1462]</a> He, also, as far as he was able,
+infused new life into the old universities, and did all
+that was possible towards restoring their discipline and
+reputation.<a name="FNanchor_1463_1463" id="FNanchor_1463_1463"></a><a href="#Footnote_1463_1463" class="fnanchor">[1463]</a> He founded schools, endowed colleges,
+rewarded professors, and granted pensions. In these
+matters his munificence seemed inexhaustible, and is of
+itself sufficient to account for the veneration with which
+literary Spaniards regard his memory. They have
+reason to regret that, instead of living now, they had
+not lived when he was king. In his reign, it was
+supposed that their interests must be identical with the
+interests of knowledge; and these last were rated so
+highly, that, in 1771, it was laid down as a settled
+principle of government, that of all the branches of
+public policy, the care of education is the most important.<a name="FNanchor_1464_1464" id="FNanchor_1464_1464"></a><a href="#Footnote_1464_1464" class="fnanchor">[1464]</a></p>
+
+<p>But this is not all. It is no exaggeration to say, that
+in the reign of Charles III., the face of Spain underwent
+greater changes than it had done during the hundred
+and fifty years which had elapsed since the final expulsion
+of the Mohammedans. At his accession, in 1759,
+the wise and pacific policy of his predecessor, Ferdinand
+VI., had enabled that prince not only to pay many of
+the debts owed by the crown, but also to accumulate and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[561]</a></span>
+leave behind him a considerable treasure.<a name="FNanchor_1465_1465" id="FNanchor_1465_1465"></a><a href="#Footnote_1465_1465" class="fnanchor">[1465]</a> Of this
+Charles availed himself, to begin those works of public
+splendour, which, more than any other part of his administration,
+was sure to strike the senses, and to give
+popularity to his reign. And when, by the increase of
+wealth, rather than by the imposition of fresh burdens,
+still larger resources were placed at his command, he
+devoted a considerable part of them to completing his
+designs. He so beautified Madrid, that forty years after
+his death, it was stated, that, as it then stood, all its
+magnificence was owing to him. The public buildings
+and the public gardens, the beautiful walks round the
+capital, its noble gates, its institutions, and the very
+roads leading from it to the adjacent country, are all
+the work of Charles III., and are among the most conspicuous
+trophies which attest his genius and the sumptuousness
+of his taste.<a name="FNanchor_1466_1466" id="FNanchor_1466_1466"></a><a href="#Footnote_1466_1466" class="fnanchor">[1466]</a></p>
+
+<p>In other parts of the country, roads were laid down,
+and canals were dug, with the view of increasing trade
+by opening up communications through tracts previously
+impassable. At the accession of Charles III., the whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[562]</a></span>
+of the Sierra Morena was unoccupied, except by wild
+beasts and banditti, who took refuge there.<a name="FNanchor_1467_1467" id="FNanchor_1467_1467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1467_1467" class="fnanchor">[1467]</a> No peaceful
+traveller would venture into such a place; and commerce
+was thus excluded from what nature had marked
+as one of the greatest highways in Spain, standing
+as it does between the basins of the Guadiana and
+Guadalquivir, and in the direct course between the
+ports on the Mediterranean and those on the Atlantic.
+The active government of Charles III. determined to
+remedy this evil; but the Spanish people not having
+the energy to do what was required, six thousand Dutch
+and Flemish were, in 1767, invited to settle in the
+Sierra Morena. On their arrival, lands were allotted to
+them, roads were cut through the whole of the district,
+villages were built; and that which had just been an
+impervious desert, was suddenly turned into a smiling
+and fruitful territory.<a name="FNanchor_1468_1468" id="FNanchor_1468_1468"></a><a href="#Footnote_1468_1468" class="fnanchor">[1468]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nearly all over Spain, the roads were repaired; a
+fund having been, so early as 1760, specially set apart
+for that purpose.<a name="FNanchor_1469_1469" id="FNanchor_1469_1469"></a><a href="#Footnote_1469_1469" class="fnanchor">[1469]</a> Many new works were begun;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[563]</a></span>
+and such improvements were introduced, while at the
+same time, such vigilance was employed to prevent
+peculation on the part of officials, that in a very few
+years the cost of making public highways was reduced
+to less than half of what it used to be.<a name="FNanchor_1470_1470" id="FNanchor_1470_1470"></a><a href="#Footnote_1470_1470" class="fnanchor">[1470]</a> Of the undertakings
+which were brought to a successful issue, the
+most important were, a road now first constructed from
+Malaga to Antequera,<a name="FNanchor_1471_1471" id="FNanchor_1471_1471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1471_1471" class="fnanchor">[1471]</a> and another from Aquilas to
+Lorca.<a name="FNanchor_1472_1472" id="FNanchor_1472_1472"></a><a href="#Footnote_1472_1472" class="fnanchor">[1472]</a> In this way, means of intercourse were supplied
+between the Mediterranean and the interior of
+Andalusia and of Mercia. While these communications
+were established in the south and south-east of Spain,
+others were opened up in the north and north-west. In
+1769, a road was begun between Bilbao and Osma;<a name="FNanchor_1473_1473" id="FNanchor_1473_1473"></a><a href="#Footnote_1473_1473" class="fnanchor">[1473]</a>
+and soon after, one was completed between Galicia and
+Astorga.<a name="FNanchor_1474_1474" id="FNanchor_1474_1474"></a><a href="#Footnote_1474_1474" class="fnanchor">[1474]</a> These and similar works were so skilfully
+executed, that the Spanish highways, formerly among
+the worst in Europe, were now classed among the best.
+Indeed, a competent, and by no means over-friendly,
+judge gives it as his opinion, that at the death of Charles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[564]</a></span>
+III. better roads were to be found in Spain than in any
+other country.<a name="FNanchor_1475_1475" id="FNanchor_1475_1475"></a><a href="#Footnote_1475_1475" class="fnanchor">[1475]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the interior, rivers were made navigable, and
+canals were formed to connect them with each other.
+The Ebro runs through the heart of Aragon and part
+of Old Castile, and is available for purposes of traffic as
+high up as Logroño, and from thence down to Tudela.
+But between Tudela and Saragossa, the navigation is
+interrupted by its great speed, and by the rocks in its
+bed. Consequently, Navarre is deprived of its natural
+communication with the Mediterranean. In the enterprising
+reign of Charles V., an attempt was made to
+remedy this evil; but the plan failed, was laid aside,
+and was forgotten, until it was revived, more than two
+hundred years later, by Charles III. Under his auspices,
+the great canal of Aragon was projected, with the magnificent
+idea of uniting the Mediterranean and the
+Atlantic. This, however, was one of many instances in
+which the government of Spain was too far in advance
+of Spain itself; and it was necessary to abandon a
+scheme, to which the resources of the country were unequal.
+But what was really effected, was of immense
+value. A canal was actually carried to Saragossa, and
+the waters of the Ebro were made available not only
+for transport, but also for irrigating the soil. The
+means of a safe and profitable trade were now supplied
+even to the western extremity of Aragon. The old land,
+becoming more productive, rose in value, and new land
+was brought under the plough. From this, other parts
+of Spain also benefited. Castile, for example, had in
+seasons of scarcity always depended for supplies on
+Aragon, though that province could, under the former
+system, only produce enough for its own consumption.
+But by this great canal, to which, about the same time,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[565]</a></span>
+that of Tauste was also added,<a name="FNanchor_1476_1476" id="FNanchor_1476_1476"></a><a href="#Footnote_1476_1476" class="fnanchor">[1476]</a> the soil of Aragon became
+far more productive than it had ever yet been; and
+the rich plains of the Ebro yielded so abundantly, that
+they were able to supply wheat and other food to the
+Castilians, as well as to the Aragonese.<a name="FNanchor_1477_1477" id="FNanchor_1477_1477"></a><a href="#Footnote_1477_1477" class="fnanchor">[1477]</a></p>
+
+<p>The government of Charles III., moreover, constructed
+a canal between Amposta and Alfaques,<a name="FNanchor_1478_1478" id="FNanchor_1478_1478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1478_1478" class="fnanchor">[1478]</a>
+which irrigated the southern extremity of Catalonia,
+and brought into cultivation a large district, which,
+from the constant lack of rain, had hitherto been
+untilled. Another and still greater enterprise belonging
+to the same reign, was an attempt, only partly successful,
+to establish a water-communication between the capital
+and the Atlantic, by running a canal from Madrid to
+Toledo, whence the Tagus would have conveyed goods
+to Lisbon, and all the trade of the west would have
+been opened up.<a name="FNanchor_1479_1479" id="FNanchor_1479_1479"></a><a href="#Footnote_1479_1479" class="fnanchor">[1479]</a> But this and many other noble
+projects were nipped in the bud by the death of Charles
+III., with whom every thing vanished. When he
+passed away, the country relapsed into its former inactivity,
+and it was clearly seen that these great works
+were not national, but political; in other words that
+they were due merely to individuals, whose most
+strenuous exertions always come to naught, if they
+are opposed by the operation of those general causes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[566]</a></span>
+which are often undiscerned, but to which even the
+strongest of us, do, in our own despite, pay implicit
+obedience.</p>
+
+<p>Still for a time much was done; and Charles, reasoning
+according to the ordinary maxims of politicians,
+might well indulge the hope, that what he had effected
+would permanently change the destiny of Spain. For
+these and other works which he not only planned but
+executed,<a name="FNanchor_1480_1480" id="FNanchor_1480_1480"></a><a href="#Footnote_1480_1480" class="fnanchor">[1480]</a> were not paid for, as is too often the case,
+by taxes which oppressed the people, and trammelled
+their industry. At his side, and constantly advising
+him, there were men who really aimed at the public
+good, and who never would have committed so fatal an
+error. Under his rule the wealth of the country greatly
+increased, and the comforts of the lower classes, instead
+of being abridged, were multiplied. The imposts were
+more fairly assessed than they had ever been before.
+Taxes, which, in the seventeenth century, all the power
+of the executive could not wring from the people, were
+now regularly paid, and, owing to the development of
+the national resources, they became at once more productive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[567]</a></span>
+and less onerous. In the management of the
+public finances, an economy was practised, the first
+example of which had been set in the preceding reign,
+when the cautious and pacific policy of Ferdinand VI.
+laid a foundation for many of the improvements just
+narrated. Ferdinand bequeathed to Charles III. a
+treasure which he had not extorted, but saved. Among
+the reforms which he introduced, and which an unwillingness
+to accumulate details has compelled me to
+omit, there is one very important, and also very characteristic
+of his policy. Before his reign, Spain had
+annually been drained of an immense amount of money,
+on account of the right which the Pope claimed of
+presenting to certain rich benefices, and of receiving
+part of their produce; probably as a recompense for the
+trouble he had taken. Of this duty the Pope was
+relieved by Ferdinand VI., who secured to the Spanish
+crown the right of conferring such preferment, and
+thus saved to the country those enormous sums on
+which the Roman Court had been wont to revel.<a name="FNanchor_1481_1481" id="FNanchor_1481_1481"></a><a href="#Footnote_1481_1481" class="fnanchor">[1481]</a>
+This was just the sort of measure which would be
+hailed with delight by Charles III., as harmonizing
+with his own views; and we accordingly find, that, in
+his reign, it was not only acted upon, but extended still
+further. For, perceiving that, in spite of his efforts,
+the feeling of the Spaniards on these matters was so
+strong as to impel them to make offerings to him whom
+they venerated as the Head of the Church, the king<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[568]</a></span>
+determined to exercise control over even these voluntary
+gifts. To accomplish this end, various devices
+were suggested; and at length one was hit upon,
+which was thought sure to be effectual. A royal order
+was issued, directing that no person should send money
+to Rome, but that if he had occasion to make remittances
+there, they should pass not through the ordinary
+channels, but through the ambassadors, ministers, or
+other agents of the Spanish crown.<a name="FNanchor_1482_1482" id="FNanchor_1482_1482"></a><a href="#Footnote_1482_1482" class="fnanchor">[1482]</a></p>
+
+<p>If we now review the transactions which I have narrated,
+and consider them as a whole, extending from
+the accession of Philip V. to the death of Charles III.,
+over a period of nearly ninety years, we shall be struck
+with wonder at their unity, at the regularity of their
+march, and at their apparent success. Looking at them
+merely in a political point of view, it may be doubted if
+such vast and uninterrupted progress has ever been seen
+in any country either before or since. For three
+generations, there was no pause on the part of the
+government; not one reaction, not one sign of halting.
+Improvement upon improvement, and reform upon
+reform, followed each other in swift succession. The
+power of the Church, which has always been the
+crying evil of Spain, and which hitherto none of the
+boldest politicians had dared to touch, was restricted in
+every possible way, by a series of statesmen, from Orry
+to Florida Blanca, whose efforts were latterly, and for
+nearly thirty years, zealously aided by Charles III., the
+ablest monarch who has sat on the throne since the
+death of Philip II. Even the Inquisition was taught
+to tremble, and made to loosen its hold over its victims.
+The burning of heretics was stopped. Torture was
+disused. Prosecutions for heresy were discouraged.
+Instead of punishing men for imaginary offences, a
+disposition was shown to attend to their real interests,
+to alleviate their burdens, to increase their comforts,
+and to check the tyranny of those who were set over
+them. Attempts were made to restrain the cupidity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[569]</a></span>
+the clergy, and prevent them from preying at will upon
+the national wealth. With this view, the laws of
+mortmain were revised, and various measures taken to
+interpose obstacles in the way of persons who desired
+to waste their property by bequeathing it for ecclesiastical
+purposes. In this, as in other matters, the true
+interests of society were preferred to the fictitious ones.
+To raise the secular classes above the spiritual; to
+discountenance the exclusive attention hitherto paid to
+questions respecting which nothing is known, and
+which it is impossible to solve; to do this, and, in the
+place of such barren speculations, to substitute a taste
+for science, or for literature, became the object of the
+Spanish government for the first time since Spain had
+possessed a government at all. As part of the same
+scheme, the Jesuits were expelled, the right of sanctuary
+was infringed, and the whole hierarchy, from the
+highest bishop down to the lowest monk, were taught
+to fear the law, to curb their passions, and to restrain
+the insolence with which they had formerly treated
+every rank except their own. These would have been
+great deeds in any country; in such a country as Spain,
+they were marvellous. Of them I have given an
+abridged, and therefore an imperfect, account, but still
+sufficient to show how the government laboured to
+diminish superstition, to check bigotry, to stimulate
+intellect, to promote industry, and to rouse the people
+from their death-like slumber. I have omitted many
+measures of considerable interest, and which tended in
+the same direction; because, here, as elsewhere, I seek
+to confine myself to those salient points which most
+distinctly mark the general movement. Whoever will
+minutely study the history of Spain during this period,
+will find additional proof of the skill and vigour of
+those who were at the head of affairs, and who devoted
+their best energies to regenerating the country which
+they ruled. But, for these special studies, special men
+are required; and I shall be satisfied, if I have firmly
+grasped the great march and outline of the whole. It
+is enough for my purpose, if I have substantiated the
+general proposition, and have convinced the reader of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[570]</a></span>
+the clearness with which the statesmen of Spain
+discerned the evils under which their country was
+groaning, and of the zeal with which they set themselves
+to remedy the mischief, and to resuscitate the fortunes
+of what had once not only been the chief of European
+monarchies, but had borne sway over the most splendid
+and extensive territory that had been united under a
+single rule since the fall of the Roman Empire.</p>
+
+<p>They who believe that a government can civilize a
+nation, and that legislators are the cause of social progress,
+will naturally expect that Spain reaped permanent
+benefit from those liberal maxims, which now, for the
+first time, were put into execution. The fact, however,
+is, that such a policy, wise as it appeared, was of no
+avail, simply because it ran counter to the whole train
+of preceding circumstances. It was opposed to the
+habits of the national mind, and was introduced into a
+state of society not yet ripe for it. No reform can
+produce real good, unless it is the work of public
+opinion, and unless the people themselves take the
+initiative. In Spain, during the eighteenth century,
+foreign influence, and the complications of foreign
+politics, bestowed enlightened rulers upon an unenlightened
+country.<a name="FNanchor_1483_1483" id="FNanchor_1483_1483"></a><a href="#Footnote_1483_1483" class="fnanchor">[1483]</a> The consequence was, that, for a
+time, great things were done. Evils were removed,
+grievances were redressed, many important improvements
+were introduced; and a spirit of toleration was
+exhibited, such as had never before been seen in that
+priest-ridden and superstitious land. But the mind of
+Spain was untouched. While the surface, and as it
+were the symptoms, of affairs were ameliorated, affairs
+themselves remained unchanged. Below that surface,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[571]</a></span>
+and far out of reach of any political remedy, large
+general causes were at work, which had been operating
+for many centuries, and which were sure, sooner or
+later, to force politicians to retrace their steps, and
+compel them to inaugurate a policy which would
+suit the traditions of the country, and harmonize with
+the circumstances under which those traditions had
+been formed.</p>
+
+<p>At length the reaction came. In 1788, Charles III.
+died; and was succeeded by Charles IV., a king of the
+true Spanish breed, devout, orthodox, and ignorant.<a name="FNanchor_1484_1484" id="FNanchor_1484_1484"></a><a href="#Footnote_1484_1484" class="fnanchor">[1484]</a>
+It was now seen how insecure everything was, and how
+little reliance can be placed on reforms, which, instead
+of being suggested by the people, are bestowed on them
+by the political classes. Charles IV., though a weak
+and contemptible prince,<a name="FNanchor_1485_1485" id="FNanchor_1485_1485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1485_1485" class="fnanchor">[1485]</a> was so supported in his
+general views by the feelings of the Spanish nation,
+that, in less than five years, he was able completely to
+reverse that liberal policy which it had taken three
+generations of statesmen to build up. In less than five
+years everything was changed. The power of the
+Church was restored; the slightest approach towards
+free discussion was forbidden; old and arbitrary principles,
+which had not been heard of since the seventeenth
+century, were revived; the priests re-assumed their
+former importance; literary men were intimidated, and
+literature was discouraged; while the Inquisition, suddenly
+starting up afresh, displayed an energy, which
+caused its enemies to tremble, and proved that all the
+attempts which had been made to weaken it, had been
+unable to impair its vigour, or to daunt its ancient
+spirit.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[572]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The ministers of Charles III., and the authors of
+those great reforms which signalized his reign, were
+dismissed, to make way for other advisers, better suited
+to this new state of things. Charles IV. loved the
+Church too well to tolerate the presence of enlightened
+statesmen. Aranda and Florida Blanca were both removed
+from office, and both were placed in confinement.<a name="FNanchor_1486_1486" id="FNanchor_1486_1486"></a><a href="#Footnote_1486_1486" class="fnanchor">[1486]</a>
+Jovellanos was banished from court, and
+Cabarrus was thrown into prison.<a name="FNanchor_1487_1487" id="FNanchor_1487_1487"></a><a href="#Footnote_1487_1487" class="fnanchor">[1487]</a> For, now, work
+had to be done, to which these eminent men would not
+put their hands. A policy which had been followed
+with undeviating consistency for nearly ninety years,
+was about to be rescinded, in order that the old empire
+of the seventeenth century, which was the empire of
+ignorance, of tyranny, and of superstition, might be
+resuscitated, and, if possible, restored to its pristine
+vigour.</p>
+
+<p>Once more was Spain covered with darkness; once
+more did the shadows of night overtake that wretched
+land. The worst forms of oppression, says a distinguished
+writer, seemed to be settling on the country with a new
+and portentous weight.<a name="FNanchor_1488_1488" id="FNanchor_1488_1488"></a><a href="#Footnote_1488_1488" class="fnanchor">[1488]</a> At the same time, and indeed
+as a natural part of the scheme, every investigation
+likely to stimulate the mind, was prohibited, and an
+order was actually sent to all the universities, forbidding
+the study of moral philosophy; the minister, who issued
+the order, justly observing, that the king did not want
+to have philosophers.<a name="FNanchor_1489_1489" id="FNanchor_1489_1489"></a><a href="#Footnote_1489_1489" class="fnanchor">[1489]</a> There was, however, little fear<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[573]</a></span>
+of Spain producing anything so dangerous. The nation
+not daring, and, what was still worse, not wishing,
+to resist, gave way, and let the king do as he liked.
+Within a very few years, he neutralized the most valuable
+reforms which his predecessors had introduced.
+Having discarded the able advisers of his father, he
+conferred the highest posts upon men as narrow and
+incompetent as himself; he reduced the country to the
+verge of bankruptcy; and, according to the remark of
+a Spanish historian, he exhausted all the resources of
+the state.<a name="FNanchor_1490_1490" id="FNanchor_1490_1490"></a><a href="#Footnote_1490_1490" class="fnanchor">[1490]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the condition of Spain, late in the eighteenth
+century. The French invasion quickly followed;
+and that unhappy country underwent every form of
+calamity and of degradation. Herein, however, lies a difference.
+Calamities may be inflicted by others; but no
+people can be degraded except by their own acts. The
+foreign spoiler works mischief; he cannot cause shame.
+With nations, as with individuals, none are dishonoured
+if they are true to themselves. Spain, during the present
+century, has been plundered and oppressed, and
+the opprobrium lights on the robbers, not on the robbed.
+She has been overrun by a brutal and licentious soldiery;
+her fields laid waste, her towns sacked, her villages
+burned. It is to the criminal, rather than to the victim,
+that the ignominy of these acts must belong. And,
+even in a material point of view, such losses are sure to
+be retrieved, if the people who incur them are inured to
+those habits of self-government, and to that feeling of
+self-reliance, which are the spring and the source of all
+real greatness. With the aid of these, every damage
+may be repaired, and every evil remedied. Without
+them, the slightest blow may be fatal. In Spain, they
+are unknown; and it seems impossible to establish
+them. In that country, men have so long been accustomed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[574]</a></span>
+to pay implicit deference to the Crown and the
+Church, that loyalty and superstition have usurped the
+place of those nobler emotions, to which all freedom is
+owing, and in the absence of which, the true idea of
+independence can never be attained.</p>
+
+<p>More than once, indeed, during the nineteenth century,
+a spirit has appeared, from which better things
+might have been augured. In 1812, in 1820, and in
+1836, a few ardent and enthusiastic reformers attempted
+to secure liberty to the Spanish people, by endowing
+Spain with a free constitution. They succeeded for a
+moment, and that was all. The forms of constitutional
+government they could bestow; but they could not find
+the traditions and the habits, by which the forms are
+worked. They mimicked the voice of liberty; they
+copied her institutions; they aped her very gestures.
+And what then? At the first stroke of adverse fortune,
+their idol fell to pieces. Their constitutions were broken
+up, their assemblies dissolved, their enactments rescinded.
+The inevitable reaction quickly followed. After each
+disturbance, the hands of the government were strengthened,
+the principles of despotism were confirmed, and
+the Spanish liberals were taught to rue the day, in which
+they vainly endeavoured to impart freedom to their
+unhappy and ill-starred country.<a name="FNanchor_1491_1491" id="FNanchor_1491_1491"></a><a href="#Footnote_1491_1491" class="fnanchor">[1491]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[575]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>What makes these failures the more worthy of observation
+is, that the Spaniards did possess, at a very
+early period, municipal privileges and franchises, similar
+to those which we had in England, and to which our
+greatness is often ascribed. But such institutions, though
+they preserve freedom, can never create it. Spain had
+the form of liberty without its spirit; hence the form,
+promising as it was, soon died away. In England, the
+spirit preceded the form, and therefore the form was
+durable. Thus it is, that though the Spaniards could
+boast of free institutions a century before ourselves,
+they were unable to retain them, simply because they
+had the institutions and nothing more. We had no
+popular representation till 1264;<a name="FNanchor_1492_1492" id="FNanchor_1492_1492"></a><a href="#Footnote_1492_1492" class="fnanchor">[1492]</a> but in Castile they
+had it in 1169,<a name="FNanchor_1493_1493" id="FNanchor_1493_1493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1493_1493" class="fnanchor">[1493]</a> and in Aragon in 1133.<a name="FNanchor_1494_1494" id="FNanchor_1494_1494"></a><a href="#Footnote_1494_1494" class="fnanchor">[1494]</a> So, too,
+while the earliest charter was granted to an English
+town in the twelfth century,<a name="FNanchor_1495_1495" id="FNanchor_1495_1495"></a><a href="#Footnote_1495_1495" class="fnanchor">[1495]</a> we find, in Spain, a
+charter conferred on Leon as early as 1020; and in the
+course of the eleventh century the enfranchisement of
+towns was as secure as laws could make it.<a name="FNanchor_1496_1496" id="FNanchor_1496_1496"></a><a href="#Footnote_1496_1496" class="fnanchor">[1496]</a></p>
+
+<p>The fact, however, is, that in Spain these institutions,
+instead of growing out of the wants of the people
+originated in a stroke of policy on the part of their
+rulers. They were conceded to the citizens, rather
+than desired by them. For, during the war with the
+Mohammedans, the Christian kings of Spain, as they
+advanced southwards, were naturally anxious to induce
+their subjects to settle in the frontier towns, where they
+might face and repel the enemy. With this object they
+granted charters to the towns, and privileges to the
+inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_1497_1497" id="FNanchor_1497_1497"></a><a href="#Footnote_1497_1497" class="fnanchor">[1497]</a> And as the Mohammedans were gradually
+beaten back from the Asturias to Granada, the
+frontiers changed, and the franchises were extended to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[576]</a></span>
+the new conquests, in order that what was the post of
+danger, might also be the place of reward. But, meanwhile,
+those general causes, which I have indicated,
+were predetermining the nation to habits of loyalty and
+of superstition, which grew to a height fatal to the
+spirit of liberty. That being the case the institutions
+were of no avail. They took no root; and as they were
+originated by one political combination, they were destroyed
+by another. Before the close of the fourteenth
+century, the Spaniards were so firmly seated in the territories
+they had lately acquired that there was little
+danger of their being again expelled<a name="FNanchor_1498_1498" id="FNanchor_1498_1498"></a><a href="#Footnote_1498_1498" class="fnanchor">[1498]</a> while, on the
+other hand, there was no immediate prospect of their
+being able to push their conquests further, and drive
+the Mohammedans from the strongholds of Granada.
+The circumstances, therefore, which gave rise to the
+municipal privileges had changed; and as soon as this
+was apparent, the privileges began to perish. Being
+unsuited to the habits of the people, they were sure to
+fall, on the first opportunity.<a name="FNanchor_1499_1499" id="FNanchor_1499_1499"></a><a href="#Footnote_1499_1499" class="fnanchor">[1499]</a> Late in the fourteenth
+century, their decline was perceptible; by the close of
+the fifteenth century, they were almost extinct; and,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[577]</a></span>
+early in the sixteenth century, they were finally overthrown.<a name="FNanchor_1500_1500" id="FNanchor_1500_1500"></a><a href="#Footnote_1500_1500" class="fnanchor">[1500]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is thus that general causes eventually triumph
+over every obstacle. In the average of affairs, and on
+a comparison of long periods, they are irresistible.
+Their operation is often attacked, and occasionally, for
+a little time, stopped by politicians, who are always
+ready with their empirical and short-sighted remedies.
+But when the spirit of the age is against those
+remedies, they can at best only succeed for a moment;
+and after that moment has passed, a reaction sets in,
+and the penalty for violence has to be paid. Evidence
+of this will be found in the annals of every civilized
+country, by whoever will confront the history of legislation
+with the history of opinion. The fate of the
+Spanish towns has afforded us one good proof; the
+fate of the Spanish Church will supply us with
+another. For more than eighty years after the death of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[578]</a></span>
+Charles II. the rulers of Spain attempted to weaken
+the ecclesiastical power; and the end of all their efforts
+was, that even such an insignificant and incompetent
+king as Charles IV. was able, with the greatest ease,
+rapidly to undo what they had done. This is because,
+during the eighteenth century, while the clergy were
+assailed by law, they were favoured by opinion. The
+opinions of a people invariably depend on large
+general causes, which influence the whole country;
+but their laws are too often the work of a few powerful
+individuals, in opposition to the national will. When
+the legislators die, or lose office, there is always a
+chance of their successors holding opposite views, and
+subverting their plans. In the midst, however, of this
+play and fluctuation of political life, the general causes
+remain steady, though they are often kept out of
+sight, and do not become visible, until politicians, inclining
+to their side, bring them to the surface, and
+invest them with open and public authority.</p>
+
+<p>This is what Charles IV. did in Spain; and when
+he took measures to favour the Church, and to discourage
+free inquiry, he merely sanctioned those
+national habits which his predecessors had disregarded.
+The hold which the hierarchy of that country possess
+over public opinion has always been proverbial; but it
+is even greater than is commonly supposed. What it
+was in the seventeenth century, we have already seen;
+and in the eighteenth century, there were no signs of
+its diminution, except among a few bold men, who
+could effect nothing, while the popular voice was so
+strong against them. Early in the reign of Philip V.,
+Labat, who travelled in Spain, informs us, that when
+a priest performed mass, nobles of the highest rank
+deemed it an honour to help him to dress, and that they
+would go down on their knees to him, and kiss his
+hands.<a name="FNanchor_1501_1501" id="FNanchor_1501_1501"></a><a href="#Footnote_1501_1501" class="fnanchor">[1501]</a> When this was done by the proudest aristocracy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[579]</a></span>
+in Europe, we may suppose what the general
+feeling must have been. Indeed, Labat assures us,
+that a Spaniard would hardly be considered of
+sound faith, if he did not leave some portion of his
+property to the Church; so completely had respect for
+the hierarchy become an essential part of the national
+character.<a name="FNanchor_1502_1502" id="FNanchor_1502_1502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1502_1502" class="fnanchor">[1502]</a></p>
+
+<p>A still more curious instance was exhibited on the
+occasion of the expulsion of the Jesuits. That once
+useful, but now troublesome, body was, during the
+eighteenth century, what it is in the nineteenth&mdash;the
+obstinate enemy of progress and of toleration. The
+rulers of Spain, observing that it opposed all their
+schemes of reform, resolved to get rid of an obstacle,
+which met them at every turn. In France, the Jesuits
+had just been treated as a public nuisance, and suppressed
+at a blow, and without difficulty. The
+advisers of Charles III. saw no reason why so salutary
+a measure should not be imitated in their country; and,
+in 1767, they, following the example which had been
+set by the French in 1764, abolished this great mainstay
+of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_1503_1503" id="FNanchor_1503_1503"></a><a href="#Footnote_1503_1503" class="fnanchor">[1503]</a> Having done this, the government
+supposed that it had taken a decisive step
+towards weakening ecclesiastical power, particularly as
+the sovereign cordially approved of the proceeding.
+The year after this occurred, Charles III., according to
+his custom, appeared in the balcony of the palace, on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[580]</a></span>
+the festival of St. Charles, ready to grant any request
+which the people might make to him, and which
+usually consisted of a prayer for the dismissal of a
+minister, or for the repeal of a tax. On this occasion,
+however, the citizens of Madrid, instead of occupying
+themselves with such worldly matters, felt that still
+dearer interests were in peril; and, to the surprise and
+terror of the court, they demanded, with one voice,
+that the Jesuits should be allowed to return, and wear
+their usual dress, in order that Spain might be gladdened
+by the sight of these holy men.<a name="FNanchor_1504_1504" id="FNanchor_1504_1504"></a><a href="#Footnote_1504_1504" class="fnanchor">[1504]</a></p>
+
+<p>What can you do with a nation like this? What is
+the use of laws when the current of public opinion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[581]</a></span>
+thus sets in against them? In the face of such
+obstacles, the government of Charles III., notwithstanding
+its good intentions, was powerless. Indeed,
+it was worse than powerless: it did harm; for, by
+rousing popular sympathy in favour of the Church, it
+strengthened what it sought to weaken. On that
+cruel and persecuting Church, stained as it was with
+every sort of crime, the Spanish nation continued to
+bestow marks of affection, which, instead of being
+diminished, were increased. Gifts and legacies flowed
+in freely and from every side; men being willing to
+beggar themselves and their families, in order to swell
+the general contribution. And to such a height was
+this carried, that, in 1788, Florida Blanca, minister of
+the crown, stated that, within the last fifty years, the
+ecclesiastical revenues had increased so rapidly, that
+many of them had doubled in value.<a name="FNanchor_1505_1505" id="FNanchor_1505_1505"></a><a href="#Footnote_1505_1505" class="fnanchor">[1505]</a></p>
+
+<p>Even the Inquisition, the most barbarous institution
+which the wit of man has ever devised, was upheld by
+public opinion against the attacks of the crown. The
+Spanish government wished to overthrow it, and did
+everything to weaken it; but the Spanish people loved
+it as of old, and cherished it as their best protection
+against the inroads of heresy.<a name="FNanchor_1506_1506" id="FNanchor_1506_1506"></a><a href="#Footnote_1506_1506" class="fnanchor">[1506]</a> An illustration of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[582]</a></span>
+this was exhibited in 1778, when, on occasion of a
+heretic being sentenced by the Inquisition, several of
+the leading nobles attended as servants, being glad to
+have an opportunity of publicly displaying their obedience
+and docility to the Church.<a name="FNanchor_1507_1507" id="FNanchor_1507_1507"></a><a href="#Footnote_1507_1507" class="fnanchor">[1507]</a></p>
+
+<p>All these things were natural, and in order. They
+were the result of a long train of causes, the operation
+of which I have endeavoured to trace, during thirteen
+centuries, since the outbreak of the Arian war. Those
+causes forced the Spaniards to be superstitious, and it
+was idle mockery to seek to change their nature by
+legislation. The only remedy for superstition is knowledge.
+Nothing else can wipe out that plague-spot of
+the human mind. Without it, the leper remains unwashed,
+and the slave unfreed. It is to a knowledge
+of the laws and relations of things, that European civilization
+is owing; but it is precisely this in which Spain
+has always been deficient. And until that deficiency
+is remedied, until science, with her bold and inquisitive
+spirit, has established her right to investigate all subjects,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[583]</a></span>
+after her own fashion, and according to her own
+method, we may be assured that, in Spain, neither
+literature, nor universities, nor legislators, nor reformers
+of any kind, will ever be able to rescue the
+people from that helpless and benighted condition into
+which the course of affairs has plunged them.</p>
+
+<p>That no great political improvement, however plausible
+or attractive it may appear, can be productive of
+lasting benefit, unless it is preceded by a change in public
+opinion, and that every change of public opinion is
+preceded by changes in knowledge, are propositions
+which all history verifies, but which are particularly
+obvious in the history of Spain. The Spaniards have
+had everything except knowledge. They have had
+immense wealth, and fertile and well-peopled territories,
+in all parts of the globe. Their own country,
+washed by the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and
+possessed of excellent harbours, is admirably situated
+for the purposes of trade between Europe and America,
+being so placed as to command the commerce of both
+hemispheres.<a name="FNanchor_1508_1508" id="FNanchor_1508_1508"></a><a href="#Footnote_1508_1508" class="fnanchor">[1508]</a> They had, at a very early period,
+ample municipal privileges; they had independent
+parliaments; they had the right of choosing their own
+magistrates, and managing their own cities. They
+have had rich and flourishing towns, abundant manufactures,
+and skilful artizans, whose choice productions
+could secure a ready sale in every market in the world.
+They have cultivated the fine arts with eminent success;
+their noble and exquisite paintings, and their
+magnificent churches, being justly ranked among the
+most wonderful efforts of the human hand. They
+speak a beautiful, sonorous, and flexible language, and
+their literature is not unworthy of their language.
+Their soil yields treasures of every kind. It overflows<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[584]</a></span>
+with wine and oil, and produces the choicest fruits in
+an almost tropical exuberance.<a name="FNanchor_1509_1509" id="FNanchor_1509_1509"></a><a href="#Footnote_1509_1509" class="fnanchor">[1509]</a> It contains the most
+valuable minerals, in a profuse variety unexampled in
+any other part of Europe. No where else do we find
+such rare and costly marbles, so easily accessible, and
+in such close communication with the sea, where they
+might safely be shipped, and sent to countries which
+require them.<a name="FNanchor_1510_1510" id="FNanchor_1510_1510"></a><a href="#Footnote_1510_1510" class="fnanchor">[1510]</a> As to the metals, there is hardly one
+which Spain does not possess in large quantities. Her
+mines of silver and of quicksilver are well known.
+She abounds in copper,<a name="FNanchor_1511_1511" id="FNanchor_1511_1511"></a><a href="#Footnote_1511_1511" class="fnanchor">[1511]</a> and her supply of lead is
+enormous.<a name="FNanchor_1512_1512" id="FNanchor_1512_1512"></a><a href="#Footnote_1512_1512" class="fnanchor">[1512]</a> Iron and coal, the two most useful of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[585]</a></span>
+the productions of the inorganic world,<a name="FNanchor_1513_1513" id="FNanchor_1513_1513"></a><a href="#Footnote_1513_1513" class="fnanchor">[1513]</a> are also
+abundant in that highly favoured country. Iron is
+said to exist in every part of Spain, and to be of the
+best quality;<a name="FNanchor_1514_1514" id="FNanchor_1514_1514"></a><a href="#Footnote_1514_1514" class="fnanchor">[1514]</a> while the coal-mines of Asturias are
+described as inexhaustible.<a name="FNanchor_1515_1515" id="FNanchor_1515_1515"></a><a href="#Footnote_1515_1515" class="fnanchor">[1515]</a> In short, nature has
+been so prodigal of her bounty, that it has been
+observed, with hardly an hyperbole, that the Spanish
+nation possesses within itself nearly every natural production
+which can satisfy either the necessity or the
+curiosity of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_1516_1516" id="FNanchor_1516_1516"></a><a href="#Footnote_1516_1516" class="fnanchor">[1516]</a></p>
+
+<p>These are splendid gifts; it is for the historian to
+tell how they have been used. Certainly, the people
+who possess them have never been deficient in natural
+endowments. They have had their full share of great
+statesmen, great kings, great magistrates, and great
+legislators. They have had many able and vigorous
+rulers; and their history is ennobled by the frequent
+appearance of courageous and disinterested patriots,
+who have sacrificed their all, that they might help their
+country. The bravery of the people has never been
+disputed; while, as to the upper classes, the punctilious
+honour of a Spanish gentleman has passed into a bye-word,
+and circulated through the world. Of the nation
+generally, the best observers pronounce them to be
+high-minded, generous, truthful, full of integrity, warm<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[586]</a></span>
+and zealous friends, affectionate in all the private relations
+of life, frank, charitable, and humane.<a name="FNanchor_1517_1517" id="FNanchor_1517_1517"></a><a href="#Footnote_1517_1517" class="fnanchor">[1517]</a> Their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[587]</a></span>
+sincerity in religious matters is unquestionable;<a name="FNanchor_1518_1518" id="FNanchor_1518_1518"></a><a href="#Footnote_1518_1518" class="fnanchor">[1518]</a> they
+are, moreover, eminently temperate and frugal.<a name="FNanchor_1519_1519" id="FNanchor_1519_1519"></a><a href="#Footnote_1519_1519" class="fnanchor">[1519]</a> Yet,
+all these great qualities have availed them nothing, and
+will avail them nothing, so long as they remain ignorant.
+What the end of all this will be, and whether in their
+unhappy country the right path will ever be taken, is
+impossible for any one to say.<a name="FNanchor_1520_1520" id="FNanchor_1520_1520"></a><a href="#Footnote_1520_1520" class="fnanchor">[1520]</a> But if it is not taken,
+no amelioration which can possibly be effected will
+penetrate below the surface. The sole course is, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[588]</a></span>
+weaken the superstition of the people; and this can
+only be done by that march of physical science, which,
+familiarizing men with conceptions of order and of regularity,
+gradually encroaches on the old notions of perturbation,
+of prodigy, and of miracle, and by this means
+accustoms the mind to explain the vicissitudes of affairs
+by natural considerations, instead of, as heretofore, by
+those which are purely supernatural.</p>
+
+<p>To this, in the most advanced countries of Europe,
+every thing has been tending for nearly three centuries.
+But in Spain, unfortunately, education has always remained,
+and still remains, in the hands of the clergy,
+who steadily oppose that progress of knowledge, which
+they are well aware would be fatal to their own
+power.<a name="FNanchor_1521_1521" id="FNanchor_1521_1521"></a><a href="#Footnote_1521_1521" class="fnanchor">[1521]</a> The people, therefore, resting ignorant, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[589]</a></span>
+the causes which kept them in ignorance continuing,
+it avails the country nothing, that, from time to time,
+enlightened rulers have come forward, and liberal
+measures been adopted. The Spanish reformers have,
+with rare exceptions, eagerly attacked the Church,
+whose authority they clearly saw ought to be diminished.
+But what they did not see is, that such diminution can
+be of no real use unless it is the result of public opinion
+urging on politicians to the work. In Spain, politicians
+took the initiative, and the people lagged behind. Hence,
+in Spain, what was done at one time was sure to be undone
+at another. When the liberals were in power, they
+suppressed the Inquisition; but Ferdinand VII. easily
+restored it, because, though it had been destroyed by
+Spanish legislators, its existence was suited to the
+habits and traditions of the Spanish nation.<a name="FNanchor_1522_1522" id="FNanchor_1522_1522"></a><a href="#Footnote_1522_1522" class="fnanchor">[1522]</a> Fresh
+changes occurring, this odious tribunal was, in 1820,
+again abolished. Still, though its form is gone, its spirit
+lives.<a name="FNanchor_1523_1523" id="FNanchor_1523_1523"></a><a href="#Footnote_1523_1523" class="fnanchor">[1523]</a> The name, the body, and the visible appearance
+of the Inquisition, are no more; but the spirit which
+generated the Inquisition is enshrined in the hearts of
+the people, and, on slight provocation, would burst
+forth, and reinstate an institution which is the effect,
+far more than the cause, of the intolerant bigotry of the
+Spanish nation.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[590]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In the same way, other and more systematic attacks
+which were made on the Church, during the present
+century, succeeded at first, but were sure to be eventually
+baffled.<a name="FNanchor_1524_1524" id="FNanchor_1524_1524"></a><a href="#Footnote_1524_1524" class="fnanchor">[1524]</a> Under Joseph, in 1809, the monastic
+orders were suppressed, and their property was confiscated.<a name="FNanchor_1525_1525" id="FNanchor_1525_1525"></a><a href="#Footnote_1525_1525" class="fnanchor">[1525]</a>
+Little, however, did Spain gain by this.
+The nation was on their side;<a name="FNanchor_1526_1526" id="FNanchor_1526_1526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1526_1526" class="fnanchor">[1526]</a> and as soon as the
+storm passed away, they were restored. In 1836, there
+was another political movement, and the liberals being
+at the head of affairs, Mendizabal secularized all the
+Church property, and deprived the clergy of nearly the
+whole of their enormous and ill-gotten wealth.<a name="FNanchor_1527_1527" id="FNanchor_1527_1527"></a><a href="#Footnote_1527_1527" class="fnanchor">[1527]</a> He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[591]</a></span>
+did not know how foolish it is to attack an institution,
+unless you can first lessen its influence. Overrating the
+power of legislation, he underrated the power of opinion.
+This, the result clearly showed. Within a very few
+years, the reaction began. In 1845, was enacted what
+was called the law of devolution, by which the first step
+was taken towards the re-endowment of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_1528_1528" id="FNanchor_1528_1528"></a><a href="#Footnote_1528_1528" class="fnanchor">[1528]</a>
+In 1851, their position was still further improved by the
+celebrated Concordat, in which the right of acquiring,
+as well as of possessing, was solemnly confirmed to
+them.<a name="FNanchor_1529_1529" id="FNanchor_1529_1529"></a><a href="#Footnote_1529_1529" class="fnanchor">[1529]</a> With all this, the nation heartily concurred.<a name="FNanchor_1530_1530" id="FNanchor_1530_1530"></a><a href="#Footnote_1530_1530" class="fnanchor">[1530]</a>
+Such, however, was the madness of the liberal party,
+that, only four years afterwards, when they for a moment
+obtained power, they forcibly annulled these arrangements,
+and revoked concessions which had been made
+to the Church, and which, unhappily for Spain, public<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[592]</a></span>
+opinion had ratified.<a name="FNanchor_1531_1531" id="FNanchor_1531_1531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1531_1531" class="fnanchor">[1531]</a> The results might have been
+easily foreseen. In Aragon and in other parts of Spain,
+the people flew to arms; a Carlist insurrection broke
+out, and a cry ran through the country, that religion
+was in danger.<a name="FNanchor_1532_1532" id="FNanchor_1532_1532"></a><a href="#Footnote_1532_1532" class="fnanchor">[1532]</a> It is impossible to benefit such a
+nation as this. The reformers were, of course, overthrown,
+and by the autumn of 1856 their party was
+broken up. The political reaction now began, and advanced
+so rapidly, that, by the spring of 1857, the policy
+of the two preceding years was completely reversed.
+Those who idly thought that they could regenerate their
+country by laws, saw all their hopes confounded. A
+ministry was formed, whose measures were more in
+accordance with the national mind. In May 1857,
+Cortes assembled. The representatives of the people
+sanctioned the proceedings of the executive government,
+and, by their united authority, the worst provisions of
+the Concordat of 1851 were amply confirmed, the sale
+of Church property was forbidden, and all the limitations
+which had been set to the power of the bishops
+were at once removed.<a name="FNanchor_1533_1533" id="FNanchor_1533_1533"></a><a href="#Footnote_1533_1533" class="fnanchor">[1533]</a></p>
+
+<p>The reader will now be able to understand the real
+nature of Spanish civilization. He will see how,
+under the high-sounding names of loyalty and religion,
+lurk the deadly evils which those names have always
+concealed, but which it is the business of the historian
+to drag to light and expose. A blind spirit of
+reverence, taking the form of an unworthy and ignominious
+submission to the Crown and the Church, is the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[593]</a></span>
+capital and essential vice of the Spanish people. It is
+their sole national vice, and it has sufficed to ruin
+them. From it all nations have grievously suffered,
+and many still suffer. But nowhere in Europe, has this
+principle been so long supreme as in Spain. Therefore,
+nowhere else in Europe are the consequences so
+manifest and so fatal. The idea of liberty is extinct,
+if, indeed, in the true sense of the word, it ever can be
+said to have existed. Outbreaks, no doubt, there have
+been, and will be; but they are bursts of lawlessness,
+rather than of liberty. In the most civilized countries,
+the tendency always is, to obey even unjust laws, but
+while obeying them, to insist on their repeal. This is
+because we perceive that it is better to remove
+grievances than to resist them. While we submit to
+the particular hardship, we assail the system from
+which the hardship flows. For a nation to take this
+view, requires a certain reach of mind, which, in the
+darker periods of European history, was unattainable.
+Hence we find, that, in the middle ages, though
+tumults were incessant, rebellions were rare. But,
+since the sixteenth century, local insurrections, provoked
+by immediate injustice, are diminishing, and are
+being superseded by revolutions, which strike at once
+at the source from whence the injustice proceeds.
+There can be no doubt that this change is beneficial;
+partly because it is always good to rise from effects to
+causes, and partly because revolutions being less frequent
+than insurrections, the peace of society would be
+more rarely disturbed, if men confined themselves
+entirely to the larger remedy. At the same time, insurrections
+are generally wrong; revolutions are
+always right. An insurrection is too often the mad
+and passionate effort of ignorant persons, who are impatient
+under some immediate injury, and never stop
+to investigate its remote and general causes. But a
+revolution, when it is the work of the nation itself, is
+a splendid and imposing spectacle, because to the
+moral quality of indignation produced by the presence
+of evil, it adds the intellectual qualities of foresight
+and combination; and, uniting in the same act some of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[594]</a></span>
+the highest properties of our nature, it achieves a
+double purpose, not only punishing the oppressor, but
+also relieving the oppressed.</p>
+
+<p>In Spain, however, there never has been a revolution,
+properly so called; there never has even been one
+grand national rebellion. The people, though often
+lawless, are never free. Among them, we find still
+preserved that peculiar taint of barbarism, which makes
+men prefer occasional disobedience to systematic
+liberty. Certain feelings there are of our common
+nature, which even their slavish loyalty cannot eradicate,
+and which, from time to time, urge them to resist
+injustice. Such instincts are happily the inalienable
+lot of humanity, which we cannot forfeit, if we would,
+and which are too often the last resource against the
+extravagances of tyranny. And this is all that Spain
+now possesses. The Spaniards, therefore, resist, not
+because they are Spaniards, but because they are men.
+Still, even while they resist, they revere. While they
+will rise up against a vexatious impost, they crouch
+before a system, of which the impost is the smallest
+evil. They smite the tax-gatherer, but fall prostrate at
+the feet of the contemptible prince for whom the tax-gatherer
+plies his craft. They will even revile the
+troublesome and importunate monk, or sometimes they
+will scoff at the sleek and arrogant priest; while such
+is their infatuation, that they would risk their lives in
+defence of that cruel Church, which has inflicted on
+them hideous calamities, but to which they still cling,
+as if it were the dearest object of their affections.</p>
+
+<p>Connected with these habits of mind, and in sooth
+forming part of them, we find a reverence for antiquity,
+and an inordinate tenacity of old opinions, old beliefs,
+and old habits, which remind us of those tropical
+civilizations which formerly flourished. Such prejudices
+were once universal even in Europe; but they
+began to die out in the sixteenth century, and are
+now, comparatively speaking, extinct, except in Spain,
+where they have always been welcomed. In that
+country, they retain their original force, and produce
+their natural results. By encouraging the notion, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[595]</a></span>
+all the truths most important to know are already
+known, they repress those aspirations, and dull that
+generous confidence in the future, without which
+nothing really great can be achieved. A people who
+regard the past with too wistful an eye, will never
+bestir themselves to help the onward progress; they
+will hardly believe that progress is possible. To them,
+antiquity is synonymous with wisdom, and every improvement
+is a dangerous innovation. In this state,
+Europe lingered for many centuries; in this state,
+Spain still lingers. Hence the Spaniards are remarkable
+for an inertness, a want of buoyancy, and an
+absence of hope, which, in our busy and enterprizing
+age, isolate them from the rest of the civilized world.
+Believing that little can be done, they are in no hurry
+to do it. Believing that the knowledge they have
+inherited, is far greater than any they can obtain, they
+wish to preserve their intellectual possessions whole
+and unimpaired; inasmuch as the least alteration in
+them might lessen their value. Content with what
+has been already bequeathed, they are excluded from
+that great European movement, which, first clearly
+perceptible in the sixteenth century, has ever since
+been steadily advancing, unsettling old opinions,
+destroying old follies, reforming and improving on
+every side, influencing even such barbarous countries
+as Russia and Turkey; but leaving Spain unscathed.
+While the human intellect has been making the most
+prodigious and unheard-of strides, while discoveries in
+every quarter are simultaneously pressing upon us, and
+coming in such rapid and bewildering succession, that
+the strongest sight, dazzled by the glare of their
+splendour, is unable to contemplate them as a whole;
+while other discoveries still more important, and still
+more remote from ordinary experience, are manifestly
+approaching, and may be seen looming in the distance,
+whence they are now obscurely working on the advanced
+thinkers who are nearest to them, filling their
+minds with those ill-defined, restless, and almost
+uneasy, feelings, which are the invariable harbingers
+of future triumph; while the veil is being rudely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[596]</a></span>
+torn, and nature, violated at all points, is forced to disclose
+her secrets, and reveal her structure, her economy,
+and her laws, to the indomitable energy of man; while
+Europe is ringing with the noise of intellectual achievements,
+with which even despotic governments affect to
+sympathize, in order that they may divert them from
+their natural course, and use them as new instruments
+whereby to oppress yet more the liberties of the
+people; while, amidst this general din and excitement,
+the public mind, swayed to and fro, is tossed and
+agitated,&mdash;Spain sleeps on, untroubled, unheeding,
+impassive, receiving no impressions from the rest of
+the world, and making no impressions upon it. There
+she lies, at the further extremity of the Continent, a
+huge and torpid mass, the sole representative now remaining
+of the feelings and knowledge of the Middle
+Ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she is
+satisfied with her own condition. Though she is the
+most backward country in Europe, she believes herself
+to be the foremost. She is proud of every thing of
+which she should be ashamed. She is proud of the
+antiquity of her opinions; proud of her orthodoxy;
+proud of the strength of her faith; proud of her
+immeasurable and childish credulity; proud of her
+unwillingness to amend either her creed or her
+customs; proud of her hatred of heretics, and proud of
+the undying vigilance with which she has baffled their
+efforts to obtain a full and legal establishment on her
+soil.</p>
+
+<p>All these things conspiring together, produce, in
+their aggregate, that melancholy exhibition to which
+we give the collective name of Spain. The history
+of that single word is the history of nearly every
+vicissitude of which the human species is capable. It
+comprises the extremes of strength and of weakness,
+of unbounded wealth and of abject poverty. It is the
+history of the mixture of different races, languages,
+and bloods. It includes almost every political combination
+which the wit of man can devise; laws infinite
+in variety, as well as in number; constitutions of all
+kinds, from the most stringent to the most liberal.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[597]</a></span>
+Democracy, monarchy, government by priests, government
+by municipalities, government by nobles, government
+by representative bodies, government by natives,
+government by foreigners, have been tried, and tried
+in vain. Material appliances have been lavishly used;
+arts, inventions, and machines introduced from abroad,
+manufactures set up, communications opened, roads
+made, canals dug, mines worked, harbours formed.
+In a word, there has been every sort of alteration,
+except alterations of opinion; there has been every
+possible change, except changes in knowledge. And
+the result is, that in spite of the efforts of successive
+governments, in spite of the influence of foreign customs,
+and in spite of those physical ameliorations, which
+just touch the surface of society, but are unable
+to penetrate beneath, there are no signs of national
+progress; the priests are rather gaining ground than
+losing it; the slightest attack on the Church rouses the
+people; while, even the dissoluteness of the clergy,
+and the odious vices which, in the present century,
+have stained the throne, can do naught to lessen either
+the superstition or the loyalty which the accumulated
+force of many centuries has graven on the minds, and
+eaten into the hearts of the Spanish nation.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1164_1164" id="Footnote_1164_1164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1164_1164"><span class="label">[1164]</span></a> In the second chapter of the first volume of <i>Buckle's
+History of Civilization</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1165_1165" id="Footnote_1165_1165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1165_1165"><span class="label">[1165]</span></a> &lsquo;The low state of agriculture in Spain may be ascribed
+partly to physical and partly to moral causes. At the head of the former
+must be placed the heat of the climate and the aridity of the soil. Most
+part of the rivers with which the country is intersected run in deep
+beds, and are but little available except in a few favoured localities,
+for purposes of irrigation.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+Dictionary</i>, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 708. See also <i>Laborde's Spain</i>,
+London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v. p. 261. The relative aridity of
+the different parts is stated in <i>Cook's Spain</i>, London, 1834, vol. ii.
+pp. 216&ndash;219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1166_1166" id="Footnote_1166_1166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1166_1166"><span class="label">[1166]</span></a> On these droughts and famines, see <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, Madrid, 1794, vol. ii. p. 270, vol. iii. p. 225, vol. iv. p.
+32. <i>Conde</i>, <i>Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en España</i>, Paris,
+1840, pp. 142, 149, 154, 170. <i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de la Vida de Felipe
+Tercero</i>, Madrid, 1771, folio, lib. ii. p. 114. <i>Clarke's Letters
+concerning the Spanish Nation</i>, London, 1763, 4to. p. 282. <i>Udal ap
+Rhys' Tour through Spain</i>, London, 1760, pp. 292, 293. <i>Spain by an
+American</i>, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 282. <i>Hoskins' Spain</i>, London,
+1851, vol. i. pp. 127, 132, 152. &lsquo;España es castigada frecuentemente con
+las sequedades y faltas de lluvias.&rsquo; <i>Muriel</i>, <i>Gobierno de Carlos
+III.</i>, Madrid, 1839, p. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1167_1167" id="Footnote_1167_1167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1167_1167"><span class="label">[1167]</span></a> &lsquo;Añádase á todo esto las repetidas pestes, y mortales
+epidemias que han afligido á las provincias de España, mayormente á las
+meridionales que han sido las mas sujetas á estas plagas. De estas se
+hace mencion en los anales é historias muy freqüentemente; y en su
+confirmacion se puede leer el tratado histórico, ó <i>epidemiológia</i> que
+sobre ellas ha publicado Don Joachîn de Villalba, donde se verá con
+dolor y espanto con quanta freqüencia se repetian estos azotes desde
+mediados del siglo décimoquarto.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Dos exemplos bien recientes y
+dolorosos hemos visto, y conservaremos en la memoria, en los formidables
+estragos que acaban de padecer gran parte del reyno de Sevilla, Cádiz, y
+sus contornos, Málaga, Cartagena, y Alicante; sin contar la mortandad
+con que han afligido á la mayor parte de los pueblos de ámbas Castillas
+las epidemias de calenturas pútridas en el año pasado de 1805.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Por
+otra parte la fundacion de tantas capillas y procesiones á San Roque, y
+á San Sebastian, como abogados contre la peste, que todavía se conservan
+en la mayor parte de nuestras ciudades de España, son otro testimonio de
+los grandes y repetidos estragos que habian padecido sus pueblos de este
+azote. Y el gran número de médicos españoles que publicáron tratados
+preservativos y curativos de la peste en los reynados de Cárlos V.,
+Felipe II., Felipe III., y Felipe IV., confirman mas la verdad de los
+hechos.&rsquo; <i>Capmany</i>, <i>Qüestiones Criticas</i>, Madrid, 1807, pp. 51, 52; see
+also pp. 66, 67; and <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion Social de los Moriscos de
+España</i>, Madrid, 1857, pp. 106, 107; and the notice of Malaga in
+<i>Bourgoing</i>, <i>Tableau de l'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1808, vol. iii. p. 242.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1168_1168" id="Footnote_1168_1168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1168_1168"><span class="label">[1168]</span></a> &lsquo;Earthquakes are still often felt at Granada and along the
+coast of the province of Alicante, where their effects have been very
+disastrous. Much further in the interior, in the small Sierra del
+Tremédal, or district of Albarracia, in the province of Terruel,
+eruptions and shocks have been very frequent since the most remote
+periods; the black porphyry is there seen traversing the altered strata
+of the oolitic formation. The old inhabitants of the country speak of
+sinking of the ground and of the escape of sulphureous gases when they
+were young; these same phenomena have occurred during four consecutive
+months of the preceding winter, accompanied by earthquakes, which have
+caused considerable mischief to the buildings of seven villages situated
+within a radius of two leagues. They have not, however, been attended
+with any loss of life, on account of the inhabitants hastening to
+abandon their dwellings at the first indications of danger.&rsquo; <i>Ezquerra
+on the Geology of Spain</i>, in the <i>Quarterly Journal of the Geological
+Society of London</i>, vol. vi. pp. 412, 413, London, 1850. &lsquo;The provinces
+of Malaga, Murcia, and Granada, and, in Portugal, the country round
+Lisbon, are recorded at several periods to have been devastated, by
+great earthquakes.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, London, 1853, p.
+358. &lsquo;Los terremotos son tan sensibles y freqüentes en lo alto de las
+montañas, como en lo llano, pues Sevilla está sujeta á ellos hallándose
+situada sobre una llanura tan igual y baxa como Holanda.&rsquo; <i>Bowles</i>,
+<i>Introduccion à la Historia Natural de España</i>, Madrid, 1789, 4to, pp.
+90, 91. &lsquo;The littoral plains, especially about Cartagena and Alicante,
+are much subject to earthquakes.&rsquo; <i>Ford's Spain</i>, 1847, p. 168. &lsquo;This
+corner of Spain is the chief volcanic district of the Peninsula, which
+stretches from Cabo de Gata to near Cartagena; the earthquakes are very
+frequent.&rsquo; <i>Ford</i>, p. 174. &lsquo;Spain, including Portugal, in its external
+configuration, with its vast tableland of the two Castiles, rising
+nearly 2,000 feet above the sea, is perhaps the most interesting portion
+of Europe, not only in this respect, but as a region of earthquake
+disturbance, where the energy and destroying power of this agency have
+been more than once displayed upon the most tremendous scale.&rsquo; <i>Mallet's
+Earthquake Catalogue of the British Association</i>, Report for 1858, p. 9,
+London, 1858.</p>
+
+<p>I quote these passages at length, partly on account of their interest as
+physical truths, and partly because the facts stated in them are
+essential for a right understanding of the history of Spain. Their
+influence on the Spanish character was pointed out, for I believe the
+first time, in my <i>History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. pp. 123, 124. On
+that occasion, I adduced no evidence to prove the frequency of
+earthquakes in the Peninsula, because I supposed that all persons
+moderately acquainted with the physical history of the earth were aware
+of the circumstance. But, in April 1858, a criticism of my book appeared
+in the <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, in which the serious blunders which I am said
+to have committed are unsparingly exposed. In p. 468 of that Review, the
+critic, after warning his readers against my &lsquo;inaccuracies,&rsquo; observes,
+&lsquo;But Mr. Buckle goes on to state that &ldquo;earthquakes and volcanic
+eruptions are more frequent and more destructive in Italy, and in the
+Spanish and Portuguese peninsula, than in any other of the great
+countries.&rdquo; Whence he infers, by a singular process of reasoning, that
+superstition is more rife, and the clergy more powerful; but that the
+fine arts flourish, poetry is cultivated, and the sciences neglected.
+Every link in this chain is more or less faulty. There is no volcano in
+the Spanish peninsula, and the only earthquake known to have occurred
+there was that of Lisbon.&rsquo; Now, I have certainly no right to expect that
+a reviewer, composing a popular article for an immediate purpose, and
+knowing that when his article is read, it will be thrown aside and
+forgotten, should, under such unfavourable circumstances, be at the
+pains of mastering all the details of his subject. To look for this
+would be the height of injustice. He has no interest in being accurate;
+his name being concealed, his reputation, if he have any, is not at
+stake; and the errors into which he falls ought to be regarded with
+leniency, inasmuch as their vehicle being an ephemeral publication, they
+are not likely to be remembered, and they are therefore not likely to
+work much mischief.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations have always prevented me from offering any reply to
+anonymous criticisms. But the passage in the <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, to
+which I have called attention, displays such marvellous ignorance, that
+I wish to rescue it from oblivion, and to put it on record as a literary
+curiosity. The other charges brought against me could, I need hardly
+say, be refuted with equal ease. Indeed, no reasonable person can
+possibly suppose that, after years of arduous and uninterrupted study, I
+should have committed those childish blunders with which my opponents
+unscrupulously taunt me. Once for all, I may say that I have made no
+assertion for the truth of which I do not possess ample and irrefragable
+evidence. But it is impossible for me to arrange and adduce all the
+proofs at the same time; and, in so vast an enterprise, I must in some
+degree rely, not on the generosity of the reader, but on his candour. I
+do not think that I am asking too much in requesting him, if on any
+future occasion his judgment should be in suspense between me and my
+critics, to give me the benefit of the doubt, and to bear in mind that
+statements embodied in a deliberate and slowly-concocted work,
+authenticated by the author's name, are, as a mere matter of antecedent
+probability, more likely to be accurate than statements made in reviews
+and newspapers, which, besides being written hastily, and often at very
+short notice, are unsigned, and by which, consequently, their
+promulgators evade all responsibility, avoid all risk, and can, in their
+own persons, neither gain fame nor incur obloquy.</p>
+
+<p>The simple fact is, that in Spain there have been more earthquakes than
+in all other parts of Europe put together, Italy excepted. If the
+destruction of property and of life produced by this one cause were
+summed up, the results would be appalling. When we moreover add those
+alarming shocks, which, though less destructive, are far more frequent,
+and of which not scores, nor hundreds, but thousands have occurred, and
+which by increasing the total amount of fear, have to an incalculable
+extent promoted the growth of superstition, it is evident that such
+phenomena must have played an important part in
+forming the national character of the Spaniards. Whoever will take the
+trouble of consulting the following passages will find decisive proofs
+of the frightful ravages committed by earthquakes in Spain alone;
+Portugal being excluded. They all refer to a period of less than two
+hundred years; the first being in 1639, and the last in 1829. <i>Lettres
+de Madame de Villars, Ambassadrice en Espagne</i>, Amsterdam, 1759, p. 205.
+<i>Laborde's Spain</i>, London, 1809, vol. i. p. 169. <i>Dunlop's Memoirs of
+Spain</i>, Edinburgh, 1834, vol. ii. pp. 226, 227. <i>Boisel</i>, <i>Journal du
+Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1669, 4to, p. 243. <i>Mallet's Earthquake
+Catalogue of the British Association</i>, London, 1858; Report for 1853, p.
+146; for 1854, pp. 26, 27, 54, 55, 57, 58, 65, 110, 140, 173, 196, 202.
+<i>Swinburne's Travels through Spain</i>, London, 1787, vol. i. p. 166.
+<i>Ford's Spain</i>, London, 1847, p. 178. <i>Bacon's Six Years in Biscay</i>,
+London, 1838, p. 32, compared with <i>Inglis' Spain</i>, London, 1831, vol.
+i. p. 393, vol. ii. p. 289&ndash;291.</p>
+
+<p>These authorities narrate the ravages committed during a hundred and
+ninety years. From their account it is manifest, that in Spain hardly a
+generation passed by without castles, villages, and towns being
+destroyed, and men, women, or children killed by earthquakes. But
+according to our anonymous instructor, it is doubtful if there ever was
+an earthquake in Spain; for he says of the whole Peninsula, including
+Portugal, &lsquo;the only earthquake known to have occurred there was that of
+Lisbon.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1169_1169" id="Footnote_1169_1169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1169_1169"><span class="label">[1169]</span></a> On the superstitious fears caused by earthquakes in Spain,
+see a good passage in <i>Conde</i>, <i> Historia de la Dominacion de los
+Arabes</i>, p. 155. &lsquo;En el año 267, dia jeuves, 22 de la luna de Xawâl,
+tembló la tierra con tan espantoso ruido y estremecimiento, que cayeron
+muchos alcazares y magnificos edificios, y otros quedaron muy
+quebrantados, se hundieron montes, se abrieron peñascos, y la tierra se
+hundió y tragó pueblos y alturas, el mar se retrajo y apartó de las
+costas, y desaparecieron islas y escollos en el mar. Las gentes
+abandonaban los pueblos y huian á los campos,
+las aves salian de sus nidos, y las fieras
+espantadas dejaban sus grutas y madrigueras con general turbacion y
+trastorno; nunca los hombres vieron ni oyeron cosa semejante; se
+arruinaron muchos pueblos de la costa meridional y occidental de España.
+Todas estas cosas influyeron tanto en los animos de los hombres, y en
+especial en la ignorante multitud, que no pudo Almondhir persuadirles
+que eran cosas naturales, aunque poco frecüentes, que no tenían influjo
+ni relacion con las obras de los hombres, ni con sus
+empresas, sino por su ignorancia y vanos temores, que lo mismo temblaba
+la tierra para los muslimes que para los cristianos, para las fieras que
+para las inocentes criaturas.&rsquo; Compare <i>Geddes' Tracts concerning
+Spain</i>, London, 1730, vol. i. p. 89; and Mariana, who, under the year
+1395, says (<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. v. p. 27): &lsquo;Tembló la tierra en
+Valencia mediado el mes de Diciembre, con que muchos edificios cayéron
+por tierra, otros quedaron desplomados; que era maravilla y lástima. El
+pueblo, <i>como agorero que es, pensaba eran señales del cielo</i> y
+pronosticos de los daños que temian.&rsquo; The
+history of Spain abounds with similar instances far too numerous to
+quote or even to refer to. But the subject is so important and has been
+so misrepresented, that, even at the risk of wearying the reader, I will
+give one more illustration of the use of earthquakes in fostering
+Spanish superstition. In 1504 &lsquo;an earthquake, accompanied by a
+tremendous hurricane, such as the oldest men did not remember, had
+visited Andalusia, and especially Carmona, a place belonging to the
+Queen, and occasioned frightful desolation there.&rsquo; The superstitious
+Spaniards now read in these portents <i>the prophetic signs by which
+Heaven announces some great calamity. Prayers were put up in every
+temple,</i> &amp;c. &amp;c. <i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, Paris,
+1842, vol. iii. p. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1170_1170" id="Footnote_1170_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170_1170"><span class="label">[1170]</span></a> <i>Buckle's History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. p. 43. See also
+<i>Laborde's Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1171_1171" id="Footnote_1171_1171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1171_1171"><span class="label">[1171]</span></a> A writer early in the eighteenth century notices &lsquo;el gran
+numero de pastores que hay.&rsquo; <i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica y Practica de
+Comercio</i>, 3rd ed. Madrid, 1757, folio p. 20. As to the Arabic period,
+see <i>Conde</i>, <i>Historia de la Dominacion</i>, p. 244: &lsquo;Muchos pueblos,
+siguiendo su natural inclinacion, se entregaron á la ganaderia.&rsquo; Hence &lsquo;the wandering life so congenial to the
+habits of the Spanish peasantry,&rsquo; noticed in <i>Cook's Spain</i>, vol. i. p.
+85, where, however, the connexion between this and the physical
+constitution of the country is not indicated. The solution is given by
+Mr. Ticknor with his usual accuracy and penetration: &lsquo;The climate and
+condition of the Peninsula, which from a very remote period had favoured
+the shepherd's life and his pursuits, facilitated, no doubt, if they did
+not occasion, the first introduction into Spanish poetry of a pastoral
+tone, whose echoes are heard far back among the old ballads.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;From
+the Middle Ages the occupations of a shepherd's life had prevailed in
+Spain and Portugal to a greater extent than elsewhere in Europe; and,
+probably, in consequence of this circumstance, eclogues and bucolics
+were early known in the poetry of both countries, and became connected
+in both with the origin of the popular drama.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of
+Spanish Literature</i>, London, 1849, vol. iii. pp. 9, 36. On the pastoral
+literature of Spain, see <i>Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature</i>,
+London, 1823, vol. i. pp. 123&ndash;129; and on the great number of pastoral
+romances, <i>Southey's Letters from Spain</i>, Bristol, 1799, p. 336. But
+these writers, not seizing the whole question, have failed to observe
+the relation between the literary, physical, and social phenomena.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1172_1172" id="Footnote_1172_1172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1172_1172"><span class="label">[1172]</span></a> See the memoir by Jovellanos, in <i>Laborde's Spain</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 127. This was the necessary consequence of those vindictive
+attacks by which, for several centuries, both Mohammedans and Christians
+seemed resolved to turn Spain into a desert; ravaging each other's
+fields, and destroying every crop they could meet with. <i>Conde</i>,
+<i>Dominacion de los Arabes</i>, pp. 75, 188, 278, 346, 396, 417, 418, 471,
+499, 500, 505, 523, 539, 544, 551, 578, 645, 651, 658. To quote one of
+these instances, late in the eleventh century: &lsquo;La constancia de Alfonso
+ben Ferdeland en hacer entradas y talas en tierra de Toledo dos veces
+cada año, fué tanta que empobreció y apuró los pueblos;&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;el tirano
+Alfonso taló y quemó los campos y los pueblos.&rsquo; <i>Conde</i>, p. 346. As such
+havoc, which was continued with few interruptions for about seven
+hundred years, has done much towards forming the national character of
+the Spaniards, it may be worth while to refer to <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. iii. p. 438, vol. iv. pp. 193, 314, vol. v. pp. 92, 317,
+337; and to <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1846,
+vol. i. p. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1173_1173" id="Footnote_1173_1173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1173_1173"><span class="label">[1173]</span></a> The unsettled chronology of the early history of Spain
+appears from the different statements of various writers respecting the
+duration of Arianism, a point of much more importance than the death and
+accession of kings. Antequera (<i>Historia de la Legislacion Española</i>,
+Madrid, 1849, p. 37) says, &lsquo;La secta Arriana, pues, segun las epocas
+fijadas, permaneció en España 125 años;&rsquo; Fleury (<i>Histoire
+Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. vii. p. 586, Paris, 1758) says &lsquo;environ 180 ans;&rsquo;
+and M'Crie, generally well informed, says in his <i>History of the
+Reformation in Spain</i>, Edinburgh, 1829, p. 7, &lsquo;Arianism was the
+prevailing and established creed of the country for nearly two
+centuries:&rsquo; for this, he refers to Gregory of Tours. With good reason,
+therefore, does M. Fauriel term it &lsquo;une question qui souffre des
+difficultés.&rsquo; See his able work, <i>Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale</i>,
+Paris, 1836, vol. i. p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1174_1174" id="Footnote_1174_1174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1174_1174"><span class="label">[1174]</span></a> In 496, the orthodox clergy looked on Clovis as &lsquo;un
+champion qu'il peut opposer aux hérétiques visigoths et burgondes.&rsquo;
+<i>Fauriel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale</i>, vol. ii. p. 41. They also
+likened him to Gideon, p. 66. Compare <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire
+Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. vii. pp. 89, 90. Ortiz is so enthusiastic that he
+forgets his patriotism, and warmly praises the ferocious barbarian who
+made war, indeed, on his country, but still whose speculative opinions
+were supposed to be sound. &lsquo;Mientras Alarico desfogaba su encono contra
+los Católicos, tuvo la Iglesia Galicana el consuelo de ver Católico á su
+gran Rey Clodoveo. Era el único Monarca del mundo que á la sazón
+profesaba la Religion verdadera.&rsquo; <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio de la Historia de
+España</i>, vol. ii. p. 96, Madrid, 1796.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1175_1175" id="Footnote_1175_1175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1175_1175"><span class="label">[1175]</span></a> Thus, in 531, Childebert marched against the Visigoths,
+because they were Arians. <i>Fauriel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 131; and in 542, Childebert and Clotaire made another attack,
+and laid siege to Saragossa, p. 142. &lsquo;No advertian los Godos lo que su
+falsa creencia les perjudicaba, y si lo advertian, su obcecacion les
+hacia no poner remedio. Los reyes francos, que eran católicos, les
+movian guerras en las Galias por arrianos, y los obispos católicos de la
+misma Galia gótica deseaban la dominacion de los francos.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>,
+<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. p. 380, Madrid, 1850.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1176_1176" id="Footnote_1176_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176_1176"><span class="label">[1176]</span></a> &lsquo;Los Francos por el amor que tenian á la Religion
+Cathólica, que poco antes abrazaran, aborrecian á los Visigodos como
+gente inficionada de la secta Arriana.&rsquo; <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 43. And of one of their great battles he says, p. 46,
+&lsquo;vulgarmente se llamó el campo Arriano por causa de la religion que los
+Godos seguian.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1177_1177" id="Footnote_1177_1177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1177_1177"><span class="label">[1177]</span></a> &lsquo;En religion et en croyance, comme en toute chose, les
+Visigoths se montrèrent plus sérieux, plus profonds, plus tenaces que
+les Burgondes. J'ai dit ailleurs comment ils étaient devenus presque en
+même temps chrétiens et ariens. Transplantés en Gaule et en Espagne,
+non-seulement ils avaient persévéré dans leur hérésie; ils s'y étaient
+affermis, affectionnés, et dans le peu que l'histoire laisse apercevoir
+de leur clergé, on s'assure qu'il était austère, zélé, et qu'il exerçait
+un grand empire sur les chefs comme sur la masse de la nation
+visigothe.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Les rois visigoths se croyaient obligés à de grandes
+démonstrations de respect pour leur clergé arien.&rsquo; <i>Fauriel</i>, <i>Histoire
+de la Gaule Méridionale</i>, vol. i. pp. 577, 578.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1178_1178" id="Footnote_1178_1178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1178_1178"><span class="label">[1178]</span></a> The abjuration of Recared took place between the years 586
+and 589. <i>Dunham's History of Spain and Portugal</i>, London, 1832, vol. i.
+pp. 126&ndash;128. <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. pp. 99&ndash;101.
+<i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio de la Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. p. 120.
+<i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. pp. 360&ndash;363; and says
+Lafuente, p. 384, &lsquo;Recaredo fué el primero que con todo el ardor de un
+neófito, comenzó en el tercer concilio toledano à dar a estas asambleas
+conocimiento y decision en negocios pertenecientes al gobierno temporal
+de los pueblos.&rsquo; Similarly, Antequera (<i>Historia de la Legislación</i>, p.
+31) is happy to observe that &lsquo;Recaredo abjuró la heregia arriana, abrazó
+decididamente la religion de Jesu-Cristo, <i>y concedió à los ministros de
+la Iglesia una influencia en el gobierno del Estado, que vino à ser en
+adelante, ilimitada y absoluta</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1179_1179" id="Footnote_1179_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179_1179"><span class="label">[1179]</span></a> &lsquo;As for the councils held under the Visigoth kings of
+Spain during the seventh century, it is not easy to determine whether
+they are to be considered as ecclesiastical or temporal assemblies. No
+kingdom was so thoroughly under the bondage of the hierarchy as Spain.&rsquo;
+<i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, edit. 1846, vol. i. p. 511. &lsquo;Les prêtres étaient
+les seuls qui avaient conservé et même augmenté leur influence dans la
+monarchie goth-espagnole.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne</i>,
+Bordeaux, 1815, p. 19. Compare <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 368, on &lsquo;la influencia y preponderancia del clero, no ya solo en
+los negocios eclesiásticos, sino tambien en los políticos y de estado.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1180_1180" id="Footnote_1180_1180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1180_1180"><span class="label">[1180]</span></a> &lsquo;But it is in Spain, after the Visigoths had cast off
+their Arianism, that the bishops more manifestly influence the whole
+character of the legislation. The synods of Toledo were not merely
+national councils, but parliaments of the realm.&rsquo; <i>Milman's History of
+Latin Christianity</i>, London, 1854, vol. i. p. 380. See also <i>Antequera</i>,
+<i>Historia de la Legislación Española</i>, pp. 41, 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1181_1181" id="Footnote_1181_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181_1181"><span class="label">[1181]</span></a> In 633, at a council of Toledo, the king &lsquo;s'étant
+prosterné á terre devant les évêques.&rsquo; <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire
+Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. viii. p. 308, Paris, 1758.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1182_1182" id="Footnote_1182_1182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1182_1182"><span class="label">[1182]</span></a> In 688, at a council of Toledo, &lsquo;le roi Egica y étoit en
+personne; et après s'être prosterné devant les évêques, <i>suivant la
+coutume</i>, il fit lire un mémoire où il leur demandoit conseil,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. ix. p. 89, Paris, 1758.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1183_1183" id="Footnote_1183_1183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1183_1183"><span class="label">[1183]</span></a> See a short but admirable summary of this part of the
+Visigothic code in <i>Dunham's History of Spain</i>, vol. iv. pp. 77, 78;
+perhaps the best history in the English language of a foreign modern
+country. &lsquo;In Spain, the bishops had a special charge to keep continual
+watch over the administration of justice, and were summoned on all great
+occasions to instruct the judges to act with piety and justice.&rsquo;
+<i>Milman's History of Latin Christianity</i>, 1854, vol. i. p. 386. The
+council of Toledo, in 633, directs bishops to admonish judges. <i>Fleury</i>,
+<i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. viii. p. 313; and a learned Spanish
+lawyer, Sempere, says of the bishops, &lsquo;Le code du <i>Fuero Juzgo</i> fut leur
+ouvrage; les juges étaient sujets à leur juridiction; les plaideurs,
+grevés par la sentence des juges, pouvaient se plaindre aux évêques, et
+ceux-ci évoquer ainsi leurs arrêts, les réformer, et châtier les
+magistrats. Les procureurs du roi, comme les juges, étaient obligés de
+se présenter aux synodes diocésains annuels, pour apprendre des
+ecclésiastiques l'administration de la justice; enfin le gouvernement
+des Goths n'était qu'une monarchie théocratique.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie
+Espagnole</i>, Paris, 1826, vol. i. p. 6, vol. ii. pp. 212&ndash;214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1184_1184" id="Footnote_1184_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184_1184"><span class="label">[1184]</span></a> &lsquo;The terrible laws against heresy, and the atrocious
+juridical persecutions of the Jews, already designate Spain as the
+throne and centre of merciless bigotry.&rsquo; <i>Milman's History of Latin
+Christianity</i>, vol. i. p. 381. &lsquo;Tan luego como la religion católica se
+halló dominando en el trono y en el pueblo, comenzaron los concilianos
+toledanos á dictar disposiciones canónicas y á prescribir castigos
+contra los idolatras, contra los judios, y contra los hereges.&rsquo;
+<i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ix. pp. 199&ndash;200. See also p. 214,
+and vol. ii. pp. 406, 407, 451. <i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and
+Isabella</i>, vol. i. pp. 235, 236. <i>Johnston's Institutes of the Civil Law
+of Spain</i>, p. 262. <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 260, 261; and <i>Southey's Chronicle of the Cid</i>, p. 18. I
+particularly indicate these passages, on account of the extraordinary
+assertion of Dr. M'Crie, that &lsquo;on a review of criminal proceedings in
+Spain anterior to the establishment of the court of Inquisition, it
+appears in general that heretics were more mildly treated there than in
+other countries.&rsquo; <i>M'Crie's</i> <i>History of the Reformation in Spain</i>, p.
+83, the best book on the Spanish Protestants.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1185_1185" id="Footnote_1185_1185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1185_1185"><span class="label">[1185]</span></a> A council of Toledo in 638 orders, &lsquo;qu'à l'avenir aucun
+roi ne montera sur le trône qu'il ne promette de conserver la foi
+catholique;&rsquo; and at another council in 681, &lsquo;le roi y présenta un écrit
+par lequel il prioit les évêques de lui assurer le royaume, qu'il tenoit
+de leurs suffrages.&rsquo; <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. viii. p.
+339, vol. ix. p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1186_1186" id="Footnote_1186_1186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1186_1186"><span class="label">[1186]</span></a> Those happy times have received the warm applause of a
+modern theologian, because in them the church, &lsquo;ha opuesto un muro de
+bronce al error;&rsquo; and because there existed &lsquo;la mas estrecha concordia
+entre el imperio y el sacerdocio, por cuyo inestimable beneficio debemos
+hacer incesantes votos.&rsquo; <i>Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir
+de la Iglesia en España</i>, <i>por Domingo Costa y Borras</i>, <i>Obispo de
+Barcelona</i>, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 73, 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1187_1187" id="Footnote_1187_1187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1187_1187"><span class="label">[1187]</span></a> To which they fled with a speed which caused their great
+enemy, Muza, to pass upon them a somewhat ambiguous eulogy. &lsquo;Dijo, son
+leones en sus castillos, aguilas en sus caballos, y mugeres en sus
+escuadrones de á pié; pero si ven la ocasion la saben aprovechar, y
+cuando quedan vencidos son cabras en escapar á los montes, que no ven la
+tierra que pisan.&rsquo; <i>Conde</i>, <i>Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes</i>,
+p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1188_1188" id="Footnote_1188_1188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1188_1188"><span class="label">[1188]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i.
+pp. xxxviii. 287. Lafuente (<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. iii. p. 363)
+marks the epoch rather indistinctly, &lsquo;basta ya el Duero.&rsquo; Compare
+<i>Florez</i>, <i>Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas</i>, Madrid, 4to, 1761, vol.
+i. p. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1189_1189" id="Footnote_1189_1189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1189_1189"><span class="label">[1189]</span></a> There is a spirited account of its capture in <i>Mariana's
+Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. pp. 506&ndash;513; after which Ortiz (<i>Compendio
+de la Historia</i>, vol. iii. p. 156) and Lafuente (<i>Historia General</i>,
+vol. iv. pp. 236&ndash;242) are rather tame. The Mohammedan view of this, the
+first decisive blow to their cause, will be found in <i>Conde</i>, <i>Historia
+de la Dominacion de los Arabes</i>, p. 347. &lsquo;Asi se perdió aquella ínclita
+ciudad, y acabó el reino de Toledo con grave pérdida del Islam.&rsquo; The
+Christian view is that &lsquo;concedió Dios al Rey la conquista de aquella
+capital.&rsquo; <i>Florez</i>, <i>Reynas Catholicas</i>, vol. i. p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1190_1190" id="Footnote_1190_1190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1190_1190"><span class="label">[1190]</span></a> <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes</i>, vol. i. pp. 313, 349.
+<i>Conde</i>, <i>Dominacion de los Arabes</i>, pp. 656, 664. <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>,
+vol. v. pp. 509, 561. <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia</i>, vol. ix.
+pp. 341, 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1191_1191" id="Footnote_1191_1191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1191_1191"><span class="label">[1191]</span></a> &lsquo;According to the magnificent style of the Spanish
+historians, eight centuries of almost uninterrupted warfare elapsed, and
+three thousand seven hundred battles were fought, before the last of the
+Moorish kingdoms in Spain submitted to the Christian arms.&rsquo; <i>Robertson's
+Charles V.</i> by Prescott, London, 1857, p. 65. &lsquo;En nuestra misma España,
+en Leon y Castilla, en esta nueva Tierra Santa, donde se sostenia una
+cruzada perpétua y constante contra los infieles, donde se mantenía en
+todo su fervor el espiritu á la vez religioso y guerrero.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>,
+<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. v. p. 293. &lsquo;Era España theatro de una
+continua guerra contra los enemigos de la Fe.&rsquo; <i>Florez</i>, <i>Reynas
+Catholicas</i>, vol. i. p. 226. &lsquo;El glorioso empeño de exterminar á los
+enemigos de la Fe.&rsquo; p. 453. &lsquo;Esta guerra sagrada.&rsquo; Vol. ii. p. 800. &lsquo;Se
+armaron nuestros Reyes Cathólicos, con zelo y animo alentado del cielo;
+y como la causa era de Religion para ensanchar los Dominios de la Fe,
+sacrificaron todas las fuerzas del Reyno, y sus mismas personas.&rsquo; p.
+801. What was called the Indulgence of the Crusade was granted by the
+Popes &lsquo;aux Espagnols qui combattoient contre les Mores.&rsquo; <i>Fleury</i>,
+<i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. xviii. p. xxi., vol. xix. pp. 158, 458,
+vol. xxi. p. 171.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1192_1192" id="Footnote_1192_1192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1192_1192"><span class="label">[1192]</span></a> &lsquo;En aquellos tiempos [y duró hasta todo el siglo xv. y toma
+de Granada] eran los obispos los primeros capitanes de los exércitos.&rsquo;
+<i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. iii. p. 189. &lsquo;Los prelados habían sido
+siempre los primeros no solo en promover la guerra contra Moros, sino á
+presentarse en campaña con todo su poder y esfuerzo, animando á los
+demas con las palabras y el exemplo.&rsquo; Vol. v. pp. 507, 508.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1193_1193" id="Footnote_1193_1193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1193_1193"><span class="label">[1193]</span></a> <i>History of Civilization</i>, vol. i. pp. 121&ndash;130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1194_1194" id="Footnote_1194_1194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1194_1194"><span class="label">[1194]</span></a> &lsquo;Les chrétiens avoient apporté dans les Asturies une arche
+ou coffre plein de reliques, qu&lsquo;ils regardèrent depuis comme la
+sauve-garde de leur état.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Elle fut emportée et mise enfin à
+Oviedo, comme le lieu le plus sûr entre ces montagnes, Père
+773, l'an 775.&rsquo; <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. ix. p. 190.
+This &lsquo;arca llena de reliquias&rsquo; was taken to the Asturias in 714.
+<i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. p. 227; and, according to
+Ortiz (<i>Compendio</i>, vol. ii. p. 182), it was &lsquo;un tesoro inestimable de
+sagradas reliquias.&rsquo; See also <i>Geddes' Tracts concerning Spain</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 237, London, 1730; and <i>Ford's Spain</i>, 1847, p. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1195_1195" id="Footnote_1195_1195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1195_1195"><span class="label">[1195]</span></a> &lsquo;But no people ever felt themselves to be so absolutely
+soldiers of the cross as the Spaniards did, from the time of their
+Moorish wars; no people ever trusted so constantly to the recurrence of
+miracles in the affairs of their daily life; and therefore no people
+ever talked of Divine things as of matters in their nature so familiar
+and common-place. Traces of this state of feeling and character are to
+be found in Spanish literature on all sides.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of
+Spanish Literature</i>, vol. ii. p. 333. Compare <i>Bouterwek's History of
+Spanish Literature</i>, vol. i. pp. 105, 106; and the account of the battle
+of las Navas in <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne</i>, vol. i. p.
+153: &lsquo;On voulait trouver partout des miracles.&rsquo; Some of the most
+startling of these miracles may be found in <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. v. p. 227; in <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 378, 395, vol. iii. p. 338; and in <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 248, vol. iv. p. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1196_1196" id="Footnote_1196_1196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1196_1196"><span class="label">[1196]</span></a> One of the most curious of these prophetic dreams is
+preserved in <i>Conde</i>, <i>Dominación de los Arabes</i>, pp. 378, 379, with its
+interpretation by the theologians. They were for the most part
+fulfilled. In 844 &lsquo;El Apóstol Santiago, según que lo prometiera al Rey,
+fué visto en un caballo blanco, y con una bandera blanca y en medio
+della una cruz roxa, que capitaneaba nuestra gente.&rsquo; <i>Mariana</i>,
+<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311. In 957 &lsquo;El Apóstol Santiago
+fué visto entre las hacas dar la victoria à los fieles,&rsquo; p. 382. In 1236
+&lsquo;Publicóse por cierto que San Jorge ayudó á los Christianos, y que se
+halló en la pelea.&rsquo; Vol. iii. p. 323. On the dreams which foreshadowed
+these appearances, see <i>Mariana</i>, vol. ii. pp. 309, 446, vol. iii. pp.
+15, 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1197_1197" id="Footnote_1197_1197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1197_1197"><span class="label">[1197]</span></a> &lsquo;Priests mingle in the council and the camp, and, arrayed
+in their sacerdotal robes, not unfrequently led the armies to battle.
+They interpreted the will of Heaven as mysteriously revealed in dreams
+and visions. Miracles were a familiar occurrence. The violated tombs of
+the saints sent forth thunders and lightnings to consume the invaders.&rsquo;
+<i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i. p. 39. In the
+middle of the ninth century, there happened the following event: &lsquo;En lo
+mas cruel de los tormentos&rsquo; [to which the Christians were exposed]
+&lsquo;subió Abderramen un dia á las azuteas ó galerias de su Palacio.
+Descubrió desde alli los cuerpos de los Santos martirizados en los
+patíbulos y atravesados con los palos, mandó los quemasen todos para que
+no quedase reliquia. Cumplióse luego la órden: pero aquel impio probó
+bien presto los rigores de la venganza divina que volvía por la sangre
+derramada de sus Santos. Improvisamente se le pegó la lengua al paladar
+y fauces; cerrósele la boca, y no pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un
+gemido. Conduxeronle, sus criados á la cama, murió aquella misma noche,
+y antes de apagarse las hoguerasen que ardian los santos cuerpos, entró
+la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los eternos fuegos del infierno.&rsquo;
+<i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. iii. p. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1198_1198" id="Footnote_1198_1198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1198_1198"><span class="label">[1198]</span></a> Circourt (<i>Histoire des Arabes</i>, vol. i. p. 5) says, &lsquo;Les
+chrétiens qui ne voulurent pas se soumettre furent rejetés dans les
+incultes ravins des Pyrénées, où ils purent se maintenir comme les bêtes
+fauves se maintiennent dans les forêts.&rsquo; But the most curious account of
+the state of the Spanish Christians in the last half of the eighth
+century, and in the first half of the ninth, will be found in <i>Conde</i>,
+<i>Historia de la Dominacion</i>, pp. 95, 125. &lsquo;Referian de estos pueblos de
+Galicia que son cristianos, y de los mas bravos de Afranc; pero que
+viven como fieras, que nunca lavan sus cuerpos ni vestidos, que no se
+los mudan, y los llevan puestos hasta que se los caen despedazados en
+andrajos, que entran unos en las casas de otros sin pedir licencia.&rsquo; &hellip;
+In <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 815, &lsquo;no habia guerra sino contra cristianos por mantener
+frontera, y no con deseo de ampliar y extender los limites del reino, ni
+por esperanza de sacar grandes riquezas, por ser los cristianos gente
+pobre de montaña, sin saber nada de comercio ni de buenas artes.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1199_1199" id="Footnote_1199_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199_1199"><span class="label">[1199]</span></a> &lsquo;Isabella may be regarded as the soul of this war. She
+engaged in it with the most exalted views, less to acquire territory than
+to reëstablish the empire of the Cross over the ancient domain of
+Christendom.&rsquo; <i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i. p.
+392. Compare <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 583,
+&lsquo;bannir de toute l'Espagne la secte de Mahomet;&rsquo; and <i>Circourt</i>,
+<i>Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 99, 109, &lsquo;pour elle une
+seule chose avait de l'importance; extirper de ses royaumes le nom et la
+secte de Mahomet.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Sa vie fut presque exclusivement consacrée à
+faire triompher la croix sur le croissant.&rsquo; Mariana (<i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. v. p. 344, and vol. vii. pp. 51, 52) has warmly eulogized
+her character, which indeed, from the Spanish point of view, was perfect.
+See also <i>Florez</i>, <i>Reynas Catholicas</i>, vol. ii. pp. 774, 788, 829.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1200_1200" id="Footnote_1200_1200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1200_1200"><span class="label">[1200]</span></a> &lsquo;En España los Reyes Don Fernando y Doña Isabel luego que
+se viéron desembarazados de la guerra de los Moros, acordáron de echar
+de todo su reyno á los Judíos.&rsquo; <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol.
+vi. p. 303. A Spanish historian, writing less than seventy years ago,
+expresses his approbation in the following terms: &lsquo;Arrancado de nuestra
+peninsula el imperio Mahometano, quedaba todavía la secta Judayca, peste
+acaso mas perniciosa, y sin duda mas peligrosa y extendida, por estar
+los Judíos establecidos en todos los pueblos de ella. Pero los Catolicos
+Monarcas, cuyo mayor afan era desarraigar de sus reynos toda planta y
+raiz infecta y contraria á la fé de Jesu-Cristo, dieron decreto en
+Granada dia 30 de Marzo del año mismo de 1492, mandando saliesen de sus
+dominios los Judíos que no se bautizasen dentro de 4 meses.&rsquo; <i>Ortiz</i>,
+<i>Compendio</i>, Madrid, 1798, vol. v. p. 564. The importance of knowing how
+these and similar events are judged by Spaniards, induces me to give
+their own words at a length which otherwise would be needlessly prolix.
+Historians, generally, are too apt to pay more attention to public
+transactions than to the opinions which those transactions evoke;
+though, in point of fact, the opinions form the most valuable part of
+history, since they are the result of more general causes, while
+political actions are often due to the peculiarities of powerful
+individuals.</p>
+
+<p>Of the number of Jews actually expelled, I can find no trustworthy
+account. They are differently estimated at from 160,000 to 800,000.
+<i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. ii. p. 148.
+<i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. vi. p. 304. <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>,
+vol. v. p. 564. <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. ix. pp. 412, 413.
+<i>Llorente</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Inquisition</i>, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p. 261.
+<i>Mata</i>, <i>Dos Discursos</i>, Madrid, 1794, pp. 64, 65. <i>Castro</i>, <i>Decadencia
+de España</i>, Cadiz, 1852, p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1201_1201" id="Footnote_1201_1201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1201_1201"><span class="label">[1201]</span></a> It had been introduced into Aragon in 1242; but, according
+to M. Tapia, &lsquo;sin embargo la persecucion se limitó entónces á la secta
+de los albigenses; y como de ellos hubo tan pocos en Castilla, no se
+consideró sin duda necesario en ella el establecimiento de aquel
+tribunal.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Historia de la Civilizacion Española</i>, Madrid,
+1840, vol. ii. p. 302. Indeed, Llorente says (<i>Histoire de l'Inquisition
+d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p. 88), &lsquo;Il est incertain si au
+commencement du 15<sup>e</sup> siècle l'Inquisition existait en Castille.&rsquo; In the
+recent work by M. Lafuente, 1232 is given as its earliest date; but, &lsquo;á
+fines del siglos xiv. y principios del xv. apenas puede saberse si
+existia tribunal de Inquisicion en Castilla.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. ix. pp. 204&ndash;206, Madrid, 1852. It seems therefore with
+good reason that Mariana (<i>Historia</i>, vol. vi. p. 171) terms the
+Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella &lsquo;un <i>nuevo</i> y santo tribunal.&rsquo; See
+also <i>Florez</i>, <i>Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas</i>, vol. ii. p. 799.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1202_1202" id="Footnote_1202_1202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1202_1202"><span class="label">[1202]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Philip II.</i>, vol. i. p. 23, London,
+1857. <i>Davies' History of Holland</i>, vol. i. p. 447, London, 1841. On the
+religious character of his German policy, compare <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia
+de España</i>, vol. vii. p. 330; <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vi. pp. 195,
+196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1203_1203" id="Footnote_1203_1203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1203_1203"><span class="label">[1203]</span></a> <i>Prescott's Philip II.</i>, vol. i. p. 3; and the
+continuation of <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. xxvii. p. 280.
+Robertson, though praising Charles V. for this achievement, seems rather
+inclined to underrate its magnitude; <i>History of Charles V.</i>, p. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1204_1204" id="Footnote_1204_1204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1204_1204"><span class="label">[1204]</span></a> In the speech he made at his abdication, he said that &lsquo;he
+had been ever mindful of the interests of the dear land of his birth,
+but above all of the great interests of Christianity. His first object
+had been to maintain these inviolate against the infidel.&rsquo; <i>Prescott's
+Philip II.</i>, vol. i. p. 8. Miñana boasts that &lsquo;el César con piadoso y
+noble ánimo exponia su vida á los peligros para extender los limites del
+Imperio Christiano.&rsquo; <i>Continuación de Mariana</i>, vol. viii. p. 352.
+Compare the continuation of <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol.
+xxxi. p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1205_1205" id="Footnote_1205_1205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1205_1205"><span class="label">[1205]</span></a> Grotius says, 100,000; Bor, Meteren, and Paul say 50,000.
+<i>Watson's History of Philip II.</i>, London, 1839, pp. 45, 51. <i>Davies'
+History of Holland</i>, London, 1841, vol. i. pp. 498, 499. <i>Motley's Dutch
+Republic</i>, London, 1858, vol. i. pp. 103, 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1206_1206" id="Footnote_1206_1206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1206_1206"><span class="label">[1206]</span></a> It is doubted, if I rightly remember, by Mr. Prescott. But
+the opinion of that able historian is entitled to less weight from his
+want of acquaintance with Dutch literature, where the principal evidence
+must be sought for. On this, as on many other matters, the valuable work
+of Mr. Motley leaves little to desire.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1207_1207" id="Footnote_1207_1207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1207_1207"><span class="label">[1207]</span></a> <i>Prescott's Philip II.</i>, vol. i. pp. 196, 197. In 1523,
+the first persons were burned. <i>Motley's Dutch Republic</i>, vol. i. p. 69.
+The mode of burying alive is described in <i>Davies' History of Holland</i>,
+vol. i. p. 383, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1208_1208" id="Footnote_1208_1208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1208_1208"><span class="label">[1208]</span></a> He died on the 21st September; and on the 9th he signed a
+codicil, in which he &lsquo;enjoined upon his son to follow up and bring to
+justice every heretic in his dominions, and this without exception, and
+without favour or mercy to any one. He conjured Philip to cherish the
+holy inquisition as the best means of accomplishing this good work.&rsquo;
+<i>Prescott's Additions to Robertson's Charles V.</i>, p. 576. See also his
+instructions to Philip in <i>Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and
+Seventeenth Centuries</i>, vol. i. p. 91; and on his opinion of the
+Inquisition, see his conversation with Sir Thomas Wyatt, printed from
+the State Papers in <i>Froude's History of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 456,
+London, 1858. This may have been mere declamation; but in <i>Tapia's
+Civilizacion Española</i>, Madrid, 1840, vol. iii. pp. 76, 77, will be
+found a deliberate and official letter, in which Charles does not
+hesitate to say, &lsquo;La santa inquisicion como oficio santo y puesto por
+los reyes católicos, nuestros señores y abuelos á honra de Dios nuestro
+señor y de nuestra santa fé católica, tengo firme é entrañablemente
+asentado y fijado en mi corazon, para la mandar favorecer y honrar, como
+principe justo y temeroso de Dios es obligado y debe hacer.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The codicil to the will of Charles still exists, or did very recently,
+among the archives at Simancas. <i>Ford's Spain</i>, 1847, p. 334. In M.
+Lafuente's great work, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xii. pp. 494, 495,
+Madrid, 1853, it is referred to in language which, in more senses than
+one, is perfectly Spanish: &lsquo;Su testamento y codicilo respiran las ideas
+cristianas y religiosas en que habia vivido y la piedad que señaló su
+muerte.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Es muy de notar en primera cláusula [i.e.] of the codicil</p></div>
+por la cual deja muy encarecidamente recomendado al rey Don Felipe que
+use de todo rigor en el castigo de los hereges luteranos que habian sido
+presos y se hubieren de prender en España.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;&ldquo;Sin escepcion de
+persona alguna, ni admitir ruegos, ni tener respeto á persona alguna;
+porque para el efecto de ello favorezca y mande favorecer al Santo
+Oficio de la Inquisición,&rdquo;&rsquo; &amp;c.]
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1209_1209" id="Footnote_1209_1209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1209_1209"><span class="label">[1209]</span></a> Native testimony may perhaps be accused of being partial;
+but, on the other hand, Raumer, in his valuable <i>History of the
+Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries</i>, vol. i. p. 22, justly observes,
+that his character has been misrepresented &lsquo;by reason that historians
+have availed themselves by preference of the inimical narratives of
+French and Protestant writers.&rsquo; To steer between these extremes, I will
+transcribe the summing up of Charles's reign as it is given by a learned
+and singularly unprejudiced writer. &lsquo;Tortuous as was sometimes the
+policy of the emperor, he never, like Francis, acted with treachery; his
+mind had too much of native grandeur for such baseness. Sincere in
+religion and friendship, faithful to his word, clement beyond example,
+liberal towards his servants, indefatigable in his regal duties, anxious
+for the welfare of his subjects, and generally blameless in private
+life, his character will not suffer by a comparison with that of any
+monarch of his times.&rsquo; <i>Dunham's History of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 41.
+&lsquo;Clemency was the basis of his character.&rsquo; p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1210_1210" id="Footnote_1210_1210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1210_1210"><span class="label">[1210]</span></a> &lsquo;The Spaniards, as he grew in years, beheld, with pride
+and satisfaction, in their future sovereign, the most perfect type of
+the national character.&rsquo; <i>Prescott's History of Philip II.</i> vol. i. p.
+39. So, too, in <i>Motley's Dutch Republic</i>, vol. i. p. 128, &lsquo;he was
+entirely a Spaniard;&rsquo; and in <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. i.
+p. 155, &lsquo;pero el reinado de Felipe fué todo Español.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1211_1211" id="Footnote_1211_1211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1211_1211"><span class="label">[1211]</span></a> <i>Prescott's Philip II.</i> vol. i. pp. 68, 210, vol. ii. p.
+26. <i>Watson's Philip II.</i> p. 55. Compare <i>Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire
+Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. xxxiv. p. 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1212_1212" id="Footnote_1212_1212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1212_1212"><span class="label">[1212]</span></a> &lsquo;Como era tan zeloso en la extirpación de la heregía, uno
+de sus primeros cuidados fué el castigo de los Luteranos; y á presencia
+suya, se executó en Valladolid el dia ocho de Octubre el suplicio de
+muchos reos de este delito.&rsquo; <i>Miñana</i>, <i>Continuacion de Mariana</i>, vol.
+ix. p. 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1213_1213" id="Footnote_1213_1213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1213_1213"><span class="label">[1213]</span></a> &lsquo;The contest with Protestantism in Spain, under such
+auspices, was short. It began in earnest and in blood about 1559, and
+was substantially ended in 1570.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish
+Literature</i>, vol. i. p. 425. See also <i>M'Crie's History of the
+Reformation in Spain</i>, pp. 336, 346. Thus it was that &lsquo;España se
+preservó del contagio. Hizolo con las armas Carlos V., y con las
+hogueras los inquisidores. España se aisló del movimiento europeo.&rsquo;
+<i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. i. p. 144, Madrid, 1850. M.
+Lafuente adds, that, in his opinion, all Christendom is about to follow
+the good example set by Spain of rejecting Protestantism. &lsquo;Si no nos
+equivocamos, en nuestra misma edad se notan sintomas de ir marchando
+este problema hácia su resolucion. El catolicismo gana prosélitos; los
+protestantes de hoy no son lo que antes fueron, y creemos que la unidad
+católica se realizará.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1214_1214" id="Footnote_1214_1214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1214_1214"><span class="label">[1214]</span></a> Before the arrival of Alva, &lsquo;Philip's commands to Margaret
+were imperative, to use her utmost efforts to extirpate the heretics.&rsquo;
+<i>Davies' History of Holland</i>, vol. i. p. 551; and in 1563 he wrote, &lsquo;The
+example and calamities of France prove how wholesome it is to punish
+heretics with rigour.&rsquo; <i>Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and
+Seventeenth Centuries</i>, vol. i. p. 171. The Spaniards deemed the Dutch
+guilty of a double crime; being rebels against God and the king:
+&lsquo;Rebeldes á Dios por la heregía, y á su Principe á quien debian
+obedecer.&rsquo; <i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. vii. p. 410. &lsquo;Tratauan
+de secreto de quitar la obediencia á Dios y á su Principe.&rsquo;
+<i>Vanderhammen's Don Filipe el Prudente Segundo deste Nombre</i>, Madrid,
+1632, p. 44 rev. Or, as Miñana phrases it, Philip &lsquo;tenia los mismos
+enemigos que Dios.&rsquo; <i>Continuacion de Mariana</i>, vol. x. p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1215_1215" id="Footnote_1215_1215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1215_1215"><span class="label">[1215]</span></a> <i>Motley's Dutch Republic</i>, vol. i. p. 229. <i>Watson's
+Philip II.</i> pp. 51, 52, 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1216_1216" id="Footnote_1216_1216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1216_1216"><span class="label">[1216]</span></a> Mr. Motley, under the year 1566, says, &lsquo;The Prince of
+Orange estimated that up to this period fifty thousand persons in the
+provinces had been put to death in obedience to the edicts. He was a
+moderate man, and accustomed to weigh his words.&rsquo; <i>Motley's Dutch
+Republic</i>, vol. i. pp. 424, 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1217_1217" id="Footnote_1217_1217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1217_1217"><span class="label">[1217]</span></a> <i>Watson's Philip II.</i> pp. 248, 249. Tapia (<i>Civilizacion
+Española</i>, vol. iii. p. 95) says, &lsquo;quitó la vida á mas de diez y ocho mil
+protestantes con diversos géneros de suplicios.&rsquo; Compare <i>Motley's Dutch
+Republic</i>, vol. ii. p. 423, and <i>Davies' History of Holland</i>, vol. i. p.
+608.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1218_1218" id="Footnote_1218_1218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1218_1218"><span class="label">[1218]</span></a> <i>Davies' History of Holland</i>, vol. i. p. 567. Vanderhammen
+(<i>Don Filipe el Prudente</i>, Madrid, 1632, p. 52 rev.), with tranquil
+pleasure, assures us that &lsquo;muriessen mil y setecientas personas en pocos
+dias con fuego, cordel y cuchillo en diuersos lugares.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1219_1219" id="Footnote_1219_1219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1219_1219"><span class="label">[1219]</span></a> &lsquo;El duque de Alba, obrando en conformidad á las
+instrucciones de su soberano, y apoyado en la aprobacion que merecian al
+rey todas sus medidas.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xiii. p.
+221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1220_1220" id="Footnote_1220_1220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1220_1220"><span class="label">[1220]</span></a> &lsquo;It was to restore the Catholic Church that he desired to
+obtain the empire of Europe.&rsquo; <i>Davies' History of Holland</i>, vol. ii. p.
+329. &lsquo;El protestó siempre &ldquo;que sus desinios en la guerra, y sus
+exercitos no se encaminauan á otra cosa, que el ensalçamiento de la
+Religion Christiana.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Vanderhammen's Don Filipe el Prudente</i>, p. 125.
+&lsquo;El que aspiraba á someter todas las naciones de la tierra á su credo
+religioso.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xv. p. 203. The
+bishop of Salamanca in 1563 openly boasted &lsquo;que son roi ne s'étoit marié
+avec la reine d'Angleterre que pour ramener cette isle à l'obéissance de
+l'église.&rsquo; <i>Continuation de Fleury</i>, <i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol.
+xxxiii. p. 331. Compare <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vi. p. 204. &lsquo;Este
+casamiento no debió de tener otras miras que el de la
+religion.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1221_1221" id="Footnote_1221_1221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1221_1221"><span class="label">[1221]</span></a> On this treaty, the only humiliating one which he ever
+concluded, see <i>Prescott's Philip II.</i> vol. i. p. 104. His dying advice
+to his son was, &lsquo;Siempre estareis en la obediencia de la Santa Iglesia
+Romana, y del Sumo Pontifice, teniendole por vuestro Padre espiritual.&rsquo;
+<i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero</i>, Madrid, 1771, folio,
+lib. i. p. 29. According to another writer, &lsquo;La ultima palabra que le
+salió con el espiritu, fue: &ldquo;Yo muero como Catolico Christiano en la Fe
+y obediencia de la Iglesia Romana, y respeto al Papa, como á quien trae
+en sus manos las llaues del Cielo, como á Principe de la Iglesia, y
+Teniente de Dios sobre el imperio de las almas.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Vanderhammen</i>, <i>Don
+Filipe el Prudente</i>, p. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1222_1222" id="Footnote_1222_1222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1222_1222"><span class="label">[1222]</span></a> Elizabeth, uniting the three terrible qualities of heresy,
+power, and ability, was obnoxious to the Spaniards to an almost
+incredible degree, and there never was a more thoroughly national
+enterprise than the fitting out of the Armada against her. One or two
+passages from a grave historian, will illustrate the feelings with which
+she was regarded even after her death, and will assist the reader in
+forming an opinion respecting the state of the Spanish mind. &lsquo;Isabel, ó
+Jezabel, Reyna de Inglaterra, heretica Calvinista, y la mayor
+perseguidora que ha tenido la sangre de Jesu-Christo y los hijos de la
+Iglesia.&rsquo; <i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de Felipe Tercero</i>, p. 74. &lsquo;Los sucesos de
+fuera causaron admiracion; y el mayor y muy esperado de toda la
+Christiandad fue la muerte de Isabela, Reyna de Inglaterra, heretica
+Calvinista, que hizo su nombre famoso con la infamia de su vida, y
+perseguir á la Iglesia, derramando la sangre de los Santos, que
+defendian la verdadera Religion Catolica, dexando registradas sus
+maldades en las historias públicas del mundo, pasando su alma á coger el
+desdichado fruto de su obstinada soberbia en las penas del Infierno,
+donde conoce con el castigo perpetuo el engaño de su vida.&rsquo; pp. 83, 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1223_1223" id="Footnote_1223_1223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1223_1223"><span class="label">[1223]</span></a> One of the most eminent of living historians well says,
+&lsquo;It was Philip's enthusiasm to embody the wrath of God against heretics.&rsquo;
+<i>Motley's Dutch Republic</i>, vol. ii. p. 155. &lsquo;Philip lived but to enforce
+what he chose to consider the will of God.&rsquo; p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1224_1224" id="Footnote_1224_1224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1224_1224"><span class="label">[1224]</span></a> &lsquo;Personne vivante ne parloit à lui qu'à genoux, et disoit
+pour son excuse à cela qu'estant petit de corps, chacun eust paru plus
+eslevé que lui, outre qu'il sçavoit que les Espagnols estoient d'humeur
+si altiere et hautaine, qu'il estoit besoin qu'il les traittast de cette
+façon; et pour ce mesme ne se laissoit voir que peu souvent du peuple,
+n'y mesme des grands, sinon aux jours solemnels, et action
+necessaire, en cette façon? il faisoit ses commandemens à demy mot,
+et falloit que l'on devinast le reste, et que l'on ne manquast à
+bien accomplir toutes ses intentions; mesmes les gentilshommes de sa
+chambre, et autres qui approchoient plus près de sa personne, n'eussent
+osé parler devant luy s'il ne leur eust commandé, se tenant un tout seul
+à la fois près de la porte du lieu où il estoit, et demeurant nud teste
+incessamment, et appuyé contra une tapisserie, pour attendre et recevoir
+ses commandemens.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Cheverny</i>, pp. 352, 353, in <i>Petitot's
+Collection des Mémoires</i>, vol. xxxvi. Paris, 1823.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1225_1225" id="Footnote_1225_1225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1225_1225"><span class="label">[1225]</span></a> These are the words of Contarini, as given in <i>Ranke's
+Ottoman and Spanish Empires</i>, London, 1843, p. 33. Sismondi, though
+unacquainted with this passage, observes in his <i>Literature of the South
+of Europe</i>, vol. ii. p. 273, London, 1846, that Philip, though &lsquo;little
+entitled to praise, has yet been always regarded with enthusiasm by the
+Spaniards.&rsquo; About half a century after his death, Sommerdyck visited
+Spain, and in his curious account of that country he tells us that
+Philip was called &lsquo;le Salomon de son siècle.&rsquo; <i>Aarsens de Sommerdyck</i>,
+<i>Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1665, 4to, pp. 63, 95. See also <i>Yañez</i>,
+<i>Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III.</i>, Madrid, 1723, p. 294. &lsquo;El
+gran Felipe, aquel Sabio Salomon.&rsquo; Another writer likens him to Numa.
+&lsquo;Hacia grandes progresos la piedad, á la qual se dedicaba tanto el Rey
+Don Felipe, que parecia su reynado en España lo que en Roma el de Numa,
+despues de Rómulo.&rsquo; <i>Miñana Continuacion de Mariana</i>, vol. ix. p. 241.
+When he died, &lsquo;celebradas sus exêquias entre lágrimas y gemidos.&rsquo; vol.
+x. pp. 259, 260. We further learn from <i>Vanderhammen's Filipe Segundo</i>,
+Madrid, 1632, p. 120 rev., that the people ascribed to him &lsquo;una grandeza
+adorable, y alguna cosa mas que las ordinarias á los demas hombres.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1226_1226" id="Footnote_1226_1226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1226_1226"><span class="label">[1226]</span></a> &lsquo;Habits of reverence, which, if carried into religion,
+cause superstition, and if carried into politics, cause despotism.&rsquo;
+<i>Buckle's Hist. of Civilization</i>, vol. ii. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1227_1227" id="Footnote_1227_1227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1227_1227"><span class="label">[1227]</span></a> &lsquo;More ballads are connected with Spanish history than with
+any other, and, in general, they are better. The most striking
+peculiarity of the whole mass is, perhaps, to be found in the degree in
+which it expresses the national character. Loyalty is constantly
+prominent. The Lord of Butrago sacrifices his own life to save that of
+his sovereign,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. i.
+p. 133. &lsquo;In the implicit obedience of the old Spanish knight, the order
+of the king was paramount to every consideration, even in the case of
+friendship and love. This code of obedience has passed into a
+proverb&mdash;&ldquo;mas pesa el Rey que la sangre,&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Ford's Spain</i>, p. 183.
+Compare the admirable little work of Mr. Lewes, <i>The Spanish Drama</i>,
+London, 1846, p. 120, &lsquo;ballads full of war, loyalty, and love.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1228_1228" id="Footnote_1228_1228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1228_1228"><span class="label">[1228]</span></a> See some interesting remarks in M. Tapia's <i>Civilizacion
+Española</i>, vol. i. He observes that, though cruelly persecuted by
+Alfonso, the first thing done by the Cid, after gaining a great victory,
+was to order one of his captains &lsquo;para que lleve al rey Alfonso treinta
+caballos árabes bien ensillados, con sendas espadas pendientes de los
+arzones en señal de homenage, á <i>pesar del agravio que habia recibido</i>.&rsquo;
+p. 274. And at p. 280, &lsquo;comedido y obediente súbdito á un rey que tan
+mal le habia tratado.&rsquo; Southey (<i>Chronicle of the Cid</i>, p. 268) notices
+with surprise that the Cid is represented in the old chronicles as
+&lsquo;offering to kiss the feet of the king.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1229_1229" id="Footnote_1229_1229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1229_1229"><span class="label">[1229]</span></a> &lsquo;Le xvi<sup>e</sup> Concile de Tolède appelait les rois &ldquo;vicaires de
+Dieu et du Christ;&rdquo; et rien n'est plus fréquent dans les conciles de
+cette époque que leurs exhortations aux peuples pour l'observation du
+serment de fidélité á leur roi, et leurs anathêmes contre les
+séditieux.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. i. p. 41. &lsquo;Aparte de
+los asuntos de derecho civil y canonico y de otros varios que dicen
+relacion al gobierno de la iglesia, sobre los cuales se contienen en
+todos ellos disposiciones muy útiles y acertadas, la mayor parte de las
+leyes dictadas en estas asambleas tuvieron por objeto dar fuerza y
+estabilidad al poder real, proclamando su inviolabilidad y estableciendo
+graves penas contra los infractores; condenar las heregías,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Antequera</i>, <i>Historia de la Legislacion Española</i>, p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1230_1230" id="Footnote_1230_1230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1230_1230"><span class="label">[1230]</span></a> &lsquo;Loyalty to a superior is carried to a more atrocious
+length by the Spanish law than I have seen it elsewhere.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The
+<i>Partidas</i> (P. 2, T. 13, L. 1) speaks of an old law whereby any man who
+openly wished to see the King dead, was condemned to death, and the loss
+of all that he had. The utmost mercy to be shown him was to spare his
+life and pluck out his eyes, that he might never see with them what he
+had desired. To defame the King is declared as great a crime as to kill
+him, and in like manner to be punished. The utmost mercy that could be
+allowed was to cut out the offender's tongue. P. 2, T. 13, L. 4.&rsquo;
+<i>Southey's Chronicle of the Cid</i>, p. 442. Compare <i>Johnston's Civil Law
+of Spain</i>, London, 1825, p. 269, on &lsquo;Blasphemers of the King.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1231_1231" id="Footnote_1231_1231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1231_1231"><span class="label">[1231]</span></a> Thus, Montalvan, the eminent poet and dramatist, who was
+born in 1602, &lsquo;avoided, we are told, representing rebellion on the
+stage, lest he should seem to encourage it.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of
+Spanish Literature</i>, vol. ii. p. 283. A similar spirit is exhibited in
+the plays of Calderon and of Lope de Vega. On the &lsquo;Castilian loyalty&rsquo;
+evinced in one of Calderon's comedies, see <i>Hallam's Literature of
+Europe</i>, 2d edit. London, 1843, vol. iii. p. 63; and as to Lope, see
+<i>Lewes on the Spanish Drama</i>, p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1232_1232" id="Footnote_1232_1232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1232_1232"><span class="label">[1232]</span></a> &lsquo;His Majesty's horses could never be used by any other
+person. One day, while Philip IV. was going in procession to the church
+of Our Lady of Atocha, the Duke of Medina-de-las-Torres offered to
+present him with a beautiful steed which belonged to him, and which was
+accounted the finest in Madrid; but the King declined the gift, because
+he should regret to render so noble an animal ever after useless.&rsquo;'
+<i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 372. Madame d'Aulnoy, who travelled in
+Spain in 1679, and who, from her position, had access to the best
+sources of information, was told of this piece of etiquette. &lsquo;L'on m'a
+dit que lors que le Roy s'est servy d'un cheval, personne par respect ne
+le monte jamais.&rsquo; <i>D'Aulnoy</i>, <i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Lyon,
+1693, vol. ii. p. 40. In the middle of the eighteenth century, I find
+another notice of this loyal custom, which, likely enough, is still a
+tradition in the Spanish stables. &lsquo;If the king has once honoured a Pad
+so much as to cross his back, it is never to be used again by anybody
+else.&rsquo; <i>A Tour through Spain</i>, <i>by Udal ap Rhys</i>, 2d edit. London, 1760,
+p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1233_1233" id="Footnote_1233_1233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1233_1233"><span class="label">[1233]</span></a> Madame d'Aulnoy, who was very inquisitive respecting these
+matters, says (<i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 411), &lsquo;Il y a
+une autre étiquette, c'est qu'après que le Roi a eu une Maitresse, s'il
+vient à la quitter, il faut qu'elle se fasse Religieuse, comme je vous
+l'ai déjà écrit; et l'on m'a conté que le feu Roi s'estant amoureux
+d'une Dame du Palais, il fut un soir fraper doucement à la porte de sa
+chambre. Comme elle comprit que c'estoit lui, elle ne voulut pas lui
+ouvrir, et elle se contenta de lui dire au travers de la porte, <i>Baya,
+baya, con Dios, no quiero ser monja</i>; c'est à dire, &ldquo;Allez allez, Dieu
+vous conduise, je n'ai pas envie d'estre Religieuse.&rdquo;&rsquo; So too
+Henry IV. of Castile, who came to the throne in the year 1454, made one
+of his mistresses &lsquo;abbess of a convent in Toledo;&rsquo; in this case to the
+general scandal, because, says Mr. Prescott, he first expelled &lsquo;her
+predecessor, a lady of noble rank and irreproachable character.&rsquo;
+<i>Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i. p. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1234_1234" id="Footnote_1234_1234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1234_1234"><span class="label">[1234]</span></a> There is, however, one very remarkable old law, in the
+form of a canon enacted by the third Council of Saragossa, which orders
+that the royal widows &lsquo;seront obligées à prendre l'habit de religieuses,
+et à s'enfermer dans un monastère pour le reste de leur vie.&rsquo; <i>Fleury</i>,
+<i>Histoire Ecclésiastique</i>, vol. ix. p. 104. In 1065 Ferdinand I. died;
+and, says the biographer of the Spanish Queens, &lsquo;La Reyna sobrevivió: y
+parece, que muerto su marido, entró en algun Monasterio; lo que
+expressamos no tanto por <i>la costumbre antigua</i>, quanto por constar en
+la Memoria referida de la Iglesia de Leon, el dictado de &lsquo;Consagrada á
+Dios,&rsquo; frasse que denota estado Religioso.&rsquo; <i>Florez</i>, <i>Memorias de las
+Reynas Catholicas</i>, Madrid, 1761, 4to, vol. i. p. 148. In 1667 it was a
+settled principle that &lsquo;les reines d'Espagne n'en sortent point. Le
+couvent de <i>las Señoras descalças reales</i> est fondé afin que les reines
+veuves s'y enferment.&rsquo; <i>Discours du Comte de Castrillo à la Reine
+d'Espagne</i>, in <i>Mignet's Négociations relatives à la Succession
+d'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 604, Paris, 1835, 4to. This valuable work
+consists for the most part of documents previously unpublished, many of
+which are taken from the archives at Simancas. To the critical
+historian, it would have been more useful if the original Spanish had
+been given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1235_1235" id="Footnote_1235_1235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1235_1235"><span class="label">[1235]</span></a> See some good remarks on San Phelipe, in <i>Ticknor's
+History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214, which might
+easily be corroborated by other testimony; as, for instance, Lafuente
+under the year 1710: &lsquo;Ni el abandono de la Francia, ni la prolongacion y
+los azares de la guerra, ni los sacrificios pecuniarios y personales de
+tantos años, nada bastaba á entibiar el amor de los castellanos á su rey
+Felipe V.&rsquo; (<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xviii. p. 258); and Berwick
+(<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. ii. p. 114, edit. Paris, 1778): &lsquo;La fidélité inouie
+des Espagnols;&rsquo; and, nine years earlier, a letter from Louville to
+Torcy: &lsquo;Le mot révolte, pris dans une acception rigoureuse, n'a pas de
+sens en Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Louville</i>, <i>Mémoires sur l'établissement de la Maison de Bourbon en Espagne</i>, edit. Paris,
+1818, vol. i. p. 128. See also <i>Memoirs of Ripperda</i>, London, 1740, p.
+58; and <i>Mémoires de Gramont</i>, vol. ii. p. 77, edit. Petitot, Paris,
+1827. All these passages illustrate Spanish loyalty in the eighteenth
+century, except the reference to Gramont, which concerns the
+seventeenth, and which should be compared with the following
+observations of Madame D'Aulnoy, who writes from Madrid in 1679:
+&lsquo;Quelques richesses qu'ayent les grands Seigneurs, quelque grande que
+soit leur fierté ou leur présomption, ils obéïssent aux moindres ordres
+du Roy, avec une exactitude et un respect que l'on ne peut assez loüer.
+Sur le premier ordre ils partent, ils reviennent, ils vont en prison, ou
+en exil, sans se plaindre. Il ne se peut trouver une soûmission, et une
+obéïssance plus parfaite, ni un amour plus sincère, que celui des
+Espagnols pour leur Roi. Ce nom leur est sacré, et pour réduire le
+peuple à tout ce que l'on souhaite, il suffit de dire, &ldquo;Le Roi le
+veut.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>D'Aulnoy</i>, <i>Voyage</i>, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1236_1236" id="Footnote_1236_1236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1236_1236"><span class="label">[1236]</span></a> &lsquo;And Olivarez had been heard to censure very severely the
+duke's (Buckingham's) familiarity and want of respect towards the
+prince, a crime monstrous to the Spaniard.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Their submissive
+reverence to their princes being a vital part of their religion.&rsquo;
+<i>Clarendon's History of the Rebellion</i>, ed. Oxford, 1843, p. 15. For the
+religion of loyalty, in an earlier period, see <i>Florez</i>, <i>Reynas
+Catholicas</i>, vol. i. p. 421: &lsquo;La persona del Rey fue mirada de sus
+fieles vassallos con respeto tan sagrado,&rsquo; that resistance was &lsquo;una
+especie de sacrilegio.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1237_1237" id="Footnote_1237_1237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1237_1237"><span class="label">[1237]</span></a> These impediments to intercourse were once deemed almost
+invincible. Fontenay-Mareuil, who visited Spain in 1612, and was not a
+little proud of the achievement, says, &lsquo;Au reste, parcequ'on ne va pas
+aussy ordinairement en Espagne qu'en France, en Italie et ailleurs; et
+qu'estant comme en un coin, et séparée du reste du monde par la mer ou
+par les Pyrénées, on n'en a, ce me semble, guere de connoissance, j'ay
+pense que je devois faire icy une petite digression pour dire ce que
+j'en ay appris dans ce voyage et despuis.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de
+Fontenay-Mareuil</i>, in <i>Collection des Mémoires par Petitot</i>, vol. i. p.
+169, 1<sup>e</sup> Série, Paris, 1826. Seventy years later, another
+writer on Spain says of the Pyrenees, &lsquo;Ces montagnes sont à nos
+voyageurs modernes, ce qu'étoit aux anciens mariniers le <i>Non plus
+ultra</i> et les colomnes du grand Hercule.&rsquo; <i>L'Estat de l'Espagne</i>,
+Geneve, 1681 Epistre, p. ii. This work, little known and not much worth
+knowing, forms the third volume of <i>Le Prudent Voyageur</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1238_1238" id="Footnote_1238_1238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1238_1238"><span class="label">[1238]</span></a> &lsquo;Con razon se miró la conquista de Granada, no como un
+acontecimiento puramente español, sino como un suceso que interesaba al
+mundo. Con razon tambien se regocijó toda la cristiandad. Hacia medio
+siglo que otros mahometanos se habian apoderado de Constantinopla; la
+caida de la capital y del imperio bizantino en poder de los turcos habia
+llenado de terror á la Europa; pero la Europa se consoló al saber que en
+España habia concluido la dominacion de los musulmanes.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>,
+<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xi. p. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1239_1239" id="Footnote_1239_1239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1239_1239"><span class="label">[1239]</span></a> &lsquo;L'Espagne, long-temps partagée en plusieurs états, et
+comme étrangère au reste de l'Europe, devint tout-à-coup une puissance
+redoutable, faisant pencher pour elle la balance de la politique.&rsquo;
+<i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableau des Révolutions de l'Europe</i>, Paris, 1823, vol. i. p.
+362. On the relation between this and some changes in literature which
+corresponded to it, see <i>Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 148&ndash;152, where there are some ingenious, though perhaps
+scarcely tenable, speculations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1240_1240" id="Footnote_1240_1240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1240_1240"><span class="label">[1240]</span></a> &lsquo;The holy war with the infidels&rsquo; (Mohammedans)
+&lsquo;perpetuated the unbecoming spectacle of militant ecclesiastics among
+the Spaniards, to a still later period, and long after it had
+disappeared from the rest of civilized Europe.&rsquo; <i>Prescott's History of
+Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i. p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1241_1241" id="Footnote_1241_1241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1241_1241"><span class="label">[1241]</span></a> A learned Spanish lawyer has made some remarks which are
+worth quoting, and which contain a curious mixture of truth and error:
+&lsquo;Comment la monarchie espagnole fut-elle déchue de tant de grandeur et
+de gloire? Comment perdit-elle les Pays-Bas et le Portugal dans le
+dix-septième siècle, et s'y trouva-t-elle réduite à n'être qu'un
+squelette de ce qu'elle avait été auparavant? Comment vit-elle
+disparaître plus d'une moitié de sa population? Comment, possédant les
+mines inépuisables du Nouveau Monde, les revenus de l'état n'étaient à
+peine que de six millions de ducats sous le règne de Philippe III?
+Comment son agriculture et son industrie furent-elles ruinées? et
+comment presque tout son commerce passa-t-il dans les mains de ses plus
+grands ennemis? Ce n'est point ici le lieu d'examiner les véritables
+causes d'une métamorphose si triste; il suffira d'indiquer <i>que tous les
+grands empires contiennent en euxmêmes le germe de leur dissolution</i>,&rsquo;
+&amp;c. &lsquo;D'ailleurs les successeurs de ces deux monarques&rsquo; (Charles V. and
+Philip II.) &lsquo;n'eurent point les mêmes talens, ni les ducs de Lerme et
+d'Olivarès, leurs ministres, ceux du cardinal Cisneros; et il est
+difficile de calculer l'influence de la bonne ou de la mauvaise
+direction des affaires sur la prospérité ou les malheurs des nations.
+Sous une même forme de gouvernement, quel qu'il puisse être, <i>elles
+tombent ou se relèvent suivant la capacité des hommes qui les dirigent</i>,
+et d'après les circonstances où ils agissent.&rsquo; <i>Sempère</i>, <i>Histoire des
+Cortès</i>, Bordeaux, 1815, pp. 265&ndash;267. Of the two passages which I have
+marked with italics, the first is a clumsy, though common, attempt to
+explain complicated phenomena by a metaphor which saves the trouble of
+generalizing their laws. The other passage, though perfectly true as
+regards Spain, does not admit of that universal application which M.
+Sempere supposes; inasmuch as in England, and in the United States of
+America, national prosperity has steadily advanced, even when the rulers
+have been very incapable men.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1242_1242" id="Footnote_1242_1242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1242_1242"><span class="label">[1242]</span></a> &lsquo;With Philip II. ends the greatness of the kingdom, which
+from that period declined with fearful rapidity.&rsquo; <i>Dunham's History of
+Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 87. And Ortiz (<i>Compendio</i>, vol. vii., Prologo, p. 6)
+classes together &lsquo;la muerte de Felipe II. y principios de nuestra
+decadencia.&rsquo; The same judicious historian elsewhere observes (vol. vi.
+p. 211), that if Philip III. had been equal to his father, Spain would
+have continued to flourish. Several of the more recent Spanish writers,
+looking at the heavy expenses caused by the policy of Philip II., and at
+the debts which he incurred, have supposed that the decline of the
+country began in the latter years of his reign. But the truth is, that
+no great nation ever was, or ever will be, ruined by the prodigality of
+its government. Such extravagance causes general discomfort, and
+therefore ought not to be tolerated; but if this were the place for so
+long an argument, I could easily show that its other and more permanent
+inconveniences are nothing like what they are commonly supposed to be.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1243_1243" id="Footnote_1243_1243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1243_1243"><span class="label">[1243]</span></a> &lsquo;Abstraido Felipe III. en devociones, amante Felipe IV.
+deregocijos, mortificado Carlos II. por padecimientos,
+cuidáronse poco ó nada de la gobernacion del Estado, y
+confiaronla á validos altaneros, codiciosos, incapaces, y de muy funesta
+memoria.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1856,
+vol. i. p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1244_1244" id="Footnote_1244_1244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1244_1244"><span class="label">[1244]</span></a> &lsquo;Sans espérance de postérité.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. i. p. 419. &lsquo;Incapaz de tener hijos.&rsquo;
+<i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vi. p. 560. See also <i>Mémoires de Louville</i>,
+vol. i. p. 82; and the allusions in <i>Lettres de Madame de Villars</i>,
+edit. Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 53, 120, 164. She was ambassadress in Spain
+in the reign of Charles II. M. Lafuente, who, if I rightly remember,
+never quotes these interesting letters, and who indeed, with very few
+exceptions, has used none but Spanish authorities, ventures nevertheless
+to observe that &lsquo;La circunstancia de no haber tenido sucesion, falta que
+en general se achabaca mas al rey que á la reina,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. xvii. pp. 198, 199, Madrid, 1856. According to the
+biographer of the Spanish Queens, some persons imputed this to sorcery,
+&lsquo;y aun se dijo si intervenia maleficio.&rsquo; <i>Florez</i>, <i>Memorias de las
+Reynas Catholicas</i>, vol. ii. p. 973, Madrid, 1761, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1245_1245" id="Footnote_1245_1245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1245_1245"><span class="label">[1245]</span></a> In 1696, Stanhope, the English minister at Madrid, writes:
+&lsquo;He has a ravenous stomach, and swallows all he eats whole, for his
+nether jaw stands so much out that his two rows of teeth cannot meet; to
+compensate which, he has a prodigious wide throat, so that a gizzard or
+liver of a hen passes down whole, and his weak stomach not being able to
+digest it, he voids it in the same manner.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's Spain under Charles
+II.</i>, London, 1840, p. 79; a very valuable collection of original
+documents, utterly unknown to any Spanish historian I have met with.
+Some curious notices of the appearance of Charles II. in his childhood
+may be seen published for the first time in <i>Mignet's Négociations
+relatives à la Succession d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1835&ndash;1842, 4to. vol. i. pp.
+294, 295, 310, 396, 404, 410, vol. ii. p. 130, vol. iii. pp. 418, 419,
+423. See also vol. iv. p. 636, for an instance of his taciturnity, which
+was almost the only mark of sense he ever gave, &lsquo;Le roi l'écouta, et ne
+lui répondit rien.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1246_1246" id="Footnote_1246_1246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1246_1246"><span class="label">[1246]</span></a> &lsquo;Le Roy demeuroit dans une profonde ignorance et de ses
+affaires et même des Etats de sa couronne; à peine connoissoit-il
+quelles étoient les places qui lui appartenoient hors du continent
+d'Espagne.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;La perte de Barcelone lui fut plus sensible qu'aucune
+autre, parce que cette ville, capitale de la Catalogne, et située dans
+le continent de l'Espagne, lui étoit plus connue que les villes de
+Flandre, dont il ignoroit l'importance au point de croire que Mons
+appartenoit au roi d'Angleterre, et de le plaindre lorsque le Roi fit la
+conquête de cette province.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Marquis de Torcy</i>, vol. i. pp.
+19, 23, edit. Petitot, Paris, 1828.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1247_1247" id="Footnote_1247_1247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1247_1247"><span class="label">[1247]</span></a> &lsquo;Fancying everything that is said or done to be a
+temptation of the devil, and never thinking himself safe but with his
+confessor, and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie in his chamber
+every night.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's Spain under Charles II.</i>, p. 102. On account, no
+doubt, of this affection for monks, he is declared by a Spanish
+historian to have possessed a &lsquo;corazon pio y religioso.&rsquo; <i>Bacallar</i>,
+<i>Comentarios de la Guerra de España</i>, vol. i. p. 20. The best notice of
+the exorcism will be found in <i>Lafuente's Historia de España</i>, vol.
+xvii. pp. 294&ndash;309, where there is an entire chapter, headed &lsquo;Los
+Hechizos del Rey.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1248_1248" id="Footnote_1248_1248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1248_1248"><span class="label">[1248]</span></a> &lsquo;La foiblesse de l'Espagne ne permettoit pas à son roi de
+se ressentir du traitement dont il croyoit à propos de se plaindre.&rsquo;
+<i>Mémoires de Torcy</i>, vol. i. p. 81. Or, as an eminent native writer
+bitterly says, &lsquo;Las naciones estrangeras disponiendo de la monarquia
+española como de bienes sin dueño.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1249_1249" id="Footnote_1249_1249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1249_1249"><span class="label">[1249]</span></a></p>
+
+<div class="poem-container">
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&lsquo;This royal throne of kings, this scepter'd isle,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This other Eden, demi-paradise;</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This fortress, built by nature for herself</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Against infection and the hand of war;</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This happy breed of men, this little world,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This precious stone set in the silver sea,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Which serves it in the office of a wall,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Or as a moat defensive to a house,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Against the envy of less happier lands;</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This nurse, this teeming womb of royal kings,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Fear'd by their breed and famous by their birth,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Renowned for their deeds as far from home,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">For Christian service and true chivalry,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">As is the sepulchre in stubborn Jewry</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Of the world's ransom, blessed Mary's son:</span><br />
+<span class="i0">This land of such dear souls, this dear, dear land,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Dear for her reputation through the world,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Is now leas'd out, I die pronouncing it,</span><br />
+<span class="i0">Like to a tenement or pelting farm.&rsquo;</span><br />
+</div></div></div></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1250_1250" id="Footnote_1250_1250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1250_1250"><span class="label">[1250]</span></a> The Spanish theory of government is well stated in the
+following passage in Davila's Life of Philip III. The remarks apply to
+Philip II. &lsquo;Que solo havia gobernado sin Validos ni Privados, tomando
+para sí solo, como primera causa de su gobierno, el mandar, prohibir,
+premiar, castigar, hacer mercedes, conocer sugetos, elegir Ministros, dar
+oficios, y tener como espiritu que andaba sobre las aguas, ciencia y
+providencia de todo, para que nada se hiciese sin su saber y querer: no
+serviendo los Ministros mas que de poner por obra (obedeciendo) lo que su
+Señor mandaba, velando sobre cada uno, como pastor de sus ovejas, para
+ver la verdad con que executan sus mandamientos y acuerdos.&rsquo; <i>Davila</i>,
+<i>Historia de Felipe Tercero</i>, lib. i. pp. 22, 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1251_1251" id="Footnote_1251_1251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1251_1251"><span class="label">[1251]</span></a> Even Philip II. always retained a certain ascendency over
+the ecclesiastical hierarchy, though he was completely subjugated by
+ecclesiastical prejudices. &lsquo;While Philip was thus willing to exalt the
+religious order, already far too powerful, he was careful that it should
+never gain such a height as would enable it to overtop the royal
+authority.&rsquo; <i>Prescott's History of Philip II.</i>, vol. iii. p. 235. &lsquo;Pero
+este monarca tan afecto á la Inquisicion mientras le servia para sus
+fines, sabia bien tener á raya al Santo Oficio cuando intentaba invadir
+ó usurpar las preeminencias de la autoridad real, ó arrogarse un poder
+desmedido.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>,
+vol. xv. p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1252_1252" id="Footnote_1252_1252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1252_1252"><span class="label">[1252]</span></a> &lsquo;Por cuyo absoluto poderío se executaba todo.&rsquo; <i>Yañez</i>,
+<i>Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III.</i>, Prologo, p. 150. &lsquo;An
+absoluteness in power over king and kingdom.&rsquo; Letter from Sir Charles
+Cornwallis to the Lords of the Council in England, dated Valladolid, May
+31, 1605, in <i>Winwood's Memorials</i>, vol. ii. p. 73, London, 1725, folio.
+&lsquo;Porque no era fácil imaginar entónces, ni por fortuna se ha repetido el
+ejemplo después, que hubiera un monarca tan pródigo de autoridad, y al
+propio tiempo tan indolente, que por no tomarse siquiera el trabajo de
+firmar los documentos de Estado, quisiera dar á la firma de un vasalla
+suyo la misma autoridad que á la suya propia, y que advirtiera y
+ordenára, como ordenó Felipe III. á todos sus consejos, tribunales, y
+súbditos, que dieran á los despachos firmados por el duque de Lerma el
+mismo cumplimiento y obediencia, y los ejecutáran y guardáran con el
+mismo respeto que si fueran firmados por él.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. xv. pp. 449, 450. &lsquo;El duque de Lerma, su valído, era el
+que gobernaba el reino solo.&rsquo; vol. xvii. p. 332. His power lasted from
+1598 to 1618. <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vi. pp. 290,
+325.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1253_1253" id="Footnote_1253_1253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1253_1253"><span class="label">[1253]</span></a> Davila (<i>Historia de Felipe Tercero</i>, lib. ii. p. 41),
+after eulogizing the personal qualities of Lerma, adds, &lsquo;Y sin estas
+grandes partes tuvo demostraciones christianas, manifestandolo en los
+conventos, iglesias, colegiatas, hospitales, ermitas y catedras, que
+dejó fundadas, en que gastó, como me consta de los libros de su
+Contaduría, un millon ciento cincuenta y dos mil doscientos ochenta y
+tres ducados.&rsquo; After such monstrous prodigality, Watson might well say,
+in his rather superficial, but, on the whole, well-executed History,
+that Lerma showed &lsquo;the most devoted attachment to the church,&rsquo; and
+&lsquo;conciliated the favour of ecclesiastics.&rsquo; <i>Watson's History of Philip
+III.</i>, London, 1839, pp. 4, 8, 46, 224.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1254_1254" id="Footnote_1254_1254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1254_1254"><span class="label">[1254]</span></a> The only energy Philip III. ever displayed, was in
+seconding the efforts of his minister to extend the influence of the
+Church; and hence, according to a Spanish historian, he was &lsquo;monarque le
+plus pieux parmi tous ceux qui out occupé le trône d'Espagne depuis
+saint Ferdinand.&rsquo; <i>Sempère</i>, <i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. i. p. 245. &lsquo;El
+principal cuidado de nuestro Rey era tener á Dios por amigo, grangear y
+beneficiar su gracia, para que le asistiese propicio en quanto obrase y
+dixese. De aqui tuvieron principio tantos dones ofrecidos á
+Dios, tanta fundacion de Conventos, y favores hechos á Iglesias y
+Religiones.&rsquo; <i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de Felipe Tercero</i>, lib. ii. p. 170.
+His wife, Margaret, was equally active. See <i>Florez</i>, <i>Reynas
+Catholicas</i>, vol. ii. pp. 915, 916. &lsquo;Demas de los frutos que dió para el
+Cielo y para la tierra nuestra Reyna, tuvo otros de ambas lineas en
+fundaciones de Templos y obras de piedad para bien del Reyno y de la
+Iglesia. En Valladolid fundó el Convento de las Franciscas Descalzas. En
+Madrid trasladó á las Agustinas Recoletas de Santa Isabel desde la calle
+del Principe al sitio en que hoy estan. Protegió con sus limosnas la
+fundacion de la Iglesia de Carmelitas Descalzas de Santa Ana; y empezó á
+fundar el Real Convento de las Agustinas Recoletas con titulo de la
+Encarnacion en este misma Corte, cuya primera piedra se puso á 10 de
+Junio del 1611. En la parroquia de S. Gil junto al Palacio introdujo los
+Religiosos Franciscos, cuyo Convento persevera hoy con la misma
+advocacion.&rsquo; How the country fared, while all this was going on, we
+shall presently see.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1255_1255" id="Footnote_1255_1255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1255_1255"><span class="label">[1255]</span></a> The burden of the petition was, &lsquo;Que se tratasse con mas
+veras de poner limite á los bienes, que se sacauan cada dia del braço
+Seglar al Eclesiastico, enflaqueciendo no tan solo el patrimonio Real,
+mas el comun, pues siendo aquel libre de pechos, contribuciones, y
+gauelas, alojamientos, huespedes, y otros grauamenes mayores, presidios,
+guerras, y soldados.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Que las Religiones eran
+muchas, las Mendicantes en excesso, y el Clero en grande multitud. Que
+auia en España 9088 monasterios, aun no cõtando los de Monjas. Que yuan
+meti&#7869;do poco á poco, con dotaciones, cofradias,
+capellanias, o con cõpras, á todo el Reyno en su poder. Que se atajasse
+tanto mal. Que huuiesse numero en los frayles, moderacion en los
+Cõuentos, y aun en los Clerigos seglares.&rsquo; <i>Cespedes</i>, <i>Historia de Don
+Felipe IV.</i>, Barcelona, 1634, fol. lib. vii. cap. 9, p. 272 rev. This is
+the only noticeable passage in an unusually dull chronicle, which,
+though professing to be a history of Philip IV., is confined to the
+first few years of his reign.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1256_1256" id="Footnote_1256_1256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1256_1256"><span class="label">[1256]</span></a> &lsquo;En este año, que iba escribiendo esta Historia, tenian
+las Ordenes de Santo Domingo, y S. Francisco en España, treinta y dos
+mil Religiosos, y los Obispados de Calahorra y Pamplona veinte y quatro
+mil clerigos; pues qué tendran las demas Religiones, y los demas
+Obispados?&rsquo; <i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de Felipe Tercere</i>, lib. ii. p. 215. See
+also cap. xcvii. pp. 248, 249; and, on the increase of convents, see
+<i>Yañez</i>, <i>Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III.</i>, pp. 240, 268, 304,
+305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1257_1257" id="Footnote_1257_1257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1257_1257"><span class="label">[1257]</span></a> &lsquo;The reign of Philip III., surnamed from his piety the
+Good, was the golden age of Churchmen. Though religious foundations were
+already too numerous, great additions were made to them; and in those
+which already existed, new altars or chancels were erected. Thus, the
+duke of Lerma founded seven monasteries and two collegiate churches;
+thus, also, the diocese of Calahorra numbered 18,000 chaplains, Seville
+14,000. How uselessly the ministers of religion were multiplied, will
+appear still more clearly from the fact that the cathedral of Seville
+alone had a hundred, when half-a-dozen would assuredly have been
+sufficient for the public offices of devotion.&rsquo; <i>Dunham's History of
+Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 274. According to the passage quoted in note 93, from
+Davila, there were twenty-four thousand &lsquo;clerigos&rsquo; in the two dioceses
+of Calahorra and Pamplona.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1258_1258" id="Footnote_1258_1258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1258_1258"><span class="label">[1258]</span></a> &lsquo;Entre tanto crecia por instantes y se aumentaba
+prodigiosamente el poder y la autoridad de la Iglesia. Sus pingües
+riquezas desmembraban de una manera considerable las rentas de la
+corona; y el estado eclesiástico, que muchos abrazaron en un principio á
+consecuencia de las desgracias y calamidades de la época, fué despues el
+mas solicitado por las inmensas ventajas que ofrecia su condicion
+comparada con la de las clases restantes.&rsquo; <i>Antequera</i>, <i>Historia de la
+Legislacion</i>, pp. 223, 224. See also in <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á la
+Educacion</i>, Madrid, 1775&ndash;1777, vol. i. p. 465, and vol. iv. p. 219, a
+statement made by the University of Toledo in 1619, or 1620, that &lsquo;hay
+doblados religiosos, clerigos y estudiantes; porque ya <i>no hallan otro
+modo de vivir</i>, <i>ni de poder sustentarse</i>.&rsquo; If the eye of M. Lafuente
+had lighted upon this and other passages, which I shall shortly quote
+from contemporary observers, he would, I think, have expressed himself
+much more strongly than he has done respecting this period, in his
+recent brilliant, but unsatisfactory, History of Spain. On the great
+wealth of the convents in 1679, when the rest of the country was steeped
+in poverty, see a letter dated Madrid, July 25, 1679, in <i>D'Aulnoy</i>,
+<i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. p. 251. But the
+earliest evidence I have met with is in a letter, written in 1609, to
+Prince Henry of England, by Sir Charles Cornwallis, the English
+ambassador at Madrid. &lsquo;The furniture of their churches here, and the
+riches and lustre of their sepulchres made in every monasterie (the
+general povertye of this kingdome considered), are almost incredible.
+The laity of this nation may say with Davyde (though in another sense),
+&ldquo;Zelus domus tuæ comedit me:&rdquo; for, assuredly, the riches of the
+Temporall hath in a manner all fallen into the mouthes and devouring
+throates of the Spiritual.&rsquo; <i>Winwood's Memorials of Affairs of State</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 10, London, 1725, folio.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1259_1259" id="Footnote_1259_1259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1259_1259"><span class="label">[1259]</span></a> &lsquo;Deux millions de ducats, que le clergé possédait sous le
+règne de Charles V, étaient réputés comme un revenu exorbitant; et, un
+demi-siècle plus tard, lorsque ces revenus s'élevaient à huit millions,
+on qualifiat d'hérétique, toute proposition tendant à opérer quelque
+modification dans leur accroissement.&rsquo; <i>Sempère</i>, <i>Monarchie
+Espagnole</i>, vol. ii. p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1260_1260" id="Footnote_1260_1260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1260_1260"><span class="label">[1260]</span></a> In a work on Spanish literature which was published about
+seventy years ago, and which, at the time of its appearance, made
+considerable noise, this peculiarity is frankly admitted, but is deemed
+rather an honour to Spain than otherwise, inasmuch as that country, we
+are told, has produced philosophers who have gone much deeper into
+things than Bacon, Descartes, and Newton, who, no doubt, were clever
+men, but were nowise comparable to the great thinkers of the
+Peninsula. Such assertions, proceeding, not from some ignorant despiser
+of physical science, who contemns what he has never been at the pains to
+study, but from a really able and, in some respects, competent judge,
+are important for the history of opinion; and as the book is not very
+common, I will give two or three extracts. &lsquo;Confiesan los Franceses con
+ingenuidad que Descartes fué un novelista: y con todo eso quieren
+hacerle pasar por el promotor de la filosofía en Europa, como si su
+filosofía se desemejase mucho de la que dominaba en las sectas de la
+antigüedad. Su tratádo &ldquo;Del Metodo&rdquo; es nada en comparacion de los libros
+&ldquo;De la Corrupcion de las Artes&rdquo; de Juan Luis Vives, que le antecedió
+buen número de años.&rsquo; <i>Oracion Apologética por la España y su Mérito
+Literario por D. J. P. Forner</i>, Madrid, 1786, p. xi. &lsquo;No hemos tenido en
+los efectos un Cartesio, no un Neuton: démoslo de barato: pero hemos
+tenido justísimos legisladores y excelentes filósofos prácticos, que han
+preferido el inefable gusto de trabajar en beneficio de la humanidad á
+la ociosa ocupacion de edificar mundos imaginarios en la soledad y
+silencio de un gabinete.&rsquo; p. 12. &lsquo;Nada se disputaba en España.&rsquo; p. 61.
+At p. 143 a comparison between Bacon and Vives; and the final decision,
+p. 146, that Vives enjoys &lsquo;una gloriosa superioridad sobre todos los
+sabios de todos los siglos.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1261_1261" id="Footnote_1261_1261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1261_1261"><span class="label">[1261]</span></a> The final profession was not made till 1616; but he began
+to wear the clothes in 1613. &lsquo;Tal era su situacion el sábado santo 2 de
+abril&rsquo; [1616] &lsquo;que por no poder salir de su casa hubieron de darle en
+ella la profesion de la venerable órden tercera de San Francisco, cuyo
+hábito habia tomado en Alcalá, el dia 2 de julio de 1613.&rsquo; <i>Navarrete</i>,
+<i>Vida de Cervantes</i>, p. cii. prefixed to <i>Don Quijote</i>, Barcelona, 1839.
+Even in 1609, says Navarrete, (p. lxii.), &lsquo;Se ha creido que entónces se
+incorporó tambien Cervantes, como lo hizo Lope de Vega, en la
+congregacion del oratorio del Caballero de Gracia, mientras que su muger
+y su hermana doña Andrea se dedicaban á semejantes ejercicios de piedad
+en la venerable órden tercera de San Francisco, cuyo hábito recibieron
+en 8 de junio del mismo año.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1262_1262" id="Footnote_1262_1262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1262_1262"><span class="label">[1262]</span></a> <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+125, 126, 137, 147, 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1263_1263" id="Footnote_1263_1263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1263_1263"><span class="label">[1263]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 374. <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, vol.
+xxx. pp. 149, 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1264_1264" id="Footnote_1264_1264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1264_1264"><span class="label">[1264]</span></a> <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+276, 327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1265_1265" id="Footnote_1265_1265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1265_1265"><span class="label">[1265]</span></a> <i>Ticknor</i>, vol. ii. p. 327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1266_1266" id="Footnote_1266_1266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1266_1266"><span class="label">[1266]</span></a> <i>Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. i. p.
+525. But the best account is that given by his biographer, who assures
+us of two facts; that he received &lsquo;todas las órdenes sagradas,&rsquo; and that
+he was &lsquo;devotísimo de María santísima.&rsquo; <i>Vida de Solis</i>, p. 15, prefixed
+to <i>Solis</i>, <i>Historia de la Conquista de Mejico</i>, edit. Paris, 1844.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1267_1267" id="Footnote_1267_1267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1267_1267"><span class="label">[1267]</span></a> <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, vol. xl. p. 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1268_1268" id="Footnote_1268_1268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1268_1268"><span class="label">[1268]</span></a> &lsquo;Sacerdote soy.&rsquo; <i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de la Vida de Felipe
+Tercero</i>, lib. ii. p. 215.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1269_1269" id="Footnote_1269_1269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1269_1269"><span class="label">[1269]</span></a> <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, vol. xxvii. p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1270_1270" id="Footnote_1270_1270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1270_1270"><span class="label">[1270]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxix. p. 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1271_1271" id="Footnote_1271_1271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1271_1271"><span class="label">[1271]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. vii. p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1272_1272" id="Footnote_1272_1272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1272_1272"><span class="label">[1272]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1273_1273" id="Footnote_1273_1273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1273_1273"><span class="label">[1273]</span></a> <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. iii. p.
+177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1274_1274" id="Footnote_1274_1274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1274_1274"><span class="label">[1274]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 491, vol. iii. pp. 117, 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1275_1275" id="Footnote_1275_1275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1275_1275"><span class="label">[1275]</span></a> <i>Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 348, London, 1846.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1276_1276" id="Footnote_1276_1276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1276_1276"><span class="label">[1276]</span></a> &lsquo;Pero en fin murio Don Andres Martinez, y sucediole en la
+Canongia nuestro Bartholome.&rsquo; <i>Pellicer</i>, <i>Ensayo de una Bibliotheca</i>,
+Madrid, 1778, 4to. p. 94. This was the younger Argensola.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1277_1277" id="Footnote_1277_1277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1277_1277"><span class="label">[1277]</span></a> <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. ii. p.
+486.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1278_1278" id="Footnote_1278_1278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1278_1278"><span class="label">[1278]</span></a> &lsquo;Occupied a high place in the Inquisition.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 507. &lsquo;Prit les ordres, et obtint un canonicat.&lsquo;**RSQU</p></div> <i>Biographie
+Univ.</i> vol. xxxviii. p. 120.]
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1279_1279" id="Footnote_1279_1279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1279_1279"><span class="label">[1279]</span></a> In 1663 Philip IV. &lsquo;le honró con otra Capellanía de honor
+en su real Capilla.&rsquo; <i>Vida de Calderon</i>, p. iv., prefixed to <i>Las
+Comedias de Calderon</i>, edit. Keil, Leipsique, 1827.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1280_1280" id="Footnote_1280_1280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1280_1280"><span class="label">[1280]</span></a> &lsquo;Calderon is, in fact, the true poet of the Inquisition.
+Animated by a religious feeling, which is too visible in all his pieces,
+he inspires me only with horror for the faith which he professes.&rsquo;
+<i>Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe</i>, vol. ii. p. 379. Compare
+<i>Lewes on the Spanish Drama</i>, pp. 176&ndash;179.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1281_1281" id="Footnote_1281_1281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1281_1281"><span class="label">[1281]</span></a> Salfi says, &lsquo;Calderon de la Barca excite encore plus une
+sorte d'indignation, malgré son génie dramatique, qui le mit audessus de
+Vega, son prédécesseur. En lisant ses drames sans prévention, vous
+diriez qu'il a voulu faire servir son talent uniquement à confirmer les
+préjugés et les superstitions les plus ridicules de sa nation.&rsquo;
+<i>Ginguenè</i>, <i>Histoire Littéraire d'Italie</i>, vol. xii. p. 499, Paris,
+1834.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1282_1282" id="Footnote_1282_1282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1282_1282"><span class="label">[1282]</span></a> &lsquo;Entró en el año de 1622 á ser <i>Relator del Consejo de la
+General Inquisicion</i>, cuyo empleo servió y desempeñó con todo honor
+muchos años.&rsquo; And he declared, &lsquo;en esta clausula de su Testamento: &ldquo;Y por
+quanto yo y mis hermanos y toda nuestra familia nos hemos sustentado,
+autorizado y puesto en estado con las honras y mercedes, que nos ha hecho
+el santo Oficio de la Inquisicion, á quien hemos servido como nuestros
+antepassados; encargo afectuosissimamente á todos mis successores le sean
+para siempre los mas respetuosos servidores y criados, viviendo en
+ocupacion de su santo servido, procurando adelantarse y señalarse en él,
+quanto les fuere possible, en qualquiera de sus ministerios; pues todos
+son tan dignos de estimacion y veneracion.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>La Mosquea, por
+Villaviciosa</i>, Prologo, pp. x.&ndash;xii., edit. Madrid, 1777.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1283_1283" id="Footnote_1283_1283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1283_1283"><span class="label">[1283]</span></a> &lsquo;Hardly a convent or a saint of any note in
+Spain, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, failed of
+especial commemoration; and each of the religious orders and great
+cathedrals had at least one historian, and most of them several. The
+number of books on Spanish ecclesiastical history, is, therefore, one
+that may well be called enormous.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish
+Literature</i>, vol. iii. p. 132. Forner assures us, somewhat needlessly,
+of what no one ever doubted, that &lsquo;los estudios sagrados jamas decayéron
+en España.&rsquo; <i>Forner</i>, <i>Oracion Apologética</i>, Madrid, 1786, p. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1284_1284" id="Footnote_1284_1284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1284_1284"><span class="label">[1284]</span></a> In 1623, Howell writes from Madrid: &lsquo;Such is the
+reverence they bear to the church here, and so holy a conceit they have
+of all ecclesiastics, that the greatest Don in Spain will tremble to
+offer the meanest of them any outrage or affront.&rsquo; <i>Howell's Letters</i>,
+edit. London, 1754, p. 138. &lsquo;The reverence they show to the holy
+function of the church is wonderful; Princes and Queens will not disdain
+to kiss a Capuchin's sleeve, or the surplice of a priest&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;There
+are no such sceptics and cavillers there, as in other places.&rsquo; p. 496.
+In 1669, another observer writes: &lsquo;En Espagne les Religieux sont les
+maîtres, et l'emportent partout où ils se trouvent.&rsquo; <i>Voyages faits en
+divers Temps en Espagne</i>, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 35. And, to quote one more
+authority, the following picture is given of Spanish society in the
+reign of Philip IV.: &lsquo;No habia familia con quien no estuvieran
+entroncados los frailes por amistad ó parentesco; ni casa que les
+cerrara sus puertas; ni conversacion en que no se les cediera la
+palabra; ni mesa en que no se les obligara á ocupar la primera silla; ni
+resolucion grave entre ricos ó pobres que se adoptara sin su consejo; y
+si no tomaban parte en ellas, las satisfacciones domésticas no eran
+cabales.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. i. p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1285_1285" id="Footnote_1285_1285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1285_1285"><span class="label">[1285]</span></a> &lsquo;Le cardinal de Richelieu, qui n'étoit pas
+très-susceptible de pitié, l'appelle &ldquo;le plus hardi et le plus barbare
+conseil dont l'histoire de tous les siècles précédens fasse mention.&rdquo;&rsquo;
+<i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Histoire des Français</i>, vol. xxii. p. 163, Paris, 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1286_1286" id="Footnote_1286_1286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1286_1286"><span class="label">[1286]</span></a> &lsquo;Porque los Reyes queriendo, que en todo el Reino fuesen
+Christianos, embiaron á Frai Francisco Ximenez, que fue Arzobispo de
+Toledo i Cardenal, para que los persuadiese. Mas ellos, gente dura,
+pertinaz, nuevamente conquistada, estuvieron recios,&rsquo; <i>Mendoza</i>, <i>Guerra
+de Granada que hizo Felipe II. contra los Moriscos</i>, Valencia, 1776,
+4to. p. 10. The author of this book was born early in the sixteenth
+century, at Granada, where he lived for a considerable period.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1287_1287" id="Footnote_1287_1287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1287_1287"><span class="label">[1287]</span></a> &lsquo;L'année 1526 vit donc disparaître dans toutes les
+parties de l'Espagne les signes extérieurs de l'islamisme.&rsquo; <i>Circourt</i>,
+<i>Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 220. M. Lafuente
+(<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. x. p. 132) says of 1502, that &lsquo;desde
+entónces, por primera vez al cabo de ocho siglos,
+no quedo un solo habitante en España que esteriormente
+diera culto á Mahoma:&rsquo; but in vol. xi. p. 447, he says
+that, in 1524, &lsquo;volvieron inmediatamente á sus ritos y ceremonias
+muslímicas.&rsquo; As M. de Circourt was well acquainted with all the
+materials used by M. Lafuente, and is, moreover, a much more critical
+writer, it seems likely that his statement is the correct one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1288_1288" id="Footnote_1288_1288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1288_1288"><span class="label">[1288]</span></a> &lsquo;Ces malheureux auraient tous été exterminés, s'ils
+n'avaient consenti à recevoir le baptême. Au milieu des décombres de
+leurs maisons, sur les cadavres fumans de leurs femmes, ils
+s'agenouillèrent. Les germanos, ivres de sang, firent l'office de
+prêtres; l'un d'eux prit un balai, aspergea la foule des musulmans, en
+prononçant les paroles sacramentelles, et crut avoir fait des chrétiens.
+L'armée des germanos se répandit ensuite dans le pays environnant,
+saccageant d'abord, baptisant après.&rsquo; <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes
+d'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 175. See also p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1289_1289" id="Footnote_1289_1289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1289_1289"><span class="label">[1289]</span></a> That was their general name; but, in Aragon, they were
+termed &lsquo;&ldquo;tornadizos,&rdquo; en lenguage insultante.&rsquo; <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condición de
+los Moriscos de España</i>, Madrid, 1857, p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1290_1290" id="Footnote_1290_1290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1290_1290"><span class="label">[1290]</span></a> &lsquo;Recibieron el Sacramento por comodidad, no de voluntad,
+y asi encubrian todo lo possible el viuir y morir en la secta de Mahoma,
+siendo infieles apostatas.&rsquo; <i>Vanderhammen's Filipe Segundo</i>, p. 12.
+&lsquo;Porque la Inquisicion los comenzó á apretar mas de lo ordinario.&rsquo;
+<i>Mendoza</i>, <i>Guerra de Granada</i>, p. 20. &lsquo;Poner nuevo cuidado i diligencia
+en descubrir los motivos destos hombres,&rsquo; p. 26. And yet this very
+writer has the impudence to declaim against Mohammedanism as a cruel
+religion. &lsquo;Cruel i abominable religion aplacar á Dios con vida i sangre
+innocente!&rsquo; pp. 107, 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1291_1291" id="Footnote_1291_1291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1291_1291"><span class="label">[1291]</span></a> Vanderhammen (<i>Filipe Segundo</i>, p. 12, Madrid, 1632)
+merely tells us that &lsquo;Por cedula el año sesenta y seis les mandó
+dexassen el habito, lengua y costumbres de Moros, y fuessen Christianos
+y lo pareciessen.&rsquo; But the exact provisions were, &lsquo;Que dentro de tres
+años aprendiesen los moriscos á hablar la lengua castellana, y de allí
+adelante ninguno pudiese hablar, leer ni escriber arábigo en publico ni
+en secreto: que todos los contratos que se hiciesen en arábigo fuesen
+nulos: que todos los libros así escritos los llevasen en término de
+treinta dias al presidente de la audiencia de Granada para que los
+mandase examinar, devolviendoseles aquellos que no ofrecieran
+inconveniente para que los pudiesen guardar solo durante los tres años:
+que no se hicieran de nuevo marlotas, almalafas, calzas ni otra suerte
+de vestidos de los que se usaban en tiempos de moros; que durante este
+tiempo, las mujeres vestidas á la morisca llevarian la cara descubierta;
+que no usasen de las ceremonias ni de los regocijos moros en las bodas,
+sino conforme al uso de la Santa Madre Iglesia, abriendo las puertas de
+sus casas en tales dias, y tambien en los de fiesta, no haciendo zambras
+ni leylas con instrumentos ni cantares moriscos, aunque no dijesen en
+ellos cosas contraria á la religion cristiana,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion
+de los Moriscos</i>, pp. 31, 32, where other particulars will be found,
+which should be compared with <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes
+d'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 278, 283, 459&ndash;463.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1292_1292" id="Footnote_1292_1292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1292_1292"><span class="label">[1292]</span></a> Some of the other steps which were taken, before 1566, to
+affront the Moriscoes are enumerated in <i>Prescott's History of Philip
+II.</i>, vol. iii. p. 10, and elsewhere. In the reign of Charles V., there
+were many acts of local tyranny which escape the general historian. One
+of them, on the part of the Bishop of Guadix, is worth quoting. &lsquo;On le
+vit pousser l'intolérance jusqu'à faire raser les femmes et les obliger à
+racler leurs ongles pour en faire disparaître les traces du henné,
+cosmétique inoffensif dont il abhorrait l'usage, en raison de ce que les
+Arabes l'avaient introduit.&rsquo; <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1293_1293" id="Footnote_1293_1293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1293_1293"><span class="label">[1293]</span></a> Its concluding scene, in March, 1571, is skilfully
+depicted in <i>Prescott's History of Philip III.</i>, vol. iii. pp. 148&ndash;151.
+The splendid courage of the Moriscoes is attested by Mendoza in his
+contemporary history of the war; but, in narrating the horrible outrages
+which they undoubtedly committed, he makes no allowance for the
+long-continued and insufferable provocations which they had received
+from the Spanish Christians. What he mentions of one of the battles is
+curious, and I do not remember to have seen it elsewhere recorded. &lsquo;Fue
+porfiado por ambas partes el combate hasta venir á las espadas, de que
+los Moros se aprovechan menos que nosotros, por tener las suyas un filo
+i no herir ellos de punta.&rsquo; <i>Mendoza</i>, <i>Guerra de Granada</i>, edit. 4to.
+Valencia, 1776, p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1294_1294" id="Footnote_1294_1294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1294_1294"><span class="label">[1294]</span></a> An instance of this was exhibited in 1578, on the very
+day in which Philip III. was born. &lsquo;Predicando en un lugar de Aragon,
+todo de Moriscos, llamado Ricla, ó Torrellas, un religioso, llamado
+Vargas, el mismo dia que nació su Magestad, viendo el poco fruto que
+hacia con sus sermones, dixo, como en Profecia, á aquella gente rebelde:
+Pues no quereis despedir de vuestros pechos esta infernal secta, sabed,
+que ha nacido en Castilla vn Principe que os ha de echar de España.&rsquo; <i>Porreño</i>, <i>Dichos
+y Hechos de Phelipe III.</i>, in <i>Yañez</i>, <i>Memorias</i>, Madrid,
+1723, p. 224; and nearly the same words in <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion de los
+Moriscos</i>, p. 60. Mr. Prescott, in his <i>History of Philip II.</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 139, quotes a Ms. letter from Don John of Austria to Philip II.,
+written in 1570, and stating that the Spanish monks were openly
+preaching against the leniency with which the king treated the
+Moriscoes. &lsquo;Predicando en los púlpitos publicamente contra la benignidad
+y clemencia que V. M. ha mandado usar con esta gente.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1295_1295" id="Footnote_1295_1295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1295_1295"><span class="label">[1295]</span></a> In a recent work of considerable authority, it is denied
+that Philip II. entertained the desire of expelling the Moriscoes. &lsquo;El
+carácter austero y la severidad de Felipe II. redundaban en favor de los
+moriscos, porque no daba oidos á las instigaciones de algunos personajes
+que señalaban la expulsion general como unico remedio
+eficaz para los males que ofrecia al pais aquella desventurada raza.
+Acababa el monarca de tocar los tristes resultados de una emigracion por
+las funestas consecuencias de la despoblacion del reino granadino, y
+preferia continuar en la <i>senda de la conciliacion</i>, procurando de nuevo
+la enseñanza de los conversos.&rsquo; <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion de los Moriscos</i>,
+Madrid, 1857, p. 59. But to say nothing of the fact that this is
+contrary to all we know of the character of Philip, we have, on the
+other side of the question, the testimony of Archbishop Ribera, who
+had often communicated with the King on the subject, and who distinctly
+states that Philip desired the expulsion of the Moors from Spain, &lsquo;El
+hechar los Moros deste Reyno, ha sido cosa muy desseada, y procurada por
+los Reyes Predecessores del Rey nuestro Señor, aunque no executada.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;El Rey Don Felipe Segundo, nuestro Señor, despues de suceder en estos
+Reynos, <i>tuvo el mismo desseo</i>; y assi mandó, que se juntassen los
+Prelados deste Reyno para buscar remedio el año de 1568; siendo
+Arçobispo desta Metropoli el Reverendissimo Don Hernando de Lloazes.
+Hizieronse en aquella Junta algunas Constituciones de consideracion.
+Visto que no aprovechaban, mandó el año 1587 que se hiziesse otra Junta,
+<i>en la qual me hallé yo</i>: añadimos tambien algunas nuevas
+Constituciones. Y constando á su Magestad que no eran bastantes las
+diligencias passadas, y que siempre perseveraban en su heregia, se
+resolvio de mandarlos hechar del Reyno, ó por lo menos meterlos dentro
+de la tierra.&rsquo; <i>Ximenez</i>, <i>Vida de Ribera</i>, Roma, 1734, 4to. pp. 419,
+420. This important passage is decisive as to the real feelings of
+Philip, unless we assume that Ribera has stated a deliberate falsehood.
+But, strange to say, even the book in which so remarkable a passage is
+contained, appears to be unknown either to M. Janer or to M. Lafuente.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1296_1296" id="Footnote_1296_1296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1296_1296"><span class="label">[1296]</span></a> &lsquo;El rey Felipe III., hombre de rudo ingenio, se dejaba
+gobernar con facilidad por aquellos que sabiendo los temores de su
+conciencia, se aprovechaban de su imbecilidad para conseguir cuanto
+querian. Muchos eclesiásticos, recordando las espulsiones de judios y
+moros ejecutadas de órden de Fernando é Isabel, y conociendo que á
+Felipe III. seria agradable imitar á estos monarcas, le aconsejaron que
+condenase al destierro á todos los moriscos que vivian en sus reynos;
+pues no solo se obstinaban en seguir la ley mahometana, sino que
+tenían tratos con los turcos y entre sí para buscar sus
+libertades por medio del rigor de las armas.&rsquo; <i>Castro</i>, <i>Decadencia de España</i>, Cadiz, 1852, pp. 101, 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1297_1297" id="Footnote_1297_1297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1297_1297"><span class="label">[1297]</span></a> These memorials are printed in the Appendix to his Life
+by Ximenez. See the very curious book, entitled <i>Vida y Virtudes del
+Venerable Siervo de Dios D. Juan de Ribera</i>, <i>por el R. P. Fr. Juan
+Ximenez</i>, Roma, 1734, 4to. pp. 367&ndash;374, 376&ndash;393. This work is, I
+believe, extremely rare; at all events, I endeavoured in vain to obtain
+a copy from Spain or Italy, and, after some years' unsuccessful search,
+I met with the one I now have, on a London book-stall. M. de Circourt,
+in his learned History of the Spanish Arabs, does not appear to have
+been aware of its existence, and he complains that he could not procure
+the works of Ribera, whose Memorials he consequently quotes second-hand.
+<i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1846, vol. iii. pp.
+168, 351. Nor does Watson seem to have known it; though both he and M.
+de Circourt refer to Escriva's Life of Ribera. <i>Watson's Philip III.</i>,
+London, 1839, pp. 214&ndash;221. An abstract of these Memorials is given by
+Geddes, who, though a learned and accurate writer, had the mischievous
+habit of not indicating the sources of his information. <i>Geddes'
+Tracts</i>, London, 1730, vol. i. pp. 60&ndash;71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1298_1298" id="Footnote_1298_1298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1298_1298"><span class="label">[1298]</span></a> &lsquo;Por lo qual se puede creer, que nuestro Señor ha querido
+reservar esta obra tan digna de pecho Real para Vuestra Magestad, como
+reservó la libertad e su pueblo para Moyses, la entrada de la Tierra de
+Promission para Josue, la vengança de la injuria antigua de los
+Amalequitas para Saul, y la victoria de los Filisteos para David.&rsquo;
+<i>Ximenez</i>, <i>Vida de Ribera</i>, p. 370. Again, p. 377: &lsquo;Y al primer Rey que
+tuvo el Mundo, en siendo elegido por Dios, y confirmado en su Reyno, le
+embia á mandar por un Propheta que destruya á los Amalequitas, sin dexar
+hombres, ni mugeres, ni niños, aunque sean de leche, en
+fin que no quede rastro de ellos, ni des sus haziendas. Y porque no
+cumplió exactamente su mandamiento, cayó en indignacion de Dios, y fue
+privado del Reyno. Al segundo Rey, que fue David, le mandó Dios en
+siendo jurado, que destruyesse los Philisteos, como lo hizo.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1299_1299" id="Footnote_1299_1299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1299_1299"><span class="label">[1299]</span></a> &lsquo;El año quando se perdio la poderosa
+Armada, que iba á Inglaterra, confiado de la benignidad del Rey nuestro
+Señor, que está en el Cielo, me atreví con el zelo de fiel vassallo y
+Capellán, á dezir á Su Magestad; que aviendo gastado mucho tiempo en
+discurrir, que causa podia aver para que Dios, nuestro Señor,
+permitiesse aquel mal sucesso se me havia ofrecido una cosa de mucha
+consideracion, y era, querer dezir la Magestad Divina á Su Magestad
+Catolica; que mientras no ponia remedio en estas Heregias de España,
+cuyos Reynos le avia encomendado, no se debía ocupar en remediar las de
+los Beynos agenos. Y ahora confiando en la misma benignidad, y clemencia
+de Vuestra Magestad, me atrevo tambien á dezir, que aviendo considerado
+la causa, porque Dios nos ha quitado de las manos la toma de Argel,
+aviendose dispuesto todas las prevenciones para ella con la mayor
+prudencia, y sagacidad, que hemos visto en nuestros tiempos, y
+sirviendonos el mar, y los ayres, y las ocasiones, de la manera, que
+podiamos dessear, tengo por sin duda, que ha sido, querer nuestro Señor
+dar á Vuestra Magestad el ultimo recuerdo de la obligacion, que tiene,
+de resolver esta platica.&rsquo; <i>Ximenez</i>, <i>Vida de Ribera</i>, p. 373. It would
+be a pity if such admirable specimens of theological reasoning were to
+remain buried in an old Roman quarto. I congratulate myself and the
+reader on my acquisition of this volume, which is a vast repertory of
+powerful, though obsolete, weapons.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1300_1300" id="Footnote_1300_1300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1300_1300"><span class="label">[1300]</span></a> &lsquo;Todas estas cosas, y otras muchas, que dexo de dezir,
+por no ser prolixo, me hazen evidencia, de que conviene para el servicio
+de Dios nuestro Señor, y que Vuestra Magestad está obligado en
+conciencia, como Rey, y Supremo Señor, á quien toca de justicia
+defender, y conservar sus Reynos, mandar desterrar de España todos estos
+Moriscos, sin que quede hombre, ni muger grande, ni pequeño; reservando
+tan solamente los niños, y niñas, que no llegaren á siete años, para que
+se guarden entre nosotros, repartien dolos por las casas particulares de
+Christianos viejos. Y aun hay opinion de personas doctas, que estos
+tales niños y niñas, los puede Vuestra Magestad dar por esclavos, y lo
+fundan con razones probables.&rsquo; <i>Ximenez</i>, <i>Vida de Ribera</i>, pp. 379,
+380. &lsquo;Destos que se han de desterrar, podra Vuestra Magestad tomarlos
+que fuere servido por esclavos, para proveer sus Galeras, ó para embiar
+á las minas de las Indias, sin escrupulo alguno de conciencia, lo que
+tambien será de no poca utilidad.&rsquo; p. 384. To do this, was to be
+merciful; for they all deserved capital punishment, &lsquo;merecian pena
+capital.&rsquo; p. 381.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1301_1301" id="Footnote_1301_1301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1301_1301"><span class="label">[1301]</span></a> &lsquo;Aora, Catolica Magestad, vemos que Dios nuestro Señor ha
+reservado para Vuestra Magestad, y para su Real Corona, el nombre, y
+hechos de Rey Catholico: permitiendo por sus secretos juizios, que los
+que han sido siempre enemigos de su Iglesia se conserven, y que los que
+antes eran Catholicos, ayan degenerado, y apostatado de su santa ley y
+assi va la honra de Dios nuestro Señor, y el exemplo, y confusion de los
+otros Reyes, en que Vuestra Magestad tenga sus Reynos limpios de
+Hereges, y principalmente á España. Y quando esto huviesse de costar
+grandes trabajos, y todo el oro, y plata, que hay en las Indias, estaria
+muy bien empleado: pues se atraviessa la honra de Dios, la de su Santa
+Iglesia, el antiguo renombre desta Corona,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Ximenez</i>, <i>Vida de
+Ribera</i>, p. 382. And on the neglect of duty by Charles V. and Philip
+II., see p. 370.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1302_1302" id="Footnote_1302_1302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1302_1302"><span class="label">[1302]</span></a> &lsquo;The most powerful promoter of their expulsion was Don
+Bernardo de Roias y Sandoval, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and
+Inquisitor-General and Chancellor of Spain. This great prelate, who was
+brother to the Duke of Lerma, by whom the king for some years before,
+and for some years after the expulsion was absolutely governed, was so
+zealous to have the whole race of the Moriscoes extinguished, that he
+opposed the detaining of their children who were under seven years of
+age, affirming that of the two he judged it more advisable to cut the
+throats of all the Moriscoes, men, women, and children, than to have any
+of their children left in Spain, to defile the true Spanish blood with a
+mixture of the Moorish.&rsquo; <i>Geddes' Tracts</i>, vol. i. pp. 85, 86. Navarrete
+has pronounced a glowing eulogy upon the piety and other noble qualities
+of this prelate; and says that &lsquo;llenando de esplendor con su virtud tres
+sillas episcopales, mereció que Clemente VIII. le honrase con el capelo,
+y fué elevado á la primada de Toledo y al empleo de inquisidor general.&rsquo;
+<i>Vida de Cervantes</i>, pp. xcvii., xcviii., Barcelona, 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1303_1303" id="Footnote_1303_1303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1303_1303"><span class="label">[1303]</span></a> &lsquo;He did assure all the old Christian laity, that whenever
+the king should give the word, they might, without any scruple of
+conscience, cut the throats of all the Moriscoes, and not spare any of
+them upon their professing themselves Christians; but to follow the holy
+and laudable example of the Croisado that was raised against the
+Albigenses, who, upon their having made themselves masters of the city
+of Bezeir; wherein were two hundred thousand Catholics and hereticks,
+did ask Father Arnold, a Cistercian monk, who was their chief preacher,
+&ldquo;Whether they should put any to the sword that pretended to be
+Catholics;&rdquo; and were answered by the holy Abbot, &ldquo;That they should kill
+all without distinction, and leave it to God, who knew his own, to
+reward them for being true Catholics in the next world;&rdquo; which was
+accordingly executed.&rsquo; <i>Geddes</i>, vol. i. p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1304_1304" id="Footnote_1304_1304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1304_1304"><span class="label">[1304]</span></a> &lsquo;&ldquo;Grande resolucion!&rdquo; contestó el débil monarca al
+ministro favorito: &ldquo;hacedlo vos, duque.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. xv. p. 375. But this reply, so far from being a mark of
+weakness on the part of Philip, was a strictly logical application of
+the principles which he entertained, and which, indeed, were almost
+universal in Spain. We know from his contemporary biographer, that
+&lsquo;Determinó el Rey en los principios de su Reynado, como Rey tan poderoso
+y Catolico, de consagrar y dedicar à Dios la potencia de sus Consejos y
+Armas para extinguir y acabar los enemigos de la Iglesia Santa.&rsquo;
+<i>Davila</i>, <i>Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero</i>, lib. i. p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1305_1305" id="Footnote_1305_1305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1305_1305"><span class="label">[1305]</span></a> This is the average estimate. Some authors make it less,
+and some more; while one writer says, &lsquo;The numbers expelled have been
+estimated at four hundred thousand families, or two millions of souls.&rsquo;
+<i>Clarke's Internal State of Spain</i>, London, 1818, p. 33. But this is
+incredible. M. Castro (<i>Decadencia de España</i>, Cadiz, 1852, p. 105)
+says, &lsquo;España perdió en los moriscos un millon de habitantes;&rsquo; and M.
+Janer (<i>Condicion de los Moriscos</i>, Madrid, 1857, p. 93), &lsquo;Sin entrar en
+cálculos sobre los que habia cuando se expidio el edicto de Valencia en
+1609, ni sobre los que fenecieron en las rebeliones, de mano armada, de
+sed, de hambre ó ahogados, creemos poder fijar, aproximadamente, en
+novecientos mil los que llegaron á poner el pie fuera de la península,
+despidiéndose para siempre de las costas y fronteras de España, cuya
+cifra deducimos del exámen y contexto de unos y otros escritores, de las
+listas que nos han quedado de los expulsos, de los datos de diversas
+relaciones, estados y documentos examinados con este solo intento;&rsquo; and
+further on, p. 105, &lsquo;la expulsion de un millon, ó novecientos mil de sus
+habitantes.&rsquo; Llorente (<i>Histoire de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. iii. p. 430,
+Paris, 1818) says, &lsquo;un million d'habitans utiles et laborieux;&rsquo; Ximenez
+(<i>Vida de Ribera</i>, Roma, 1734, 4to. p. 70), &lsquo;novecientos mil;&rsquo; and
+Boisel, who was in Spain, fifty years after the expulsion, and collected
+the traditionary evidence, says, &lsquo;Il sortit neuf cens tant de mille
+hommes de compte fait, de Valence, d'Andalousie, et de Castille.&rsquo;
+<i>Boisel</i>, <i>Journal du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1669, 4to. p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1306_1306" id="Footnote_1306_1306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1306_1306"><span class="label">[1306]</span></a> <i>Watson's Philip III.</i>, pp. 234&ndash;235. <i>Davila</i>, <i>Vida de
+Felipe III.</i>, p. 146. <i>Yañez</i>, <i>Memorias para la Historia de Felipe
+III.</i>, pp. 281, 290. <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion de los Moriscos</i>, pp. 83, 84,
+90. Some particulars respecting their expulsion may also be seen in
+Cottington's Letters from Madrid, which were written in 1609, but are of
+very little value. <i>Winwood's Memorials of Affairs of State</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 73, 91, 103, 118, London, folio, 1725.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1307_1307" id="Footnote_1307_1307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1307_1307"><span class="label">[1307]</span></a> In a contemporary sermon in commemoration of their
+expulsion, the preacher joyfully exclaims, &lsquo;Pues, que mayor honra
+podemos tener en este Reyno, que ser todos los que vivimos en el, fieles
+á Dios, y al Rey, sin compañia de estos Hereges y traydores?&rsquo; <i>Ximenez</i>,
+<i>Vida de Ribera</i>, p. 423. Another clergyman cries out, &lsquo;Al fin salieron
+estos, y quedó la tierra libre de la infamia de este gente.&rsquo; <i>Davila</i>,
+<i>Vida de Felipe Tercero</i>, p. 149. See also p. 151. &lsquo;Y es digno de poner
+en consideracion el zelo que los Reyes de España tuvieron en todo tiempo
+de sustentar la Fé Catolica; pues en diferentes expulsiones que han
+hecho, han sacado de sus Reynos tres millones de Moros, y dos millones
+de Judios, enemigos de nuestra Iglesia.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1308_1308" id="Footnote_1308_1308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1308_1308"><span class="label">[1308]</span></a> See the sermon by the Archbishop of Valencia, printed at
+length in the Appendix to <i>Ximenez</i>, <i>Vida de Ribera</i>, pp. 411&ndash;428. I
+would fain quote it all, but the reader must be content with part of the
+peroration, pp. 426, 427. &lsquo;Entre las felizidades, que cuenta el Espiritu
+Santo que tuvieron los hijos de Israel en el govierno del Rey Salomon,
+es una; que vivian los hombres seguros, durmiendo á la sombra de su
+parra, y de su higuera, sin tener de quien temer. <i>Assi estaremos en
+este Reyno de aqui adelante</i>, por la misericordia de nuestro Señor, y
+paternal providencia de Su Magestad, todo nos sobrará, y la misma tierra
+se fertilizará y dará fruto de bendicion. Brocardico es, de que todos
+usabades, diziendo que despues, que estos se bautizaron, no se avia
+visto un año fertil; <i>aora todos lo seran</i>, porque las heregias y
+blasfemias de estos tenian esterilizada, abrasada, y inficionada la
+tierra, como dixo el Real Propheta David, con tantos pecados y
+abominaciones.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Y edificarán en las tierras, que antes eran
+desiertas, plantando viñas, y bebiendo el vino de ellas, y sembrarán
+huertas, y comeran del fruto de los arboles, que han plantado, y nunca
+seran hechados de sus casas, dize Dios. Todo esto promete nuestro Señor
+por dos Prophetas suyos. <i>Todo (digo otra vez) nos sobrará.</i>&rsquo; All this
+was to happen to the people; while, as to the king, he, in the same
+sermon, p. 416, is likened to David; and it was declared by another high
+authority, that his expulsion of the Moriscoes was so great an exploit
+(&lsquo;hazaña&rsquo;), that &lsquo;durára su memoria por los venideros siglos.&rsquo;
+<i>Porreño</i>, in <i>Yañez</i>, <i>Memorias para Felipe III.</i>, p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1309_1309" id="Footnote_1309_1309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1309_1309"><span class="label">[1309]</span></a> &lsquo;Amidst the devout exultation of the whole
+kingdom,&mdash;Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and others of the principal men of
+genius then alive, joining in the general jubilee.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History
+of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. i. pp. 428, 429. Compare <i>Dunlop's
+Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 16. Porreño says that it may be placed among the
+seven wonders of the world; &lsquo;la podemos poner entre las siete maravillas
+del mundo.&rsquo; <i>Yañez</i>, <i>Memorias</i>, p. 297: and Davila (<i>Vida de Felipe
+Tercero</i>, lib. ii. cap. 41, p. 139) pronounces it to be the most
+glorious achievement which had been seen since the days of Pelayo. All
+this is natural enough; but what is really curious is, to trace the
+modern remains of this feeling. Campomanes (<i>Apendice á la Educacion
+Popular</i>, vol. iv. p. 130, Madrid, 1777), a very able man, and far more
+liberal than most of his countrymen, is not ashamed to speak of &lsquo;la
+justa expulsion de los moriscos desde 1610 á 1613.&rsquo; Ortiz, in 1801,
+expresses himself with more hesitation, but is evidently in favour of a
+measure which liberated Spain from &lsquo;la perniciosa semilla de Mahoma que
+restaba en ella.&rsquo; <i>Compendio de la Historia de España</i>, vol. vi. pp.
+304, 305. Nay, even in 1856, the great modern historian of Spain, while
+admitting the serious material injury which this horrible crime
+inflicted on the country, assures us that it had the &lsquo;immense advantage&rsquo;
+of producing religious unity; unable to perceive that the very unity of
+which he boasts, generates an acquiescence and stagnation of mind fatal
+to all real improvement, because it prevents that play and collision of
+opinions by which the wits of men are sharpened and made ready for use,
+&lsquo;Con la expulsion se completó el principio de la unidad religiosa en
+España, que fué un bien inmenso, pero se consumó la ruina de la
+agricultura, que fué un inmenso mal.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>,
+vol. xvii. p. 340, Madrid, 1856. And, the year after this sagacious
+sentiment had been given to the world, another eminent Spaniard, in a
+work crowned by the Royal Academy of History, went still further, and
+declared, that not only did the expulsion of the Moriscoes cause great
+benefit by securing unity of creed, but that such unity was &lsquo;necessary
+on the Spanish soil.&rsquo; &lsquo;Y si bajo el aspecto económico reprobamos
+semejante medida por la influencia perniciosa que tuvo desde el momento
+de dictarse, la imparcialidad de historiadores nos obliga á respetarla
+por los inmensos bienes que produjo en el órden religioso y en el órden
+político.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;La unidad religiosa era necesaria en el suelo español.&rsquo;
+<i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España</i>, Madrid, 1857, pp.
+110, 114. What are we to think of a country in which these opinions are
+expressed, not by some obscure fanatic, from the platform or the pulpit,
+but by able and learned men, who promulgate them with all the authority
+of their position, being themselves deemed, if anything, rather too bold
+and too liberal for the people to whom they address their works?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1310_1310" id="Footnote_1310_1310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1310_1310"><span class="label">[1310]</span></a> &lsquo;Los moros eran muy diestros en todo lo que mira á obras
+de agua.&rsquo; <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á la Educacion Popular</i>, vol. iii. p.
+cvii. &lsquo;The Moors were the most intelligent agriculturists Spain ever
+had.&rsquo; <i>Laborde's Spain</i>, vol. ii. p. 216. Even Jovellanos admits that
+&lsquo;except in the parts occupied by the Moors, the Spaniards were almost
+totally unacquainted with the art of irrigation.&rsquo; <i>Clarke's Internal
+State of Spain</i>, p. 116. See also <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Arabes d'Espagne</i>, vol.
+i. p. 255, vol. ii. p. 12, vol. iii. pp. 162, 222; <i>Bourgoing</i>, <i>Tableau
+de l'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 170, 171; and <i>Townsend's Spain</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 74. Remains of their splendid aqueducts still exist. <i>Hoskins'
+Spain</i>, vol. i. pp. 120, 125, 291, 292. Compare <i>Spain by an American</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 112 with <i>L'Estat de l'Espagne</i>, Genève, 1681, p. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1311_1311" id="Footnote_1311_1311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1311_1311"><span class="label">[1311]</span></a> Compare <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion de los Moriscos</i>, pp. 47, 48,
+with <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á la Educacion Popular</i>, vol. iii. p.
+xxii., and <i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1312_1312" id="Footnote_1312_1312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1312_1312"><span class="label">[1312]</span></a> The more sensible among the Spaniards notice, with
+regret, this national contempt for every form of useful industry. See
+<i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Educacion Popular</i>, p. 128, and <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie
+Espagnole</i>, vol. ii. pp. 277, 278. A traveller in Spain in 1669, says of
+the people, &lsquo;ils méprisent tellement le travail, que la plûpart des
+artisans sont étrangers.&rsquo; <i>Voyages faits en divers Temps par M.
+M****</i>, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 80. Another traveller, between 1693
+and 1695, says, they &lsquo;think it below the dignity of a Spaniard to labour
+and provide for the future.&rsquo; <i>Travels by a Gentleman</i> (by Bromley?),
+London, 1702, p. 35. A third observer, in 1679, assures us that &lsquo;ils
+souffrent plus aisément la faim et les autres nécessitez de la vie, que
+de travailler, disent-ils, comme des mercenaires, ce qui n'appartient
+qu'à des esclaves.&rsquo; <i>D'Aulnoy</i>, <i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Lyon,
+1693, vol. ii. pp. 369, 370. For further illustrations of this, see
+<i>Labat</i>, <i>Voyages en Espagne</i>, Paris, 1730, vol. i. pp. 285, 286.
+<i>Capmany</i>, <i>Qüestiones Criticas</i>, pp. 43, 49, 50. <i>Laborde's Spain</i>,
+vol. i. p. i. <i>Ranke's Spanish Empire</i>, p. 103. <i>Townsend's
+Journey through Spain</i>, vol. ii. pp. 240, 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1313_1313" id="Footnote_1313_1313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1313_1313"><span class="label">[1313]</span></a> &lsquo;Pudo, pues, decirse con razon de nuestra patria, que de
+Arabia Feliz se habia convertido en Arabia Desierta, y de Valencia en
+particular, que el bello jardin de España se habia convertido en páramo
+seco y deslucido. Dejóse en breve sentir en todas partes el azote del
+hambre; y al alegre bullicio de las poblaciones sucedió el melancólico
+silencio de los despoblados, y al frecuente cruzar de los labradores y
+trajineros por los caminos siguió el peligroso encuentro de los
+salteadores que los infestaban, abrigándose en las ruinas de los pueblos
+desiertos.&rsquo; <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion de los Moriscos</i>, p. 100. See also
+<i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 16. Campomanes says, &lsquo;El gran número de
+artesanos, que salieron con la expulsion de los moriscos, causó un golpe
+mortal á las manufacturas, y á la labranza.&rsquo; <i>Apendice á la Educacion
+Popular</i>, vol. i. p. 13. And p. 268, &lsquo;El punto de decadencia de nuestras
+manufacturas, puede fixarse desde el año de 1609, en que tubo principio
+la expulsion de los Moriscos.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1314_1314" id="Footnote_1314_1314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1314_1314"><span class="label">[1314]</span></a> &lsquo;Sur la carte d'Espagne, en mille endroits est inscrit ce
+funeste mot, <i>despoblado</i>; en mille endroits la nature sauvage a
+repris la place des cultures. Étudiez la direction des
+despoblados, et consultez les registres des commissaires de l'expulsion,
+vous verrez presque toujours que les familles morisques couvraient ces
+solitudes. Leur patrimoine abandonné forma le domaine des voleurs, qui
+établirent avec une sorte de sécurité leurs correspondances effrontées à
+travers toute l'Espagne. Le brigandage s'organisa comme une profession
+ordinaire; et la contrebande, sa compagne, leva le front avec autant
+d'audace, autant de succès.&rsquo; <i>Circourt</i>, <i>Histoire des Arabes
+d'Espagne</i>, vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1315_1315" id="Footnote_1315_1315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1315_1315"><span class="label">[1315]</span></a> &lsquo;Declinó pues muy sensiblemente la vasta monarquía, y
+callaron atonitos los historiadores, como huyendo la necesidad de traer
+á la memoria lo que veian y apenas creian. Enmudeció pues la historia de
+España en los dos reynados de Felipe IV. y Carlos II. viendo continuaba
+nuestra decadencia, hasta quedar España al nivel de los menos poderosos
+Estados de Europa. Este silencio nos ha privado de saber no solo las
+causas de nuestra decadencia, sino tambien de los acontecimientos
+civiles y militares del siglo xvii.&rsquo; <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio de la Historia
+de España</i>, vol. vi., Prologo, p. i. No attempt was made to supply the
+deficiency complained of by Ortiz, until 1856, when M. Lafuente
+published, in Madrid, the sixteenth and seventeenth volumes of his
+History of Spain, which contain the reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II.
+Of this work, I have no desire to speak disrespectfully; on the
+contrary, it is impossible to read it without interest, on account of
+the admirable clearness with which the different topics are arranged,
+and also on account of its beautiful style, which reminds us of the best
+days of Castilian prose. But I feel constrained to say, that, as a
+history, and especially as a history which undertakes to investigate the
+causes of the decline of Spain, it is a complete failure. In the first
+place, M. Lafuente has not emancipated himself from those very
+prejudices to which the decline of his country is owing. And, in the
+second place, he has, particularly in the reigns of Philip IV. and
+Charles II., not used sufficient diligence in searching for materials
+for studying the economical changes through which Spain has passed.
+Looking too intently at the surface, he mistakes symptoms for causes; so
+that the real history of the Spanish people every where escapes his
+grasp. As the object to which my studies are directed, compels me to
+contemplate affairs from a larger and more general point of view than he
+has done, it naturally happens that the conclusions at which we arrive
+are very different; but I wish to bear my testimony, whatever it may be
+worth, to the great merit of his book as a work of art, though, as a
+work of science, it appears to me that he has effected nothing, and has
+thrown no new light on the real history of that unfortunate, albeit once
+splendid, nation, of which his eloquence, his learning, and his taste,
+make him one of the chiefest ornaments.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1316_1316" id="Footnote_1316_1316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1316_1316"><span class="label">[1316]</span></a> See <i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 320; and the
+interesting calculations in <i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica y Practica de
+Comercio</i>, Madrid, 1757, folio, pp. 35, 36. Owing to the ignorance which
+formerly prevailed respecting statistics, such estimates are necessarily
+imperfect; but, after the desolation of Spain in the seventeenth
+century, an extraordinary diminution in the population of the capital
+was inevitable. Indeed, a contemporary of Charles II. states that in
+1699, Madrid had only 150,000 inhabitants. <i>Mémoires de Louville</i>,
+Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72. This account is taken from &lsquo;un mémoire
+manuscrit, en langue espagnole, trouvé dans les papiers du marquis de
+Louville.&rsquo; p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1317_1317" id="Footnote_1317_1317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1317_1317"><span class="label">[1317]</span></a> Capmany (<i>Qüestiones Criticas</i>, p. 30), who seems to have
+written his able, but not very accurate, work for the express purpose of
+concealing the decline of his country, has given these figures
+erroneously. My information is derived from an official report made in
+1701, by the trade-corporations (&lsquo;gremios&rsquo;) of Seville. &lsquo;Fijan la época
+de la ruina de nuestras fábricas desde el reynado de Felipe II. y añaden
+&ldquo;haber llegado á tener solo en esta ciudad al arte mayor, y menor de la
+sede, el número de mas de diez y seis mil telares, y se ocupaban en los
+exercicios adherentes á él, mas de ciento treinta mil personas de ambos
+sexos.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á la Educacion Popular</i>, vol. i. p.
+473, Madrid, 1775. See also <i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica y Practica de
+Comercio</i>, p. 14, &lsquo;diez y seis mil telares;&rsquo; where, however, no
+authority is quoted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1318_1318" id="Footnote_1318_1318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1318_1318"><span class="label">[1318]</span></a> &lsquo;El principal origen y causa de que los 16,000 telares de
+seda, lana, oro y plata, que se contaban en Sevilla, se hallen oy
+reducidos á menos de 300.&rsquo; <i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica de Comercio</i>, p. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1319_1319" id="Footnote_1319_1319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1319_1319"><span class="label">[1319]</span></a> <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. ii. p. 52, who
+refers to the report of the Cortes published by Alonso Nuñez de Castro.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1320_1320" id="Footnote_1320_1320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1320_1320"><span class="label">[1320]</span></a> <i>Laborde's Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 338, where it is also
+said, that Tunis became, in consequence of the expulsion of the
+Moriscoes, famous for the manufacture of caps, which &lsquo;were subsequently
+imitated at Orleans.&rsquo; Compare, on the cap-manufactories of Tunis, a note
+in <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice, á la Educacion Popular</i>, vol. iv. p. 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1321_1321" id="Footnote_1321_1321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1321_1321"><span class="label">[1321]</span></a> &lsquo;Tolède, où se mettaient en &oelig;uvre 435,000 livres de
+soie, avait déjà perdu ce travail, qui suffisait autrefois à l'existence
+de 38,484 personnes. La population de cette ville avait éprouvé un tiers
+de diminution, et vingt-cinq maisons de ses familles les plus illustres
+étaient passées dans le domaine de divers couvens.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>,
+<i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. ii. p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1322_1322" id="Footnote_1322_1322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1322_1322"><span class="label">[1322]</span></a> See his interesting essay, reprinted in the appendix to
+<i>Campomanes</i>, vol. iv. p. 251. He says, &lsquo;La fábrica de los guantes, que
+tenian pocos años ha todas las ciudades de estos reynos para el consumo
+de España y las Indias, era muy considerable; y se ha destruido, despues
+que se dió entrada al consumo de guantes estrangeros.&rsquo; Such a statement,
+made by a contemporary, is unimpeachable; but the reason he assigns is
+inadequate.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1323_1323" id="Footnote_1323_1323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1323_1323"><span class="label">[1323]</span></a> Segovia, as it appeared in 1659, is thus described in
+<i>Boisel</i>, <i>Journal du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1669, 4to. p. 186:
+&lsquo;Autresfois, cette ville qui paroist assez grande, estoit fort riche,
+tant à cause que les rois de Castille y demeuroient, qu'à cause du grand
+commerce des laines et des beaux draps qui s'y faisoient; mais à présent
+le trafic n'y est plus, et on n'y fait plus que fort peu de draps, de
+sorte que la ville est presque désert et fort pauvre. Une marque de sa
+pauvreté, du mauvais ordre d'Espagne, et du peu de prévoyance des
+Espagnols (quoy qu'on dise de leur flegme), c'est que le jour que j'y
+arrivay jusques à deux heures après midy il n'y avoit point eu de pain
+en toute la ville, et ils ne s'en étonnoient point.&rsquo; The decline of the
+silk and wool manufactures of Segovia is also noticed by Martinez de la
+Mata, who wrote in 1650. See his <i>Dos Discursos</i>, edited by Canga,
+Madrid, 1794, p. 8. Saint Simon, who was there in 1722, says, &lsquo;A l'égard
+de leurs laines, j'en vis les manufactures à Ségovie qui me parurent peu
+de chose et fort tombées de leur ancienne réputation.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Duc
+de Saint Simon</i>, vol. xxxvii. p. 230, Paris, 1841. Segovia used to be
+famous for the beautiful colour of its cloth, the dye of which was taken
+from a shell-fish found in the West Indies, and is supposed to be the
+same as the purpura of the ancients. See a note in <i>Dillon's Spain</i>,
+Dublin, 1781, pp. 19, 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1324_1324" id="Footnote_1324_1324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1324_1324"><span class="label">[1324]</span></a> Such is the language of a Spaniard in the middle of the
+seventeenth century. &lsquo;Porque á la ciudad de Burgos, cabeza de Castilla,
+no le ha quedado sino el nombre, ni aun vestigios de sus ruinas;
+reducida la grandeza de sus tratos, Prior, y Cónsules, y ordenanzas para
+la conservacion de ellos, á 600 vecinos, que conservanel nombre y lustre
+de aquella antigua y noble cuidad, que encerró en si mas de seis mil,
+sin la gente suelta, natural, y forastera.&rsquo; <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á la
+Educacion</i>, vol. i. p. 453, Madrid, 1765. An intelligent Dutchman, who
+visited Spain in 1665, says of Burgos, &lsquo;elle a esté autrefois fort
+marchande, mais depuis peu, elle a presque perdu tout son commerce.&rsquo;
+<i>Aarsens de Sommerdyck</i>, <i>Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1665, 4to. p. 16. To
+me, it certainly appears that facts of this sort have more to do with
+the real history of Spain than the details of kings, and treaties, and
+battles, which the Spanish historians love to accumulate.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1325_1325" id="Footnote_1325_1325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1325_1325"><span class="label">[1325]</span></a> &lsquo;Could contribute little to the exigencies of the state.&rsquo;
+<i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 285. Compare <i>Lamentos Apologéticos</i>, in
+<i>Dos Discursos</i>, edit. Canga, Madrid, 1794, p. 82, on the state of
+things in &lsquo;lo mas fértil de Andalucia.&rsquo; The government first became
+alive to all this when it found that no more money could be wrung from
+the people. In May 1667, a council of state, convoked by the queen,
+reported that &lsquo;quant aux ressources qu'on voudrait tirer de l'Espagne,
+sous forme de dons volontaires ou autrement, le conseil estime qu'il est
+bien difficile d'imposer aux peuples des charges nouvelles;&rsquo; and in
+November of that same year, at another meeting of the council, a memoir
+was drawn up, stating that &lsquo;depuis le règne de Don Ferdinand le
+Catholique jusqu'à ce jour, la monarchie d'Espagne ne s'est pas encore
+vue si près de sa ruine, si épuisée, si dénuée des ressources
+nécessaires pour faire face à un grand péril.&rsquo; See extracts from the
+proceedings of the Councils, published, for, I believe, the first time,
+by M. Mignet, in his <i>Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 124, 601, Paris, 1835, 4to. See also, in the same valuable
+work, vol. ii. p. 127, a letter to Louis XIV., from his ambassador at
+Madrid, dated 2nd June, 1667, and stating that &lsquo;l'extrémité est ici si
+grande qu'il se fait une contribution volontaire de tous les
+particuliers que l'on appelle <i>donativo</i>, pour fournir quelque argent
+présent pour les nécessitée publiques.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1326_1326" id="Footnote_1326_1326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1326_1326"><span class="label">[1326]</span></a> In 1664, Sir Richard Fanshawe writes from Madrid to
+Secretary Bennet, &lsquo;Since my last to you, of yesterday, the President of
+Castile, having, by the king's special and angry command, gone forth to
+the neighbouring villages, attended with the hangman, and whatsoever
+else of terror incident to his place and derogatory to his person, the
+markets in this town begin to be furnished again plentifully enough.&rsquo;
+<i>Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe</i>, <i>written by herself</i>, edit. London, 1830, p.
+291.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1327_1327" id="Footnote_1327_1327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1327_1327"><span class="label">[1327]</span></a> Nothing but the precise and uncontradicted evidence of a
+contemporary witness could make such things credible. In 1686, Alvarez
+Osorio y Redin wrote his <i>Discursos</i>. They were published in 1687 and
+1688; they were reprinted at Madrid in 1775; and from the reprint, pp.
+345&ndash;348, I extract the following particulars: &lsquo;Es preciso decir con la
+mayor brevedad, que pide el asunto, en la forma que los comisionantes
+continuamente están saqueando todos los lugares, con capa de servir á
+V.M. Entran en ellos, intíman sus comisiones á las justicias, y ellas
+les suplican, tengan misericordia de los moradores, que estan con mucha
+necesidad. Y luego que toman el uso, dicen: que á ellos no les toca
+dispensar en hacer gracias: que traen orden de cobrar con todo rigor las
+cantidades, que deben los lugares; y tambien dicen han de cobrar sus
+salarios. Y se van entrando por las casas de los pobres labradores, y
+demás vecinos; y con mucha cuenta y razon, les quitan el poco dinero,
+que tienen: y á los que no tienen, les sacan prendas: y donde no las
+hallan, les quitan las pobres camas, en que duermen: y se detienen en
+vender las prendas, todo el tiempo que pueden.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Los saquéos
+referidos van continuando, obligando á los mas vecinos de los lugares, á
+que se vayan huyendo de sus casas, dexando baldías sus haciendas de
+campo; y los cobradores no tienen lástima de todas estas miserias, y
+asolaciones, como si entráran en lugares de enemigos. Las casas, que
+hallan vacías, si hay quien se las compre, las venden: y quando no
+pueden venderlas, las quitan los texados; y venden la texa, y madera por
+qualquier dinero. Con esta destruicion general, no han quedado en pie en
+los lugares la tercera parte de casas, y han muerto de necesidad gran
+multitud de personas. Con lo qual los lugares no tienen la mitad de
+familias, que antiguamente habia en España. Y si no se pone remedio á
+todo referido, será preciso, que la vengan á poblar de otros Reynos.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1328_1328" id="Footnote_1328_1328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1328_1328"><span class="label">[1328]</span></a> &lsquo;Allí acabó aquella antigua milicia española que desde el
+tiempo de los reyes católicos habia ganado tan gloriosos triunfos,
+siendo el terror de sus enemigos.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 150, Madrid, 1840. &lsquo;La batalla de Rocroy, en que el jóven
+Condé recogió los laureles con que engalanó la dorado cuna del niño Luis
+XIV., acabó con la reputacion que aun habian podido ir conservando los
+viejos tercios españoles de Flandres.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>,
+vol. xvii. p. 368, Madrid, 1856.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1329_1329" id="Footnote_1329_1329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1329_1329"><span class="label">[1329]</span></a> In the <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 275, Oxford,
+1767, folio, I find a letter written by Hopton to Secretary Windebank,
+dated Madrid, 31st May, 1635. The author of this official communication
+gives an account of the Spanish troops just raised, and says, &lsquo;I have
+observed these levies, and I find the horses are so weak, as the most of
+them will never be able to go to the rendezvous, and those very hardly
+gotten, the infantry so unwilling to serve, as they are carried like
+galley-slaves, in chains, which serves not the turn, and so far short of
+the number that was proposed, as they come not to one of three.&rsquo; This
+was eight years before the battle of Rocroy; after it, matters became
+rapidly worse. A letter from Sir Edward Hyde to Secretary Nicholas,
+dated Madrid, 18th March, 1649&ndash;50, states, that Spanish &lsquo;affairs are
+really in huge disorder, and capable of being rendered almost
+desperate;&rsquo; and another letter, on 14th April, 1650, &lsquo;if some miracle do
+not preserve them, this crown must be speedily destroyed,&rsquo; <i>Clarendon
+State Papers</i>, vol. iii. pp. 13, 17, Oxford, 1786. An official Report on
+the Netherlands, presented to Louis XIV. in 1665, declares that the
+Dutch &lsquo;considered Spain so weakened, as to be out of condition to renew
+the war within the next one hundred years.&rsquo; <i>Raumer's History of the
+Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries</i>, <i>illustrated by Original
+Documents</i>, London, 1835, vol. i. p. 237. See also <i>Mignet</i>,
+<i>Négociations relatives à la Succession d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1835&ndash;1842,
+4to. vol. i. pp. 37, 38, 314, 315, vol. iii. p. 684, vol. iv. p. 218;
+and <i>L'Estat de l'Espagne</i>, Genève, 1681, pp. 83, 271. &lsquo;L'Espagne
+faisant en nos jours plus de pitié que de peur à ceux qu'elle a tenus
+long-tems dans une crainte perpétuelle, et dans une
+respectueuse vénération.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Aussi peut-on dire que les Espagnols qui
+étoient autrefois des lions, ou des véritables hommes et incomparables
+en valeur, sont maintenant des cerfs, ou des femmes, et enfin des
+personnes peu propres à la guerre.&rsquo; And finally, the Spanish explanation
+of all this in <i>Yañez</i>, <i>Memorias</i>, Prologo, pp. 148, 149, Madrid, 1723.
+&lsquo;La Monarquia de España, cuya decadencia la avia yá Dios decretado desde
+el año de 1621,&rsquo; &amp;c.; blasphemously ascribing to the Almighty, what was
+the result of their own folly, and obstinately shutting their eyes to
+the real cause of their ruin.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1330_1330" id="Footnote_1330_1330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1330_1330"><span class="label">[1330]</span></a> &lsquo;A century ago, Spain had been as supreme at sea as on
+land; her ordinary naval force was 140 galleys, which were the terror
+both of the Mediterranean and Atlantic. But now&rsquo; (1656), &lsquo;in consequence
+of the decline of commerce and fisheries on the coast, instead of the
+numerous squadrons of the Dorias and Mendozas, which were wont to attend
+the movements of the first great John of Austria and the Emperor
+Charles, the present High-Admiral of Spain, and favourite son of its
+monarch, put to sea with three wretched gallies, which, with difficulty,
+escaped from some Algerine corsairs, and were afterwards nearly
+shipwrecked on the coast of Africa.&rsquo; <i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 549.
+In 1663, &lsquo;Il n'y avait à Cadix ni vaisseaux ni galères en état d'aller
+en mer. Les Maures insultaient audacieusement les côtes de l'Andalousie,
+et prenaient impunément les barques qui se hasardaient à une lieue de la
+rade. Le duc d'Albuquerque, qui commandait les forces navales, se
+plaignait hautement de la position humiliante dans laquelle on le
+laissait. Il avait demandé avec instance qu'on lui donnât des matelots
+et des soldats pour mettre sur les vaisseaux; mais le Comte de
+Castrillo, président du Conseil de Finances (de la <i>hacienda</i>) avait
+déclaré qu'il n'avait ni argent, ni la possibilité d'en trouver, et
+conseillait de renoncer à l'armée navale.&rsquo; <i>Mignet</i>, <i>Négociations
+relatives à la Succession d'Espagne</i>, vol. i. pp. 315, 316, Paris, 1835,
+4to. from contemporary manuscripts. Even in 1648, Spain had &lsquo;become so
+feeble in point of naval affairs as to be obliged to hire Dutch vessels
+for carrying on her American commerce.&rsquo; <i>Macpherson's Annals of
+Commerce</i>, vol. ii. p. 435, London, 1805, 4to. And, to complete the
+chain of evidence, there is a letter in the <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 86, Oxford, 1773, folio, written from Madrid in June 1640,
+stating that, &lsquo;For ships they have few, mariners fewer, landsmen not so
+many as they need, and, by all signs, money not at all that can be
+spared.&rsquo; The history of Spain during this period never having been
+written, I am compelled, in my own justification, to give these and
+similar passages with a fulness which I fear will weary some readers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1331_1331" id="Footnote_1331_1331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1331_1331"><span class="label">[1331]</span></a> And when they did, it was to their own cost, as Stanhope
+found, at the beginning of his career as British minister to the court
+of Madrid, in 1690. See his letter to Lord Shrewsbury, in <i>Mahon's Spain
+under Charles II.</i>, London, 1840, p. 3. &lsquo;We were forced into a small
+port, called Ferrol, three leagues short of the Groyne, and, by the
+ignorance of a Spanish pilot, our ships fell foul one with another, and
+the admiral's ship was on ground for some hours, but got off clear
+without any damage.&rsquo; Indeed, the Spanish seamen, once the boldest and
+most skilful navigators in the world, so degenerated, that, early in the
+eighteenth century, we find it stated as a matter of course, that &lsquo;to
+form the Spaniard to marine affairs, is transporting them into unknown
+countries.&rsquo; <i>The History of Cardinal Alberoni</i>, London, 1719, p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1332_1332" id="Footnote_1332_1332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1332_1332"><span class="label">[1332]</span></a> &lsquo;Le peu de soldats qui résistaient à la désertion,
+étaient vêtus de haillons, sans solde, sans pain,&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de
+Louville</i>, edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72. &lsquo;Dans l'état le plus
+misérable.&rsquo; p. 43. Compare Lefuente, in the reign of Philip
+IV. (<i>Historia</i>, vol. xvi. p. 519), &lsquo;los soldados peleaban andrajosos y
+medio desnudos;&rsquo; and D'Aulnoy, in 1679 (<i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>,
+vol. i. p. 168), &lsquo;Il est rare que dans tout un régiment, il se trouve
+deux soldats qui ayent plus d'une chemise.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1333_1333" id="Footnote_1333_1333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1333_1333"><span class="label">[1333]</span></a> &lsquo;Ruinosos los muros de sus fortalezas, aun tenía
+Barcelona abiertas las brechas, que hizo el duque de Vendoma; y desde
+Rosas hasta Cadiz, no habia Alcazar, ni Castillo, no solo presidiado,
+pero ni montada su artillería. La misma negligencia se admiraba en los
+puertos de Vizcaya, y Galicia; no tenian los almazenes sus provisiones,
+faltaban fundidores de armas, y las que habia, eran de ningun uso.
+Vacios los arsenales y artilleros, se habia olvidado el arte de
+construir naves, y no tenia el Rey mas que las destinadas al comercio de
+Indias, y algunos galeones; seis galeras, consumidas del tiempo, y del
+ocio, se ancoraban en Cartagena.&rsquo; <i>Bacallar</i>, <i>Comentarios de la Guerra
+de España</i>, vol. i. p. 43. Another eye-witness describes &lsquo;the best
+fortresses consisting of ruined walls, mounted with here and there a
+rusty cannon, and the man thought an able engineer who knew how to fire
+them.&rsquo; <i>Ripperda's Memoirs</i>, second edition, London, 1740, p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1334_1334" id="Footnote_1334_1334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1334_1334"><span class="label">[1334]</span></a> <i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225. In 1680,
+Madame de Villars, the wife of the French Ambassador, writes from
+Madrid, that such was the state of affairs there, that her husband
+thought it advisable that she should return home. <i>Lettres de Madame de
+Villars</i>, Amsterdam, 1769, p. 169. A letter written by the Danish
+ambassador in 1677, describes every house in Madrid as regularly armed
+from top to bottom; &lsquo;de haut en bas.&rsquo; <i>Mignet</i>, <i>Négociations relatives
+à la Succession</i>, vol. iv. p. 638, Paris, 1842, 4to. The deaths from
+starvation are said to have been particularly numerous in Andalusia. See
+<i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iii. p. 167. &lsquo;En Andalucia
+especialmente moria mucha gente de hambre, y el consulado de Sevilla
+envió una diputacion para representar que aquella ciudad habia quedado
+reducida á la cuarta parte de la poblacion que habia tenido cincuenta
+años antes.&rsquo; On the state of the people generally, in 1680, compare
+<i>Lettres de Villars</i>, pp. 145, 152, 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1335_1335" id="Footnote_1335_1335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1335_1335"><span class="label">[1335]</span></a> &lsquo;Point de libertés et point de frein.&rsquo; <i>Mém. de Louville</i>,
+vol. i. p. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1336_1336" id="Footnote_1336_1336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1336_1336"><span class="label">[1336]</span></a> In 1681, the French ambassadress writes from Madrid, &lsquo;Je
+ne vous parle point de la misère de ce royaume. La faim est jusques dans
+le palais. J'étois hier avec huit ou dix camaristes, et La Moline, qui
+disoient qu'il y avoit fort long-tems qu'on ne leur donnoit plus ni pain
+ni viande. Aux écuries du roi et de la reine, de même.&rsquo; <i>Lettres de Madame
+la Marquise de Villars</i>, Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 216, 217. The year after
+Charles II. died: &lsquo;II n'y avoit pas de fonds pour les choses les plus
+nécessaires, pour la cuisine, l'écurie, les valets de pied,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires du Duc de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 26, ed. Petitot,
+Paris, 1828. Among other reckless expedients, the currency was so
+depreciated, that, in a letter from Martin to Dr. Frazer, dated Madrid,
+March 6th, 1680, we hear of &lsquo;the fall of money to one fourth part of its
+former value.&rsquo; <i>Miscellany of the Spalding Club</i>, vol. v. p. 187,
+Aberdeen, 4to. 1852.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1337_1337" id="Footnote_1337_1337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1337_1337"><span class="label">[1337]</span></a> &lsquo;The king has taken away, by a late decree, a third part
+of all wages and salaries of all officers and ministers without
+exception, and suspended for the ensuing year, 1694, all pensions for
+life granted either by himself or his father.&rsquo; Letter from the English
+Ambassador, dated Madrid, November 18th, 1693, in <i>Mahon's Spain under
+Charles II.</i>, London, 1840, p. 40. This is also stated in <i>Millot</i>,
+<i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. i. p. 359, Paris, 1828; &lsquo;retranchant le
+tiers des dépenses de sa maison, et des appointemens de ses officiers
+tant militaires que civils.&rsquo; In the preceding reign, the pension had
+been stopped, at all events for a time. In 1650, Sir Edward Hyde, writes
+from Madrid, &lsquo;there is an universal stop of all pensions which have been
+granted formerly.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon State Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 538, Oxford,
+1773. The next step which was taken was a proposal, in 1667, to tax the
+salaries of the members of the Council of Castile, Arragon, &amp;c.; but
+this idea was abandoned, until at length, they, like all other public
+servants, came under the comprehensive edict of 1693. See the letter
+from the French Ambassador to Louis XIV., dated Madrid, June 2nd, 1667,
+in <i>Mignet</i>, <i>Négociations</i>, vol. ii. p. 128, Paris, 1835, 4to. The only
+chance of recovering the history of Spain in the seventeenth century, is
+by collating these and similar documents with the meagre notices to be
+found in Spanish writers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1338_1338" id="Footnote_1338_1338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1338_1338"><span class="label">[1338]</span></a> In 1695, &lsquo;the miserable poverty in this country.&rsquo;
+<i>Travels through Spain</i>, <i>performed by a Gentleman</i>, London, 1702, p.
+62. And, in the same year, &lsquo;L'Espagne, manquant de tout d'hommes, et
+d'argent.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. i. p. 402. &lsquo;L'Espagne, presque
+anéantie.&rsquo; p. 424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1339_1339" id="Footnote_1339_1339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1339_1339"><span class="label">[1339]</span></a> See the letters in <i>Mahon's Spain under Charles II.</i>, pp.
+138&ndash;140. On the 21st of May, &lsquo;We have an addition of above 20,000
+beggars, flocked from the country round, to share in that little here
+is, who were starving at home, and look like ghosts.&rsquo; On the 27th of
+May, &lsquo;The scarcity of bread is growing on apace towards a famine, which
+increases, by vast multitudes of poor that swarm in upon us from the
+countries round about. I shifted the best I could till this day, but the
+difficulty of getting any without authority, has made me recur to the
+Corregidor, as most of the foreign Ministers had done before; he, very
+courteously, after inquiring what my family was, gave me an order for
+twenty loaves every day: but I must send two leagues, to Vallejas, to
+fetch it, as I have done this night, and my servants with long guns to
+secure it when they have it, otherwise it would be taken from them, for
+several people are killed every day in the streets, in scuffles for
+bread, all being lawful prize that any body can catch.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;My
+secretary, Don Francisco, saw yesterday five poor women stifled to death
+by the crowd before a bakehouse.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1340_1340" id="Footnote_1340_1340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1340_1340"><span class="label">[1340]</span></a> Even M. Lafuente, who having used scarcely any of the
+authorities which I have quoted in the last few pages, can have no
+adequate idea of the utter wretchedness of Spain, confesses that &lsquo;Jamás
+monarca ni pueblo alguno se vieron en tan lastimosa situacion y en tan
+mísero trance como se hallaron en este tiempo&rsquo; (1699). &lsquo;Carlos II. y la
+España.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol.
+xvii. p. 426, Madrid, 1856.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1341_1341" id="Footnote_1341_1341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1341_1341"><span class="label">[1341]</span></a> &lsquo;Les Maures d'Afrique assiégeoient Ceuta. Le roi
+d'Espagne manquait non seulement de troupes, mais de vaisseaux pour
+transporter le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit y envoyer: Louis XIV lui fit
+offrir les troupes et les vaisseaux dont il auroit besoin. Il s'agissoit
+non seulement de conserver Ceuta, mais de plus Oran; par conséquent
+d'empêcher la prise de deux places dont la conquête facilitoit aux
+Maures un retour en Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Marquis de Torcy</i>, vol. i. p.
+46, ed. Paris, 1828. Respecting the attacks made on Ceuta, from 1696 to
+1698, see <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio de la Historia de España</i>, vol. vi. pp.
+556, 567, 561.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1342_1342" id="Footnote_1342_1342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1342_1342"><span class="label">[1342]</span></a> A celebrated modern writer has made some remarks upon
+this, which are too apposite to be omitted. &lsquo;Con el siglo xvii. acabó
+tambien la dinastía austriaca en España, dejando á esta nacion pobre,
+despoblada, sin fuerzas marítimas ni terrestres, y por consiguiente á
+merced de las demas potencias que intentaron repartir entre sí sus
+colonias y provincias. Así habia desparecido en poco mas de un siglo
+aquella grandeza y poderío, aquella fuerza y heroismo, aquella cultura é
+ilustracion con que habia descollado entre todas las naciones.&rsquo;
+<i>Biografia de Ensenada</i>, in <i>Navarrete</i>, <i>Opúsculos</i>, vol. ii. p. 5,
+Madrid, 1848.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1343_1343" id="Footnote_1343_1343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1343_1343"><span class="label">[1343]</span></a> Except during the short interregnum of Louis, in 1724,
+which only lasted a few months, and during which, the boy, though called
+king, exercised no real power, and Philip remained the actual ruler.
+&lsquo;Aun el nuevo rey no resolvia negocio de consideracion sin asenso de su
+padre.&rsquo; <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vii. p. 374.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1344_1344" id="Footnote_1344_1344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1344_1344"><span class="label">[1344]</span></a> Saint Simon, who knew Philip well, and who was in Spain
+in 1721 and 1722, says of him, &lsquo;L'amour de la France lui sortait de
+partout.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon</i>, vol. xxxvii. p. 3, Paris,
+1841. And, in 1746, shortly before his death, Noailles writes from
+Aranjuez, &lsquo;Ce prince a le c&oelig;ur tout français.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. iv. p. 191, Paris, 1829.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1345_1345" id="Footnote_1345_1345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1345_1345"><span class="label">[1345]</span></a> &lsquo;N'oubliez jamais que vous êtes Français, et ce qui peut
+vous arriver.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 6. Compare
+<i>Coxe's Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, London, 1815, vol. i. p.
+103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1346_1346" id="Footnote_1346_1346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1346_1346"><span class="label">[1346]</span></a> In 1702, Philip &lsquo;parlait moins que jamais, et seulement
+aux Français, comme s'ils eussent été les seuls êtres de son espèce.&rsquo;
+<i>Mémoires de Louville</i>, vol. i. p. 276. &lsquo;Le dégoût que Philippe laissait
+voir pour sa cour espagnole.&rsquo; p. 333. A Spanish statesman, celebrated,
+or, I would rather say, notorious, at the close of the century,
+indignantly exclaims, &lsquo;It was on the accession of the Bourbon dynasty,
+that foreigners came to govern us on our native soil.&rsquo; <i>Godoy's
+Memoirs</i>, ed. London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1347_1347" id="Footnote_1347_1347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1347_1347"><span class="label">[1347]</span></a> In 1701, it was the duty of the French ambassador, &lsquo;qu'il
+pût au besoin être premier ministre d'Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 31; &lsquo;que l'ambassadeur de sa Majesté soit
+ministre du roi Catholique; que, sans en avoir le titre, il en exerce
+les fonctions; qu'il aide au roi d'Espagne à connoître l'état de ses
+affaires, et à gouverner par lui-même.&rsquo; p. 55. In 1702, Marsin writes to
+Louis XIV., &lsquo;Comme il est absolument nécessaire que l'ambassadeur de
+Votre Majesté en Espagne ait un crédit sans bornes auprès du Roy son
+petit-fils.&rsquo; p. 183. In 1705, Amelot, the French ambassador, &lsquo;décidoit
+de tout en Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Louville</i>, vol. ii. p. 165; and in
+1706, &lsquo;étant à la tête des affaires, et joignant presque les fonctions
+de premier ministre à celles d'ambassadeur.&rsquo; <i>Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p.
+398.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1348_1348" id="Footnote_1348_1348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1348_1348"><span class="label">[1348]</span></a> In 1703, &lsquo;Il est clair que l'embarras de Philippe venoit
+surtout de la crainte que ses décisions ne fussent point approuvées en
+France, où toutes les affaires importantes se décidoient.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>,
+<i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 244. &lsquo;The King of France had always
+certain persons at Madrid, which compos'd a Council, of which that of
+Versailles was the soul; and whose members were all creatures of the
+French Court, and sent to Madrid from time to time to direct all affairs
+there, according to the views of the Most Christian King, and to give
+him an account of every thing that pass'd in the Councils of the
+Escurial. Alberoni got to be initiated in the mysteries of this cabal.&rsquo;
+<i>History of Cardinal Alberoni</i>, London, 1719, p. 70.</p>
+
+<p>The Spanish historians are not very fond of admitting this
+unquestionable fact; but Bacallar, after mentioning the influence of the
+French Ambassador, frankly adds: &lsquo;Desde entonces tomaron tanta mano
+sobre los de España los ministros franceses, que dieron mas zelos á los
+Principes, viendo estrechar la union á un grado, que todo se ponía al
+arbitrio de Luis XIV.&rsquo; <i>Bacallar</i>, <i>Comentarios de la Guerra de España</i>,
+vol. i. p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1349_1349" id="Footnote_1349_1349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1349_1349"><span class="label">[1349]</span></a> Even the veteran diplomatist was so struck by the escape
+of Spain from complete ruin, that he ascribes its change of masters to
+the direct interference of the Deity. &lsquo;Sa seule puissance avait placé
+Philippe V sur le trône d'Espagne; elle seule pouvait l'y maintenir; les
+hommes n'avaient pas conduit ce grand événement.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Torcy</i>,
+vol. i. p. 333. &lsquo;Le trône où Dieu l'avait placé.&rsquo; p. 401. See also vol.
+ii. pp. 3, 227. &lsquo;The Spanish people received him with unhesitating
+obedience to the deceased king's will, and rejoiced at the prospect of a
+rule that would at least have the merit of being different from that
+under which they had so long withered.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs of Peterborough</i>,
+London, 1853, vol. i. p. 102. &lsquo;Muchos españoles recibieron por su
+soberano á Felipe V., cansados de la dominacion de la casa de Austria.
+Esperaban de la mudanza de la dinastia la felicidad y el buen gobierno.&rsquo;
+<i>Castro</i>, <i>Decadencia de España</i>, Cadiz, 1852, p. 131. To the same
+effect, <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. i. pp. 420, 426, vol. ii.
+p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1350_1350" id="Footnote_1350_1350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1350_1350"><span class="label">[1350]</span></a> He &lsquo;committed the military defence of these provinces to
+the Marquis of Grana, the Austrian ambassador at Madrid, from the want
+of any Spanish commander whose courage or military endowments qualified
+him to repel such an enemy as the king of France.&rsquo; <i>Dunlop's Memoirs</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 232. Compare, on the want of Spanish generals, <i>Mémoires du
+Maréchal de Gramont</i>, vol. ii. p. 82, edit. Paris, 1827. The opinion
+which Grana himself formed of the Spanish government, may be learned
+from a conversation which he held at Madrid, in 1680, with the French
+ambassadress, and which is preserved in her correspondence. <i>Lettres de
+Madame la Marquise de Villars</i>, Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 118, 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1351_1351" id="Footnote_1351_1351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1351_1351"><span class="label">[1351]</span></a> See the letter of Philip V. to Louis XIV., dated June 22,
+1702, in <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257, Paris, 1828,
+edit. Petitot.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1352_1352" id="Footnote_1352_1352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1352_1352"><span class="label">[1352]</span></a> See <i>Bacallar</i>, <i>Comentarios de la Guerra de España</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 137, 166, where he is called &lsquo;el Duque de Bervich.&rsquo; His own
+account is, &lsquo;J'arrivai à Madrid le 15 février&rsquo; (1704), &lsquo;où d'abord S. M.
+Catholique me fit Capitaine-Général de ses armées.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de
+Berwick</i>, Paris, 1778, vol. i. p. 227; and see p. xxv. No one would
+suppose this, from the observations of M. Lafuente, in his <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. xviii. p. 80, Madrid, 1857.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1353_1353" id="Footnote_1353_1353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1353_1353"><span class="label">[1353]</span></a> &lsquo;Philippe n'étoit pas content de Berwick, ou plutôt il
+témoigna ne le pas être, et il demanda un autre général à Louis XIV. On
+lui envoya le maréchal de Tessé, pour qui il avoit montré du penchant.&rsquo;
+<i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 331. Berwick himself
+ascribes his dismissal to the influence of Gramont and of the Queen of
+Spain. <i>Mémoires de Berwick</i>, vol. i. pp. 269&ndash;273. At all events, the
+new general became supreme. In December 1705, the Princess des Ursins
+writes from Madrid to Madame de Maintenon, &lsquo;M. le maréchal de Tessé,
+quand il est à Madrid, est consulté, et décide sur toutes les affaires,
+<i>autant, pour le moins, que M. l'ambassadeur</i>; et lorsqu'il est à
+l'armée, il est le maître absolu non seulement des troupes de France,
+mais encore de celles d'Espagne, commandant aux capitaines-généraux, ses
+anciens, contre l'usage du pays.&rsquo; <i>Lettres inédites de Madame de
+Maintenon et de Madame la Princesse des Ursins</i>, vol. iii. p. 259,
+Paris, 1826.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1354_1354" id="Footnote_1354_1354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1354_1354"><span class="label">[1354]</span></a> In 1706, &lsquo;Le duc de Berwick, redemandé par Philippe V.,
+arrivé à Madrid le 11 mars, avec le titre de maréchal de France, pour
+défendre l'Estramadure et la Castille, ayant rassemblé ce qu'il peut de
+troupes espagnoles, empêcha les ennemis d'entreprendre le siège de
+Badajoz.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 387. Philip
+&lsquo;pria le Roi, son grand-père, d'envoyer un général pour commander sur
+les frontières de Portugal. Ce fut donc sur moi que le choix tomba.&rsquo;
+<i>Mémoires de Berwick</i>, vol. i. p. 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1355_1355" id="Footnote_1355_1355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1355_1355"><span class="label">[1355]</span></a> In a recently published work (<i>Memoirs of Peterborough</i>,
+London, 1853, vol. i. pp. 148, 155, 161, 206, 210, vol. ii. pp. 34, 93),
+Charles is not only called King of Spain, which he never was, as Spain
+always refused to accept him, but, in the teeth of all history, he is
+actually termed Charles III.; while Philip V. is merely &lsquo;Philip of
+Anjou.&rsquo; If this were allowed, the consequence would be, that the king
+whom the Spaniards now call Charles III., would have to change his
+appellation, and become Charles IV.; and Charles IV. would be changed
+into Charles V. It is really too much when mere biographers obtrude, in
+this way, their own little prepossessions into the vast field of
+history, and seek to efface its established nomenclature, because they
+are enamoured of the hero whose life they write.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1356_1356" id="Footnote_1356_1356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1356_1356"><span class="label">[1356]</span></a> &lsquo;This victory established the throne of Philip.&rsquo;
+<i>Dunham's History of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 136. &lsquo;A victory which may be
+justly said to have saved Spain.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol.
+i. p. 408. Even Ortiz allows that if Berwick had failed, Philip would
+have been ruined. &lsquo;Esta batalla de Almansa, que las circunstancias
+hicieron ruidosa, comenzó á poner mejor la corona de España en la cabeza
+de Felipe V.; y se tuvo por indubitable que si la hubiera perdido,
+tambien hubiera perdido la corona.&rsquo; <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vii. p.
+116. See also <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xviii. p. 185.
+&lsquo;Berwick, á quien, sin duda, debió su salvación la España.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1357_1357" id="Footnote_1357_1357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1357_1357"><span class="label">[1357]</span></a> &lsquo;Sa réputation étoit grande et bien établie; le roi
+d'Espagne avoit été témoin de sa conduite en Lombardie; il demanda au
+Roi un général si capable de commander ses armées.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Torcy</i>,
+vol. i. p. 386. See also <i>History of Alberoni</i>, London, 1719, p. 45. &lsquo;Le
+duc de Vendôme alloit enfin commander les troupes d'Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires
+de Noailles</i>, vol. iii. p. 12. According to Berwick, the offer was first
+made to himself. <i>Mémoires de Berwick</i>, vol. ii. pp. 106, 109. M.
+Lafuente, without quoting any authority, says (<i>Historia de España</i>,
+vol. xviii. p. 279), &lsquo;Luego que se perdió la batalla de Zaragoza
+escribió Felipe al rey Cristianísimo, su abuelo, rogándole que, ya que
+no pudiera socorrerle con tropas, le enviára al menos <i>al duque de
+Berwick ó al de Vendome</i>.&rsquo; But, as Berwick must have had the means of
+knowing the real state of the case, he is probably correct in saying
+that the first application was in his own favour.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1358_1358" id="Footnote_1358_1358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1358_1358"><span class="label">[1358]</span></a> &lsquo;Vendôme arrived at this moment to call into action the
+spirit of the monarch and the zeal of his subjects.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon
+Kings of Spain</i>, vol. ii. p. 41. &lsquo;The arrival of the Duke de Vendôme
+again changed the fate of Spain.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs of Peterborough</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1359_1359" id="Footnote_1359_1359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1359_1359"><span class="label">[1359]</span></a> &lsquo;Portocarrero, abrumado con las dificultades de la
+gobernacion, que excedian en mucho á sus escasas luces, no contento con
+haber inducido al rey á que aumentára su consejo de gabinete con dos
+ministros más, que fueron el marqués de Mancera, presidente del de
+Aragon, y el duque de Montalto, del de Italia, pidió á Luis XIV. le
+enviára una persona que pudiera establecer un plan de hacienda en
+España, y corregir y reformar los abusos de la administracion.&rsquo;
+<i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xviii. p. 15. On 22nd June 1701,
+Louis XIV. writes to the Duc d'Harcourt, &lsquo;Qu'enfin le cardinal
+Porto-Carrero m'a fait demander quelqu'un intelligent en matière de
+finances pour voir et connoître l'état de celles du roi d'Espagne, pour
+examiner les moyens les plus propres de soulager ses sujets, et de
+pourvoir aux plus pressans besoins du public; qu'il m'assure que <i>toute
+l'Espagne le désire en général</i>: toutes ces raisons m'ont déterminé à
+choisir le sieur Orry, pour l'envoyer à Madrid.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1360_1360" id="Footnote_1360_1360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1360_1360"><span class="label">[1360]</span></a> &lsquo;Il faudra que l'homme que vous enverrez pour les
+finances (car vous aurez la bonté d'en envoyer un, ou bien nous n'aurons
+plus de finances).&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Louville</i>, vol. i. p. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1361_1361" id="Footnote_1361_1361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1361_1361"><span class="label">[1361]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1362_1362" id="Footnote_1362_1362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1362_1362"><span class="label">[1362]</span></a> &lsquo;Canalez, qu'on a substitué à Rivas pour le département
+de la guerre, n'a aucun talent pour cet emploi, selon l'instruction; et
+toute l'Espagne voit clairement qu'Orry ne le lui a procuré qu'afin d'en
+exercer les fonctions sous le nom d'un Espagnol.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 305; under the year 1704. See also, on the power
+of Orry in the war-department, <i>Mémoires de Berwick</i>, vol. i. pp. 226,
+227, 306, 316, vol. ii. p. 166. Berwick, who hated Orry, says of him
+(vol. i. p. 232), &lsquo;il se mêloit de tout et faisoit tout,&rsquo; But there can
+be no doubt of his being a man of very considerable ability; and M.
+Lafuente (<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xix. p. 253, Madrid, 1857) candidly
+says, &lsquo;Es lo cierto que hizo abrir mucho los ojos de los españoles en
+materia de administracion,&rsquo; Compare vol. xviii. p. 369; <i>Mémoires du Duc
+de Saint Simon</i>, vol. vii. pp. 102, 195, Paris, 1842; and <i>Bacallar</i>,
+<i>Comentarios de la Guerra de España</i>, vol. i. pp. 82, 83, 99, 168, vol.
+ii. pp. 95, 107. Bacallar treats him harshly.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1363_1363" id="Footnote_1363_1363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1363_1363"><span class="label">[1363]</span></a> <i>Ripperda's Memoirs</i>, London, 1740, second edition, pp.
+117, 118. Saint Simon (<i>Mémoires</i>, vol. xxxvi. p. 246) says, that
+Ripperda was &lsquo;premier ministre aussi absolu que le fut jamais son
+prédécesseur, Alberoni.&rsquo; The English pamphleteers and politicians of the
+last century were very unjust to Alberoni, who, notwithstanding the
+dangerous boldness of his nature, was one of the best ministers who ever
+governed Spain. M. Lafuente, while admitting his faults, says (<i>Historia
+de España</i>, vol. xix. pp. 437, 438), &lsquo;Negarle gran capacidad seria una
+gran injusticia. Tampoco puede desconocerse que reanimó y regeneró la
+España, levantándola á un grado de esplendor y de grandeza en que nunca
+se habia vuelto á ver desde los mejores tiempos de Felipe II.&rsquo; See also
+a good summary of what he did for Spain, in <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Historia de la
+Civilizacion Española</i>, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 50, 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1364_1364" id="Footnote_1364_1364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1364_1364"><span class="label">[1364]</span></a> &lsquo;The all-powerful Konigseg.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+Spain</i>, vol. iii. p. 154; &lsquo;the prime mover of the Spanish counsels,&rsquo; p.
+159; in 1727&ndash;8, &lsquo;Konigseg usurped the control over every operation of
+government,&rsquo; p. 190; and see p. 235. His great power is likewise noticed
+in <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. xix. p. 71: &lsquo;el hombre de mas
+influjo y valimiento en la córte.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1365_1365" id="Footnote_1365_1365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1365_1365"><span class="label">[1365]</span></a> &lsquo;Originally a clerk under Orry, he
+gained the favour of his employer,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 39. Coxe had access to a large mass of letters, which were
+written in the eighteenth century, by persons connected with Spain, and
+many of which are still unpublished. This makes his book very valuable;
+and, as a recital of political events, it is superior to anything the
+Spaniards have produced, though the author is, I need hardly say, far
+inferior to M. Lafuente as a writer, and also as an artistic arranger of
+facts.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1366_1366" id="Footnote_1366_1366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1366_1366"><span class="label">[1366]</span></a> &lsquo;Que les Espagnols depuis longtemps ignoroient la guerre
+et la politique; qu'on devoit être sensible à leurs démonstrations
+d'attachement et de zèle, sans les croire, suffisantes pour soutenir un
+État&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;l'incapacité des sujets pour le gouvernement.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>,
+<i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. iii. pp. 24, 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1367_1367" id="Footnote_1367_1367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1367_1367"><span class="label">[1367]</span></a> &lsquo;C'étoit un parti pris, comme l'observe Bonnac, de ne
+plus mettre le gouvernement entre leurs mains. On avoit trouvé parmi eux
+peu d'hommes capables des grands emplois: ceux à qui on les avoit
+confiés, malheureux ou infidèles, avoient inspiré de l'éloignement pour
+les autres.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. iii. p. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1368_1368" id="Footnote_1368_1368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1368_1368"><span class="label">[1368]</span></a> In 1701, &lsquo;Les églises d'Espagne ont des richesses
+immenses en or et en argenterie, qui augmentent tous les jours par le
+crédit des religieux; et cela rend l'espèce très-rare dans le commerce.
+On propose d'obliger le clergé à vendre une partie de cette argenterie.
+Avant que de prendre ce parti, il en faudroit bien examiner non
+seulement l'utilité, que l'on connoît, mais aussi les inconvéniens qu'un
+pareil ordre pourroit produire.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1369_1369" id="Footnote_1369_1369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1369_1369"><span class="label">[1369]</span></a> &lsquo;Il insistoit sur la nécessité de ne pas donner à un
+ecclésiastique, ni à une créature du cardinal, la présidence de
+Castille, quand on rempliroit cette importante place; les prêtres et les
+moines n'avoient déjà que trop de pouvoir.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 77. Compare pp. 71, 72; a letter from Louville to
+Torcy, dated August 5th, 1701.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1370_1370" id="Footnote_1370_1370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1370_1370"><span class="label">[1370]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. ii. pp. 163&ndash;165.
+<i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. iii. p. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1371_1371" id="Footnote_1371_1371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1371_1371"><span class="label">[1371]</span></a> In 1714, it was thought necessary, that Philip V., not
+having had the benefit of a Spanish education, should be enlightened on
+the subject of the Inquisition. He was, therefore, informed, &lsquo;que la
+pureza de la religion Catolica en estos reynos se debia á la vigilancia
+de la Inquisicion y sus ministros, todos justos, clementes y
+circunspectos, no rigidos, violentos ni crueles, como por error ó
+malicia los pintan comunmente los Franceses. Y que <i>la conservacion de
+la Monarquia dependia en gran parte de mantener ilibata la religion
+Catolica</i>.&rsquo; <i>Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vii. p. 286. Bacallar
+(<i>Comentarios</i>, vol. ii. pp. 122&ndash;125) gives an interesting account of
+the attacks made on the rights of the Church, and which, he says, p.
+122, were &lsquo;poco ajustados á la doctrina de los Santos Padres, á la
+Inmunidad de la Iglesia, y que sonaban á heregía.&rsquo; He significantly
+adds, p. 125, &lsquo;Los pueblos de España, que son tan religiosos, y
+professan la mayor veneracion á la Iglesia, creían que esta se
+atropellaba, <i>y huvo alguna interna inquietud, no sin fomento de los
+adversos al Rey, cuyo puro, y sincero corazon podia ser engañado</i>; pero
+no inducido á un evidente error contra los Sagrados Canones,&rsquo; &amp;c. Such
+passages, proceeding, in the eighteenth century, from a man like the
+Marquis de San Phelipe, are of no slight importance in the history of
+the Spanish mind.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1372_1372" id="Footnote_1372_1372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1372_1372"><span class="label">[1372]</span></a> So early as May 1702, Philip V., in a letter to Louis
+XIV., complained that the Spaniards opposed him in every thing. &lsquo;Je
+crois être obligé de vous dire que je m'aperçois de plus en plus du peu
+de zèle que les Espagnols out pour mon service, dans les petites choses
+comme dans les grandes, et qu'ils s'opposent à tout ce que je désire.&rsquo;
+<i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noailles</i>, vol. ii. p. 136. The dislike which the
+Spaniards felt for the liberal reforms advocated by the French, went on
+increasing, until, in 1709, &lsquo;se renovaron los antiguos odios entre las
+dos naciones, con tanto ardor, que deseaban las tropas españolas el
+haber de combatir con los Franceses.&rsquo; <i>Bacallar</i>, <i>Comentarios</i>, vol. i.
+p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1373_1373" id="Footnote_1373_1373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1373_1373"><span class="label">[1373]</span></a> &lsquo;L'opulence de l'Église devoit évidemment fournir des
+secours à la patrie. Un emprunt de quatre millions, fait sur le clergé
+l'année précédente, 1707, avoit cependant fort déplu au Pape ou à ses
+ministres.&rsquo; <i>Millot</i>, <i>Mémoires de Noaulès</i>, vol. ii. p. 412.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1374_1374" id="Footnote_1374_1374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1374_1374"><span class="label">[1374]</span></a> &lsquo;He&rsquo; (Alberoni) &lsquo;continued also the exaction of the
+ecclesiastical tax, in spite of the papal prohibitions, imprisoning or
+banishing the refractory priests who defended the privileges of their
+order.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. ii. p. 288.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1375_1375" id="Footnote_1375_1375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1375_1375"><span class="label">[1375]</span></a> On January 2nd, 1698, Stanhope, the British Minister at
+Madrid, writes from that capital: &lsquo;This Court is not at all inclined to
+admit the offer of the Dutch troops to garrison their places in
+Flanders. They have consulted their theologians, who declare against it
+as a matter of conscience, since it would give great opportunities to
+the spreading of heresy. They have not yet sent their answer but it is
+believed it will be in the negative, and that they will rather choose to
+lie at the mercy of the French, as being Catholics.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's Spain
+under Charles II.</i>, pp. 98, 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1376_1376" id="Footnote_1376_1376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1376_1376"><span class="label">[1376]</span></a> &lsquo;Entre el catolicismo y las diferentes sectas que
+brotaron en las imaginaciones de Calvino y de Lutero podia mediar
+tolerancia, y aun transaccion, si bien, como dice un escritor político,
+cuando se comienza á transigir sobre un principio, ese principio
+comienza á perder su imperio sobre las sociedades humanas. Pero entre el
+cristianismo de los españoles y el mahometismo de los moriscos era
+imposible todo avenimiento.&rsquo; <i>Janer</i>, <i>Condicion Social de los
+Moriscos</i>, Madrid, 1857, p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1377_1377" id="Footnote_1377_1377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1377_1377"><span class="label">[1377]</span></a> The Marquis of San Phelipe, who wrote in 1725, says, &lsquo;Es
+ley fundamental de los Reyes Catholicos, nunca hacer la paz con los
+Mahometanos; y esta guerra permanece desde el Rey Don Pelayo, por mas de
+siete siglos, sin hacer jamás paces, ni treguas con ellos, como cada dia
+las hacen el Emperador, y otros Principes Catholicos.&rsquo; <i>Bacallar</i>,
+<i>Comentarios de la Guerra de España</i>, vol. ii. p. 169. And, in the most
+influential work on commerce which the reign of Philip V. produced, I
+find the following instructive passage: &lsquo;Aunque en los Puertos de las
+dilatadas Costas, que de Europa, Asia y Africa baña el Mediterraneo, se
+hace comercio muy considerable, y util por diversas naciones, no podrá
+España tener gran parte en él, mientras se observare la maxima de hacer
+continua guerra á todos los Moros y Turcos, en cuyo dominio se hallan la
+mayor parte de aquellas Provincias; sin embargo de ser constante, que
+<i>en esta guerra, aunque procedida de zelo Christiano, es mayor el daño
+que recibimos, que el que ocasionamos á los Infieles</i>&rsquo; (the way the
+mercantile spirit peeps out here, is extremely curious) &lsquo;á lo menos de
+muchos años á esta parte, como lo he explicado en diversos capitulos.&rsquo;
+<i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica y Practica de Comercio</i>, Madrid, 1757, p. 399. This
+is the third edition of a book, which, considering the circumstances
+under which it was written, is a very remarkable production.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1378_1378" id="Footnote_1378_1378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1378_1378"><span class="label">[1378]</span></a> Compare <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, London, 1815,
+vol. ii. p. 314, with <i>The History of Alberoni</i>, London, 1719, pp. 119,
+253; and <i>Bacallar</i>, <i>Comentarios de la Guerra de España</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+168, 169. The outcry which this caused, may be easily imagined; and
+Alberoni, finding himself in great peril, took advantage of the secrecy
+of the negotiations, to deny part, at least, of the charges made against
+him. See his indignant, but yet cautious, letter to the Pope, in
+<i>History of Alberoni</i>, 1719, p. 124. Ortiz, who had evidently not looked
+into the evidence, is so ill-informed as to suppose that this was a
+calumnious accusation brought against Alberoni after his fall. &lsquo;Caido ya
+por entonces Alberoni de su grandeza, expelido ignominiosamente de
+España, y aun perseguido por el Rey en Italia, preso en Roma por orden
+del Papa, etc., no era dificil atribuirle culpas agenas ó no cometidas.&rsquo;
+<i>Note in Ortiz</i>, <i>Compendio</i>, vol. vii. p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1379_1379" id="Footnote_1379_1379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1379_1379"><span class="label">[1379]</span></a> &lsquo;Leur paresse, et l'ignorance non seulement des sciences
+et des arts, mais quasi généralement de tout ce qui se passe hors de
+l'Espagne, et on peut dire même hors du lieu où ils habitent, vont
+presque de pair, et sont inconcevables. La pauvreté est grande parmi
+eux, ce qui provient de leur extrême paresse; car si nombre de nos
+Français n'alloient faucher leurs foins, couper leurs blés et faire
+leurs briques, je crois qu'ils courroient fortune de se laisser mourir
+de faim, et de se tenir sous des tentes pour ne se pas donner la peine
+de bâtir des maisons.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;L'éducation de leurs enfans est
+semblable à celle qu'ils ont eu de leurs pères, c'est-à-dire sans qu'ils
+apprennent ni sciences ni exercices; et je ne crois par que parmi tous
+les grands que j'ay pratiqués, il s'en trouvât un seul qui sût décliner
+son nom.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Ils n'ont nulle
+curiosité de voir les pays étrangers, et encore moins de s'enquérir de
+ce qui s'y passe.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Maréchal de Gramont</i>, vol. ii. pp. 77,
+78, 82, 83, in <i>Collection des Mémoires par Petitot et Monmerqué</i>, vol.
+lvii. See also <i>Aarsens de Sommerdyck</i>, <i>Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1665,
+4to. p. 124. &lsquo;La terré mesme n'y est pas toute cultiuée par des gens du
+pays: au tempe du labourage, des semailles et de la recolte, il leur
+vient quantité de paysans du Bearn et d'autres endroits de France, qui
+gagnent beaucoup d'argent, pour leur mettre leurs bleds en terre et pour
+les recueillir. Les architectes et charpentiers y sont aussi pour la
+plûpart estrangers, qui se font payer au triple de ce qu'ils gagneroient
+en leur pays. Dans Madrid on ne voit pas un porteur d'eau qui ne soit
+estranger, et la plûpart des cordonniers et tailleurs le sont aussi.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1380_1380" id="Footnote_1380_1380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1380_1380"><span class="label">[1380]</span></a> &lsquo;Mais aussi de quelle manière les élève-t-on? Ils
+n'étudient point; on néglige de leur donner d'habiles précepteurs; dès
+qu'on les destine à l'épée, on ne se soucie plus qu'ils apprennent le
+latin ni l'histoire. On devroit au moins leur enseigner ce qui est de
+leur mestier, les mathématiques, à faire des armes et à monter à cheval.
+Ils n'y pensent seulement pas. Il n'y a point ici d'Académie ni de
+maîtres qui montrent ces sortes de choses. Les jeunes hommes passent le
+tems qu'ils devroient emploïer à s'instruire dans un oisiveté
+pitoïable.&rsquo; Letter from Madrid, dated 27th June 1679, in <i>D'Aulnoy</i>,
+<i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. pp. 232, 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1381_1381" id="Footnote_1381_1381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1381_1381"><span class="label">[1381]</span></a> &lsquo;Madrid étant la capitale d'une monarchie aussi vaste, il
+n'y eut dans cette ville jusqu'à l'époque du règne de Philippe V aucune
+bibliothèque publique.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>De la Monarchie Espagnole</i>, Paris,
+1826, vol. ii. p. 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1382_1382" id="Footnote_1382_1382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1382_1382"><span class="label">[1382]</span></a> The university was transferred from Palencia to
+Salamanca, early in the thirteenth century. <i>Forner</i>, <i>Oracion
+Apologética por la España</i>, Madrid, 1786, p. 170. By the beginning of
+the fifteenth century, it had become very prosperous (<i>Sempere</i>, <i>De la
+Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. i. p. 65); and in 1535, it is described as &lsquo;a
+great Universitie, conteyning seven or eight thowsand students.&rsquo; See a
+letter from John Mason, dated Valladolid, 3rd July, 1635, in <i>Ellis's
+Original Letters</i>, second series, vol. ii. p. 56, London, 1827. But, like
+every thing else which was valuable in Spain, it declined in the
+seventeenth century; and Monconys, who carefully examined it in 1628,
+and praises some of its arrangements which were still in force, adds,
+&lsquo;Mais je suis aussi contraint de dire après tant de loüanges, que les
+écoliers qui étudient dans cette université sont des vrais ignorans.&rsquo;
+<i>Les Voyages de Monsieur de Monconys</i>, Quatrième Partie, vol. v. p. 22,
+Paris, 1695. However, their ignorance, of which Monconys gives some
+curious instances, did not prevent Spanish writers, then, and long
+afterwards, from deeming the University of Salamanca to be the greatest
+institution of its kind in the world. &lsquo;La mayor del orbe, madre
+gloriosísima de todas las ciencias y de los mas vehementes ingenios, que
+han ilustrado las edades.&rsquo; <i>Vida de Calderon de la Barca</i>, pp. iii. iv.,
+reprinted in Keil's edition of <i>Calderon</i>, Leipsique, 1827. Compare
+Davila (<i>Felipe Tercero</i>, p. 81), &lsquo;Salamanca, madre de ciencias y
+letras;&rsquo; Yañez (<i>Memorias</i>, p. 228), &lsquo;Universidad insigne, y Oficina de
+las buenas Letras de España;&rsquo; Bacallar (<i>Comentarios</i>, vol. i. p. 238),
+&lsquo;El emporio de las ciencias;&rsquo; and Ximenez (<i>Vida de Ribera</i>, p. 6),
+&lsquo;Salamanca, cathedra universal de las artes, y emporio de todas
+ciencias.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1383_1383" id="Footnote_1383_1383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1383_1383"><span class="label">[1383]</span></a> &lsquo;Says, that, after he had been five years in one of the
+schools of the university there, it was by accident he learned the
+existence of the mathematical sciences.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish
+Literature</i>, vol. iii. p. 223. A celebrated Spanish writer of the
+eighteenth century, actually boasts of the ignorance of his countrymen
+concerning mathematics, and discerns, in their neglect of that foolish
+pursuit, a decisive proof of their superiority over other nations. &lsquo;No
+se dexe deslumbrar con los ásperos calculos é intrincadas demostraciones
+geométricas, con que, astuto el entendimiento, disimula el engaño con
+los disfraces de la verdad. El uso de las matemáticas es la alquimia en
+la fisica, que da apariencias de oro á lo que no lo es.&rsquo; <i>Forner</i>,
+<i>Oracion Apologética por la España y su Mérito Literario</i>, Madrid, 1786,
+p. 38. Compare his contemptuous notice (p. 66) of those insignificant
+persons, who &lsquo;con título de filósofos han dado algun aumento á las
+matemáticas;&rsquo; and his comparison (p. 222) of Mercado with Newton.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1384_1384" id="Footnote_1384_1384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1384_1384"><span class="label">[1384]</span></a> &lsquo;L'université de Salamanque, excitée par le Conseil, à
+réformer ses études, en l'année 1771, lui répondit &ldquo;qu'elle ne pouvait
+se séparer du péripatétisme, parce que les systèmes de
+Newton, Gassendi et Descartes, ne concordent pas autant avec les vérités
+révélées que ceux d'Aristote.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 152. This reply, says M. Sempere, p. 153, may be found &lsquo;dans la
+collection des ordonnances royales.&rsquo; In <i>Letters from Spain by an
+English Officer</i>, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 256, it is stated, that, in
+all the Spanish universities, &lsquo;Newton, and modern philosophy, is still
+prohibited. Nothing can supplant Aristotle, and the superstitious
+fathers and doctors of the Church.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1385_1385" id="Footnote_1385_1385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1385_1385"><span class="label">[1385]</span></a> Or, as he, in one place, expresses himself, would know
+&lsquo;very little more than nothing.&rsquo; &lsquo;El que estudió Logica, y Metaphysica,
+con lo demás que, debaxo del nombre de Philosofia, se enseña en las
+Escuelas, por bien que sepa todo, sabe muy poco mas que nada; pero suena
+mucho. Dicese, que es un gran Philosofo; y no es Philosofo grande, ni
+chico,&rsquo; <i>Feijoo</i>, <i>Theatro Critico Universal</i>, vol. ii. p. 187, quinta
+impression, Madrid, 1741.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1386_1386" id="Footnote_1386_1386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1386_1386"><span class="label">[1386]</span></a> &lsquo;La science est un crime, l'ignorance et la stupidité la
+première vertu.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon</i>, vol. xxxv. p. 209,
+Paris, 1840. Elsewhere (vol. xxxvi. p. 252) he says, &lsquo;Les jésuites
+savants partout et en tout genre de science, ce qu ne leur est pas même
+disputé par leurs ennemis, les jésuites, dis-je, sont ignorants en
+Espagne, mais d'une ignorance à surprendre.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1387_1387" id="Footnote_1387_1387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1387_1387"><span class="label">[1387]</span></a> &lsquo;The common education of an English gentleman would
+constitute a man of learning here; and, should he understand Greek, he
+would be quite a phenomenon.&rsquo; <i>Swinburne's Travels through Spain in 1775
+and 1776</i>, vol. ii. pp. 212, 213, 2d edit., London, 1787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1388_1388" id="Footnote_1388_1388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1388_1388"><span class="label">[1388]</span></a> So late as 1787, Townsend, a very accomplished man, who
+travelled through Spain with the express object of noting the state of
+knowledge, as well as the economical condition of the country, and who,
+by previous study, had well qualified himself for such an undertaking,
+says, &lsquo;I have observed in general, that the physicians with whom I have
+had occasion to converse, are disciples of their favourite doctor
+Piquer, who denied, or at least doubted of, the circulation of the
+blood.&rsquo; <i>Townsend's Journey through Spain</i>, 2d ed., London, 1792, vol.
+iii. p. 281. At that time, the Spanish physicians were, however,
+beginning to read Hoffmann, Cullen, and other heretical speculators, in
+whose works they would find, to their astonishment, that the circulation
+of the blood was assumed, and was not even treated as a debatable
+question. But the students were obliged to take such matters on trust;
+for, adds Townsend, p. 282, &lsquo;In their medical classes, they had no
+dissections.&rsquo; Compare <i>Laborde's Spain</i>, vol. i. p. 76, vol. iii. p.
+315, London, 1809, and <i>Godoy's Memoirs</i>, London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 157.
+Godoy, speaking of the three colleges of surgery at Madrid, Barcelona,
+and Cadiz, says that until his administration in 1793, &lsquo;In the capital,
+even that of San Carlos had not a lecture-room for practical
+instruction.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1389_1389" id="Footnote_1389_1389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1389_1389"><span class="label">[1389]</span></a> This little episode is noticed by Cabarrus, in his
+<i>Elogio de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xiv. &lsquo;La salubridad del
+ayre, la limpieza y seguridad de las calles,&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Pero ¿quién creerá
+que este noble empeño produxo las mas vivas quejas: que se conmovió el
+vulgo de todas clases; y que tuvo varias autoridades á su favor la
+extraña doctrina de que los vapores mefiticos eran un correctivo
+saludable de la rigidez del clima?&rsquo; But the fullest detail will be found
+in the recently published and very elaborate History of Charles III. by
+M. Rio, from which I will give one or two extracts. &lsquo;Para la limpieza de
+las calles poseia mayores ó menores fondos el ayuntamiento, y cuando el
+Rey quiso poner la mano en este ramo de policía, le presentaron
+dictámenes de médicos en que se defendia el absurdo de ser elemento de
+salubridad la basura.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>,
+Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p. 54. See also vol. i. pp. 267, 268, where it is
+mentioned, that when the minister, Esquilache, persevered in his
+attempts to have the streets of Madrid cleaned, the opponents of the
+scheme made inquiries into the opinions of their fathers on that
+subject; and the result was, &lsquo;que le presentaron cierta originalísima
+consulta hecha por los médicos bajo el reinado de uno de los Felipes de
+Austria, y reducida á demostrar que, siendo sumamente sutil el aire de
+la poblacion á causa de estar próxima la sierra de Guadarrama,
+ocasionaria los mayores estragos si no se impregnara en los vapores de
+las inmundicias desparramadas por las calles.&rsquo; That this idea had long
+been entertained by the physicians of Madrid, we also know from another
+testimony, with which none of the Spanish historians are acquainted. Sir
+Richard Wynne, who visited that capital in 1623, describes a disgusting
+practice of the inhabitants, and adds, &lsquo;Being desirous to know why so
+beastly a custom is suffered, they say it's a thing prescribed by their
+physicians; for they hold the air to be so piercing and subtle, that
+this kind of corrupting it with these ill vapours keeps it in good
+temper.&rsquo; <i>The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes</i>,
+edited by J. O. Halliwell, London, 1845, vol. ii. p. 446.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1390_1390" id="Footnote_1390_1390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1390_1390"><span class="label">[1390]</span></a> Even thirty years later, it was said, with good reason,
+that &lsquo;es menester <i>deshacer todo lo que se ha hecho</i>,&rsquo; and &lsquo;confiar
+exclusivamente el precioso depósito de la sanidad pública á las manos
+capaces de conservarlo y mejorarlo.&rsquo; <i>Cartas por el Conde de Cabarrus</i>,
+Madrid, 1813, p. 280. These letters, which, though little known, contain
+some interesting statements, were written in 1792 and 1793. See p. 34,
+and Prologo, p. i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1391_1391" id="Footnote_1391_1391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1391_1391"><span class="label">[1391]</span></a> Bleeding, however, had the preference. See the curious
+evidence in <i>Townsend's Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 37&ndash;39. Townsend, who had some knowledge of medicine, was amazed
+at the ignorance and recklessness of the Spanish physicians. He says,
+&lsquo;The science and practice of medicine are at the lowest ebb in Spain,
+but more especially in the Asturias.&rsquo; Compare <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Histoire de
+la Médecine</i>, vol. iii. p. 217, Paris, 1815, with <i>Winwood's Memorials</i>,
+London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 219. The last reference shows the
+terrible &lsquo;purging and letting blood,&rsquo; to which the unfortunate Spaniards
+were exposed in the reign of Philip III. Another observer, much later,
+states that &lsquo;La saignée leur est assez familière. Ils se la font faire
+hors du lit tant que leurs forces le permettent, et <i>lorsqu'ils en usent
+par précaution, ils se font tirer du sang deux jours de suite du bras
+droit et du gauche, disant qu'il faut égaliser le sang</i>. On peut juger
+de là, si la circulation leur est connue.&rsquo; <i>Voyages faits en Espagne,
+par Monsieur M****</i>, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 112. See further <i>Clarke's
+Letters concerning the Spanish Nation</i>, London, 4to. 1763, p. 55, and
+<i>Spain by an American</i>, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1392_1392" id="Footnote_1392_1392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1392_1392"><span class="label">[1392]</span></a> In 1790, poor Cumberland, when in Madrid, was as nearly
+as possible murdered by three of their surgeons in a very few days; the
+most dangerous of his assailants being no less a man than the &lsquo;chief
+surgeon of the Gardes de Corps,&rsquo; who, says the unfortunate sufferer, was
+&lsquo;sent to me by authority.&rsquo; See <i>Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written
+by himself</i>, London, 1807, vol. ii. pp. 67, 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1393_1393" id="Footnote_1393_1393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1393_1393"><span class="label">[1393]</span></a> Duclos says of Philip V., &lsquo;Il étoit fort attentif sur sa
+santé; son médecin, s'il eût été intriguant, auroit pu jouer un grand
+rôle. Hyghens, Irlandois, qui occupoit cette première place, fort
+éloigné de l'intrigue et de la cupidité, instruit dans son art, s'en
+occupoit uniquement. Après sa mort, la reine fit donner la place à
+Servi, son médecin particulier.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires par Duclos</i>, 2<sup>e</sup> édit. Paris,
+1791, vol. ii. pp. 200, 201. &lsquo;Hyghens, premier médecin, était
+Irlandais.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon</i>, vol. xxxvi. p. 215, ed.
+Paris, 1841.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1394_1394" id="Footnote_1394_1394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1394_1394"><span class="label">[1394]</span></a> In the eighteenth century, the Spaniards, generally,
+began to admit this; since they could not shut their eyes to the fact
+that their friends and relations succumbed so rapidly under professional
+treatment, that sickness and death were almost synonymous. Hence,
+notwithstanding their hatred of the French nation, they availed
+themselves of the services of French physicians and French surgeons,
+whenever they had an opportunity of doing so. In 1707, the Princess des
+Ursins writes from Madrid to Madame de Maintenon, &lsquo;Les chirurgiens
+espagnols sont mésestimés même de ceux de leur nation;&rsquo; and, in another
+letter, &lsquo;Les Espagnols conviennent que les médecins français sont
+beaucoup plus savants que les leurs; ils s'en servent même
+très-volontiers, mais ils sont persuadés que ceux de la faculté de
+Montpellier l'emportent sur les autres.&rsquo; <i>Lettres inédites de Madame de
+Maintenon et de la Princesse des Ursins</i>, vol. iii. p. 412, vol. iv. p.
+90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1395_1395" id="Footnote_1395_1395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1395_1395"><span class="label">[1395]</span></a> Campomanes (<i>Apendice á la Educacion Popular</i>, Madrid,
+1776, vol. iii. pp. 74, 75), speaking of a work on distillation, says,
+&lsquo;La tercera (parte) describe la preparacion de los productos químicos
+sólidos: esto es la preparacion de varias sustancias terreas, como
+argamasa, magnesia blanca, ojos de cangrejo, etc., la de varios sales,
+como sal de glaubero, amoniaco, cristal mineral, borax refinado, etc., y
+la del antimonio, mercurio, plomo, litargirio, etc., comunicando sobre
+todo lo expresado varias noticias, que demuestran lo mucho que conducen
+á los progresos del arte, las observaciones del fisico reflexivo: unidas
+á la práctica de un profesor experimentado. <i>Este arte en toda su
+extension falta en España.</i> Solo le tenemos para aguardientes, rosolis,
+y mistelas. <i>La salud pública es demasiado importante, para depender de
+los estraños en cosas esenciales</i>; quando no estimulase nuestra
+industria la manutencion de muchas familias.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Gran parte de estas
+cosas se introducen de fuera, por no conocerse bien las operaciones
+químicas. No son dificultosas en la execucion; pero <i>es necesario
+enseñarlas, y conocer los instrumentos que son aproposito</i>. Un
+laboratorio químico, que <i>se va á establecer en Madrid</i>, producirá
+maestros para las capitales del reyno.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1396_1396" id="Footnote_1396_1396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1396_1396"><span class="label">[1396]</span></a> &lsquo;Su ministro el célebre Ensenada, que tenia grandes miras
+en todos los ramos de la administracion pública, deseaba ardientemente
+mejorar la enseñanza, lamentándose del atraso en que esta se hallaba.
+&ldquo;Es menester, decia hablando de las universidades, reglar sus cátedras,
+reformar las superfluas y establecer las que faltan con nuevas
+ordenanzas para asegurar el mejor método de estudios. No sé que haya
+cátedra alguna de derecho público, de física esperimental, de anatomía y
+botánica. No hay puntuales cartas geográficas del reino y de sus
+provincias, <i>ni quien las sepa grabar, ni tenemos otras que las
+imperfectas que vienen de Francia y Holanda</i>. De esto proviene que
+ignoramos la verdadera situacion de los pueblos y sus distancias, que es
+una vergüenza.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, Madrid, 1840, vol.
+iv. pp. 268, 269. See also <i>Biografía de Ensenada</i>, in
+<i>Navarrete</i>, <i>Coleccion de Opúsculos</i>, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 21,
+22. &lsquo;Le parecia vergonzoso que para conocer la situacion y distancias
+respectivas de nuestros mismos pueblos y lugares, dependiésemos de los
+franceses y holandeses, quienes por sus mapas imperfectas de la
+península extraían de ella sumas considerables.&rsquo; Eighty years after this
+complaint was made by Ensenada, we find a traveller in Spain stating
+that &lsquo;a decent map of any part, even of the country round the gates of
+the capital, cannot be found.&rsquo; <i>Cook's Spain from 1829 to 1832</i>, London,
+1834, vol. i. p. 322. Compare <i>Notices of Geological Memoirs</i>, p. 1, at
+the end of the <i>Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society</i>, vol. vi.,
+London, 1850; &lsquo;even a good geographical map of the Peninsula does not
+exist.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1397_1397" id="Footnote_1397_1397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1397_1397"><span class="label">[1397]</span></a> M. Rio (<i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. i. p.
+185) mentions this in a very characteristic manner. &lsquo;Varios extranjeros
+distinguidos <i>hallaron fraternidad entre los españoles, y
+correspondieron hidalgamente al hospedaje</i>: Cervi dió vida á las
+sociedades médicas de Madrid y Sevilla; Virgili al colegio de Cirugía de
+Cádiz; Quer trabajó sin descanso para que el Jardin Botánico no fuera un
+simple lugar de recreo, sino principalmente de estudio; Bowles comunicó
+grande impulso á la mineralogía,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1398_1398" id="Footnote_1398_1398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1398_1398"><span class="label">[1398]</span></a> I have mislaid the evidence of this fact; but the reader
+may rely on its accuracy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1399_1399" id="Footnote_1399_1399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1399_1399"><span class="label">[1399]</span></a> Townsend (<i>Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 275) says, &lsquo;Don Antonio Solano, professor of experimental
+philosophy, merits attention for the clearness and precision of his
+demonstrations: but, unfortunately, although his lectures are delivered
+gratis, such is the want of taste for science in Madrid, that nobody
+attends them.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1400_1400" id="Footnote_1400_1400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1400_1400"><span class="label">[1400]</span></a> &lsquo;La ignorancia reinante en los últimos años del siglo
+xvii. depravó en tal manera el buen gusto, que á principios del xviii.
+las artes se hallaban en la mas lastimosa decadencia.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. p. 346. See also, on
+this decline, or rather destruction, of taste, <i>Valasquez</i>, <i>Origines de
+la Poesia Castellana</i>, Malaga, 1754, 4to. &lsquo;Un siglo, corrompido, en que
+las letras estaban abandonadas, y el buen gusto casi desterrado de toda
+la nacion.&rsquo; p. 70. &lsquo;Al passo que la nacion perdia el buen gusto, y las
+letras iban caminando á su total decadencia.&rsquo; p. 107. &lsquo;Los caminos por
+donde nuestros poetas en el siglo pasado se apartaron del buen gusto en
+esta parte.&rsquo; p. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1401_1401" id="Footnote_1401_1401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1401_1401"><span class="label">[1401]</span></a> &lsquo;Solo cuatro navíos de línea y seis de poco porte dejaron
+los reyes de orígen austriaco, y todos tan podridos que apenas podian
+aguantar el fuego de sus propias baterias.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado
+de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1856, vol. i. p. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1402_1402" id="Footnote_1402_1402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1402_1402"><span class="label">[1402]</span></a> &lsquo;Se mandaron construir 12 navíos á la vez, y se
+contrataron otros. Por medio de D. Jorge Juan se trajeron de Inglaterra
+los mas hábiles constructores y maestros para las fábricas de jarcia,
+lona y otras.&rsquo; <i>Biografía de Ensenada</i>, in <i>Navarrete</i>, <i>Coleccion de
+Opúsculos</i>, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 18. M. Rio, taking all this as a
+matter of course, quietly says, &lsquo;D. Jorge Juan fue á Lóndres para
+estudiar la construccion de navíos.&rsquo; <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+III.</i>, Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p. 485.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1403_1403" id="Footnote_1403_1403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1403_1403"><span class="label">[1403]</span></a> M. Lafuente says that Ensenada was the restorer, and
+almost the creator, of the Spanish navy; &lsquo;de la cual fué el restaurador,
+y casi pudiera decirse el creador.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>,
+vol. xix. p. 344, Madrid, 1857.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1404_1404" id="Footnote_1404_1404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1404_1404"><span class="label">[1404]</span></a> &lsquo;C'est par un Irlandais aussi, Oreilly, que la discipline
+de l'infanterie est réformée.&rsquo; <i>Bourgoing</i>, <i>Tableau de l'Espagne
+Moderne</i>, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. p. 142. &lsquo;Las escuelas militares del
+puerto de Sta. Maria para la infanteria, que dirigió con tanto acierto
+el general Ofarril bajo las ordenes del conde de O'Reilly.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 128.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1405_1405" id="Footnote_1405_1405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1405_1405"><span class="label">[1405]</span></a> &lsquo;Vino á dirigir la academia de guardias marinas de
+Cadiz.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 79. &lsquo;Godin figuró
+como director del colegio de Guardias marinas.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia de
+Carlos III.</i>, vol. i. p. 186. Compare <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, vol.
+xvii. p. 564, Paris, 1816.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1406_1406" id="Footnote_1406_1406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1406_1406"><span class="label">[1406]</span></a> See the interesting remarks in <i>Bourgoing</i>, <i>Tableau de
+l'Espagne Moderne</i>, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 96, 142. With good reason,
+therefore, was it stated, some years afterwards, that &lsquo;c'est à des
+étrangers que l'Espagne doit presque tous les plans, les réformes
+utiles, et les connoissances dont elle a eu besoin.&rsquo; <i>Voyage en Espagne
+par le Marquis de Langle</i>, 1785, vol. ii. p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1407_1407" id="Footnote_1407_1407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1407_1407"><span class="label">[1407]</span></a> &lsquo;Como los del pais entendian poco de trabajar minas,
+vinieron de Alemania algunos prácticos para enseñarlos.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Los
+Alemanes sacaron de dicha mina por largo tiempo cosa de 500 á 600
+quintales de cobalto al año.&rsquo; <i>Bowles</i>, <i>Historia Natural de España</i>,
+Madrid, 1789, 4to. pp. 418, 419. See also <i>Dillon's Spain</i>, Dublin,
+1781, pp. 227&ndash;229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1408_1408" id="Footnote_1408_1408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1408_1408"><span class="label">[1408]</span></a> &lsquo;In 1728, a new adventurer undertook the work of opening
+the mines of Guadalcanal. This was Lady Mary Herbert, daughter of the
+Marquis of Powis.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Lady Mary departed from Madrid for Guadalcanal,
+to which miners and engines had been sent from England at her expense,
+and at that of her relation, Mr. Gage, who accompanied her, and of her
+father, the marquis.&rsquo; <i>Jacob's Historical Inquiry into the Production
+and Consumption of the Precious Metals</i>, London, 1831, vol. i. pp. 278,
+279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1409_1409" id="Footnote_1409_1409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1409_1409"><span class="label">[1409]</span></a> &lsquo;Los mineros de Almaden nunca hicieron los socavones
+siguiendo la inclinacion de las betas, sino perpendiculares, y baxaban
+ellos puestos en una especie de cubos atados desde arriba con
+cuerdas. De este mal método se originó todo al desórden de la mina,
+porque al paso que los operarios penetraban dentro de tierra, era
+forzoso que se apartasen de las betas y las perdiesen.&rsquo; <i>Bowles</i>,
+<i>Historía Natural de España</i>, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1410_1410" id="Footnote_1410_1410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1410_1410"><span class="label">[1410]</span></a> &lsquo;Fué mi proyecto bien recibido del Ministerio, y
+<i>habiendo hecho venir mineros Alemanes</i>, le han executado en gran parte
+con mucha habilidad. Los mineros Españoles de Almaden son atrevidos y
+tienen robustez, maña y penetracion quanta es menester, de suerte que
+<i>con el tiempo serán excelentes mineros, pues no les falta otra cosa que
+la verdadera ciencia de las minas</i>.&rsquo; <i>Historia Natural de España</i>, p.
+16. The latter part of this sentence is an evident struggle between the
+interests of truth, and the exigencies of a book printed at the Royal
+Press of Madrid, and licensed by the Spanish authorities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1411_1411" id="Footnote_1411_1411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1411_1411"><span class="label">[1411]</span></a> &lsquo;Encargado por el gobierno el laborioso extrangero Bowles
+de proponer los medios convenientes para beneficiar con mas acierto las
+famosas minas de azogue del Almaden, descubrió algunos nuevos
+procedimientos por medio de los cuales casi se duplicaron los productos
+de aquellas, y bajó una mitad el precio de los azogues.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1412_1412" id="Footnote_1412_1412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1412_1412"><span class="label">[1412]</span></a> <i>Memoirs of Ripperda</i>, 2d ed., London, 1740, pp. 23, 62,
+91, 104. &lsquo;A ship arrived at Cadiz with fifty manufacturers on board,
+whom the Baron de Ripperda had drawn together in Holland.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The new
+manufactures at Segovia, which, though at this time wholly managed by
+foreigners, he wished, in the next age, might be carried on by the
+Spaniards themselves, and by them only.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1413_1413" id="Footnote_1413_1413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1413_1413"><span class="label">[1413]</span></a> &lsquo;The minister, Wall, an Irishman, contrived to decoy over
+one Thomas Bevan, from Melksham, in Wiltshire, to set the machinery and
+matters to rights.&rsquo; <i>Ford's Spain</i>, London, 1847, p. 525.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1414_1414" id="Footnote_1414_1414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1414_1414"><span class="label">[1414]</span></a> &lsquo;Ademas de la invitacion que se hizo á millares de
+operarios extrangeros para venir á establecerse en España,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. pp. 112, 113. In 1768, Harris, who
+travelled from Pampeluna to Madrid, writes, &lsquo;I did not observe a dozen
+men either at plough or any other kind of labour, on the road.&rsquo; <i>Diaries
+and Correspondence of James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury</i>, London, 1844,
+vol. i. p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1415_1415" id="Footnote_1415_1415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1415_1415"><span class="label">[1415]</span></a> &lsquo;A national bank, a design originally suggested by
+Ripperda.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1416_1416" id="Footnote_1416_1416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1416_1416"><span class="label">[1416]</span></a> Bourgoing, not aware of Ripperda's priority, says
+(<i>Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne</i>, vol. ii. p. 49), &lsquo;L'idée de la banque
+nationale fut donnée au gouvernement par un banquier français, M.
+Cabarrus.&rsquo; Compare <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol.
+iv. pp. 122, 123: &lsquo;Banco nacional de San Cárlos; propúsolo Cabarrús,
+apoyólo Floridablanca, y sancionólo el Soberano por Real cedula de 2 de
+junio de 1782.&rsquo; This sounds well; but the inevitable catastrophe soon
+came. &lsquo;Charles IV.,&rsquo; says the Prince of the Peace, &lsquo;had just ascended
+the throne; the bank of St. Carlos was rapidly falling, and on the verge
+of bankruptcy.&rsquo; <i>Godoy's Memoirs</i>, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1417_1417" id="Footnote_1417_1417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1417_1417"><span class="label">[1417]</span></a> &lsquo;A Londres, à Stockholm, à Paris, à Vienne et à Venise,
+le souverain est réprésenté par des étrangers. Le prince de Masserano,
+Italien, ambassadeur en Angleterre; le comte de Lacy Irlandais, ministre
+à Stockholm; le marquis de Grimaldi, ambassadeur en France, avant de
+parvenir au ministère; le comte de Mahoni, Irlandais, ambassadeur à
+Vienne; le marquis de Squilaci, ambassadeur à Venise, après sa retraite
+du ministère.&rsquo; <i>Bourgoing</i>, <i>Tableau de l'Espagne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 142,
+143. To this, I may add that, in the reign of Philip V., an Italian, the
+Marquis de Beretti Landi, was the representative of Spain in
+Switzerland, and afterwards at the Hague (<i>Ripperda's Memoirs</i>, 1740,
+pp. 37, 38); and that in, or just before, 1779, Lacy filled the same
+post at St. Petersburg. <i>Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence</i>, 1844,
+vol. i. p. 261. So, too, M. Rio (<i>Historia de Carlos III.</i>, vol. i. pp.
+288, 289) says of the important negotiations which took place in 1761,
+between Spain, England, and France, &lsquo;Y así de las negociaciones en que
+Luis XV. trataba de enredar á Carlos III. quedaron absolutamente
+excluidos los españoles, como que por una parte las iban á seguir el
+duque de Choiseul y el marques de Ossun, franceses, y por otra el
+irlandés D. Ricardo Wall, y el genovés marques de Grimaldi.&rsquo; About the
+same time, Clarke writes (in his <i>Letters concerning the Spanish
+Nation</i>, London, 1763, 4to. p. 331), &lsquo;Spain has, for many years past,
+been under the direction of foreign ministers. Whether this hath been
+owing to want of capacity in the natives, or disinclination in the
+sovereign, I will not take upon me to say; such as it is, the native
+nobility lament it as a great calamity.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1418_1418" id="Footnote_1418_1418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1418_1418"><span class="label">[1418]</span></a> Lord Stanhope, generally well informed on Spanish
+affairs, says that Wall was &lsquo;a native of Ireland.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's History of
+England</i>, vol. iv. p. 182, 3d edit., London, 1853; but in <i>Mémoires de
+Noailles</i>, vol. iv. p. 47, edit. Paris, 1829, he is called &lsquo;irlandais
+d&lsquo;origine, né en France.&rsquo; See also <i>Biografía de Ensenada</i>, in
+<i>Navarrete</i>, <i>Opúsculos</i>, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 26, &lsquo;D. Ricardo
+Wall, irlandés de orígen, nacido en Francia.&rsquo; Swinburne, who knew him
+personally, and has given some account of him, does not mention where he
+was born. <i>Swinburne's Travels through Spain</i>, second edition, London,
+1787, vol. i. pp. 314&ndash;318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1419_1419" id="Footnote_1419_1419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1419_1419"><span class="label">[1419]</span></a> &lsquo;A Genoese, and a creature of France.&rsquo; <i>Dunham's History
+of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1420_1420" id="Footnote_1420_1420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1420_1420"><span class="label">[1420]</span></a> &lsquo;Era siciliano.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+III.</i>, vol. i. p. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1421_1421" id="Footnote_1421_1421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1421_1421"><span class="label">[1421]</span></a> The fullest account of his dismissal is given by M. Rio,
+in the first chapter of the second volume of his <i>Historia del Reinado
+de Carlos III.</i>, which should, however, be compared with <i>Coxe's Bourbon
+Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. pp. 340&ndash;346. Coxe terms him Squilaci; but I
+follow the orthography of the Spanish writers, who always call him
+Esquilache. Such was his influence over the King, that, according to
+Coxe (vol. iv. p. 347), Charles III. &lsquo;publicly said that, &ldquo;if he was
+reduced to a morsel of bread, he would divide it with Squilaci.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1422_1422" id="Footnote_1422_1422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1422_1422"><span class="label">[1422]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. pp. 15, 135. <i>Rio</i>,
+<i>Historia de Carlos III.</i>, vol. i. pp. 246, 247, 400, 401. <i>Navarrete</i>,
+<i>Biografía de Ensenada</i>, pp. 26&ndash;28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1423_1423" id="Footnote_1423_1423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1423_1423"><span class="label">[1423]</span></a> He resigned in 1776, but held office till the arrival of
+his successor, Florida Blanca, in 1777. <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia de Carlos
+III.</i>, vol. iii. pp. 171, 174. In reference to his appointment, in 1763,
+M. Rio observes (vol. i. p. 402), &lsquo;De que Grimaldi creciera en fortuna
+se pudo congratular no Roma, sino Francia.&rsquo; In 1770, Harris, the
+diplomatist, who was then in Spain, writes, &lsquo;His doctrine is absolutely
+French; guided in everything by the French closet,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Malmesbury's
+Diaries and Correspondence</i>, vol. i. p. 56, London, 1844.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1424_1424" id="Footnote_1424_1424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1424_1424"><span class="label">[1424]</span></a> &lsquo;Guided in his operations by the counsels of Choiseul.&rsquo;
+<i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 339. &lsquo;The prosecution of
+the schemes which he had concerted with Choiseul.&rsquo; p. 373. &lsquo;His friend
+and patron.&rsquo; p. 391, and vol. v. p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1425_1425" id="Footnote_1425_1425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1425_1425"><span class="label">[1425]</span></a> &lsquo;Personne n'ignoroit le crédit prodigieux que M. de
+Choiseul avoit sur le roi d'Espagne, dont il se vantoit lui-même, au
+point que je lui ai ouï dire, qu'il étoit plus sûr de sa prépondérance
+dans le cabinet de Madrid, que dans celui de Versailles.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires du
+Baron de Besenval</i>, <i>écrits par lui-même</i>, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, Paris,
+1805.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1426_1426" id="Footnote_1426_1426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1426_1426"><span class="label">[1426]</span></a> M. Muriel (<i>Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III.</i>, Madrid,
+1839, pp. 44, 45) terms their expulsion from Spain &lsquo;este acto de
+violencia hecho meramente por complacer al duque de Choiseul, ministro
+de Francia y protector del partido filosófico.&rsquo; See also
+<i>Crétineau-Joly</i>, <i>Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus</i>, vol. v. p. 291,
+Paris, 1845; and <i>Georgel</i>, <i>Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire des
+Évènemens depuis 1760</i>, vol. ii. p. 95, Paris, 1817.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1427_1427" id="Footnote_1427_1427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1427_1427"><span class="label">[1427]</span></a> Archdeacon Coxe, in a somewhat professional tone, says of
+Aranda, &lsquo;In France he had acquired the graces of polished society, and
+<i>imbibed that freedom of sentiment</i> which then began to be fashionable,
+<i>and has since been carried to such a dangerous excess</i>.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's
+Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 402. His great enemy, the Prince of
+the Peace, wishing to be severe, unintentionally praises him; and
+observes, that he was &lsquo;connected with the most distinguished literary
+Frenchmen of the middle of the last century,&rsquo; and that he was &lsquo;divested
+of religious prejudices, though swayed by philosophical enthusiasm.&rsquo;
+<i>Godoy's Memoirs</i>, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 319. The hostility of some
+men is extremely valuable. The Prince further adds, that Aranda &lsquo;could
+only lay claim to the inferior merit of a sectarian attachment,&rsquo;
+forgetting that, in a country like Spain, every enlightened person must
+belong to a miserably small sect.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1428_1428" id="Footnote_1428_1428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1428_1428"><span class="label">[1428]</span></a> Cabarrus (<i>Elogio de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p.
+xxiv.) says, rather magniloquently, &lsquo;El acierto de la execucion que
+correspondió al pulso y prudencia con que se habia deliberado esta
+providencia importante, pasará á la ultima posteridad.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1429_1429" id="Footnote_1429_1429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1429_1429"><span class="label">[1429]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 362. M. Rio,
+in the second volume of his <i>History of Charles III.</i>, Madrid, 1856, has
+given a long, but not very philosophical, nor very accurate, account of
+the expulsion of the Jesuits, which he considers solely from the Spanish
+point of view; overlooking the fact, that it was part of an European
+movement headed by France. He denies the influence of Choiseul, p. 125;
+censures the perfectly correct statement of Coxe, p. 123; and finally
+ascribes this great event to the operation of causes confined to the
+Peninsula. &lsquo;De ser los jesuitas adversarios del regalismo emanó su ruina
+en España, cuando triunfaban las opiniones sostenidas con heróico teson
+desde mucho ántes por doctísimos jurisconsultos.&rsquo; p. 519.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1430_1430" id="Footnote_1430_1430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1430_1430"><span class="label">[1430]</span></a> One of the most recent historians of the Jesuits
+indignantly observes, &lsquo;Depuis deux cent vingt ans les Jésuites vivent et
+prêchent en Espagne. Ils sont comblés de bienfaits par des monarques
+dont ils étendent la souveraineté. Le clergé et les masses acceptent
+avec bonheur leur intervention. Tout à coup l'Ordre se voit déclaré
+coupable d'un crime de lèse-majesté, d'un attentat public que personne
+ne peut spécifier. La sentence prononce la peine sans énoncer le délit.&rsquo;
+<i>Crétineau-Joly</i>, <i>Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus</i>, vol. v. p. 295,
+Paris, 1845.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1431_1431" id="Footnote_1431_1431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1431_1431"><span class="label">[1431]</span></a> <i>Dunham's History of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 285, where the
+facts are well brought together. The valuable <i>History of the
+Inquisition</i>, by Llorente, is not quite precise enough in these matters;
+though it is a very accurate, and, what is still more surprising, a very
+honest book.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1432_1432" id="Footnote_1432_1432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1432_1432"><span class="label">[1432]</span></a> <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iii. pp. 103&ndash;107,
+which must be compared with the account of Coxe, who derived some of his
+information from a friend of Aranda's. <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>,
+vol. iv. pp. 401&ndash;415. A good life of Aranda would be very interesting.
+That contained in the <i>Biographie Universelle</i> is extremely meagre, and
+carelessly written.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1433_1433" id="Footnote_1433_1433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1433_1433"><span class="label">[1433]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 407.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1434_1434" id="Footnote_1434_1434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1434_1434"><span class="label">[1434]</span></a> &lsquo;When at Paris, in 1786, I received the following
+anecdote from a person connected with the encyclopædists. During his
+residence in that capital, D'Aranda had frequently testified to the
+literati with whom he associated, his resolution to obtain the abolition
+of the Inquisition, should he ever be called to power. His appointment
+was, therefore, exultingly hailed by the party, particularly by
+D'Alembert; and he had scarcely begun his reforms before an article was
+inserted in the Encyclopædia, then printing, in which this event was
+confidently anticipated, from the liberal principles of the minister.
+D'Aranda was struck on reading this article, and said, &ldquo;This imprudent
+disclosure will raise such a ferment against me, that my plans will be
+foiled.&rdquo; He was not mistaken in his conjecture.&rsquo; <i>Coxe&lsquo;s Bourbon Kings
+of Spain</i>, vol. iv. p. 408.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1435_1435" id="Footnote_1435_1435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1435_1435"><span class="label">[1435]</span></a> Even the case in 1781 appears to have been for witchcraft
+rather than for heresy. &lsquo;La dernière victime qui périt dans les flammes
+fut une <i>béate</i>: on la brûla à Séville, le 7 novembre 1781, comme ayant
+fait un pacte, et entretenu un commerce charnel avec le Démon, et pour
+avoir été impénitente négative. Elle eût pu éviter la mort en s'avouant
+coupable du crime dont on l'accusait.&rsquo; <i>Llorente</i>, <i>Histoire de
+l'Inquisition d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1818, vol. iv. p. 270. About this time,
+torture began to be disused in Spain. See an interesting note in
+<i>Johnston's Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain</i>, London, 1825, p.
+263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1436_1436" id="Footnote_1436_1436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1436_1436"><span class="label">[1436]</span></a> &lsquo;Menesteres decir que el marqués de Grimaldi cayó
+venciendo á sus enemigos, pues, léjos de legarles el poder, á que
+aspiraban con anhelo, trasmitiólo á una de sus más legítimas hechuras;
+que tal era y por tal se reconocia el conde de Floridablanca.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>,
+<i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iii. pp. 151, 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1437_1437" id="Footnote_1437_1437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1437_1437"><span class="label">[1437]</span></a> In 1690, it was stated that &lsquo;since the expulsion of the
+Moors,&rsquo; there was no precedent for the King of Spain ever sending an
+envoy to a Mohammedan prince. See <i>Mahon's Spain under Charles II.</i>, p.
+5. In that year an envoy was sent to Morocco; but this was merely
+concerning the redemption of prisoners, and certainly without the
+remotest intention of concluding a peace.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1438_1438" id="Footnote_1438_1438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1438_1438"><span class="label">[1438]</span></a> &lsquo;The other European courts, with surprise and regret,
+witnessed the conclusion of a treaty which terminated the political and
+religious rivalry so long subsisting between Spain and the Porte.&rsquo;
+<i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. pp. 152, 153. &lsquo;Une des maximes
+de la politique espagnole avait été celle de maintenir une guerre
+perpétuelle contre les mahométans, même après la conquête de Grenade. Ni
+les pertes incalculables éprouvées par suite de ce système, ni l'exemple
+de la France et d'autres puissances catholiques qui ne se faisaient
+point scrupule d'être en paix avec les Turcs, n'avaient suffi pour
+détromper l'Espagne sur l'inconvenance d'une telle politique. Le génie
+éclairé de Charles III corrigea un préjugé aussi dangereux; dicta la
+paix avec les empereurs de Turquie et d'autres potentats mahométans;
+délivra ses sujets de la terrible piraterie des corsaires, et ouvrit à
+leur commerce de nouvelles voies pour spéculer avec de plus grands
+avantages.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>La Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. ii. p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1439_1439" id="Footnote_1439_1439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1439_1439"><span class="label">[1439]</span></a> <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv.
+pp. 11&ndash;13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1440_1440" id="Footnote_1440_1440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1440_1440"><span class="label">[1440]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1441_1441" id="Footnote_1441_1441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1441_1441"><span class="label">[1441]</span></a> &lsquo;Ha sido notable el número de cautivos, que los piratas
+de Berbería han hecho sobre nuestras costas por tres centurias. En el
+siglo pasado se solian calcular exístentes á la vez en Argel, treinta
+mil personas españolas. Su rescate á razon de mil pesos por cada persona
+á lo menos, ascendia á 30 millones de pesos.&rsquo; <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á
+la Educacion Popular</i>, vol. i. p. 373, Madrid, 1775. On the precautions
+which had to be used to guard the coasts of Spain against the Mohammedan
+corsairs, see <i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica y Practica de Comercio</i>, Madrid,
+1757, folio, pp. 172, 173, 222&ndash;226; and <i>Lafuente</i>, <i>Historia de
+España</i>, vol. xv. p. 476, Madrid, 1855. In the middle of the eighteenth
+century, a regular watch had to be kept along the Mediterranean coast of
+Spain, &lsquo;in order to give the alarm upon the appearance of the enemy.&rsquo;
+See <i>A Tour through Spain by Udal ap Rhys</i>, 2d edit., London, 1760, p.
+170. As to the state of things in the seventeenth century, see <i>Janer</i>,
+<i>Condicion de los Moriscos</i>, Madrid, 1857, p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1442_1442" id="Footnote_1442_1442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1442_1442"><span class="label">[1442]</span></a> &lsquo;De esta suerte quedaron los mares limpios de piratas
+desde los reinos de Fez y Marruecos hasta los últimos dominios del
+emperador Turco, por el Mediterráneo todo; vióse á menudo la bandera
+española en Levante, y las mismas naciones mercantiles que la
+persiguieron indirectamente, preferíanla ahora, resultando el aumento
+del comercio y de la Real marina, y la pericia de sus tripulaciones, y
+el mayor brillo de España y de su augusto Soberano: termino hubo la
+esclavitud de tantos millares de infelices con abandono de sus familias
+é indelebles perjuicios de la religion y el Estado, cesando tambien la
+continua extraccion de enormes sumas para los rescates que, al paso que
+nos empobrecian, pasaban á enriquecer á nuestros contrarios, y á
+facilitar sus armamentos para ofendernos; y se empezaban á cultivar
+rápidamente en las costas del Mediterráneo leguas de terrenos los más
+fertiles del mundo, desamparados y eriales hasta entónces por miedo á
+los piratas, y donde se formaban ya pueblos enteros para dar salida á
+los frutos y las manufacturas.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+III.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 17, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1443_1443" id="Footnote_1443_1443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1443_1443"><span class="label">[1443]</span></a> M. Rio, whose voluminous History of the reign of Charles
+III. is, notwithstanding its numerous omissions, a work of considerable
+value, has appreciated the personal influence of the king more justly
+than any previous writer; he having had access to unpublished papers,
+which show the great energy and activity of Charles. &lsquo;Entre sus mas
+notables figuras ninguna aventaja á la de Cárlos III.; y no por el lugar
+jerárquico que ocupa, sino por el brillante papel que representa, ora
+tome la iniciativa, ora el consejo, para efectuar las innumerables
+reformas que le valieron inextinguible fama. Ya sé que algunos tachan á
+este Monarca de cortedad de luces y de estrechez de miras; y que algunos
+otros suponen que sus ministros le engañaron ó sorprendieron para dictar
+ciertas providencias. Cuarenta y ocho tomos de cartas semanales y
+escritas de su puno desde octubre de 1759 hasta marzo de 1783 al marqués
+de Tanucci, existentes en el archivo de Simancas, por mí leidas hoja
+tras hoja, sacando de ellas largos apuntes, sirven á maravilla para
+pintarle tal como era, y penetrar hasta sus más recónditos pensamientos,
+y contradecir á los que le juzgan á bulto.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado
+de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1856, vol. i. pp. xxii. xxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1444_1444" id="Footnote_1444_1444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1444_1444"><span class="label">[1444]</span></a> &lsquo;Although born and educated in Spain, Charles had quitted
+the country at too early an age to retain a partiality to its customs,
+laws, manners, and language; while, from his residence abroad, and his
+intercourse with France, he had formed a natural predilection for the
+French character and institutions.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1445_1445" id="Footnote_1445_1445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1445_1445"><span class="label">[1445]</span></a> He &lsquo;far surpassed his two predecessors in his exertions
+to reform the morals, and restrain the power of the clergy.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>
+vol. v. p. 215.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1446_1446" id="Footnote_1446_1446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1446_1446"><span class="label">[1446]</span></a> His measures &lsquo;alarmaron al clero en general, que empezó á
+murmurar con impaciencia, y aun algunos de sus individuos se propasaron
+á violentos actos.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1447_1447" id="Footnote_1447_1447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1447_1447"><span class="label">[1447]</span></a> A popular charge against the government was, &lsquo;que se
+despojara á la Iglesia de sus inmunidades.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado
+de Carlos III.</i>, vol. ii. p. 54. See also at pp. 201, 202, a letter, in
+1766, from the Bishop of Cuenca to the King's confessor, in which that
+prelate stated, &lsquo;que España corria á su ruina que ya no corria, sino que
+volaba, y que ya estaba perdida sin remedio humano;&rsquo; and that the cause
+of this was the persecution of the poor Church, which was &lsquo;saqueada en
+sus bienes, ultrajada en sus ministros, y atropellada en su inmunidad.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1448_1448" id="Footnote_1448_1448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1448_1448"><span class="label">[1448]</span></a> Coxe (<i>Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 144) calls the
+peace of 1783 &lsquo;the most honourable and advantageous ever concluded by
+the crown of Spain since the peace of St. Quintin.&rsquo; Similarly, M. Rio
+(<i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iii. p. 397), &lsquo;Siglos
+habian pasado para España de continuas y porfiadas contiendas, sin
+llegar nunca, desde la famosa jornada de San Quintin y al alborear el
+reinado de Felipe II., tan gloriosamente al reposo.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1449_1449" id="Footnote_1449_1449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1449_1449"><span class="label">[1449]</span></a> Towards the close of his reign, we find a contemporary
+observer, who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing
+testimony to &lsquo;the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic
+Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements,&rsquo; <i>Letter by an
+English Officer</i>, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 329. Compare Muriel
+(<i>Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1839, p. 34), &lsquo;Tan conocido
+llegó á ser Cárlos III. en los reinos estraños por la rectitud de su
+carácter, que en las desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos,
+todos consentian en tomarle por árbitro, y se sometian á sus
+decisiones;&rsquo; and Cabarrus (<i>Elogio de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1789, 4to.
+p. xl.), &lsquo;Esta probidad llega á ser el resorte político de la Europa;
+todas las cortes penetradas de respeto á sus virtudes le buscan por
+árbitro y mediador.&rsquo; Evidence of the great respect paid to Charles III.
+by foreign powers, will also be found in <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del
+Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 41&ndash;43, 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1450_1450" id="Footnote_1450_1450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1450_1450"><span class="label">[1450]</span></a> On the increase of the navy, compare <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 127, with <i>Muriel</i>, <i>Gobierno del
+Rey Carlos III.</i>, pp. 73, 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1451_1451" id="Footnote_1451_1451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1451_1451"><span class="label">[1451]</span></a> These financial improvements were due, in a great
+measure, to the Frenchman, Cabarrus. See <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de
+Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1452_1452" id="Footnote_1452_1452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1452_1452"><span class="label">[1452]</span></a> Rio, <i>ibid.</i> vol. iv. pp. 164&ndash;166, and <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1453_1453" id="Footnote_1453_1453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1453_1453"><span class="label">[1453]</span></a> &lsquo;La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra
+agricultura fué sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de 1765, por
+la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió el libre comercio
+de ellos.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 105. See also
+<i>Dillon's Spain</i>, p. 69, and <i>Townsend's Spain</i>, vol. ii. p. 230. The
+first step towards this great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict
+issued in that year, &lsquo;Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y
+maiz que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos
+dominios.&rsquo; This document, which is important for the history of
+political economy, is printed in the Appendix to <i>Campomanes</i>,
+<i>Educacion Popular</i>, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1454_1454" id="Footnote_1454_1454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1454_1454"><span class="label">[1454]</span></a> &lsquo;Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se
+comunicaron con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entónces la
+metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de 24 de
+agosto de 1764, salía el primero de cada mes un paquebot de la Coruña
+con toda la correspondencia de las Indias; desembarcábala en la Habana,
+y desde allí se distribuia en balandras y otros bajeles á
+propósito para puntear los vientos
+escasos, á Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y
+provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian á la Habana,
+de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro paquebot para la
+Coruña.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. i. p. 452.
+That part of the plan, however, which aimed at making Coruña a rival of
+Cadiz, appears to have been unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruña,
+written in 1774, in <i>Dalrymple's Travels through Spain</i>, London, 1777,
+4to. p. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1455_1455" id="Footnote_1455_1455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1455_1455"><span class="label">[1455]</span></a> See the edicts in <i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+37&ndash;47, Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1456_1456" id="Footnote_1456_1456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1456_1456"><span class="label">[1456]</span></a> It was said, with reason, by Alaman, &lsquo;que el gobierno de
+América llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>,
+<i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv. p. 151. And Humboldt
+observes (<i>Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne</i>,
+Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), &lsquo;C'est le roi Charles III surtout
+qui, par des mesures aussi sages qu'énergiques, est devenu le
+bienfaiteur des indigènes; il a annulé les <i>Encomiendas</i>; il a défendu
+les <i>Repartimientos</i>, par lesquels les corregidors se constituoient
+arbitrairement les créanciers, et par conséquent les maîtres du travail
+des natifs, en les pourvoyant, à des prix exagérés, de chevaux, de
+mulets et de vêtemens (<i>ropa</i>).&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1457_1457" id="Footnote_1457_1457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1457_1457"><span class="label">[1457]</span></a> <i>Cabarrus</i>, <i>Elogio de Carlos III.</i>, Madrid, 1789, p.
+xlii., and Canga's note in <i>Martinez de la Mata</i>, <i>Dos Discursos</i>,
+Madrid, 1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar
+with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1458_1458" id="Footnote_1458_1458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1458_1458"><span class="label">[1458]</span></a> &lsquo;Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken
+towards the adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with
+America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change was
+introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly produced the most
+beneficial consequences. The export of foreign goods was tripled, of
+home-produce quintupled; and the returns from America augmented in the
+astonishing proportion of nine to one. The produce of the customs
+increased with equal rapidity.&rsquo; <i>Clarke's Examination of the Internal
+State of Spain</i>, London, 1818, p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1459_1459" id="Footnote_1459_1459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1459_1459"><span class="label">[1459]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. pp. 197, 317,
+318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1460_1460" id="Footnote_1460_1460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1460_1460"><span class="label">[1460]</span></a> See Florida Blanca's statement in <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 331; &lsquo;to facilitate to artisans and journeymen the
+scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the privileges and interest
+of the powerful.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1461_1461" id="Footnote_1461_1461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1461_1461"><span class="label">[1461]</span></a> <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv.
+pp. 317, 318, and elsewhere.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1462_1462" id="Footnote_1462_1462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1462_1462"><span class="label">[1462]</span></a> &lsquo;&ldquo;Desde mi feliz advenimiento al trono&rdquo; (dijo el Rey en
+la ordenanza de reemplazos) &ldquo;ha merecido mi Real proteccion el arte de
+la imprenta, y, para que pueda arraigarse sólidamente en estos reinos,
+vengo en declarar la exencion del sorteo y servicio militar, no solo á
+los impresores, sino tambien á los fundidores que se empleen de continuo
+en este ejercicio, y á los abridores de punzones y matrices.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>,
+<i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iii. p. 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1463_1463" id="Footnote_1463_1463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1463_1463"><span class="label">[1463]</span></a> On the steps taken to reform the universities between
+1768 and 1774, see <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 185&ndash;210. Compare vol. iv. pp. 296&ndash;299.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1464_1464" id="Footnote_1464_1464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1464_1464"><span class="label">[1464]</span></a> &lsquo;La educacion de la juventud por los maestros de primeras
+letras es uno y aun el más principal ramo de la policía y buen gobierno
+del Estado.&rsquo; <i>Real Provision de 11 de julio de 1771</i>, printed in Rio,
+vol. iii. p. 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1465_1465" id="Footnote_1465_1465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1465_1465"><span class="label">[1465]</span></a> M. Lafuente, who has justly praised the love of peace
+displayed by Ferdinand VI. (<i>Historia de España</i>, vol. i. p. 202, vol.
+xix. pp. 286, 378), adds (vol. xix. p. 384), &lsquo;De modo que con razon se
+admira, y es el testimonio más honroso de la buena administracion
+económica de este reinado, que al morir este buen monarca dejára, no
+diremos nosotros repletas y apuntaladas las arcas públicas, como
+hiperbólicamente suele decirse, pero sí con el considerable sobrante de
+trescientos millones de reales, despues de cubiertas todas las
+atenciones del Estado: fenómeno que puede decirse se veia por primera
+vez en España, y resultado satisfactorio, que aun supuesta una buena
+administracion, solo pudo obtenerse á favor de su prudente política de
+neutralidad y de paz.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1466_1466" id="Footnote_1466_1466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1466_1466"><span class="label">[1466]</span></a> &lsquo;But it is to Charles III. that Madrid owes all its
+present magnificence. Under his care, the royal palace was finished, the
+noble gates of Alcalá and San Vincente were raised; the custom-house,
+the post-office, the museum, and royal printing-office, were
+constructed; the academy of the three noble arts improved; the cabinet
+of natural history, the botanic garden, the national bank of San Carlos,
+and many gratuitous schools established; while convenient roads leading
+from the city, and delightful walks planted within and without it, and
+adorned by statues and fountains, combine to announce the solicitude of
+this paternal king.&rsquo; <i>Spain by an American</i>, London, 1831, vol. i. p.
+206; see also p. 297.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1467_1467" id="Footnote_1467_1467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1467_1467"><span class="label">[1467]</span></a> The following passage describes its state so late as the
+year 1766: &lsquo;Por temor ó por connivencia de los venteros, dentro de sus
+casas concertaban frecuentemente los ladrones sus robos, y los
+ejecutaban á mansalva, ocultándose en guaridas de que ahuyentaban á las
+fieras. Acaso á muy largas distancias se descubrian entre contados
+caseríos algunos pastores como los que allí hizo encontrar el ilustre
+manco de Lepanto al ingenioso hidalgo de la Mancha. Parte de la Sierra
+estuvo poblada en tiempo de moros; actualmente ya no habia más que
+espesos matorrales hasta en torno de la ermita de Santa Elena, donde
+resonaron cánticos de gracias al Cielo por el magnífico triunfo de las
+Navas.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iii. p. 9. On
+the condition of the Sierra Morena a hundred years before this, see
+<i>Boisel</i>, <i>Journal du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1669, 4to. pp. 62, 296;
+where it is termed &lsquo;le lieu le plus désert, et où il n'y a que quelques
+<i>ventas</i> sans villages.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1468_1468" id="Footnote_1468_1468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1468_1468"><span class="label">[1468]</span></a> <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 9&ndash;11, 35. By 1771, &lsquo;sin auxilio de la Real hacienda pudieron
+mantenerse al fin los colonos.&rsquo; p. 42. See also vol. iv. pp. 114, 115.
+On the subsequent history of this settlement, see <i>Inglis' Spain</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 29&ndash;31, London, 1831.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1469_1469" id="Footnote_1469_1469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1469_1469"><span class="label">[1469]</span></a> &lsquo;En 1760 se destinó por primera vez un fondo especial
+para la construccion de caminos.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1470_1470" id="Footnote_1470_1470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1470_1470"><span class="label">[1470]</span></a> Indeed, M. Rio says, that the expense was reduced by
+two-thirds, and, in some parts, by three-fourths. &lsquo;Antes se regulaba en
+un millon de reales la construccion de cada legua; ahora solo ascendia á
+la tercera ó cuarta parte de esta suma.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de
+Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1471_1471" id="Footnote_1471_1471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1471_1471"><span class="label">[1471]</span></a> A note in <i>Bowles</i>, <i>Historia Natural de España</i>, Madrid,
+1789, 4to. p. 158, terms this &lsquo;un camino alineado y sólido.&rsquo; In <i>Cook's
+Spain</i>, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 209, it is called &lsquo;a magnificent
+road.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1472_1472" id="Footnote_1472_1472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1472_1472"><span class="label">[1472]</span></a> &lsquo;Para dar salida á los frutos, que regaban los pantanos
+de Lorca, ejecutóse una bien trazada via al puerto de las Aguilas.&rsquo;
+<i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 115, 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1473_1473" id="Footnote_1473_1473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1473_1473"><span class="label">[1473]</span></a> In 1769, Baretti writes, in great surprise, &lsquo;the
+Biscayans are actually making a noble road, which is to go from Bilbao
+to Osma.&rsquo; <i>Baretti's Journey through England, Portugal, Spain, and
+France</i>, London, 1770, vol. iv. p. 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1474_1474" id="Footnote_1474_1474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1474_1474"><span class="label">[1474]</span></a> &lsquo;Otras diferentes carreteras, construidas de nuevo ó
+rehabilitadas, multiplicaron las comunicaciones durante los nueve
+primeros años de estar á cargo de Floridablanca la superintendencia
+general de caminos, haciéndose de fácil y cómodo tránsito puntos
+escabrosos como el del Puerto de la Cadena y los que médian entre
+Astorga y Galicia, y Málaga y Antequera.&rsquo; <i>Rio</i>, <i>Historia del Reinado
+de Carlos III.</i>, vol. iv. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1475_1475" id="Footnote_1475_1475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1475_1475"><span class="label">[1475]</span></a> &lsquo;The reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third
+produced the most beneficial changes in this important branch of
+political economy. New roads were opened, which were carefully levelled,
+and constructed with solidity. There are at the present time in Spain
+several superb roads, such as may vie with the finest in Europe; indeed,
+they have been made with superior judgment, and upon a grander scale.&rsquo;
+<i>Laborde's Spain</i>, edit. London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 427.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1476_1476" id="Footnote_1476_1476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1476_1476"><span class="label">[1476]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1477_1477" id="Footnote_1477_1477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1477_1477"><span class="label">[1477]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. v. pp. 198, 199, 286, 287. <i>Townsend's
+Spain</i>, vol. i. pp. 212&ndash;215. <i>Laborde's Spain</i>, vol. ii. p. 271. This
+canal, which was intended to establish a free communication between the
+Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, is slightly noticed in
+<i>Macpherson's Annals of Commerce</i>, vol. iv. pp. 95, 96: a learned and
+valuable work, but very imperfect as regards Spain. The economical value
+of this great enterprise, and the extent to which it succeeded, are
+seriously under-estimated in <i>Ford's Spain</i>, p. 587; a book which,
+notwithstanding the praise that has been conferred upon it, is
+carelessly composed, and is sure to mislead readers who have not the
+means of comparing it with other authorities. M. Rio's History of
+Charles III. contains some interesting information on the subject; but,
+unfortunately, I omitted to mark the passages.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1478_1478" id="Footnote_1478_1478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1478_1478"><span class="label">[1478]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. pp. 288, 289, on
+the authority or Florida Blanca himself.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1479_1479" id="Footnote_1479_1479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1479_1479"><span class="label">[1479]</span></a> <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 199.
+<i>Townsend's Spain</i>, vol. i. p. 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1480_1480" id="Footnote_1480_1480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1480_1480"><span class="label">[1480]</span></a> See Florida Blanca's statement in <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 289. &lsquo;In many other parts similar works have been
+promoted, for canals of irrigation, and for encouraging agriculture and
+traffic. The canals of Manzanares and Guadarrama are continued by means
+of the national bank, which has appropriated one-half of the profits
+derived from the export of silver to this end.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The town of
+Almuradiel, formed in the middle of the <i>campo nuevo</i> of Andalusia, for
+the rugged pass of Despeña Perros, is another example of agriculture for
+the neighbouring places; since, instead of woods and frightful deserts,
+we have seen in a few years public buildings, houses, plantations, and
+cultivated lands, producing every species of grain and fruits, which
+border the road, and banish the danger of robbers and banditti.&rsquo; See
+also <i>Muriel</i>, <i>Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III.</i>, p. 5. &lsquo;Habiendo sido
+el reinado de Carlos III. una serie continua de mejoras en todos ramos;&rsquo;
+and the striking picture (p. 15), &lsquo;Agricultura, artes mecánicas,
+comercio, enseñanza, milicia, navegacion, ciencias, letras, legislacion,
+en una palabra, todo cuanto puede influir en la prosperidad del Estado,
+todo llamó la atencion de los ministros, y en todo hicieron las mejoras
+que permitian las circunstancias.&rsquo;' On the improvements in internal
+communications, see the same valuable work, pp. 187&ndash;192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1481_1481" id="Footnote_1481_1481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1481_1481"><span class="label">[1481]</span></a> Respecting this step, which as effected in 1754, see
+<i>Tapia</i>, <i>Civilizacion Española</i>, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 81, 82.
+&lsquo;Fué este tratado utilísimo para la España, pues por él se libertó del
+pago de enormes sumas que hasta entonces habian pasado á los estados
+pontificos. En el informe canónico-legal escrito á virtud de real órden
+en 1746 por el fiscal de la cámara de Castilla Don Blas de Jover, se
+decia; que según el testimonio del historiador Cabrera, en el espacio de
+30 años el solo renglon de las coadjutorías y dispensas habia hecho
+pasar á Roma de la corona de Castilla millon y medio de ducados romanos.
+Y añade el mismo Jover que á principios del siglo xviii. subia aun esta
+contribucion cada año en todos los estados de la monarquia española á
+500,000 escudos romanos, que era <i>un tercio poco mas ó menos de lo que
+Roma percibia de toda la cristiandad</i>.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1482_1482" id="Footnote_1482_1482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1482_1482"><span class="label">[1482]</span></a> See Appendix I. to <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol.
+v. p. 334.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1483_1483" id="Footnote_1483_1483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1483_1483"><span class="label">[1483]</span></a> It is important to observe, that the Cortes, where alone
+the voice of the people had a chance of being heard, was assembled but
+three times during the whole of the eighteenth century, and then merely
+for the sake of form. &lsquo;Les Cortès ne se réunirent que trois fois pendant
+le dix-huitième siècle, et plutôt encore comme des solennités
+formulaires pour la prestation du serment aux princes héritiers de la
+couronne, que comme étant nécessaires pour de nouvelles lois et des
+contributions.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne</i>, Bordeaux,
+1815, p. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1484_1484" id="Footnote_1484_1484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1484_1484"><span class="label">[1484]</span></a> By combining these three qualities, he has deserved and
+received the cordial approbation of the present Bishop of Barcelona,
+who, in his recent work on the Spanish Church, styles him &lsquo;un monarca
+tan piadoso.&rsquo; <i>Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de la
+Iglesia en España</i>, <i>por Domingo Costa y Borras</i>, Barcelona, 1857, p.
+80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1485_1485" id="Footnote_1485_1485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1485_1485"><span class="label">[1485]</span></a> Even in <i>Alison's History of Europe</i>, where men of his
+character are usually made much of, he is treated with moderate disdain.
+&lsquo;Charles IV. was not destitute of good qualities, but he was a weak,
+incapable prince.&rsquo; Vol. viii. p. 382, Edinburgh, 1849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1486_1486" id="Footnote_1486_1486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1486_1486"><span class="label">[1486]</span></a> <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. ii. p. 167. I need
+hardly say, that not the slightest credit is to be attached to the
+account given in Godoy's Memoirs. Every one tolerably acquainted with
+Spanish history, will see that his book is an attempt to raise his own
+reputation, by defaming the character of some of the ablest and most
+high-minded of his contemporaries.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1487_1487" id="Footnote_1487_1487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1487_1487"><span class="label">[1487]</span></a> <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+277, 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1488_1488" id="Footnote_1488_1488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1488_1488"><span class="label">[1488]</span></a> &lsquo;In all its worst forms, therefore, oppression, civil,
+political, and religious, appeared to be settling down, with a new and
+portentous weight, on the whole country.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish
+Literature</i>, vol. iii. p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1489_1489" id="Footnote_1489_1489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1489_1489"><span class="label">[1489]</span></a> &lsquo;Caballero, fearing the progress of all learning, which
+might disturb the peace of the Court, sent, not long since, a circular
+order to the universities, forbidding the study of moral philosophy.
+&ldquo;His Majesty,&rdquo; it was said in the order, &ldquo;was not in want of
+philosophers, but of good and obedient subjects.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Doblado&lsquo;s Letters
+from Spain</i>, p. 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1490_1490" id="Footnote_1490_1490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1490_1490"><span class="label">[1490]</span></a> 'Le gouvernement de Charles IV avait épuisé toutes les
+ressources de l'État.&rsquo; <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne</i>, p.
+323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1491_1491" id="Footnote_1491_1491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1491_1491"><span class="label">[1491]</span></a> In Spain, the voice of the people has always been opposed
+to the liberal party, as many writers have observed, without being aware
+of the reason. Mr. Walton (<i>Revolutions of Spain</i>, London, 1837, vol. i.
+pp. 322, 323) says of the Cortes, &lsquo;Public indignation hurled them from
+their seats in 1814; and in 1823 they were overpowered, not by the arms
+of France, but by the displeasure of their own countrymen,&rsquo; &amp;c. See also
+p. 290; and <i>Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand the Seventh</i>, London, 1824, p.
+121, where it is mentioned, that &lsquo;in all the towns through which the
+King passed, the multitude, excited by the friars and clergy, overturned
+the constitutional stone, and uttered the most atrocious insults against
+the Constitution, the Cortes, and the Liberals.&rsquo; Compare <i>Sempere</i>,
+<i>Histoire des Cortès</i>, p. 335, and <i>Bacon's Six Years in Biscay</i>, p. 40.
+Indeed, a very intelligent writer on Spanish affairs in 1855, asserts,
+with, I believe, perfect truth, that Spain is &lsquo;un pays où les
+populations sont toujours, à coup sûr moins libérales que les
+gouvernemens.&rsquo; <i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes</i>, 1854, 1855, Paris, 1855, p.
+266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1492_1492" id="Footnote_1492_1492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1492_1492"><span class="label">[1492]</span></a> <i>Buckle's History of Civilization</i>, vol. ii. p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1493_1493" id="Footnote_1493_1493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1493_1493"><span class="label">[1493]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and
+Isabella</i>, vol. i. p. xlviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1494_1494" id="Footnote_1494_1494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1494_1494"><span class="label">[1494]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. xcvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1495_1495" id="Footnote_1495_1495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1495_1495"><span class="label">[1495]</span></a> <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, ninth edition, London, 1846, vol.
+ii. pp. 153&ndash;157, which must be compared with <i>Hallam's Supplemental
+Notes</i>, London, 1848, pp. 323&ndash;327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1496_1496" id="Footnote_1496_1496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1496_1496"><span class="label">[1496]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. p. 373. <i>Prescott's Ferdinand and
+Isabella</i>, vol. i. pp. xlv. xlvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1497_1497" id="Footnote_1497_1497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1497_1497"><span class="label">[1497]</span></a> &lsquo;Ce fut alors que les successeurs de Pélage descendirent
+de leurs montagnes dans les plaines, de leurs forteresses perchées sur
+des rocs inaccessibles dans les villes populeuses, le long des fleuves,
+dans de fertiles vallées et sur les côtes de la mer; ce fut alors que la
+ville d'Astorgue revint du pouvoir des Arabes à celui des Asturiens et
+chassa toute la partie musulmane de ces habitants; ce fut alors, enfin,
+que commencèrent en Espagne ces concessions de franchises municipales
+par lesquelles les rois et les seigneurs chrétiens cherchèrent à attirer
+des populations chrétiennes dans les lieux d'où ils avaient chassé les
+Musulmans.&rsquo; <i>Fauriel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Gaule Méridionale</i>, Paris, 1836,
+vol. iii. p. 215. See also <i>Sempere</i>, <i>Monarchie Espagnole</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 256, 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1498_1498" id="Footnote_1498_1498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1498_1498"><span class="label">[1498]</span></a> On the increasing confidence of the Spaniards in the
+middle of the fourteenth century, see an interesting passage in
+<i>Mariana</i>, <i>Historia de España</i>, vol. iv. pp. 172, 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1499_1499" id="Footnote_1499_1499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1499_1499"><span class="label">[1499]</span></a> The deputies of the towns did, in fact, eventually
+overthrow their own liberties, as a Spanish historian truly remarks. &lsquo;Il
+n'est pas étonnant que les monarques espagnols tâchassent d'affermir
+leur autorité autant que possible, et encore moins que leurs conseillers
+et leurs, ministres coopérassent à leurs desseins. L'histoire de toutes
+les nations nous offre de nombreux exemples de cette politique; mais <i>ce
+qu'il y a de plus remarquable dans celle d'Espagne, c'est que les
+députés des villes qui auraient dû être les plus zélés défenseurs de
+leurs droits, conspirèrent ouvertement contre le tiers-état</i>, et
+tentèrent d'anéantir les restes de l'ancienne représentation nationale.&rsquo;
+<i>Sempere</i>, <i>Histoire des Cortès d'Espagne</i>, p. 213. It strikes one as
+singular, that M. Sempere should never have inquired, why this happened
+in Spain, and not elsewhere. A later writer, reflecting on the
+destruction of the municipal element by the royal authority, gives a
+solution, which, like many other so-called solutions, is merely a
+statement of the same fact in different words. &lsquo;Al fin la autoridad real
+logró alcanzar un gran predominio en el gobierno municipal de los
+pueblos, <i>porque</i> los corregidores y alcaldes mayores llegaron á
+eclipsar la influencia de los adelantados y alcaldes elegidos por los
+pueblos.&rsquo; <i>Antequera</i>, <i>Historia de la Legislacion Española</i>, Madrid,
+1849, p. 287. This, instead of explaining the event, is simply narrating
+it afresh.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1500_1500" id="Footnote_1500_1500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1500_1500"><span class="label">[1500]</span></a> The final destruction of popular liberty is ascribed by
+many writers to the battle of Villalar, in 1521; though it is quite
+certain that, if the royalists had lost that battle, instead of gaining
+it, the ultimate result would have been the same. At one time, I had
+purposed tracing the history of the municipal and representative
+elements during the fifteenth century; and the materials which I then
+collected, convinced me that the spirit of freedom never really existed
+in Spain, and that therefore the marks and forms of freedom were sure,
+sooner or later, to be effaced.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1501_1501" id="Footnote_1501_1501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1501_1501"><span class="label">[1501]</span></a> &lsquo;Ceux qui servent la Messe en Espagne, soit Religieux, ou
+Séculiers, ne manquent jamais d'aider le Prêtre à s'habiller, et le font
+avec beaucoup de respect. Les plus grande Seigneurs s'en font honneur,
+et à mesure qu'ils présentent au Prêtre quelque partie des ornemens, ils
+lui baisent la main. On se met à genoux pour donner à laver au Prêtre
+pendant la Messe, et après qu'il a essuyé ses doigts, celui qui lui a
+donné l'eau demeurant à genoux lui présente le bassin retourné, sur
+lequel le Prêtre met sa main pour la lui laisser baiser. Au retour à la
+Sacristie, il ne manque pas d'aider le Prêtre à se déshabiller, après
+quoi il se met à genoux pour recevoir sa bénédiction et baiser sa main.&rsquo;
+<i>Labat</i>, <i>Voyages en Espagne et en Italie</i>, Paris, 1730, vol. i. p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1502_1502" id="Footnote_1502_1502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1502_1502"><span class="label">[1502]</span></a> &lsquo;Telle est la coûtume du Païs, on s'exposeroit à laisser
+douter de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chrétien nouveau, si
+on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers à l'Eglise.&rsquo; <i>Labat</i>,
+<i>Voyages en Espagne</i>, vol. i. p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1503_1503" id="Footnote_1503_1503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1503_1503"><span class="label">[1503]</span></a> It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this
+act, had endangered his own soul. &lsquo;Dans un bref adressé à Charles III;
+il déclara: &ldquo;Que les actes du Roi contre les Jésuites mettaient
+évidemment son salut en danger.&rdquo;&rsquo; <i>Crétineau-Joly</i>, <i>Histoire de la
+Compagnie de Jésus</i>, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1504_1504" id="Footnote_1504_1504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1504_1504"><span class="label">[1504]</span></a> As this circumstance, which is noticed by Crétineau-Joly
+(<i>Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus</i>, vol. v. p. 311) and other writers
+(<i>Dunham's History of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 180), has been much
+misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I will
+transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information respecting the reign
+of Charles III. was derived from eye-witnesses. &lsquo;A remarkable and
+alarming proof of their influence was given at Madrid, the year after
+their expulsion. At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed
+himself to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed
+to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of the
+whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one accord,
+demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission for them to wear
+the habit of the secular clergy. This unexpected incident alarmed and
+mortified the King; and, after a vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to
+banish the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the
+secret instigators of this tumultuary petition.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+of Spain</i>, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The remarks
+made on this event by M. Rio (<i>Historia del Reinado de Carlos III.</i>,
+Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197&ndash;199) are not very creditable, either to
+his criticism or to his candour. It is uncritical to doubt the statement
+of a contemporary, when that statement relates what is probable in
+itself, and what those who lived nearest to the period never denied.
+Indeed, so far from denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of
+Coxe's work into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is
+surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to impute
+to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and then proving
+that, owing to circumstances connected with the Archbishop of Toledo, it
+could not have happened in that year. For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that
+it was in 1768; &lsquo;the year <i>after</i> their expulsion.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1505_1505" id="Footnote_1505_1505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1505_1505"><span class="label">[1505]</span></a> See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to
+<i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the
+Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV., in
+1788, &lsquo;the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing number of
+monks of all orders and of all ages.&rsquo; <i>Godoy's Memoirs</i>, edit.
+London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the state of ecclesiastical
+establishments in the same year, some interesting remarks in the Letters
+of Cabarrus; &lsquo;con qué horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos
+estériles á los operarios útiles y preciosos.&rsquo; <i>Cartas escritas por el
+Conde de Cabarrus</i>, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1506_1506" id="Footnote_1506_1506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1506_1506"><span class="label">[1506]</span></a> Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V.
+boastfully says, &lsquo;Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente á
+Naturales y Estrangeros.&rsquo; <i>Uztariz</i>, <i>Theorica y Practica de Comercio</i>,
+tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man as
+Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what was felt by
+the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and far more orthodox.
+M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold passage, frankly admits
+that it was the pressure of public opinion which prevented Charles III.
+from abolishing the Inquisition. &lsquo;Estraño pareceria que habiéndose hecho
+tanto en aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y
+acabar con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso
+tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que el rey
+despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda providencia que
+pudiese contrariar la opinion pública; y él creia que los españoles
+querian la inquisicion, como se lo manifestó al ministro Roda y al conde
+de Aranda, añadiendo que en nada coartaba su autoridad.&rsquo; <i>Tapia</i>,
+<i>Civilizacion Española</i>, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the
+Inquisition seems rather a singular object for men to set their
+affections on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no
+doubt. &lsquo;L'Inquisition si révérée en Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Mémoires de Louville</i>,
+vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (<i>Tracts</i>, London, 1730, vol. i. p. 400) tells
+us that &lsquo;the Inquisition is not only established by law, but by a
+wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts and affections of the
+people, that one that should offer the least affront to another, for
+having been an informer or witness in the Inquisition, would be torn in
+a thousand pieces.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1507_1507" id="Footnote_1507_1507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1507_1507"><span class="label">[1507]</span></a> &lsquo;The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and
+others, grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or
+swords.&rsquo; <i>Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain</i>, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419. This
+was in the great case of Olavide.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1508_1508" id="Footnote_1508_1508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1508_1508"><span class="label">[1508]</span></a> An accomplished modern geographer says: &lsquo;From the extent
+of its coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and
+natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages than any
+other country of Europe.&rsquo; <i>Johnston's Dictionary of Physical,
+Statistical, and Historical Geography</i>, London, 1850, p. 1213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1509_1509" id="Footnote_1509_1509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1509_1509"><span class="label">[1509]</span></a> &lsquo;No quiero hablar de los frutos de España, no obstante
+que los produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo diré que sus
+naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que de
+Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa. En fin,
+España es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones, por la fragrancia
+de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus granadas, por sus
+azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta del gran Ciceron, y sus
+almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.&rsquo; <i>Bowles</i>, <i>Historia Natural de
+España</i>, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1510_1510" id="Footnote_1510_1510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1510_1510"><span class="label">[1510]</span></a> &lsquo;The marbles of Spain are in greater variety and beauty
+than those of any country in Europe, and most valuable kinds of them are
+in situations of easy access and communication with the sea; but they
+have long been entirely neglected, the greater part being unknown, even
+to the more intelligent of the natives.&rsquo; <i>Cook's Spain</i>, London, 1834,
+vol. ii. p. 51. In the Cabinet of Natural History at Madrid, &lsquo;the
+specimens of marbles are splendid, and show what treasures yet remain
+buried in the Peninsula.&rsquo; <i>Ford's Spain</i>, London, 1847, p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1511_1511" id="Footnote_1511_1511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1511_1511"><span class="label">[1511]</span></a> &lsquo;Hay infinitas minas de cobre en España las quales nunca
+se han tocado.&rsquo; <i>Bowles</i>, <i>Historia Natural de España</i>, Discurso
+Preliminar, p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1512_1512" id="Footnote_1512_1512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1512_1512"><span class="label">[1512]</span></a> In 1832, Cook writes, &lsquo;The lead-mines of the Sierra de
+Gador are in a state of repletion at present from the enormous quantity
+of the mineral, and the facility of raising it.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Lead abounds in
+other parts of the same chain, nearer to Almeria.&rsquo; <i>Cook's Spain</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 75. &lsquo;The most valuable of the existing Spanish mines are those of
+lead in Granada; and the supplies obtained from them during the last
+twenty years have been so large, that they have occasioned the
+abandonment of several less productive mines in other countries, and a
+considerable fall in the price of lead.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geographical and
+Statistical Dictionary</i>, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 705.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1513_1513" id="Footnote_1513_1513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1513_1513"><span class="label">[1513]</span></a> I use the popular language in referring coal to the
+inorganic world, despite its cellular tissue and vegetable origin.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1514_1514" id="Footnote_1514_1514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1514_1514"><span class="label">[1514]</span></a> &lsquo;The most valuable of the whole mineral riches of Spain
+will be, in all probability, in a few years, the iron, which is found
+every where, and of the best qualities.&rsquo; <i>Cook's Spain</i>, vol. ii. p. 78.
+See also <i>Bowles</i>, <i>Historia Natural de España</i>, pp. 56, 67, 106, 273,
+346, 415, and <i>Ford's Spain</i>, pp. 565, 618.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1515_1515" id="Footnote_1515_1515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1515_1515"><span class="label">[1515]</span></a> &lsquo;The quantity is inexhaustible, the quality excellent,
+the working of extraordinary facility, and they possess an easy
+communication with the sea; yet they are practically useless, and afford
+only a miserable existence to a few labourers and mules used in
+conveying the mineral to Gijon.&rsquo; <i>Cook's Spain</i>, vol. ii. pp. 79, 80.
+&lsquo;In the immediate neighbourhood of Oviedo are some of the largest
+coal-fields in Europe.&rsquo; <i>Ford's Spain</i>, p. 381; compare pp. 392, 606.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1516_1516" id="Footnote_1516_1516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1516_1516"><span class="label">[1516]</span></a> &lsquo;La nacion española posee casi quantas producciones
+naturales puede apetecer la necesidad, ó curiosidad de los hombres.&rsquo;
+<i>Campomanes</i>, <i>Apendice á la Educacion Popular</i>, vol. iv. p. vi. Madrid,
+1777.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1517_1517" id="Footnote_1517_1517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1517_1517"><span class="label">[1517]</span></a> &lsquo;Ils sont fort charitables, tant à cause du mérite que
+l'on s'acquiert par les aumônes, que par l'inclination naturelle qu'ils
+ont à donner, et la peine effective qu'ils souffrent lorsqu'ils sont
+obligés, soit par leur pauvreté, soit par quelqu'autre raison, de
+refuser ce qu'on leur demande. Ils ont encore la bonne qualité de ne
+point abandonner leurs amis pendant qu'ils sont malades.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;De
+manière que des personnes qui ne se voyent point quatre fois en un an,
+se voyent tous les jours deux ou trois fois, dès qu'ils souffrent.&rsquo;
+<i>D'Aulnoy</i>, <i>Relation du Voyage d'Espagne</i>, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. p. 374.
+&lsquo;They are grave, temperate, and sober; firm and warm in their
+friendships, though cautious and slow in contracting them.&rsquo; <i>A Tour
+through Spain by Udal ap Rhys</i>, second edition, London, 1760, p. 3.
+&lsquo;When they have once professed it, none are more faithful friends.&rsquo; &hellip;
+&lsquo;They have great probity and integrity of principle.&rsquo; <i>Clarke's Letters
+concerning the Spanish Nation</i>, London, 1763, 4to. p. 334. &lsquo;To express
+all that I feel, on the recollection of their goodness, would appear
+like adulation; but I may venture at least to say, that simplicity,
+sincerity, generosity, a high sense of dignity, and strong principles of
+honour, are the most prominent and striking features of the Spanish
+character.&rsquo; <i>Townsend's Journey through Spain</i>, second edition, London,
+1792, vol. iii. p. 353. &lsquo;The Spaniards, though naturally deep and artful
+politicians, have still something so nobly frank and honest in their
+disposition.&rsquo; <i>Letters from Spain by an English Officer</i>, London, 1788,
+vol. ii. p. 171. &lsquo;The Spaniards have fewer bad qualities than any other
+people that I have had the opportunity to know.&rsquo; <i>Croker's Travels
+through Spain</i>, London, 1799, pp. 237, 238. &lsquo;Spanish probity is
+proverbial, and it conspicuously shines in commercial relations.&rsquo;
+<i>Laborde's Spain</i>, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 423. &lsquo;Certainly, if it be
+taken in the mass, no people are more humane than the Spaniards, or more
+compassionate and kind in their feelings to others. They probably excel
+other nations, rather than fall below them, in this respect.&rsquo; <i>Cook's
+Spain</i>, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 189. &lsquo;The Spaniards are kind-hearted in
+all the relations of life.&rsquo; <i>Hoskins' Spain</i>, London, 1851, vol. ii. p.
+58. Finally, I will adduce the testimony of two professional
+politicians, both of whom were well acquainted with the Spaniards. In
+1770 Mr. Harris, afterwards Lord Malmesbury, writes, &lsquo;They are brave,
+honest, and generous.&rsquo; <i>Diaries and Correspondence of the Earl of
+Malmesbury</i>, London, 1844, vol. i. p. 48. And Lord Holland, according to
+Moore, deemed &lsquo;that the Spaniards altogether are amongst the best people
+of Europe.&rsquo; <i>Moore's Memoirs</i>, <i>edited by Lord John Russell</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 253, London, 1853.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1518_1518" id="Footnote_1518_1518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1518_1518"><span class="label">[1518]</span></a> This their whole history decisively proves; and as to
+their more recent state, the author of <i>Revelations of Spain in 1845</i>,
+vol. i. p. 340, says: &lsquo;But religion is so deeply rooted in the national
+character, that the most furious political storms, which prostrate
+everything else, blow over this and leave it unscathed. It is only
+amongst the educated male population that any lack of fervour is
+witnessed.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1519_1519" id="Footnote_1519_1519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1519_1519"><span class="label">[1519]</span></a> &lsquo;The habitual temperance of these people is really
+astonishing: I never saw a Spaniard drink a second glass of wine. With
+the lower order of people, a piece of bread with an
+apple, an onion, or pomegranate, is their usual repast.&rsquo; <i>Croker's
+Travels in Spain</i>, London, 1799, p. 116. &lsquo;They are temperate, or rather
+abstemious, in their living to a great degree: <i>borracho</i> is the highest
+term of reproach; and it is rare to see a drunken man, except it be
+among the carriers or muleteers.&rsquo; <i>Dalrymple's Travels through Spain</i>,
+London, 1777, 4to. p. 174. &lsquo;Drunkenness is a vice almost unknown in
+Spain among people of a respectable class, and very uncommon even among
+the lower orders.&rsquo; Esménard's note in <i>Godoy's Memoirs</i>, London, 1836,
+vol. ii. p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1520_1520" id="Footnote_1520_1520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1520_1520"><span class="label">[1520]</span></a> &lsquo;This is the most wonderful country under the sun; for
+here, intellect wields no power.&rsquo; <i>Inglis' Spain</i>, London, 1831, vol. i.
+p. 101. &lsquo;Tandis que l'activité publique, en Espagne, se porte depuis
+quelques années dans la sphère des intérêts pratiques et matériels, il
+semble, au contraire, qu'il y ait une sorte de ralentissement dans la
+vie intellectuelle.&rsquo; <i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes</i> for 1850, p. 410. &lsquo;La
+vie intellectuelle n'est point, malheureusement, la sphère où se
+manifeste le plus d'activité en Espagne.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> for 1856&ndash;1857, p. 356.
+Now, listen to the practical consequences of not giving free and
+fearless scope to the intellect. &lsquo;It is singular, upon landing in the
+Peninsula, and making a short excursion for a few miles in any
+direction, to see reproduced the manners of England <i>five centuries
+back</i>,&mdash;to find yourself thrown into the midst of a society which is a
+close counterpart of that <i>extinct semi-civilization</i> of which no trace
+is to be found in our history later than the close of the fourteenth
+century and the reign of Richard the Second.&rsquo; <i>Revelations of Spain in</i>
+1845 <i>by an English Resident</i>, vol. ii. p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1521_1521" id="Footnote_1521_1521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1521_1521"><span class="label">[1521]</span></a> &lsquo;That the Spaniards, as a people, are ignorant, supremely
+ignorant, it is impossible to dissemble; but this comes from the control
+of education being altogether in the hands of the clergy, who exert
+themselves to maintain that ignorance to which they are indebted for
+their power.&rsquo; <i>Spain by an American</i>, vol. ii. p. 360. &lsquo;The schools in
+Madrid are all conducted by Jesuits; and the education received in them,
+is such as might be expected from their heads.&rsquo; <i>Inglis' Spain</i>, vol. i.
+p. 156. &lsquo;Private education here, is almost entirely in the hands of the
+clergy.&rsquo; <i>Revelations of Spain in 1845</i>, vol. ii. p. 27. In Spain, as in
+all countries, Catholic or Protestant, the clergy, considered as a body,
+inculcate belief instead of inquiry, and, by a sort of conservative
+instinct, discourage that boldness of investigation without which there
+can be no real knowledge, although there may be much erudition and mere
+book-learning. In Spain, the clergy are stronger than in any other
+country; therefore in Spain they display this tendency more fearlessly.
+A good instance of this may be seen in a work lately published by the
+Bishop of Barcelona, in which a violent attack upon all physical and
+philosophical knowledge is concluded in the following terms: &lsquo;No intento
+recriminar á ningun católico de los que se asocian al nuevo sistema de
+filosofar y de extender indefinidamente el imperio de esta ciencia, pero
+deseo que fijen toda su atencion en los puntos que no haré sino indicar.
+Primero, que las escuelas de Holanda, Alemania, Inglaterra y Francia
+desafectas al Catolicismo, han iniciado y promovido con el mayor empeño
+ciertas discusiones filosóficas, presentándolas como un triunfo de la
+razon sobre la Religion, de la filosofía sobre la teología, del
+materialismo sobre el espiritualismo. Segundo, que sus máximas no son,
+en gran parte, mas que reproducciones ó nuevas evoluciones de errores
+mil veces refutados y condenados por la sana filosofía y por la Iglesia;
+bajo cuyo concepto no tienen por qué felicitarse en razon de su
+progreso, sino mas bien avergonzarse por su retroceso.&rsquo; <i>Costa y
+Borras</i>, <i>Iglesia en España</i>, Barcelona, 1857, p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1522_1522" id="Footnote_1522_1522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1522_1522"><span class="label">[1522]</span></a> &lsquo;Immediately after his arrival in Madrid, Ferdinand
+re-established the Inquisition; and his decree for that purpose was
+hailed throughout all Spain with illuminations, thanksgivings, and other
+rejoicings. &rsquo;<i>Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand VII.</i>, London, 1824, pp. 189,
+190. This and similar acts gave such delight to the Church as well as to
+the people, that, according to a great divine, the return of Ferdinand
+to Spain is to be deemed the immediate act of Divine Providence,
+watching over the interests of Spain. &lsquo;La divina Providencia abrevió los
+dias de prueba, y la católica España respiró ceñida con los laureles del
+triunfo, recobrando luego á su tan deseado monarca, el señor rey don
+Fernando VII.&rsquo; <i>Costa y Borras</i>, <i>Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en
+España</i>, Barcelona, 1857, p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1523_1523" id="Footnote_1523_1523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1523_1523"><span class="label">[1523]</span></a> &lsquo;The spirit of the Inquisition is still alive; for no
+king, cortes, or constitution, ever permits in Spain any approach to any
+religious toleration.&rsquo; <i>Ford's Spain</i>, London, 1847, p. 60. &lsquo;Les cortès
+auraient beau permettre l'exercice du culte protestant ou juif, il n'est
+point certain que cela ne suscitât de périlleux conflits.&rsquo; <i>Annuaire des
+Deux Mondes</i>, <i>ou Histoire Générale des Divers Etats</i>, 1854&ndash;1855, vol.
+v. p. 272, Paris, 1855; a work of considerable ability, planned on the
+same scheme as the <i>Annual Register</i>, but far superior to it. Respecting
+the chance of the Inquisition being again restored, compare two
+interesting passages in <i>Spain by an American</i>, 1831, vol. ii. p. 330,
+and <i>Inglis' Spain</i>, 1831, vol. i. p. 85. Since then, the balance of
+affairs has, on the whole, been in favour of the Church, which received
+a further accession of strength by the success of the essentially
+religious war recently waged against the Moors. Hence, if any fresh
+political catastrophe were to occur in Spain, I should not be at all
+surprised to hear that the Inquisition was re-established.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1524_1524" id="Footnote_1524_1524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1524_1524"><span class="label">[1524]</span></a> Compare some very sensible remarks in <i>Bacon's Six Years
+in Biscay</i>, London, 1838, pp. 40, 41, 50, with <i>Quin's Memoirs of
+Ferdinand the Seventh</i>, pp. 192, 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1525_1525" id="Footnote_1525_1525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1525_1525"><span class="label">[1525]</span></a> <i>Walton's Revolutions of Spain</i>, London, 1837, vol. ii.
+p. 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1526_1526" id="Footnote_1526_1526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1526_1526"><span class="label">[1526]</span></a> Very shortly before the suppression of the monastic
+orders, &lsquo;Le respect pour le froc en général est poussé si loin, qu'on
+lui attribue une vertu préservative, même au-delà de la vie, quelque peu
+régulière qu'elle ait été. Aussi n'y a-t-il rien de si commun que de
+voir les morts ensevelis en robe de moines, et conduits ainsi à leur
+dernière demeure à visage découvert.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;De même
+que le froc accompagne les Espagnols au tombeau, de même il en saisit
+quelques-uns au sortir du berceau. Il n'est pas rare de rencontrer de
+petits moines de quatre à cinq ans polissonnant dans la rue.&rsquo;
+<i>Bourgoing</i>, <i>Tableau de l'Espagne</i>, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 330,
+331.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1527_1527" id="Footnote_1527_1527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1527_1527"><span class="label">[1527]</span></a> The confiscation took place at different periods between
+1835 and 1841. Compare <i>Ford's Spain</i>, p. 48. <i>Revelations of Spain by
+an English Resident</i>, vol. i. p. 366. <i>Costa y Borras</i>, <i>Iglesia en
+España</i>, p. 95. <i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes for 1850</i>, Paris, 1851, p.
+369. I have sought in vain for any detailed history of these
+transactions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1528_1528" id="Footnote_1528_1528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1528_1528"><span class="label">[1528]</span></a> &lsquo;Dès 1845, une loi dite de <i>dévolution</i>, en attendant un
+règlement définitif, applique à la dotation du clergé une portion des
+biens ecclésiastiques non vendus.&rsquo; <i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes</i>, 1851&ndash;2,
+Paris, 1852, p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1529_1529" id="Footnote_1529_1529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1529_1529"><span class="label">[1529]</span></a> &lsquo;Il y a ici un règlement solennel, sous la forme d'un
+traité, de toutes les affaires relatives à l'église; c'est le concordat
+de 1851. Le concordat reconnaît à l'église le droit d'acquérir et de
+posséder.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> 1854, 1855, p. 273, Paris, 1855.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1530_1530" id="Footnote_1530_1530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1530_1530"><span class="label">[1530]</span></a> The very year in which the Concordat became law, Mr.
+Hoskins, the well-known traveller in Africa, a gentleman evidently of
+considerable intelligence, published, on his return from Spain, an
+account of that country. His work is valuable, as showing the state of
+public feeling just before the Concordat, and while the Spanish clergy
+were still suffering from the well-intentioned, but grossly injudicious
+acts of the liberal party. &lsquo;We visited these churches on a Sunday, and
+were surprised to find them all crowded to excess. The incomes of the
+clergy are greatly reduced, but their fortunes are gradually reviving.&rsquo;
+<i>Hoskins' Spain</i>, London, 1851, vol. i. p. 25. &lsquo;The priests are slowly
+re-establishing their power in Spain,&rsquo; vol. ii. p. 201. &lsquo;The crowded
+churches, and, notwithstanding the appropriation of their revenues, the
+absence of all appearance of anything like poverty in the chapels and
+services, prove that the Spaniards are now as devout worshippers, and as
+zealous friends of the Church, as they were in her palmy days,&rsquo; vol. ii.
+p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1531_1531" id="Footnote_1531_1531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1531_1531"><span class="label">[1531]</span></a> &lsquo;La loi de désamortissement promulguée le 1<sup>er</sup> mai,
+1855, ordonne, comme on sait, la mise en vente de tous les biens de
+main-morte, et en particulier des biens qui restent encore à l'église.&rsquo;
+<i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes</i>, 1855, 1856, p. 310. See also <i>Annuaire</i>,
+1854, 1855, p. 274. For an account of other steps taken against the
+Church in the spring and summer of 1855, see <i>Costa y Borras</i>,
+<i>Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en España</i>, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 119,
+286, 292; and respecting the law of the 1st of May, see p. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1532_1532" id="Footnote_1532_1532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1532_1532"><span class="label">[1532]</span></a> &lsquo;Aussi le premier mot d'ordre de l'insurrection a été la
+défense de la religion.&rsquo; <i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes</i>, 1854, 1855, p.
+275.</p></div>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1533_1533" id="Footnote_1533_1533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1533_1533"><span class="label">[1533]</span></a> <i>Annuaire des Deux Mondes</i>, 1856, 1857, pp. 315&ndash;317,
+324&ndash;331, 336.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="title">END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p class="title">LONDON: PRINTED BY<br />
+SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE<br />
+AND PARLIAMENT STREET</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<div class="note">
+<p style="text-align: center;"><b>Transcriber's Note</b></p>
+
+<p>The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and formatting have
+been maintained.</p>
+
+<p>Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.</p>
+
+<table summary="corrections">
+<tr><td><b>The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.</b></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. v: minority of Louis XIII &#8594; XIII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 3: <i>Geoffroy Saint Hilaire</i> &#8594; <i>Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 6: vol. iv. p. 511, 4to. &#8594; 4to,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 10: vol. xviii. pp. 431&ndash;436: &#8594; 431&ndash;436;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 10: <i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i> &#8594; <i>Hist. de la Sorbonne</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 11: <i>Benoist</i> &#8594; <i>Benoist</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 12: vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131. &#8594; 131;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 23: <i>Mably's Observations</i>, vol. iii. p. 220: &#8594; 220;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 24: humane and enlightend &#8594; enlightened</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 24: Historiettes de Tallement &#8594; Tallemant</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 25: prevents them from doing so. &ndash; > so.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 27: read the contemporay &#8594; contemporary</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 29: endeavoured to instil &#8594; instill</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 30: innocence of a religious life. &#8594; life.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 30: Hist. of Louis XIII. &#8594; XIII</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 32: <i>Mém. de Retz</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 32: vol. v. pp. 51, seq. &#8594; 51 seq.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 34: Tallemant des Reaux &#8594; Réaux</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 35: fils aîné de l'Eglise &#8594; l'Eglise&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 35: <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i> &#8594; <i>&#338;conomies Royales</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 36: prix que ce fust &#8594; fut</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 37: &lsquo;Sismondi says, under &#8594; Sismondi</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 37: Felice Hist. &#8594; Felice's Hist.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 40: livre ii. chap &#8594; chap.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 41: interests were alogether &#8594; altogether</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 41: Element ist zurückge reten &#8594; zurückgetreten</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 42: with infinte &#8594; infinite</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 49: vol. xi. p. 450, vol. xii. p. &#8594; pp.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 53: conscientiously be tolerant. &#8594; tolerant.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 54: Lettres d'un Français &#8594; François</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 56: processions whorever &#8594; wherever</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 60: Tallement des Réaux &#8594; Tallemant des Réaux</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 62: Béarn démanderent aussytost &#8594; aussytôt</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 63: Mem. de Montglat &#8594; Mém. de Montglat</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 63: Mém de Montglat &#8594; Mém. de Montglat</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 75: &lsquo;The Edict of Nismes &#8594; The</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 78: Hist. des Mathemat. &#8594; Mathémat.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 78: vol. ii. pp. 419&ndash;421 &#8594; pp. 419&ndash;421;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 79: <i>Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society</i>, p. 364: &#8594; p. 364;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 80: greatest mathemetician &#8594; mathematician</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 83: tout ce qu &#8594; qui</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 88: p. 432. Compare vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 88: <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 90: <i>&#338;uvres de Descartes</i>, vol. ii &#8594; vol. ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 91: <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 91: 8vo. 1847 &#8594; 8vo., 1847</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 91: <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii, pp. 220 &#8594; vol. ii. p. 220</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 91: Auf das innigste verbunden &#8594; &lsquo;Auf</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 94: 242, 342, 498 &#8594; 242, 342, 498,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 95: <i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. p. 153: &#8594; p. 153;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 95: <i>Mosheim&lsquo;s Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 258: &#8594; p. 258;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 95: <i>Leslie's Nat. Philos.</i> p. 121: &#8594; p. 121;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 97: Hist de l'Edit de Nantes &#8594; Hist.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 100: <i>Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers</i>, vol. 1. &#8594; vol. i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 110: faith, of sceptism &#8594; scepticism</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 111: vol. i. pp. 5, 64: &#8594; 64;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 114: Mills's Hist. of Chivalry &#8594; Mills' Hist. of Chivalry</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 115: Brougham's Polit. Philos &#8594; Philos.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 117: Compare, <i>Meyer</i> &#8594; Compare <i>Meyer</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 120: canaille, dès qu on &#8594; qu'on</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 121: Les états-généraux &#8594; &lsquo;Les états-généraux</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 122: began to excercise &#8594; exercise</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 123: énergique de la centralisation&rsquo;) &#8594; centralisation&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 123: couvent ni collége &#8594; collège</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 125: 1843, <i>in</i> &#8594; in</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 125: <i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol, &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 129: p. 118: <i>Saint Aulaire</i> &#8594; p. 118; <i>Sainte-Aulaire</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 135: which deprived knightnood &#8594; knighthood</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 136: <i>Hist. de France</i> &#8594; <i>Hist. de France</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 137: <i>Milice Françoise</i> &#8594; <i>Milice Française</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 137: vol. ii. p. 582; <i>Sully</i> &#8594; <i>Sully</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 137: vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152, &#8594; 152;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 143: Collier's Eccles. Hist &#8594; Hist.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 144: (reprinted London, 1842), p &#8594; p.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 149: 401, 476: &#8594; 476;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 149: p. 78; Hutchison's &#8594; Hutchinson's</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 150: Mem. de Retz &#8594; Mém. de Retz</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 152: part. i. pp. 28, 29 &#8594; part i. pp. 28, 29</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 153: <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. 1. &#8594; vol. i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 154: laid, the slighest &#8594; slightest</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 158: Holland the linke-boy &#8594; link-boy</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 158: part. i. p. 167. &#8594; part i. p. 167.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 166: <i>Mém. d'Omer Talon</i>, vol. iii. p. 6.; &#8594; p. 6;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 168: Saint Aulaire &#8594; Saint-Aulaire</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 168: <i>Mém. de Retz</i> vol. 1. &#8594; vol. i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 169: <i>Mém. de Motteville</i> &#8594; <i>Mém. de Motteville</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 170: vol ii. p. 357 &#8594; vol. ii. p. 357</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 178: Capefigue's Louis XIV &#8594; XIV.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 178: tyranny of the clergy &#8594; clergy.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 179: the feet of others &#8594; others.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 180: vol. v. pp 887&ndash;889 &#8594; vol. v. pp. 887&ndash;889</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 181: _Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii, &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 181: les plus industrieux," &#8594; industrieux,&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 182: brillant d'une clarte &#8594; clarté</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 187: apostles of knowlege &#8594; knowledge</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 190: <i>Philos Pos.</i> &#8594; <i>Philos. Pos.</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 190: vol. ii. pp. 627, 628 &#8594; vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 191: <i>Aubrey's Letters</i>. &#8594; <i>Aubrey's Letters</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 191: vol ii. p. 624. &#8594; vol. ii. p. 624.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 192: et de Boörhaave &#8594; Boerhaave</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 195: part. ii. p 42 &#8594; part. ii. p. 42</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 199: <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 200: <i>Royal Society</i>. &#8594; <i>Royal Society</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 201: corner-stone of the Linnean &#8594; Linnæan</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 201: Gesch der Botanik &#8594; Gesch. der Botanik</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 207: <i>Ibid.</i> xxiii. p, 496. &#8594; p. 496.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 207: vol. xxxvi p. 42 &#8594; vol. xxxvi p. 42.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 208: state of degradation.&rsquo; &#8594; degradation.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 209: both in 1639. <i>Biog. Univ</i> &#8594; <i>Biog. Univ.</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 211: was only saved by &#8594; &lsquo;was only saved by</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 211: Lock, who was &#8594; Locke, who was</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 212: Lady Mary Wortley Montague &#8594; Montagu</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 213: Hist. des Francais &#8594; Français</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 213: <i>Duclos</i>, <i>Mémoires</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 214: Lettres de Sevigné &#8594; Sévigné</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 215: sur la poésie épique. &#8594; épique.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 216: ses amitiés, il n'etait &#8594; n'était</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 217: vol. i. 341 &#8594; vol. i. p. 341</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 218: <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres</i>, vol. 1. &#8594; vol. i.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 218: <i>Corresp.</i> vol. 1. p. 352; &#8594; vol. i. p. 352,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 219: Mém de Morellet &#8594; Mém. de Morellet</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 220: <i>Biog Univ.</i> iii. 253 &#8594; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> iii. 253</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 221: <i>Biog. Univ.</i> l. 42. &#8594; <i>Biog. Univ.</i> i. 42.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 221: <i>Murray's Life of Bruce</i>, 121, &#8594; 121;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 223: <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xlviii. 217. 218. &#8594; 217, 218.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 227: vol. ii. p. 291.&rsquo; &#8594; 291.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 228: even from the king himself. &#8594; himself.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 234: croire que les ministrès &#8594; ministres</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 238: by Reboulet, in 1752: &#8594; in 1752;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 238: Anomalies, de l'Organisation &#8594; Anomalies de l'Organisation</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 241: <i>Biog. Univ.</i> xi. 314 &#8594; xi. p. 314</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 242: Vie de Rosseau &#8594; Rousseu</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 242: Quel est aujourd'hui &#8594; &lsquo;Quel est aujourd'hui</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 242: <i>Grimm</i>. <i>Corresp.</i> &#8594; <i>Grimm</i>, <i>Corresp.</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 243: de cachet pour enleve &#8594; enlever</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 245: vol. i. p. 141, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 246: Les reproches d'avoir &#8594; &lsquo;Les</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 248: first heard in France &#8594; France.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 253: vol. iii. pp. 178, 179: &#8594; 179;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 253: Dieu d'être protestants. &#8594; protestants.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 259: the most obnoxious laws &#8594; laws.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 262: to ecclesiastical dogmas, &#8594; dogmas.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 265: et regna dix ans &#8594; et régna dix ans,&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 265: conseillers, pour sçauoir &#8594; sçavoir</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 266: vol. viii. p. 101-117 &#8594; vol. viii. pp. 101-117</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 270: <i>Méthode pour étudier l'Histoire</i> &#8594; <i>l'Histoire</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 271: undergone from the griping &#8594; gripping</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 271: la cour.&rsquo; <i>Le Long</i> &#8594; <i>Le Long</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 273: <i>François, in Mémoires</i> &#8594; <i>François</i>, in <i>Mémoires</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 275: <i>Etablissement de Louis</i> &#8594; <i>Etablissement de Louis XIV</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 276: Lettres de Sevigné &#8594; Sévigné</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 277: Madame de Sevigné &#8594; Sévigné</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 277: Lettres de Sevigné &#8594; Sévigné</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 283: Lettres de Sevigné &#8594; Sévigné</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 283: <i>Lettres de Sévigné</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 283: stated by Sismondi &#8594; <i>Sismondi</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 293: Charles XII, l'homme &#8594; &lsquo;Charles</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 300: descriptions de siéges &#8594; sièges</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 301: combats et des siéges &#8594; sièges</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 303: <i>Milman's History of Christianity</i>, 1840, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 303: <i>in &#338;uvres de Voltaire</i> &#8594; in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i></td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 303: History of the Church. &#8594; Church</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 311: article on Chronology, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 318: livre xiv. chap. ii, &#8594; chap. ii.,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 320: <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 326: intuitives Erkenntniss klärer &#8594; klarer</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 326: an sichgleich &#8594; an sich gleich</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 330: Mém. sur Lebrun &#8594; Le Brun</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 330: <i>Brougham's Men of Letters</i>, vol, &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 334: letter written in 1751 &#8594; 1751.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 335: Lavallé &#8594; Lavallée</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 339: Staüdlin &#8594; Stäudlin</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 352: Hist. du Jacobin &#8594; Jacobin.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 352: vol. ii. pp. 250 350 &#8594; 250, 350</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 353: their awowed &#8594; avowed</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 360: L'imagination est la &#8594; &lsquo;L'imagination</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 391: <i>Bichat sur la Vie</i>, pp. 23&ndash;25 &#8594; 23&ndash;25.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 391: (vol. ii p. 8) &#8594; (vol. ii. p. 8)</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 395: environ huit mille espèces; &#8594; espèces;&lsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 398: Hence the remóval &#8594; removal</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 404: à son histoire.&rsquo; <i>Georget</i> &#8594; <i>Georget</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 407: vol. x. p. 341, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 412: Mém. sur Marie Antoinette &#8594; Mém. sur Marie-Antoinette</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 416: <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 432: frightful desolation there. &#8594; there.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 440: 509, 561. <i>Lafuente</i> &#8594; <i>Lafuente</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 445: Isabella may be &#8594; &lsquo;Isabella may be</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 446: vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857 &#8594; 1857.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 450: vol. xxxiv, p. 273. &#8594; vol. xxxiv. p. 273.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 453: One of the most &#8594; [60] One of the most</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 454: et action necessaire. &#8594; necessaire,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 454: devinast le reste. &#8594; reste,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 459: je vous l'ai déja &#8594; déjà</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 459: vous conduise, je na'i &#8594; n'ai?</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 471: tenement or pelting farm. &#8594; farm.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 472: <i>Historia de Felipe Tercero</i> &#8594; <i>Historia de Felipe Tercero</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 473: desmedido.&rsquo; <i>Lafuente</i> &#8594; <i>Lafuente</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 480: <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii, &#8594; vol. ii.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 481: de su santo servido. &#8594; servido,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 483: decayéron en España. &#8594; España.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 489: M. Janer or to M. Lafuente.&rsquo; &#8594; Lafuente.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 494: evidence, says, "Il &#8594; says, &lsquo;Il</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 496: people. It is ou &#8594; our</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 496: expectations were ulfilled &#8594; fulfilled</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 502: <i>Theorica de Comercio</i>. &#8594; <i>Theorica de Comercio</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 510: et point de frein. &#8594; frein.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 510: &lsquo;In 1681, the French &#8594; In</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 510: de la reine, de même. &#8594; même.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 512: <i>Historia de España</i> &#8594; <i>Historia de España</i>,</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 520: a clerk under Orri &#8594; Orry</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 520: l'incapacité des sujets &#8594; &lsquo;l'incapacité</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 527: Ellis' Original Letters &#8594; Ellis's Original Letters</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 529: parce que les systémes &#8594; systèmes</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 533: London, 1831, vol &#8594; vol.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 533: son médecin particulier, &#8594; particulier.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 539: Dublin, 1781, pp. 227&ndash;229 &#8594; 227&ndash;229.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 546: ecclesiastical power[26] &#8594; power[264]</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 547: vol. v. p. 295. Paris &#8594; 295, Paris</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 553: Civilizacion, Española &#8594; Civilizacion Española</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 553: atropellada en su inmunidad. &#8594; inmunidad.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 556: Historia de &#8594;</td><td>del</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 560: Reinado de Carlos III &#8594; III.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 568: the regularity of them &#8594; their</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 568: Looking at their &#8594; them</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 574: que les gouvernemens. &#8594; gouvernemens.&rsquo;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 575: Prescott's History of Ferdidinand &#8594; Ferdinand</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 587: order of people, a peace &#8594; piece</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 590: De même que le froc &#8594; &lsquo;De même que le froc</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 591: vol. ii. p. 281 &#8594; 281.</td></tr>
+<tr><td>p. 595: but leaving Spain unscathed &#8594; unscathed.</td></tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England, 
+Vol. 2 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 2
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 2 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44494]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, II ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                                HISTORY
+                                   OF
+                        CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+                                   BY
+                          HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
+
+
+                           IN THREE VOLUMES.
+                                VOL. II.
+
+
+                             _NEW EDITION._
+
+
+                                TORONTO:
+                    ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
+                            60 YORK STREET.
+                                 1878.
+
+
+
+
+                     ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF
+  THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV.
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+  Importance of the question, as to whether the historian should
+  begin with studying the normal or the abnormal condition of
+  society                                                             1-3
+
+  Greater power of the church in France than in England                 4
+
+  Hence in France during the sixteenth century everything was more
+  theological than in England                                         6-8
+
+  Hence, too, toleration was impossible in France                    9-11
+
+  But at the end of the sixteenth century scepticism appeared in
+  France, and with it toleration began, as was seen in the Edict
+  of Nantes                                                         11-15
+
+  The first sceptic was not Rabelais, but Montaigne                 15-18
+
+  Continuation of the movement by Charron                           18-21
+
+  Henry IV. encouraged the Protestants                              23-24
+
+  And they were tolerated even by the queen-regent during the
+  minority of Louis XIII.                                           24-26
+
+  The most remarkable steps in favour of toleration were,
+  however, taken by Richelieu, who effectually humbled the
+  church                                                            27-34
+
+  He supported the new secular scheme of government against the
+  old ecclesiastical scheme                                         34-42
+
+  His liberal treatment of the Protestants                          42-46
+
+  They are deserted by their temporal leaders, and the management
+  of the party falls into the hands of the clergy                   46-51
+
+  Hence the French Protestants, being headed by the clergy,
+  become more intolerant than the French Catholics, who are
+  headed by statesmen                                               51-55
+
+  Evidence of the illiberality of the French Protestants            55-72
+
+  They raise a civil war, which was a struggle of classes rather
+  than of creeds                                                       73
+
+  Richelieu put down the rebellion, but still abstained from
+  persecuting the Protestants                                       73-76
+
+  This liberal policy on the part of the government was only part
+  of a much larger movement                                         76-77
+
+  Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes             77-92
+
+  Analogy between Descartes and Richelieu                           92-93
+
+  The same anti-ecclesiastical spirit was exhibited by their
+  contemporaries                                                    93-95
+
+  And by Mazarin                                                    96-98
+
+  It was also seen in the wars of the Fronde                       99-102
+
+  But notwithstanding all this, there was a great difference
+  between France and England; and the prevalence of the
+  protective spirit prevented the French from becoming free       102-107
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+  HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND
+  ENGLAND.
+
+  About the eleventh century the spirit of inquiry began to
+  weaken the church                                               108-110
+
+  Coinciding with this, the feudal system and an hereditary
+  aristocracy appeared                                            110-112
+
+  The nobles displace the clergy, and celibacy is opposed by the
+  principle of hereditary rank                                        112
+
+  In England the nobles were less powerful than in France         113-116
+
+  And were glad to ally themselves with the people against the
+  crown                                                           116-118
+
+  Hence a spirit of popular independence unknown in France, where
+  the nobles were too powerful to need the help of the people     118-119
+
+  Effects of this difference between the two countries in the
+  fourteenth century                                              119-122
+
+  Centralization was in France the natural successor of feudality 122-126
+
+  This state contrasted with that of England                      126-127
+
+  Power of the French nobles                                      128-131
+
+  Illustration from the history of chivalry                       131-135
+
+  Another illustration from the vanity of the French and pride of
+  the English                                                     135-137
+
+  Also from the practice of duelling                                  137
+
+  The pride of Englishmen encouraged the Reformation                  138
+
+  Analogy between the Reformation and the revolutions of the
+  seventeenth century                                             138-139
+
+  Both were opposed by the clergy and nobles. Natural alliance
+  between these two classes                                       139-142
+
+  In the reign of Elizabeth both classes were weakened            143-146
+
+  James I. and Charles I. vainly attempted to restore their power     147
+
+
+                              Chapter III.
+
+  THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF
+  THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH
+  REBELLION.
+
+  Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion   148-150
+
+  The English rebellion was a war of classes                      150-159
+
+  But in France the energy of the protective spirit and the power
+  of the nobles made a war of classes impossible                  160-162
+
+  Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles                      162-170
+
+  As such men were the leaders of the Fronde, the rebellion
+  naturally failed                                                167-173
+
+  But the English rebellion succeeded because it was a democratic
+  movement headed by popular leaders                              174-175
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE. EXAMINATION
+  OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES
+  AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.
+
+  The protective spirit in France, having produced these
+  political evils, was carried into literature under Louis XIV.,
+  and caused an alliance between literature and government        176-177
+
+  Servility in the reign of Louis XIV.                            177-181
+
+  Men of letters grateful to Louis XIV.                               182
+
+  But his system of protecting literature is injurious            183-188
+
+  Its first effect was to stop the progress of science            188-192
+
+  Even in mechanical arts nothing was effected                    192-194
+
+  Decline in physiology, in surgery, and in medicine              194-197
+
+  Also in zoology and in chemistry                                    197
+
+  Nor was anything done in botany                                 198-202
+
+  Intellectual decay under Louis XIV. was seen in every
+  department of thought, and was the natural consequence of
+  patronage                                                       202-205
+
+  Illustrations from the history of French art                    205-208
+
+  And from every branch of literature                             208-210
+
+  Universal decline of France during the latter part of the reign
+  of Louis XIV.                                                   210-212
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+  DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND
+  PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
+
+  English literature unknown in France in the reign of Louis XIV. 213-214
+
+  But began to be studied after his death, when the most eminent
+  Frenchmen visited England. This caused a junction of French and
+  English intellects                                              215-227
+
+  Admiration of England expressed by Frenchmen                    228-229
+
+  Hence liberal opinions in France, which the government
+  attempted to stifle                                                 229
+
+  Consequent persecution of literary men by the French government 230-242
+
+  Violence of the government                                      242-246
+
+  In France literature was the last resource of liberty           246-247
+
+  Reasons why literary men at first attacked the church and not
+  the government                                                  247-253
+
+  Hence they were led to assail Christianity                      254-258
+
+  But until the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the political
+  institutions of France might have been saved; after that period
+  all was over                                                    258-259
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI.
+
+  STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH
+  TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  Historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth
+  century                                                         261-265
+
+  Improvement in the method of writing history late in the
+  sixteenth century                                               266-267
+
+  Still further progress early in the seventeenth century         268-270
+
+  Which became more marked in Mezeray's history in 1643           271-272
+
+  Retrograde movement under Louis XIV.                            273-279
+
+  Illustration of this from the work of Audigier                  279-282
+
+  And from that of Bossuet                                        282-291
+
+  Immense improvements introduced by Voltaire                     292-313
+
+  His History of Charles XII.                                     292-295
+
+  His Age of Louis XIV.                                           296-297
+
+  His Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations                   297-298
+
+  His views adopted by Mallet, Mably, Velly, Villaret, Duclos,
+  and Henault                                                     299-300
+
+  His habit of looking at epochs                                      301
+
+  A remark of his adopted by Constant                                 302
+
+  He advocated free trade                                             304
+
+  His anticipation of Malthus                                     304-305
+
+  His attack on the Middle Ages                                   305-306
+
+  And on the pedantic admirers of antiquity                       306-308
+
+  He weakened the authority of mere scholars and theologians      308-309
+
+  Who had repeated the most childish absurdities respecting the
+  early history of Rome                                           309-310
+
+  In attacking which Voltaire anticipated Niebuhr                 310-313
+
+  Ignorant prejudice against him in England                           313
+
+  His vast labours were aided by Montesquieu                          314
+
+  The works of Montesquieu, and value of his method               314-319
+
+  The discourses of Turgot, and their influence                   320-321
+
+  All this hastened the advance of the French Revolution          321-322
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+  PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE MIDDLE OF THE
+  EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  Recapitulation of preceding views                                   323
+
+  Difference between certainty and precision                      324-326
+
+  The intellect of France began to attack the state about 1750    326-327
+
+  Rise of the political economists                                327-330
+
+  Influence of Rousseau                                           330-331
+
+  Just at the same time the government began to attack the church 332-334
+
+  And to favour religious toleration                              334-336
+
+  Abolition of the Jesuits                                        336-346
+
+  Calvinism is democratic; Arminianism is aristocratic            339-342
+
+  Jansenism being allied to Calvinism, its revival in France
+  aided the democratic movement, and secured the overthrow of
+  the Jesuits, whose doctrines are Arminian                       343-345
+
+  After the fall of the Jesuits the ruin of the French clergy was
+  inevitable                                                      347-348
+
+  But was averted for a time by the most eminent Frenchmen
+  directing their hostility against the state rather than against
+  the church                                                      349-351
+
+  Connexion between this movement and the rise of atheism         351-353
+
+  Same tendency exhibited in Helvetius                            353-357
+
+  And in Condillac                                                357-360
+
+  The ablest Frenchmen concentrate their attention on the
+  external world                                                  360-361
+
+  Effects of this on the sciences of heat, light, and electricit  361-363
+
+  Also on chemistry and geology                                   364-373
+
+  In England during the same period there was a dearth of great
+  thinkers                                                        374-375
+
+  But in France immense impetus was given to zoology by Cuvier
+  and Bichat                                                      375-376
+
+  Bichat's views respecting the tissues                           377-421
+
+  Connexion between these views and subsequent discoveries        383-386
+
+  Relation between inventions, discoveries, and method; and
+  immense importance of Bichat's method                           386-389
+
+  Bichat's work on life                                           390-395
+
+  Great and successful efforts made by the French in Botany       395-399
+
+  And in mineralogy by De Lisle and Hauey                          399-403
+
+  Analogy between this and Pinel's work on insanity               403-404
+
+  All these vast results were part of the causes of the French
+  Revolution                                                          405
+
+  Physical science is essentially democratic                      406-410
+
+  The same democratic tendency was observable in changes of dress 410-412
+
+  And in the establishment of clubs                               412-415
+
+  Influence of the American Rebellion                             415-418
+
+  Summary of the causes of the French Revolution                  418-420
+
+  General reflections                                             420-424
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VIII.
+
+  OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE FIFTH TO THE
+  MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  In the preceding Chapters four propositions have been
+  established                                                     425-426
+
+  The truth of which may be further verified by studying the
+  history of Spain                                                    426
+
+  In Spain, superstition is encouraged by physical phenomena      426-434
+
+  It was also encouraged by the great Arian war with France       434-439
+
+  And, subsequently, by the war with the Mohammedans              439-444
+
+  These three causes influenced the policy of Ferdinand and
+  Isabella                                                        444-446
+
+  Continuation of the same policy by Charles V. and by Philip II. 446-453
+
+  Philip II., notwithstanding his repulsive qualities, was loved
+  by the nation                                                   453-455
+
+  Their affection for him was the result of general causes,
+  which, during several centuries, have made the Spaniards the
+  most loyal people in Europe                                         455
+
+  Origin of Spanish loyalty, and evidence of it                   455-461
+
+  Loyalty became united with superstition, and each strengthened
+  the other                                                       461-462
+
+  In consequence of this union, great foreign conquests were
+  made, and a great military spirit was developed                 461-465
+
+  But this sort of progress, depending too much upon individuals,
+  is necessarily unstable                                         465-466
+
+  The progress of England, on the other hand, depends upon the
+  ability of the nation, and therefore, continues, whether
+  individual rulers are skilful, or whether they are unskilful    466-467
+
+  In Spain, the ruling classes were supreme; the people counted
+  for nothing; and hence the grandeur of the country, which was
+  raised up by the able princes of the sixteenth century, was as
+  quickly pulled down by the weak princes of the seventeenth      467-472
+
+  The decay of Spain, in the seventeenth century, was connected
+  with the increasing influence of the clergy                     472-483
+
+  The first use which the clergy made of their power was to expel
+  all the Moors                                                   483-496
+
+  Effect of this expulsion in impoverishing Spain                 497-499
+
+  Decline of manufactures, and of population, and increase of
+  poverty                                                         499-511
+
+  In 1700, when affairs were at their worst, the Austrian dynasty
+  was succeeded by the Bourbon                                    513-514
+
+  Spain was now ruled by foreigners                               514-520
+
+  Who endeavoured to improve the country by weakening the church  521-525
+
+  But the authority of the church had so enfeebled the national
+  intellect, that the people, immersed in ignorance, remained
+  inert                                                           525-543
+
+  Government attempted to remedy this ignorance by calling in
+  foreign aid                                                     534-545
+
+  The influence of foreigners in Spain was displayed in the
+  expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767                               545-546
+
+  And in the attacks made on the Inquisition                      547-548
+
+  It was also displayed in the foreign policy of Spain            548-550
+
+  All this was promoted by the authority and high character of
+  Charles III.                                                    552-554
+
+  But it was of no avail; because politicians can do nothing,
+  when the spirit of the country is against them                  534-555
+
+  Still, Charles III. effected great improvements, from which, on
+  a superficial view, permanent benefit might have been expected  555-568
+
+  Summary of what was accomplished for Spain, by the government,
+  between the years 1700 and 1788                                 568-570
+
+  Inasmuch, however, as these ameliorations were opposed to the
+  habits of the national character, a reaction was inevitable     570-571
+
+  In 1788, Charles III. was succeeded by Charles IV., and the new
+  king, being a true Spaniard, the reaction began                 571-573
+
+  In the nineteenth century, political reformers again
+  endeavoured to improve Spain                                        574
+
+  For the reasons already stated, their efforts were fruitless,
+  notwithstanding the early establishment in that country of
+  municipal privileges, and of popular representation             575-576
+
+  In this way, general causes always triumph over particular
+  actions                                                         577-578
+
+  Those general causes predetermined the country to superstition,
+  and it was impossible for individuals to make head against them 578-583
+
+  Nothing can weaken superstition but knowledge                       583
+
+  Such failures are the more observable, because Spain enjoys
+  immense natural advantages                                      583-585
+
+  And has possessed great patriots and great legislators              585
+
+  The Spaniards have, moreover, long been celebrated for honour,
+  courage, temperance, humanity, and religious sincerity          585-588
+
+  So far, however, as national progress is concerned, these noble
+  qualities are useless, while ignorance is so gross and so
+  general                                                         588-592
+
+  This it is, which, isolating Spain from the rest of the
+  civilized world, keeps alive that spirit of superstition, that
+  reverence for antiquity, and that blind and servile loyalty,
+  which, as long as they last, will render improvement
+  impossible; and which must last until ignorance is removed      592-597
+
+
+
+
+                   HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE
+        SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV.
+
+
+The consideration of these great changes in the English mind, has led me
+into a digression, which, so far from being foreign to the design of
+this Introduction, is absolutely necessary for a right understanding of
+it. In this, as in many other respects, there is a marked analogy
+between investigations concerning the structure of society and
+investigations concerning the human body. Thus, it has been found, that
+the best way of arriving at a theory of disease is by beginning with the
+theory of health; and that the foundation of all sound pathology must be
+first sought in an observation, not of the abnormal, but of the normal
+functions of life. Just in the same way, it will, I believe, be found,
+that the best method of arriving at great social truths, is by first
+investigating those cases in which society has developed itself
+according to its own laws, and in which the governing powers have least
+opposed themselves to the spirit of their times.[1] It is on this
+account that, in order to understand the position of France, I have
+begun by examining the position of England. In order to understand the
+way in which the diseases of the first country were aggravated by the
+quackery of ignorant rulers, it was necessary to understand the way in
+which the health of the second country was preserved by being subjected
+to smaller interference, and allowed with greater liberty to continue
+its natural march. With the light, therefore, which we have acquired by
+a study of the normal condition of the English mind, we can, with the
+greater ease, now apply our principles to that abnormal condition of
+French society, by the operations of which, at the close of the
+eighteenth century, some of the dearest interests of civilization were
+imperilled.
+
+  [1] The question as to whether the study of normal phenomena should or
+      should not precede the study of abnormal ones, is of the greatest
+      importance; and a neglect of it has introduced confusion into every
+      work I have seen on general or comparative history. For this
+      preliminary being unsettled, there has been no recognized principle
+      of arrangement; and historians, instead of following a scientific
+      method suited to the actual exigencies of our knowledge, have
+      adopted an empirical method suited to their own exigencies; and
+      have given priority to different countries, sometimes according to
+      their size, sometimes according to their antiquity, sometimes
+      according to their geographical position, sometimes according to
+      their wealth, sometimes according to their religion, sometimes
+      according to the brilliancy of their literature, and sometimes
+      according to the facilities which the historian himself possessed
+      for collecting materials. All these are factitious considerations;
+      and, in a philosophic view, it is evident that precedence should be
+      given to countries by the historian solely in reference to the ease
+      with which their history can be generalized; following in this
+      respect the scientific plan of proceeding from the simple to the
+      complex. This leads us to the conclusion that, in the study of Man,
+      as in the study of Nature, the question of priority resolves itself
+      into a question of aberration; and that the more aberrant any
+      people have been, that is to say, the more they have been
+      interfered with, the lower they must be placed in an arrangement of
+      the history of various countries. Coleridge (_Lit. Remains_, vol.
+      i. p. 326, and elsewhere in his works) seems to suppose that the
+      order should be the reverse of what I have stated, and that the
+      laws both of mind and body can be generalized from pathological
+      data. Without wishing to express myself too positively in
+      opposition to so profound a thinker as Coleridge, I cannot help
+      saying that this is contradicted by an immense amount of evidence,
+      and, so far as I am aware, is supported by none. It is contradicted
+      by the fact, that those branches of inquiry which deal with
+      phenomena little affected by foreign causes, have been raised to
+      sciences sooner than those which deal with phenomena greatly
+      affected by foreign causes. The organic world, for example, is more
+      perturbed by the inorganic world, than the inorganic world is
+      perturbed by it. Hence we find that the inorganic sciences have
+      always been cultivated before the organic ones, and at the present
+      moment are far more advanced than they. In the same way, human
+      physiology is older than human pathology; and while the physiology
+      of the vegetable kingdom has been successfully prosecuted since the
+      latter half of the seventeenth century, the pathology of the
+      vegetable kingdom can scarcely be said to exist, since none of its
+      laws have been generalized, and no systematic researches, on a
+      large scale, have yet been made into the morbid anatomy of plants.
+      It appears, therefore, that different ages and different sciences
+      bear unconscious testimony to the uselessness of paying much
+      attention to the abnormal, until considerable progress has been
+      made in the study of the normal; and this conclusion might be
+      confirmed by innumerable authorities, who, differing from
+      Coleridge, hold that physiology is the basis of pathology, and that
+      the laws of disease are to be raised, not from the phenomena
+      presented in disease, but from those presented in health; in other
+      words, that pathology should be investigated deductively rather
+      than inductively, and that morbid anatomy and clinical observations
+      may verify the conclusions of science, but can never supply the
+      means of creating the science itself. On this extremely interesting
+      question, compare _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_, _Hist. des Anomalies de
+      l'Organisation_, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, 127; _Bowman's Surgery_, in
+      _Encyclop. of the Medical Sciences_, p. 824; _Bichat_, _Anatomie
+      Generale_, vol. i. p. 20; _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 424;
+      _Comte_, _Philos. Positive_, vol. iii. pp. 334, 335; _Robin et
+      Verdeil_, _Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. p. 68; _Esquirol_, _Maladies
+      Mentales_, vol. i. p. 111; _Georget_, _de la Folie_, pp. 2, 391,
+      392; _Brodie's Pathology and Surgery_, p. 3; _Blainville_,
+      _Physiologie comparee_, vol. i. p. 20; _Feuchtersleben's Medical
+      Psychology_, p. 200; _Lawrence's Lectures on Man_, 1844, p. 45;
+      _Simon's Pathology_, p. 5.
+
+      Another confirmation of the accuracy of this view is, that
+      pathological investigations of the nervous system, numerous as they
+      have been, have effected scarcely anything; the reason evidently
+      being, that the preliminary knowledge of the normal state is not
+      sufficiently advanced. See _Noble on the Brain_, pp. 76-92, 337,
+      338; _Henry on the Nervous System_, in _Third Report of Brit.
+      Assoc._ p. 78; _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 608; _Jones and
+      Sieveking's Patholog. Anat._ p. 211.
+
+In France, a long train of events, which I shall hereafter relate, had,
+from an early period, given to the clergy a share of power larger than
+that which they possessed in England. The results of this were for a
+time decidedly beneficial, inasmuch as the church restrained the
+lawlessness of a barbarous age, and secured a refuge for the weak and
+oppressed. But as the French advanced in knowledge, the spiritual
+authority, which had done so much to curb their passions, began to press
+heavily upon their genius, and impede its movements. That same
+ecclesiastical power, which to an ignorant age is an unmixed benefit, is
+to a more enlightened age a serious evil. The proof of this was soon
+apparent. For when the Reformation broke out, the church had in England
+been so weakened, that it fell almost at the first assault; its revenues
+were seized by the crown,[2] and its offices, after being greatly
+diminished both in authority and in wealth, were bestowed upon new men,
+who, from the uncertainty of their tenure, and the novelty of their
+doctrines, lacked that long-established prescription by which the claims
+of the profession are mainly supported. This, as we have already seen,
+was the beginning of an uninterrupted progress, in which, at every
+successive step, the ecclesiastical spirit lost some of its influence.
+In France, on the other hand, the clergy were so powerful, that they
+were able to withstand the Reformation, and thus preserve for themselves
+those exclusive privileges which their English brethren vainly attempted
+to retain.
+
+  [2] A circumstance which Harris relates with evident delight, and goes
+      out of his way to mention it. _Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. iii. p.
+      300. On the amount of loss the church thus sustained, see
+      _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. i. pp. 181-184, and
+      _Eccleston's English Antiquities_, p. 228.
+
+This was the beginning of that second marked divergence between French
+and English civilization,[3] which had its origin, indeed, at a much
+earlier period, but which now first produced conspicuous results. Both
+countries had, in their infancy, been greatly benefited by the church,
+which always showed itself ready to protect the people against the
+oppressions of the crown and the nobles.[4] But in both countries, as
+society advanced, there arose a capacity for self-protection; and early
+in the sixteenth, or probably even in the fifteenth century, it became
+urgently necessary to diminish that spiritual authority, which, by
+prejudging the opinions of men, has impeded the march of their
+knowledge.[5] It is on this account that Protestantism, so far from
+being, as its enemies have called it, an aberration arising from
+accidental causes, was essentially a normal movement, and was the
+legitimate expression of the wants of the European intellect. Indeed,
+the Reformation owed its success, not to a desire of purifying the
+church, but to a desire of lightening its pressure; and it may be
+broadly stated, that it was adopted in every civilized country, except
+in those where preceding events had increased the influence of the
+ecclesiastical order, either among the people or among their rulers.
+This was, unhappily, the case with France, where the clergy not only
+triumphed over the Protestants, but appeared, for a time, to have gained
+fresh authority by the defeat of such dangerous enemies.[6]
+
+  [3] The first divergence arose from the influence of the protective
+      spirit, as I shall endeavour to explain in the next chapter.
+
+  [4] On the obligations Europe is under to the Catholic clergy, see some
+      liberal and very just remarks in _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol.
+      ii. pp. 374, 375; and in _Guizot's Civilisation en France_. See
+      also _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. iii. pp. 199-206,
+      255-257, vol. v. p. 138, vol. vi. pp. 406, 407; _Palgrave's
+      Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth_, vol. i. p. 655; _Lingard's Hist. of
+      England_, vol. ii. p. 44; _Klimrath_, _Travaux sur l'Hist. du
+      droit_, vol. i. p. 394; _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of
+      England_, vol. i. p. 157.
+
+  [5] The way in which this acted is concisely stated by Tennemann: 'Wenn
+      sich nun auch ein freierer Geist der Forschung regte, so fand er
+      sich gleich durch zwei Grundsaetze, welche aus jenem Supremat der
+      Theologie flossen, beengt und gehemmt. Der erste war: die
+      menschliche Vernunft kann nicht ueber die Offenbarung
+      hinausgehen.... Der zweite: die Vernunft kann nichts als wahr
+      erkennen, was dem Inhalte der Offenbarung widerspricht, und nichts
+      fuer falsch erkennen, was derselben angemessen ist,--folgte aus dem
+      ersten.' _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. viii. part i. p. 8.
+
+  [6] As to the influence of the Reformation generally, in increasing the
+      power of the Catholic clergy, see M. Ranke's important work on the
+      _History of the Popes_; and as to the result in France, see
+      _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. v. pp. 233-235. Corero,
+      who was ambassador in France in 1569, writes, 'Il papa puo dire a
+      mio giudizio, d'aver in questi romori piuttosto guadagnato che
+      perduto, percioche tanta era la licenza del vivere, secondo che ho
+      inteso, prima che quel regno si dividesse in due parti, era tanta
+      poca la devozione che avevano in Roma e in quei che vi abitavano,
+      che il papa era piu considerato come principe grande in Italia, che
+      come capo della chiesa e pastore universale. Ma scoperti che si
+      furono gli ugonotti, cominciarono i cattolici a riverire il suo
+      nome, e riconoscerlo per vero vicario di Cristo, confirmandosi
+      tanto piu in opinione di doverlo tener per tale, quanto piu lo
+      sentivano sprezzare e negare da essi ugonotti.' _Relations des
+      Ambassadeurs Venitiens_, vol. ii. p. 162. This interesting passage
+      is one of many proofs that the immediate advantages derived from
+      the Reformation have been overrated; though the remote advantages
+      were undoubtedly immense.
+
+The consequence of all this was, that in France, every thing assumed a
+more theological aspect than in England. In our country, the
+ecclesiastical spirit had, by the middle of the sixteenth century,
+become so feeble, that even intelligent foreigners were struck by the
+peculiarity.[7] The same nation, which, during the Crusades, had
+sacrificed innumerable lives in the hope of planting the Christian
+standard in the heart of Asia,[8] was now almost indifferent to the
+religion even of its own sovereign. Henry VIII., by his sole will,
+regulated the national creed, and fixed the formularies of the church,
+which, if the people had been in earnest, he could not possibly have
+done; for he had no means of compelling submission; he had no standing
+army; and even his personal guards were so scanty, that at any moment
+they could have been destroyed by a rising of the warlike apprentices of
+London.[9] After his death, there came Edward, who, as a Protestant
+king, undid the work of his father; and, a few years later, there came
+Mary, who, as a Popish queen, undid the work of her brother; while she,
+in her turn, was succeeded by Elizabeth, under whom another great
+alteration was effected in the established faith.[10] Such was the
+indifference of the people, that these vast changes were accompanied
+without any serious risk.[11] In France, on the other hand, at the mere
+name of religion, thousands of men were ready for the field. In England,
+our civil wars have all been secular; they have been waged, either for a
+change of dynasty, or for an increase of liberty. But those far more
+horrible wars, by which, in the sixteenth century, France was desolated,
+were conducted in the name of Christianity, and even the political
+struggles of the great families were merged in a deadly contest between
+Catholics and Protestants.[12]
+
+  [7] The indifference of the English to theological disputes, and the
+      facility with which they changed their religion, caused many
+      foreigners to censure their fickleness. See, for instance, _Essais
+      de Montaigne_, livre ii. chap. xii. p. 365. Perlin, who travelled
+      in England in the middle of the sixteenth century, says, 'The
+      people are reprobates, and thorough enemies to good manners and
+      letters; for they don't know whether they belong to God or the
+      devil, which St. Paul has reprehended in many people, saying, Be
+      not transported with divers sorts of winds, but be constant and
+      steady to your belief.' _Antiquarian Repertory_, vol. iv. p. 511,
+      4to, 1809. See also the remarks of Michele in 1557, and of Crespet
+      in 1590; _Ellis's Original Letters_, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 239;
+      _Hallam's Constitutional History_, vol. i. p. 102; _Southey's
+      Commonplace Book_, 3rd series, p. 408.
+
+  [8] An historian of the thirteenth century strikingly expresses the
+      theological feelings of the English crusaders, and the complete
+      subordination of the political ones: 'Indignum quippe judicabant
+      animarum suarum salutem omittere, et obsequium c[oe]lestis Regis,
+      clientelae regis alicujus terreni postponere; constituerunt igitur
+      terminum, videlicet festum nativitatis beati Johannis Baptistae.'
+      _Matthaei Paris Historia Major_, p. 671. It is said, that the first
+      tax ever imposed in England on personal property was in 1166, and
+      was for the purpose of crusading. _Sinclair's Hist. of the
+      Revenue_, vol. i. p. 88: 'It would not probably have been easily
+      submitted to, had it not been appropriated for so popular a
+      purpose.'
+
+  [9] Henry VIII. had, at one time, fifty horse-guards, but they being
+      expensive, were soon given up; and his only protection consisted of
+      'the yeomen of the guard, fifty in number, and the common servants
+      of the king's household.' _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 46.
+      These 'yeomen of the guard were raised by Henry VII. in 1485.'
+      _Grose's Military Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 167. Compare _Turner's
+      Hist. of England_, vol. vii. p. 54; and _Lingard's Hist. of
+      England_, vol. iii. p. 298.
+
+  [10] Locke, in his first Letter on Toleration, has made some pungent,
+       and, I should suppose, very offensive, observations on these rapid
+       changes. _Locke's Works_, vol. v. p. 27.
+
+  [11] But, although Mary easily effected a change of religion, the
+       anti-ecclesiastical spirit was far too strong to allow her to
+       restore to the church its property. 'In Mary's reign, accordingly,
+       her parliament, so obsequious in all matters of religion, adhered
+       with a firm grasp to the possession of church-lands.' _Hallam's
+       Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 77. See also _Short's Hist. of the Church
+       of England_, p. 213; _Lingard's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. pp.
+       339, 340; _Butler's Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. i. p. 253; and
+       _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. i. p. 346.
+
+  [12] 'Quand eclata la guerre des opinions religieuses, les antiques
+       rivalites des barons se transformerent en haine du preche ou de la
+       messe.' _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme et de la Ligue_, vol.
+       iv. p. 32. Compare _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mem. et Correspond._, vol.
+       ii. pp. 422, 563; and _Boullier_, _Maison Militaire des Rois de
+       France_, p. 25, 'des querelles d'autant plus vives, qu'elles
+       avoient la religion pour base.'
+
+The effect this difference produced on the intellect of the two
+countries is very obvious. The English, concentrating their abilities
+upon great secular matters, had, by the close of the sixteenth century,
+produced a literature which never can perish. But the French, down to
+that period, had not put forth a single work, the destruction of which
+would now be a loss to Europe. What makes this contrast the more
+remarkable is, that in France the civilization, such as it was, had a
+longer standing; the material resources of the country had been earlier
+developed; its geographical position made it the centre of European
+thought;[13] and it had possessed a literature at a time when our
+ancestors were a mere tribe of wild and ignorant barbarians.
+
+  [13] The intellectual advantages of France, arising from its position
+       between Italy, Germany, and England, are very fairly stated by M.
+       Lerminier (_Philosophie du Droit_, vol. i. p. 9).
+
+The simple fact is, that this is one of those innumerable instances
+which teach us that no country can rise to eminence so long as the
+ecclesiastical power possesses much authority. For, the predominance of
+the spiritual classes is necessarily accompanied by a corresponding
+predominance of the topics in which those classes delight. Whenever the
+ecclesiastical profession is very influential, ecclesiastical literature
+will be very abundant, and what is called profane literature will be
+very scanty. Hence it occurred, that the minds of the French, being
+almost entirely occupied with religious disputes, had no leisure for
+those great inquiries into which we in England were beginning to
+enter;[14] and there was, as we shall presently see, an interval of a
+whole generation between the progress of the French and English
+intellects, simply because there was about the same interval between the
+progress of their scepticism. The theological literature, indeed,
+rapidly increased;[15] but it was not until the seventeenth century that
+France produced that great secular literature, the counterpart of which
+was to be found in England before the sixteenth century had come to a
+close.
+
+  [14] Just in the same way, the religious disputes in Alexandria injured
+       the interests of knowledge. See the instructive remarks of M.
+       Matter (_Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 131).
+
+  [15] _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. vi. p. 136. Indeed, the
+       theological spirit seized the theatre, and the different
+       sectarians ridiculed each other's principles on the stage. See a
+       curious passage at p. 182 of the same learned work.
+
+Such was, in France, the natural consequence of the power of the church
+being prolonged beyond the period which the exigencies of society
+required. But while this was the intellectual result, the moral and
+physical results were still more serious. While the minds of men were
+thus heated by religious strife, it would have been idle to expect any
+of those maxims of charity to which theological faction is always a
+stranger. While the Protestants were murdering the Catholics,[16] and
+the Catholics murdering the Protestants, it was hardly likely that
+either sect should feel tolerance for the opinions of its enemy.[17]
+During the sixteenth century, treaties were occasionally made between
+the two parties; but they were only made to be immediately broken;[18]
+and, with the single exception of l'Hopital, the bare idea of toleration
+does not seem to have entered the head of any statesman of the age. It
+was recommended by him;[19] but neither his splendid abilities, nor his
+unblemished integrity, could make head against the prevailing
+prejudices, and he eventually retired into private life without
+effecting any of his noble schemes.[20]
+
+  [16] The crimes of the French Protestants, though hardly noticed in
+       _Felice's History of the Protestants of France_, pp. 138-143, were
+       as revolting as those of the Catholics, and quite as numerous
+       relatively to the numbers and power of the two parties. Compare
+       _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xviii. pp. 516, 517, with
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. ii. p. 173, vol. vi. p.
+       54; and _Smedley_, _Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France_,
+       vol. i. pp. 199, 200, 237.
+
+  [17] In 1569 Corero writes: 'Ritrovai quel regno, certo, posto in
+       grandissima confusione; perche, stante quella divisione di
+       religione (convertita quasi in due fazioni e inimicizie
+       particolari), era causa ch' ognuno, senza che amicizia o parentela
+       potesse aver luoco, stava con l'orecchie attente; e pieno
+       disospetto ascoltava da che parte nasceva qualche romore,' _Relat.
+       des Ambassad. Venitiens_, vol. ii. p. 106. He emphatically adds,
+       'Temevano gl' ugonotti, temevano li cattolici, tenieva il
+       prencipe, temevano li sudditi.' See also, on this horrible state
+       of opinions, _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xviii. pp. 21,
+       22, 118-120, 296, 430. On both sides, the grossest calumnies were
+       propagated and believed; and one of the charges brought against
+       Catherine de Medici was, that she caused the Cesarean operation to
+       be performed on the wives of Protestants, in order that no new
+       heretics might be born. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol.
+       vii. p. 294.
+
+  [18] _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. iii. p. 149. In
+       the reign of Charles IX. alone, there were no less than five of
+       these religious wars, each of which was concluded by a treaty. See
+       _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. ii. p. 69.
+
+  [19] For which l'Hopital was accused of atheism: 'Homo doctus, sed verus
+       atheus.' _Dict. Philos._ article _Atheisme_, in _[OE]uvres de
+       Voltaire_, vol. xxxvii. pp. 181, 182.
+
+  [20] I have not been able to meet with any good life of this great man:
+       that by Charles Butler is very superficial, and so is that by
+       Bernardi, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. pp. 412-424. My own
+       information respecting l'Hopital is from _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+       Francais_, vol. xviii. pp. 431-436; _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la
+       Reforme_, vol. ii. pp. 135-137, 168-170; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+       vol. iii. pp. 519-523, vol. iv. pp. 2-8, 152-159, vol. v. pp.
+       180-182, 520, 521, 535, vol. vi. pp. 703, 704; _Sully_,
+       _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. i. p. 234. Duvernet (_Hist. de la
+       Sorbonne_, vol. i. pp. 215-218) is unsatisfactory, though fully
+       recognizing his merit.
+
+Indeed, in the leading events of this period of French history, the
+predominance of the theological spirit was painfully shown. It was shown
+in the universal determination to subordinate political acts to
+religious opinions.[21] It was shown in the conspiracy of Amboise, and
+in the conference of Poissy; and still more was it shown in those
+revolting crimes so natural to superstition, the massacres of Vassy and
+of St. Bartholomew, the murder of Guise by Poltrot, and of Henry III. by
+Clement. These were the legitimate results of the spirit of religious
+bigotry. They were the results of that accursed spirit, which, whenever
+it has had the power, has punished even to the death those who dared to
+differ from it; and which, now that the power has passed away, still
+continues to dogmatize on the most mysterious subjects, tamper with the
+most sacred principles of the human heart, and darken with its miserable
+superstitions those sublime questions that no one should rudely touch,
+because they are for each according to the measure of his own soul,
+because they lie in that unknown tract which separates the Finite from
+the Infinite, and because they are as a secret and individual covenant
+between Man and his God.
+
+  [21] 'Ce fut alors que la nation ne prit conseil que de son fanatisme.
+       Les esprits, de jour en jour plus echauffes, ne virent plus
+       d'autre objet que celui de la religion, et par piete se firent les
+       injures les plus atroces.' _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de
+       France_, vol. iii. p. 145.
+
+How long these sad days[22] would, in the ordinary course of affairs,
+have been prolonged in France, is a question which we now perhaps have
+no means of answering; though there is no doubt that the progress even
+of empirical knowledge must, according to the process already pointed
+out, have eventually sufficed to rescue so great a country from her
+degraded position. Fortunately, however, there now took place what we
+must be content to call an accident, but which was the beginning of a
+most important change. In the year 1589, Henry IV. ascended the throne
+of France. This great prince, who was far superior to any of the French
+sovereigns of the sixteenth century,[23] made small account of those
+theological disputes which his predecessors had thought to be of
+paramount importance. Before him, the kings of France, animated by the
+piety natural to the guardians of the church, had exerted all their
+authority to uphold the interests of the sacred profession. Francis I.
+said, that if his right hand were a heretic, he would cut it off.[24]
+Henry II., whose zeal was still greater,[25] ordered the judges to
+proceed against the Protestants, and publicly declared that he would
+'make the extirpation of the heretics his principal business.'[26]
+Charles IX., on the celebrated day of St. Bartholomew, attempted to
+relieve the church by destroying them at a single blow. Henry III.
+promised to 'oppose heresy even at the risk of his life;' for he said,
+'he could not find a prouder grave than amidst the ruins of heresy.'[27]
+
+  [22] The 19th and 20th volumes of _Sismondi's Histoire des Francais_
+       contain painful evidence of the internal condition of France
+       before the accession of Henry IV. Indeed, as Sismondi says (vol.
+       xx. pp. 11-16), it seemed at one time as if the only prospect was
+       a relapse into feudalism. See also _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers
+       Etats_, vol. v. pp. 242-249: 'plus de trois cent mille maisons
+       detruites.' De Thou, in the memoirs of his own life, says, 'Les
+       loix furent meprisees, et l'honneur de la France fut presque
+       aneanti ... et sous le voile de la religion, on ne respiroit que
+       la haine, la vengeance, le massacre et l'incendie,' _Mem. de la
+       Vie_, in _Histoire Univ._ vol. i. p. 120; and the same writer, in
+       his great history, gives almost innumerable instances of the
+       crimes and persecutions constantly occurring. See, for some of the
+       most striking cases, vol. ii. p. 383, vol. iv. pp. 378, 380, 387,
+       495, 496, 539, vol. v. pp. 189, 518, 561, 647, vol. vi. pp. 421,
+       422, 424, 426, 427, 430, 469. Compare _Duplessis_, _Mem. et
+       Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 41, 42, 322, 335, 611, 612, vol. iii.
+       pp. 344, 445, vol. iv. pp. 112-114; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+       Nantes_, vol. i. pp. 307, 308; _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
+       vol. i. p. 217.
+
+  [23] This, indeed, is not saying much; and far higher praise might be
+       justly bestowed. As to his domestic policy, there can be only one
+       opinion; and M. Flassan speaks in the most favourable terms of his
+       management of foreign affairs. _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie
+       Franc._ vol. ii. pp. 191, 192, 294-297, vol. iii. p. 243. And see,
+       to the same effect, the testimony of M. Capefigue, an unfriendly
+       judge. _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. vii. p. xiv. vol. viii. p. 156.
+       Fontenay Mareuil, who was a contemporary of Henry IV., though he
+       wrote many years after the king was murdered, says, 'Ce grand roy,
+       qui estoit en plus de consideration dans le monde que pas un de
+       ses predecesseurs n'avoit este depuis Charlesmagne.' _Mem. de
+       Fontenay_, vol. i. p. 46. Duplessis Mornay calls him 'le plus
+       grand roy que la chrestiente ait porte depuis cinq cens ans;' and
+       Sully pronounces him to be 'le plus grand de nos rois.' _Duplessis
+       Mornay_, _Mem. et Correspond._ vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131; _Sully_,
+       _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. vii. p. 15. Compare vol. vi. pp. 397,
+       398, vol. ix. pp. 35, 242, with some sensible remarks in _Mem. de
+       Genlis_, Paris, 1825, vol. ix. p. 299.
+
+  [24] So it is generally related: but there is a slightly different
+       version of this orthodox declaration in _Smedley's Hist. of the
+       Reformation in France_, vol. i. p. 30. Compare _Maclaine's note_
+       in _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 24, with _Sismondi_,
+       _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xvi. pp. 453, 454, and _Relat. des
+       Ambassad. Venitiens_, vol. i. p. 50, vol. ii. p. 48. It was also
+       Francis I. who advised Charles V. to expel all the Mohammedans
+       from Spain, _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. p. 429.
+
+  [25] The historian of the French Protestants says, in 1548, 'le nouveau
+       roi Henry II. fut encore plus rigoureux que son pere.' _Benoist_,
+       _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. p. 12.
+
+  [26] M. Ranke (_Civil Wars in France_, vol. i. pp. 240, 241) says, that
+       he issued a circular 'addressed to the parliaments and to the
+       judicial tribunals, in which they were urged to proceed against
+       the Lutherans with the greatest severity, and the judges informed
+       that they would be held responsible, should they neglect these
+       orders; and in which he declared plainly, that as soon as the
+       peace with Spain was concluded, he was determined to make the
+       extirpation of the heretics his principal business.' See also, on
+       Henry II., in connexion with the Protestants, _Mably_, _Observ.
+       sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. iii. pp. 133, 134; _De Thou_, _Hist.
+       Univ._ vol. i. pp. 334, 335, 387, vol. ii. p. 640, vol. iii. pp.
+       365, 366; _Felice's Hist. of the French Protestants_, p. 58.
+
+  [27] He said this to the Estates of Blois in 1588. _Ranke's Civil Wars
+       in France_, vol. ii. p. 202. Compare his edict, in 1585, in
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. iv. pp. 244, 245, and his
+       speech in vol. v. p. 122; and see _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+       Nantes_, vol. i. p. 328; _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mem. et Corresp._
+       vol. i. p. 110; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. i. p. 250, vol.
+       viii. p. 651, vol. x, pp. 294, 589, 674, 675.
+
+These were the opinions expressed, in the sixteenth century, by the
+heads of the oldest monarchy in Europe.[28] But with such feelings, the
+powerful intellect of Henry IV. had not the slightest sympathy. To suit
+the shifting politics of his age, he had already changed his religion
+twice; and he did not hesitate to change it a third time,[29] when he
+found that by doing so he could ensure tranquillity to his country. As
+he had displayed such indifference about his own creed, he could not
+with decency show much bigotry about the creed of his subjects.[30] We
+find, accordingly, that he was the author of the first public act of
+toleration which any government promulgated in France since Christianity
+had been the religion of the country. Only five years after he had
+solemnly abjured Protestantism, he published the celebrated Edict of
+Nantes,[31] by which, for the first time, a Catholic government granted
+to heretics a fair share of civil and religious rights. This was,
+unquestionably, the most important event that had yet occurred in the
+history of French civilization.[32] If it is considered by itself, it is
+merely an evidence of the enlightened principles of the king; but when
+we look at its general success, and at the cessation of religious war
+which followed it, we cannot fail to perceive that it was part of a vast
+movement, in which the people themselves participated. Those who
+recognize the truth of the principles I have laboured to establish, will
+expect that this great step towards religious liberty was accompanied by
+that spirit of scepticism, in the absence of which toleration has
+always been unknown. And that this was actually the case, may be easily
+proved by an examination of the transitionary state which France began
+to enter towards the end of the sixteenth century.
+
+  [28] With what zeal these opinions were enforced, appears, besides many
+       other authorities, from Marino Cavalli, who writes in 1546, 'Li
+       maestri di Sorbona hanno autorita estrema di castigare li eretici,
+       il che fanno con il fuoco, brustolandoli vivi a poco a poco.'
+       _Relat. des Ambassad. Venitiens_, vol. i. 262; and see vol. ii.
+       p. 24.
+
+  [29] Indeed, Clement VIII. was afterwards apprehensive of a fourth
+       apostasy: 'Er meinte noch immer, Heinrich IV. werde zuletzt
+       vielleicht wieder zum Protestantismus zurueckkehren, wie er es
+       schon einmal gethan.' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_, vol. ii. p. 246. M.
+       Ranke, from his great knowledge of Italian manuscripts, has thrown
+       more light on these transactions than the French historians have
+       been able to do.
+
+  [30] On his conversion, the character of which was as obvious then as it
+       is now, compare _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mem. et Correspond._ vol. i.
+       p. 257, with _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ii. p. 126. See
+       also _Howell's Letters_, book i. p. 42; and a letter from Sir H.
+       Wotton in 1593, printed in _Reliquiae Wottonianae_, p. 711. See also
+       _Ranke_, _Civil Wars in France_, vol. ii. pp. 257, 355;
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. vi. pp. 305, 358.
+
+  [31] The edict of Nantes was in 1598; the abjuration in 1593.
+       _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxi. pp. 202, 486. But in
+       1590 it was intimated to the pope as probable, if not certain,
+       that Henry would 'in den Schooss der katholischen Kirche
+       zurueckkehren.' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_, vol. ii. p. 210.
+
+  [32] Of this edict, Sismondi says, 'Aucune epoque dans l'histoire de
+       France ne marque mieux peut-etre la fin d'un monde ancien, le
+       commencement d'un monde nouveau.' _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxi.
+       p. 489.
+
+The writings of Rabelais are often considered to afford the first
+instance of religious scepticism in the French language.[33] But, after
+a tolerably intimate acquaintance with the works of this remarkable man,
+I have found nothing to justify such an opinion. He certainly treats the
+clergy with great disrespect, and takes every opportunity of covering
+them with ridicule.[34] His attacks, however, are always made upon their
+personal vices, and not upon that narrow and intolerant spirit to which
+those vices were chiefly to be ascribed. In not a single instance does
+he show any thing like consistent scepticism;[35] nor does he appear to
+be aware that the disgraceful lives of the French clergy were but the
+inevitable consequence of a system, which, corrupt as it was, still
+possessed every appearance of strength and vitality. Indeed, the immense
+popularity which he enjoyed is, almost of itself, a decisive
+consideration; since no one, who is well informed as to the condition of
+the French early in the sixteenth century, will believe it possible that
+a people, so sunk in superstition, should delight in a writer by whom
+superstition is constantly attacked.
+
+But the extension of experience, and the consequent increase of
+knowledge, were preparing the way for a great change in the French
+intellect. The process, which had just taken place in England, was now
+beginning to take place in France; and in both countries the order of
+events was precisely the same. The spirit of doubt, hitherto confined to
+an occasional solitary thinker, gradually assumed a bolder form: first
+it found a vent in the national literature, and then it influenced the
+conduct of practical statesmen. That there was, in France, an intimate
+connexion between scepticism and toleration, is proved, not only by
+those general arguments which make us infer that such connexion must
+always exist, but also by the circumstance, that only a few years before
+the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, there appeared the first
+systematic sceptic who wrote in the French language. The Essays of
+Montaigne were published in 1588,[36] and form an epoch, not only in the
+literature, but also in the civilization, of France. Putting aside
+personal peculiarities, which have less weight than is commonly
+supposed, it will be found that the difference between Rabelais and
+Montaigne is a measure of the difference between 1545[37] and 1588, and
+that it, in some degree, corresponds with the relation I have indicated
+between Jewel and Hooker, and between Hooker and Chillingworth. For, the
+law which governs all these relations is the law of a progressive
+scepticism. What Rabelais was to the supporters of theology, that was
+Montaigne to the theology itself. The writings of Rabelais were only
+directed against the clergy; but the writings of Montaigne were directed
+against the system of which the clergy were the offspring.[38] Under the
+guise of a mere man of the world, expressing natural thoughts in common
+language, Montaigne concealed a spirit of lofty and audacious
+inquiry.[39] Although he lacked that comprehensiveness which is the
+highest form of genius, he possessed other qualities essential to a
+great mind. He was very cautious, and yet he was very bold. He was
+cautious, since he would not believe strange things because they had
+been handed down by his forefathers; and he was bold, since he was
+undaunted by the reproaches with which the ignorant, who love to
+dogmatize, always cover those whose knowledge makes them ready to
+doubt.[40] These peculiarities would, in any age, have made Montaigne a
+useful man: in the sixteenth century they made him an important one. At
+the same time, his easy and amusing style[41] increased the circulation
+of his works, and thus contributed to popularize those opinions which he
+ventured to recommend for general adoption.
+
+  [33] On Rabelais, as the supposed founder of French scepticism, compare
+       _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. ii. p. 306; _Stephen's
+       Lectures on the History of France_, vol. ii. p. 242; _Sismondi_,
+       _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xvi. p. 376.
+
+  [34] Particularly the monks. See, among numerous other instances, vol.
+       i. pp. 278, 282, vol. ii. pp. 284, 285, of _[OE]uvres de
+       Rabelais_, edit. Amsterdam, 1725. However, the high dignitaries of
+       the church are not spared; for he says that Gargantua 'se morvoit
+       en archidiacre,' vol. i. p. 132; and on two occasions (vol. iii.
+       p. 65, vol. iv. pp. 199, 200) he makes a very indecent allusion to
+       the pope. In vol. i. pp. 260, 261, he satirically notices the way
+       in which the services of the church were performed: 'Dont luy dist
+       le moyne: Je ne dors jamais a mon aise, sinon quand je suis au
+       sermon, ou quand je prie Dieu.'
+
+  [35] His joke on the strength of Samson (_[OE]uvres de Rabelais_, vol.
+       ii. pp. 29, 30), and his ridicule of one of the Mosaic laws (vol.
+       iii. p. 34), are so unconnected with other parts of his work, as
+       to have no appearance of belonging to a general scheme. The
+       commentators, who find a hidden meaning in every author they
+       annotate, have represented Rabelais as aiming at the highest
+       objects, and seeking to effect the most extensive social and
+       religious reforms. This I greatly doubt, at all events I have seen
+       no proof of it; and I cannot help thinking that Rabelais owes a
+       large share of his reputation to the obscurity of his language. On
+       the other side of the question, and in favour of his
+       comprehensiveness, see a bold passage in _Coleridge's Lit.
+       Remains_, vol. i. pp. 138, 139.
+
+  [36] The two first books in 1580; the third in 1588, with additions to
+       the first two. See _Niceron_, _Mem. pour servir a l'Hist. des
+       Hommes illustres_, vol. xvi. p. 210, Paris, 1731.
+
+  [37] The first impression of the Pantagruel of Rabelais has no date on
+       the title-page; but it is known that the third book was printed in
+       1545, and the fourth book in 1546. See _Brunet_, _Manuel du
+       Libraire_, vol. iv. pp. 4-6, Paris, 1843. The statement in _Biog.
+       Univ._ vol. xxxvi. pp. 482, 483, is rather confused.
+
+  [38] Mr. Hallam (_Lit. of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 29) says, that his
+       scepticism 'is not displayed in religion.' But if we use the word
+       'religion' in its ordinary sense, as connected with dogma, it is
+       evident, from Montaigne's language, that he was a sceptic, and an
+       unflinching one too. Indeed, he goes so far as to say that all
+       religious opinions are the result of custom: 'Comme de vray nous
+       n'avons aultre mire de la verite et de la raison, que l'exemple et
+       idee des opinions et usances du pais ou nous sommes: _la est
+       tousiours la parfaicte religion_, la parfaicte police, parfaict et
+       accomply usage de toutes choses.' _Essais de Montaigne_, p. 121,
+       livre i. chap. xxx. As a natural consequence, he lays down that
+       religious error is not criminal, p. 53; compare p. 28. See also
+       how he notices the usurpations of the theological spirit, pp. 116,
+       508, 528. The fact seems to be, that Montaigne, while recognizing
+       abstractedly the existence of religious truths, doubted our
+       capacity for knowing them; that is to say, he doubted if, out of
+       the immense number of religious opinions, there were any means of
+       ascertaining which were accurate. His observations on miracles
+       (pp. 541, 653, 654, 675) illustrate the character of his mind; and
+       what he says on prophetic visions is quoted and confirmed by
+       Pinel, in his profound work _Alienation Mentale_, p. 256. Compare
+       _Maury_, _Legendes Pieuses_, p. 268 note.
+
+  [39] His friend, the celebrated De Thou, calls him 'homme franc, ennemi
+       de toute contrainte.' _Memoires_, in _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol.
+       i. p. 59: see also vol. xi. p. 590. And M. Lamartine classes him
+       with Montesquieu, as 'ces deux grands republicains de la pensee
+       francaise.' _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i. p. 174.
+
+  [40] He says (_Essais_, p. 97), 'Ce n'est pas a l'adventure sans raison
+       que nous attribuons a simplesse et ignorance la facilite de croire
+       et de se laisser persuader.' Compare two striking passages, pp.
+       199 and 685. Nothing of this sort had ever appeared before in the
+       French language.
+
+  [41] Dugald Stewart, whose turn of mind was very different from that of
+       Montaigne, calls him 'this most amusing author.' _Stewart's
+       Philos. of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 468. But Rousseau, in every
+       respect a more competent judge, enthusiastically praises 'la
+       naivete, la grace et l'energie de son style inimitable.' _Musset
+       Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 185. Compare _Lettres de
+       Sevigne_, vol. iii. p. 491, edit. Paris, 1843, and _Lettres de
+       Dudeffand a Walpole_, vol. i. p. 94.
+
+This, then, is the first open declaration of that scepticism, which,
+towards the end of the sixteenth century, publicly appeared in
+France.[42] During nearly three generations, it continued its course
+with a constantly increasing activity, and developed itself in a manner
+similar to that which took place in England. It will not be necessary to
+follow all the steps of this great process; but I will endeavour to
+trace those which, by their prominence, seem to be the most important.
+
+  [42] 'Mais celui qui a repandu et popularise en France le scepticisme,
+       c'est Montaigne.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._, II. serie, vol.
+       ii. pp. 288, 289. 'Die erste Regung des skeptischen Geistes finden
+       wir in den Versuchen des Michael von Montaigne.' _Tennemann_,
+       _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. ix. p. 443. On the immense influence of
+       Montaigne, compare _Tennemann_, vol. ix. p. 458; _Monteil_,
+       _Divers Etats_, vol. v. pp. 263-265; _Sorel_, _Bibliotheque
+       Francoise_, pp. 80-91; _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque Historique_,
+       vol. iv. p. 527.
+
+A few years after the appearance of the Essays of Montaigne, there was
+published in France a work, which though now little read, possessed in
+the seventeenth century a reputation of the highest order. This was the
+celebrated _Treatise on Wisdom_, by Charron, in which we find, for the
+first time, an attempt made in a modern language to construct a system
+of morals without the aid of theology.[43] What rendered this book, in
+some respects, even more formidable than Montaigne's, was the air of
+gravity with which it was written. Charron was evidently deeply
+impressed with the importance of the task he had undertaken, and he is
+honourably distinguished from his contemporaries, by a remarkable purity
+both of language and of sentiment. His work is almost the only one of
+that age in which nothing can be found to offend the chastest ears.
+Although he borrowed from Montaigne innumerable illustrations,[44] he
+has carefully omitted those indecencies into which that otherwise
+charming writer was often betrayed. Besides this, there is about the
+work of Charron a systematic completeness which never fails to attract
+attention. In originality, he was, in some respects, inferior to
+Montaigne; but he had the advantage of coming after him, and there can
+be no doubt that he rose to an elevation which, to Montaigne, would
+have been inaccessible. Taking his stand, as it were, on the summit of
+knowledge, he boldly attempts to enumerate the elements of wisdom, and
+the conditions under which those elements will work. In the scheme which
+he thus constructs, he entirely omits theological dogmas;[45] and he
+treats with undissembled scorn many of those conclusions which the
+people had hitherto universally received. He reminds his countrymen that
+their religion is the accidental result of their birth and education,
+and that if they had been born in a Mohammedan country, they would have
+been as firm believers in Mohammedanism as they then were in
+Christianity.[46] From this consideration, he insists on the absurdity
+of their troubling themselves about the variety of creeds, seeing that
+such variety is the result of circumstances over which they have no
+control. Also it is to be observed, that each of these different
+religions declares itself to be the true one;[47] and all of them are
+equally based upon supernatural pretensions, such as mysteries,
+miracles, prophets, and the like.[48] It is because men forget these
+things, that they are the slaves of that confidence which is the great
+obstacle to all real knowledge, and which can only be removed by taking
+such a large and comprehensive view, as will show us how all nations
+cling with equal zeal to the tenets in which they have been
+educated.[49] And, says Charron, if we look a little deeper, we shall
+see that each of the great religions is built upon that which preceded
+it. Thus, the religion of the Jews is founded upon that of the
+Egyptians; Christianity is the result of Judaism; and, from these two
+last, there has naturally sprung Mohammedanism.[50] We, therefore, adds
+this great writer, should rise above the pretensions of hostile sects,
+and, without being terrified by the fear of future punishment, or
+allured by the hope of future happiness, we should be content with such
+practical religion as consists in performing the duties of life; and,
+uncontrolled by the dogmas of any particular creed, we should strive to
+make the soul retire inward upon itself, and by the efforts of its own
+contemplation, admire the ineffable grandeur of the Being of beings, the
+supreme cause of all created things.[51]
+
+  [43] Compare the remarks on Charron in _Tennemann_, _Geschichte der
+       Philosophie_, vol. ix. p. 527, with two insidious passages in
+       _Charron_, _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. pp. 4, 366.
+
+  [44] The obligations of Charron to Montaigne were very considerable, but
+       are stated too strongly by many writers. _Sorel_, _Bibliotheque
+       Francoise_, p. 93; and _Hallam's Literature of Europe_, vol. ii.
+       pp. 362, 509. On the most important subjects, Charron was a bolder
+       and deeper thinker than Montaigne; though he is now so little
+       read, that the only tolerably complete account I have seen of his
+       system is in _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philosophie_, vol. ix. pp.
+       458-487. Buhle (_Geschichte der neuern Philosophie_, vol. ii. pp.
+       918-925) and Cousin (_Hist. de la Philos._ II. serie, vol. ii. p.
+       289) are short and unsatisfactory. Even Dr. Parr, who was
+       extensively read in this sort of literature, appears only to have
+       known Charron through Bayle (see notes on the Spital Sermon, in
+       _Parr's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 520, 521); while Dugald Stewart, with
+       suspicious tautology, quotes, in three different places, the same
+       passage from Charron. _Stewart's Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. ii.
+       p. 233, vol. iii. pp. 365, 393. Singularly enough, Talleyrand was
+       a great admirer of _De la Sagesse_, and presented his favourite
+       copy of it to Madame de Genlis! See her own account, in _Mem. de
+       Genlis_, vol. iv. pp. 352, 353.
+
+  [45] See his definition, or rather description, of wisdom, in Charron,
+       _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 295, vol. ii. pp. 113, 115.
+
+  [46] _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. pp. 63, 351.
+
+  [47] 'Chacune se prefere aux autres, et se confie d'etre la meilleure et
+       plus vraie que les autres, et s'entre-reprochent aussi les unes
+       aux autres quelque chose, et par-la s'entre-condamnent et
+       rejettent.' _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 348; see also vol. i. pp.
+       144, 304, 305, 306, vol. ii. p. 116. Expressions almost identical
+       are used by M. Charles Compte, _Traite de Legislation_, vol. i.
+       p. 233.
+
+  [48] 'Toutes trouvent et fournissent miracles, prodiges, oracles,
+       mysteres sacres, saints prophetes, fetes, certains articles de foy
+       et creance necessaires au salut.' _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 346.
+
+  [49] Hence he opposes proselytism, and takes up the philosophic ground,
+       that religious opinions, being governed by undeviating laws, owe
+       their variations to variations in their antecedents, and are
+       always, if left to themselves, suited to the existing state of
+       things: 'Et de ces conclusions, nous apprendrons a n'epouser rien,
+       ne jurer a rien, n'admirer rien, ne se troubler de rien, mais quoi
+       qu'il advienne, que l'on crie, tempete, se resoudre a ce point,
+       que c'est le cours du monde, _c'est nature qui fait des siennes_.'
+       _Dela Sagesse_, vol. i. p. 311.
+
+  [50] 'Mais comme elles naissent l'une apres l'autre, la plus jeune batit
+       toujours sur son ainee et prochaine precedente, laquelle elle
+       n'improuve, ni ne condamne de fond en comble, autrement elle ne
+       seroit pas ouie, et ne pourroit prendre pied; mais seulement
+       l'accuse ou d'imperfection, ou de son terme fini, et qu'a cette
+       occasion elle vient pour lui succeder et la parfaire, et ainsi la
+       ruine peu-a-peu, et s'enrichit de ses depouilles, comme la
+       Judaique a fait a la Gentille et Egyptienne, la Chretienne a la
+       Judaique, la Mahometane a la Judaique et Chretienne ensemble: mais
+       les vieilles condamnent bien tout-a-fait et entierement les
+       jeunes, et les tiennent pour ennemies capables.' _De la Sagesse_,
+       vol. i. p. 349. This, I believe, is the first instance in any
+       modern language of the doctrine of religious development; a
+       doctrine which, since Charron, has been steadily advancing,
+       particularly among men whose knowledge is extensive enough to
+       enable them to compare the different religions which have
+       prevailed at different times. In this, as in other subjects, they
+       who are unable to compare, suppose that everything is isolated,
+       simply because to them the continuity is invisible. As to the
+       Alexandrian doctrine of development, found particularly in Clement
+       and Origen, see _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. ii. pp.
+       234-257; and in particular pp. 241, 246.
+
+  [51] _De la Sagesse_, vol. i. pp. 356, 365; two magnificent passages.
+       But the whole chapter ought to be read, livre ii. chap. v. In it
+       there is an occasional ambiguity. Tennemann, however, in the most
+       important point, understands Charron as I do in regard to the
+       doctrine of future punishments. _Geschichte der Philosophie_,
+       vol. ix. p. 473.
+
+Such were the sentiments which, in the year 1601, were for the first
+time laid before the French people in their own mother-tongue.[52] The
+sceptical and secular spirit, of which they were the representatives,
+continued to increase; and, as the seventeenth century advanced, the
+decline of fanaticism, so far from being confined to a few isolated
+thinkers, gradually became common, even among ordinary politicians.[53]
+The clergy, sensible of the danger, wished the government to check the
+progress of inquiry;[54] and the pope himself, in a formal remonstrance
+with Henry, urged him to remedy the evil, by prosecuting the heretics,
+from whom he thought all the mischief had originally proceeded.[55] But
+this the king steadily refused. He saw the immense advantages that would
+arise, if he could weaken the ecclesiastical power by balancing the two
+sects against each other;[56] and therefore, though he was a Catholic,
+his policy rather leaned in favour of the Protestants, as being the
+weaker party.[57] He granted sums of money towards the support of their
+ministers and the repair of their churches;[58] he banished the Jesuits,
+who were their most dangerous enemies;[59] and he always had with him
+two representatives of the reformed church, whose business it was to
+inform him of any infraction of those edicts which he had issued in
+favour of their religion.[60]
+
+  [52] The first edition of _La Sagesse_ was published at Bourdeaux in
+       1601. _Niceron_, _Hommes illustres_, vol. xvi. p. 224; _Hallam's
+       Lit. of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 509; _Biog. Univ._ vol. viii. p. 250.
+       Two editions were susequently published in Paris, in 1604 and
+       1607. _Brunet_, _Manuel du Libraire_, vol. i. p. 639.
+
+  [53] Sismondi (_Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 86) and Lavallee
+       (_Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 84) have noticed the
+       diminution of religious zeal early in the seventeenth century; and
+       some curious evidence will also be found in the correspondence of
+       Duplessis Mornay. See, for instance, a letter he wrote to Diodati,
+       in 1609: 'A beaucoup aujourd'hui il fault commencer par la, qu'il
+       y a une religion, premier que de leur dire quelle.' _Duplessis_,
+       _Mem. et Corresp._ vol. x. p. 415. This middle, or secular party,
+       received the name of 'Politiques,' and began to be powerful in
+       1592 or 1593. Benoist (_Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. p.
+       113), under the year 1593, contemptuously says: 'Il s'eleva une
+       foule de conciliateurs de religion;' see also pp. 201, 273. In
+       1590, and in 1594, the 'Politiques' are noticed by De Thou (_Hist.
+       Univ._ vol. xi. p. 171, vol. xii. p. 134); and on the increase, in
+       1593, of 'le tiers parti politique et negociateur,' see
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. vi. p. 235. See also,
+       respecting 'les politiques,' a letter from the Spanish ambassador
+       to his own court, in 1615, in _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p.
+       93; and for the rise in Paris, in 1592, of a 'politisch und
+       kirchlich gemaessigte Gesinnung,' see _Ranke_, _die Paepste_,
+       vol. ii. p. 243.
+
+  [54] The Sorbonne went so far as to condemn Charron's great work, but
+       could not succeed in having it prohibited. Compare _Duvernet_,
+       _Hist. de la Sorbonne_, vol. ii. p. 139, with _Bayle_, article
+       Charron, note F.
+
+  [55] In the appendix to Ranke (_Die Roemischen Paepste_, vol. iii. pp.
+       141, 142), there will be found the instructions which were given
+       to the nuncio, in 1603, when he was sent to the French court; and
+       which should be compared with a letter, written in 1604, in
+       _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. v. p. 122, edit. 1820.
+
+  [56] 'Sein Sinn war im Allgemeinen, ohne Zweifel, das Gleichgewicht
+       zwischen ihnen zu erhalten.' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_, vol. ii. pp.
+       430, 431. 'Henri IV, l'expression de l'indifferentisme religieux,
+       se posa comme une transaction entre ces deux systemes.'
+       _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. vi. p. 358. 'Henry IV.
+       endeavoured to adjust the balance evenly,' _Smedley's Hist. of the
+       Reformed Religion in France_, vol. iii. p. 19. See also _Benoist_,
+       _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. p. 136. Hence, of course,
+       neither party was quite satisfied. _Mably's Observations_, vol.
+       iii. p. 220; _Mezeray_, _Histoire de France_, vol. iii. p. 959.
+
+  [57] Compare _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. viii. p. 61, with
+       _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See also, on
+       his inclination towards the Protestants, _Mem. de Fontenay
+       Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 91. Fontenay, p. 94, mentions, as a singular
+       instance, that 'il se vist de son temps des huguenots avoir des
+       abbayes.'
+
+  [58] _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. iv. p. 134, vol. vi. p. 233;
+       _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mem. et Corresp._ vol. xi. p. 242; _Benoist_,
+       _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 68, 205. These grants
+       were annual, and were apportioned by the Protestants themselves.
+       See their own account, in _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. i.
+       pp. 198, 222, 246, 247, 249, 275-277.
+
+  [59] Henry IV. banished the Jesuits in 1594; but they were allowed,
+       later in his reign, to make fresh settlements in France.
+       _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. vi. p. 485; _Bazin_,
+       _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 106; _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_,
+       vol. v. p. 192 note; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 298.
+       Compare the notices of them in _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. ii.
+       p. 234, vol. iv. pp. 200, 235, 245. But there can be little doubt
+       that they owed their recall to the dread entertained of their
+       intrigues (_Gregoire_, _Hist. des Confesseurs_, p. 316); and Henry
+       evidently disliked as well as feared them. See two letters from
+       him in _Duplessis_, _Mem. et Corresp._ vol. vi. pp. 129, 151. It
+       would appear, from the _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. v. p. 350, Paris,
+       1823, that the king never restored to them their former authority
+       in regard to education.
+
+  [60] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp. 142, 143; _Le Vassor_,
+       vol. i. p. 156; _Sismondi_, vol. xxii. p. 116; _Duplessis Mornay_,
+       vol. i. p. 389; _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. vii. pp. 105, 432,
+       442.
+
+Thus it was, that in France, as well as in England, toleration was
+preceded by scepticism; and thus it was, that out of this scepticism
+there arose the humane and enlightened measures of Henry IV. The great
+prince, by whom these things were effected, unhappily fell a victim to
+that fanatical spirit which he had done much to curb;[61] but the
+circumstances which occurred after his death, showed how great an
+impetus had been given to the age.
+
+  [61] When Ravaillac was examined, he said, 'qu'il y avait ete excite par
+       l'interet de la religion, et par une impulsion irresistible.'
+       _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 38. This work contains
+       the fullest account I have met with of Ravaillac; of whom there
+       is, moreover, a description in _Les Historiettes de Tallemant des
+       Reaux_, vol. i. p. 85, Paris, 1840, a very curious book.
+
+On the murder of Henry IV., in 1610, the government fell into the hands
+of the queen, who administered it during the minority of her son, Louis
+XIII. And it is a remarkable evidence of the direction which the mind
+was now taking, that she, though a weak and bigoted woman,[62] refrained
+from those persecutions which, only one generation before, had been
+considered a necessary proof of religious sincerity. That, indeed, must
+have been a movement of no common energy, which could force toleration,
+early in the seventeenth century, upon a princess of the house of
+Medici, an ignorant and superstitious Catholic, who had been educated
+in the midst of her priests, and had been accustomed to look for their
+applause as the highest object of earthly ambition.
+
+  [62] Le Vassor (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 279) calls her
+       'superstitieuse au dernier point;' and, in vol. v. p. 481, 'femme
+       credule et superstitieuse.' See also vol. iii. p. 250, vol. vi. p.
+       628; and _Gregoire_, _Hist. des Confesseurs_, p. 65.
+
+Yet this was what actually occurred. The queen continued the ministers
+of Henry IV., and announced, that in every thing she would follow his
+example.[63] Her first public act was, a declaration, that the Edict of
+Nantes should be inviolably preserved; for, she says, 'experience has
+taught our predecessors, that violence, so far from inducing men to
+return to the Catholic church, prevents them from doing so.'[64] Indeed,
+so anxious was she upon this point, that when Louis, in 1614, attained
+his nominal majority, the first act of his government was another
+confirmation of the Edict of Nantes.[65] And, in 1615, she caused the
+king, who still remained under her tutelage,[66] to issue a
+declaration, by which all preceding measures in favour of the
+Protestants were publicly confirmed.[67] In the same spirit, she, in
+1611, wished to raise to the presidency of parliament the celebrated De
+Thou; and it was only by making a formal announcement of his heresy,
+that the pope succeeded in frustrating what he considered an impious
+design.[68]
+
+  [63] 'Elle annonca qu'elle vouloit suivre en tout l'exemple du feu
+       roi.... Le ministere de Henri IV, que la reine continuoit.'
+       _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. pp. 206, 210; and see
+       two letters from her, in _Duplessis Mornay_, _Mem. et Corresp._
+       vol. xi. p. 282, vol. xii. p. 428. Sully had feared that the death
+       of Henry IV. would cause a change of policy: 'que l'on s'alloit
+       jeter dans des desseins tous contraires aux regles, ordres et
+       maximes du feu roy.' _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. viii. p. 401.
+
+  [64] See the declaration in Bazin, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp.
+       74, 75; and notices of it in _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 58;
+       _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 27; _Benoist_, _Hist. de
+       l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 7; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. i. p. 58. But none of these writers, nor Sismondi
+       (vol. xxii. p. 221), appear to be aware that the issuing of this
+       declaration was determined on, in council, as early as the 17th of
+       May; that is, only three days after the death of Henry IV. This is
+       mentioned by Pontchartrain, who was then one of the ministers. See
+       _Mem. de Pontchartrain_, edit. Petitot, 1822, vol. i. p. 409; a
+       book little known, but well worthy of being read.
+
+  [65] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 262; _Benoist_, _Hist.
+       de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 140; _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_,
+       vol. i. p. 257; _Le Vassor_, vol. i. p. 604.
+
+  [66] 'Laissant neanmoins l'administration du royaume a la reine sa
+       mere.' _Mem. de Bassompierre_, vol. ii. p. 52. Compare _Sully_,
+       _[OE]conomies_, vol. ix. p. 177. She possessed complete authority
+       over the king till 1617. See _Memoires de Montglat_, vol. i. p.
+       24: 'avoit ete tenu fort bas par la reine sa mere.' See also _Le
+       Vassor, Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 640, 677, 716, 764.
+
+  [67] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp. 381, 382.
+
+  [68] In 1611, 'le pape le rejeta formellement comme heretique.' _Bazin_,
+       vol. i. p. 174. This is glossed over by Pontchartrain (_Memoires_,
+       vol. i. p. 450); but the statement of M. Bazin is confirmed in the
+       preface to _De Thou_, _Histoire Universelle_, vol. i. p. xvi.
+
+The turn which things were now taking, caused no little alarm to the
+friends of the hierarchy. The most zealous churchmen loudly censured the
+policy of the queen; and a great historian has observed that when,
+during the reign of Louis XIII., such alarm was caused in Europe by the
+active encroachments of the ecclesiastical power, France was the first
+country that ventured to oppose them.[69] The nuncio openly complained
+to the queen of her conduct in favouring heretics; and he anxiously
+desired that those Protestant works should be suppressed, by which the
+consciences of true believers were greatly scandalized.[70] But these,
+and similar representations, were no longer listened to with the respect
+they would formerly have received; and the affairs of the country
+continued to be administered with those purely temporal views, on which
+the measures of Henry IV. had been avowedly based.[71]
+
+  [69] 'Der erste Einhalt den die kirchliche Restauration erfuhr, geschah
+       in Frankreich,' _Ranke_, _die Roemischen Paepste_, vol. iii. p. 160.
+
+  [70] This desire was expressed several times, but in vain: 'Gern haetten
+       die Nuntien Werke wie von Thou und Richer verboten, aber es war
+       ihnen nicht moeglich,' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_, vol. iii. p. 181,
+       Anhang. Compare _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 68; _Mem. de
+       Pontchartrain_, vol. i. p. 428.
+
+  [71] This decline of the ecclesiastical power is noticed by many writers
+       of the time; but it is sufficient to refer to the very curious
+       remonstrance of the French clergy, in 1605, in _De Thou_, _Hist.
+       Univ._ vol. xiv. pp. 446, 447.
+
+Such was now the policy of the government of France; a government
+which, not many years before, had considered it the great duty of a
+sovereign to punish heretics and extirpate heresy. That this continued
+improvement was merely the result of the general intellectual
+development, is evident, not only from its success, but also from the
+character of the queen-regent and the king. No one who has read the
+contemporary memoirs, can deny that Mary de Medici and Louis XIII. were
+as superstitious as any of their predecessors; and it is, therefore,
+evident, that this disregard of theological prejudices was due, not to
+their own personal merits, but to the advancing knowledge of the
+country, and to the pressure of an age which, in the rapidity of its
+progress, hurried along those who believed themselves to be its rulers.
+
+But these considerations, weighty as they are, will only slightly
+diminish the merit of that remarkable man, who now appeared on the stage
+of public affairs. During the last eighteen years of the reign of Louis
+XIII., France was entirely governed by Richelieu,[72] one of that
+extremely small class of statesmen to whom it is given to impress their
+own character on the destiny of their country. This great ruler has, in
+his knowledge of the political art, probably never been surpassed,
+except by that prodigy of genius who, in our time, troubled the fortunes
+of Europe. But, in one important view, Richelieu was superior to
+Napoleon. The life of Napoleon was a constant effort to oppress the
+liberties of mankind; and his unrivalled capacity exhausted its
+resources in struggling against the tendencies of a great age.
+Richelieu, too, was a despot; but his despotism took a nobler turn. He
+displayed, what Napoleon never possessed, a just appreciation of the
+spirit of his own time. In one great point, indeed, he failed. His
+attempts to destroy the power of the French nobility were altogether
+futile;[73] for, owing to a long course of events, the authority of that
+insolent class was so deeply rooted in the popular mind, that the
+labours of another century were required to efface its ancient
+influence. But, though Richelieu could not diminish the social and moral
+weight of the French nobles, he curtailed their political privileges;
+and he chastised their crimes with a severity which, for a time at
+least, repressed their former license.[74] So little, however, can even
+the ablest statesman effect, unless he is seconded by the general temper
+of the age in which he lives, that these checks, rude as they were,
+produced no permanent result. After his death, the French nobles, as we
+shall presently see, quickly rallied; and, in the wars of the Fronde,
+debased that great struggle into a mere contest of rival families. Nor
+was it until the close of the eighteenth century, that France was
+finally relieved from the overweening influence of that powerful class,
+whose selfishness had long retarded the progress of civilization, by
+retaining the people in a thraldom, from the remote effects of which
+they have not yet fully recovered.
+
+  [72] As M. Monteil says (_Hist. des Francais des divers Etats_, vol.
+       vii. p. 114), 'Richelieu tint le sceptre; Louis XIII. porta la
+       couronne.' And Campion (_Memoires_, p. 37) calls him 'plutot le
+       maitre que le ministre;' and adds, pp. 218, 219, that he 'avoit
+       gouverne dix-huit ans la France avec un pouvoir absolu et une
+       gloire sans pareille.' Compare _Mem. du Cardinal de Retz_, vol. i
+       p. 63.
+
+  [73] The common opinion, put forth in _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol.
+       i. pp. 101-104, and in many other books, is that Richelieu did
+       destroy their influence; but this error arises from confusing
+       political influence with social influence. What is termed the
+       political power of a class, is merely the symptom and
+       manifestation of its real power; and it is no use to attack the
+       first, unless you can also weaken the second. The real power of
+       the nobles was social, and that neither Richelieu nor Louis XIV.
+       could impair; and it remained intact until the middle of the
+       eighteenth century, when the intellect of France rebelled against
+       it, overthrew it, and finally effected the French Revolution.
+
+  [74] Richelieu appears to have formed the design of humbling the nobles,
+       at least as early as 1624. See a characteristic passage in his
+       _Memoires_, vol. ii. p. 340. In _Swinburne's Courts of Europe_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 63-65, there is a curious traditional anecdote,
+       which, though probably false, shows, at all events, the fear and
+       hatred with which the French nobles regarded the memory of
+       Richelieu more than a century after his death.
+
+Although in this respect Richelieu failed in achieving his designs, he
+in other matters met with signal success. This was owing to the fact,
+that his large and comprehensive views harmonized with that sceptical
+tendency, of which I have just given some account. For this remarkable
+man, though he was a bishop and a cardinal, never for a moment allowed
+the claims of his profession to make him forego the superior claims of
+his country. He knew, what is too often forgotten, that the governor of
+a people should measure affairs solely by a political standard, and
+should pay no regard to the pretensions of any sect, or the propagation
+of any opinions, except in reference to the present and practical
+welfare of men. The consequence was, that, during his administration,
+there was seen the marvellous spectacle of supreme authority wielded by
+a priest, who took no pains to increase the power of the spiritual
+classes. Indeed, so far from this, he often treated them with what was
+then considered unexampled rigour. The royal confessors, on account of
+the importance of their functions, had always been regarded with a
+certain veneration; they were supposed to be men of unspotted piety;
+they had hitherto possessed immense influence, and even the most
+powerful statesmen had thought it advisable to show them the deference
+due to their exalted position.[75] Richelieu, however, was too familiar
+with the arts of his profession, to feel much respect for these keepers
+of the consciences of kings. Caussin, the confessor of Louis XIII., had,
+it seems, followed the example of his predecessors, and endeavoured to
+instill his own views of policy into the mind of the royal penitent.[76]
+But Richelieu, so soon as he heard of this, dismissed him from office,
+and sent him into exile; for, he contemptuously says, 'the little father
+Caussin' should not interfere in matters of government, since he is one
+of those 'who have always been brought up in the innocence of a
+religious life.'[77] Caussin was succeeded by the celebrated Sirmond; but
+Richelieu would not allow the new confessor to begin his duties, until
+he had solemnly promised never to interfere in state affairs.[78]
+
+  [75] On their influence, see _Gregoire_, _Histoire des Confesseurs_; and
+       compare the remarks of Mr. Grote, a great writer, whose mind is
+       always ready with historical analogies. _Grote's Hist. of Greece_,
+       vol. vi. p. 393, 2nd edit. 1851. Many of the French kings had a
+       strong natural affection for monks; but the most singular instance
+       I have found of this sort of love is mentioned by no less a man
+       than De Thou, respecting Henry III. De Thou (_Hist. Univ._ vol. x.
+       pp. 666, 667) says of that prince: 'Soit temperament, soit
+       education, la presence d'un moine faisait toujours plaisir a
+       Henri; et je lui ai moi-meme souvent entendu dire, que leur vue
+       produisoit le meme effet sur son ame, que le chatouillement le
+       plus delicat sur le corps.'
+
+  [76] One of his suggestions was, 'sur les dangers que couroit le
+       catholicisme en Allemagne, par ses liaisons avec les puissances
+       protestantes.' _Gregoire_, _Histoire des Confesseurs_, p. 342. The
+       fullest account of Caussin is in _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. ix. pp. 287-299; to which, however, Gregoire never
+       refers. As I shall have frequent occasion to quote Le Vassor, I
+       may observe, that he is far more accurate than is generally
+       supposed, and that he has been very unfairly treated by the
+       majority of French writers, among whom he is unpopular, on account
+       of his constant attacks on Louis XIV. Sismondi (_Hist. des
+       Francais_, vol. xxii. pp. 188, 189) speaks highly of his _Hist. of
+       Louis XIII_; and so far as my own reading extends, I can confirm
+       his favourable opinion.
+
+  [77] 'Le petit pere Caussin.' _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. x. p. 206; and
+       at p. 217, he is classed among the 'personnes qui avoient toujours
+       ete nourries dans l'innocence d'une vie religieuse;' see also p.
+       215, on his 'simplicite et ignorance.' Respecting Richelieu's
+       treatment of Caussin, see _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. pp. 173-175;
+       _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 49; _Des Reaux, Historiettes_, vol.
+       ii. p. 182.
+
+  [78] _Sismondi, Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 332; _Tallemant des
+       Reaux, Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 78 note. Le Vassor (_Hist. de
+       Louis XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 761) says, that Sirmond 'se
+       soutint a la cour sous le ministere de Richelieu, parce qu'il ne
+       se meloit point des affaires d'etat.' According to the same writer
+       (vol. viii. p. 156), Richelieu thought at one time of depriving
+       the Jesuits of their post of confessor to the king.
+
+On another occasion of much more importance, Richelieu displayed a
+similar spirit. The French clergy were then possessed of enormous
+wealth; and, as they enjoyed the privilege of taxing themselves, they
+were careful not to make what they considered unnecessary contributions
+towards defraying the expenses of the state. They had cheerfully
+advanced money to carry on war against the Protestants, because they
+believed it to be their duty to assist in the extirpation of
+heresy.[79] But they saw no reason why their revenues should be wasted
+in effecting mere temporal benefits; they considered themselves as the
+guardians of funds set apart for spiritual purposes, and they thought it
+impious that wealth consecrated by the piety of their ancestors should
+fall into the profane hands of secular statesmen. Richelieu, who looked
+on these scruples as the artifices of interested men, had taken a very
+different view of the relation which the clergy bore to the country.[80]
+So far from thinking that the interests of the church were superior to
+those of the state, he laid it down as a maxim of policy, that 'the
+reputation of the state was the first consideration.'[81] With such
+fearlessness did he carry out this principle, that having convoked at
+Nantes a great assembly of the clergy, he compelled them to aid the
+government by an extraordinary supply of 6,000,000 francs; and finding
+that some of the highest dignitaries had expressed their discontent at
+so unusual a step, he laid hands on them also, and to the amazement of
+the church, sent into exile not only four of the bishops, but likewise
+the two archbishops of Toulouse and of Sens.[82]
+
+  [79] _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 87; _Le Vassor_,
+       _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. ii. p. 144; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 337, 338. Benoist says: 'Le clerge de France,
+       ignorant et corrompu, croyoit tout son devoir compris dans
+       l'extirpation des heretiques; et meme il offroit de grandes
+       sommes, a condition qu'on les employat a cette guerre.'
+
+  [80] In which he is fully borne out by the high authority of Vattel,
+       whose words I shall quote, for the sake of those politicians who
+       still cleave to the superannuated theory of the sacredness of
+       church-property: 'Loin que l'exemption appartienne aux biens
+       d'eglise parce qu'ils sont consacres a Dieu, c'est au contraire
+       par cette raison meme, qu'ils doivent etre pris les premiers pour
+       le salut de l'etat; car il n'y a rien de plus agreable au Pere
+       commun des hommes, que de garantir une nation de sa ruine. Dieu
+       n'ayant besoin de rien, lui consacrer des biens, c'est les
+       destiner a des usages qui lui soient agreables. De plus, les biens
+       de l'eglise, de l'aveu du clerge lui-meme, sont en grande partie
+       destines aux pauvres. Quand l'etat est dans le besoin, il est sans
+       doute le premier pauvre, et le plus digne de secours.' _Vattel_,
+       _le Droit des Gens_, vol. i. pp. 176, 177.
+
+  [81] 'Que la reputation de l'etat est preferable a toutes choses.' _Mem.
+       de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 482. This was in 1625, and by way of
+       refuting the legate.
+
+  [82] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. pp. 477, 478;
+       _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. pp. 325, 326. The
+       Cardinal de Retz, who knew Richelieu personally, says: 'M. le
+       cardinal de Richelieu avoit donne une atteinte cruelle a la
+       dignite et a la liberte du clerge dans l'assemblee de Mante, et il
+       avoit exile, avec des circonstances atroces, six de ses prelats
+       les plus considerables.' _Mem. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 50.
+
+If these things had been done fifty years earlier, they would most
+assuredly have proved fatal to the minister who dared to attempt them.
+But Richelieu, in these and similar measures, was aided by the spirit of
+an age which was beginning to despise its ancient masters. For this
+general tendency was now becoming apparent, not only in literature and
+in politics, but even in the proceedings of the ordinary tribunals. The
+nuncio indignantly complained of the hostility displayed against
+ecclesiastics by the French judges; and he said that, among other
+shameful things, some clergymen had been hung, without being first
+deprived of their spiritual character.[83] On other occasions, the
+increasing contempt showed itself in a way well suited to the coarseness
+of the prevailing manners. Sourdis, the archbishop of Bourdeaux, was
+twice ignominiously beaten; once by the Duke d'Epernon, and afterwards
+by the Marechal de Vitry.[84] Nor did Richelieu, who usually treated the
+nobles with such severity, seem anxious to punish this gross outrage.
+Indeed, the archbishop not only received no sympathy, but, a few years
+later, was peremptorily ordered by Richelieu to retire to his own
+diocese; such, however, was his alarm at the state of affairs, that he
+fled to Carpentras, and put himself under the protection of the
+pope.[85] This happened in 1641 and nine years earlier, the church had
+incurred a still greater scandal. For in 1632, serious disturbances
+having arisen in Languedoc, Richelieu did not fear to meet the
+difficulty by depriving some of the bishops, and seizing the
+temporalities of the others.[86]
+
+  [83] 'Die Nuntien finden kein Ende der Beschwerden die sie machen zu
+       muessen glauben, vorzueglich ueber die Beschraenkungen welche die
+       geistliche Jurisdiction erfahre.... Zuweilen werde ein Geistlicher
+       hingerichtet ohne erst degradirt zu seyn.' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_,
+       vol. iii. p. 157: a summary, in 1641, of the complaints of the
+       then nuncio, and of those of his predecessors. Le Vassor (_Hist.
+       de Louis XIII_, vol. v. pp. 51 seq.) has given some curious
+       details respecting the animosity between the clergy and the
+       secular tribunals of France in 1624.
+
+  [84] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 301; _Mem. de
+       Bassompierre_, vol. iii. pp. 302, 353. Bazin, who notices this
+       disgraceful affair, simply says (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iii.
+       p. 453): 'Le marechal de Vitry, suivant l'exemple qui lui en avoit
+       donne le duc d'Epernon, s'emporta jusqu'a le frapper de son
+       baton.' In regard to Epernon, the best account is in _Mem. de
+       Richelieu_, where it is stated (vol. viii. p. 194) that the duke,
+       just before flogging the archbishop, 'disoit au peuple,
+       "Rangez-vous, vous verrez comme j'etrillerai votre archeveque."'
+       This was stated by a witness, who heard the duke utter the words.
+       Compare, for further information, _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+       XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 97, with _Tallemant des Reaux_,
+       _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 116. Des Reaux, who, in his own way,
+       was somewhat of a philosopher, contentedly says: 'Cet archeveque
+       se pouvoit vanter d'etre le prelat du monde qui avoit ete le plus
+       battu.' His brother was Cardinal Sourdis; a man of some little
+       reputation in his own time, and concerning whom a curious anecdote
+       is related in _Mem. de Conrart_, pp. 231-234.
+
+  [85] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 470. Le Vassor
+       (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 149) says: 'Il
+       s'enfuit donc honteusement a Carpentras sous la protection du
+       pape.'
+
+  [86] 'Les eveques furent punis par la saisie de leur temporel; Alby,
+       Nimes, Uzes, furent privees de leurs prelats.' _Capefigue's
+       Richelieu_, Paris, 1844, vol. ii. p. 24. The Protestants were
+       greatly delighted at the punishment of the bishops of Alby and
+       Nimes, which 'les ministres regardoient comme une vengeance
+       divine.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 528,
+       529.
+
+The indignation of the clergy may be easily imagined. Such repeated
+injuries, even if they had proceeded from a layman, would have been hard
+to endure; but they were rendered doubly bitter by being the work of one
+of themselves--one who had been nurtured in the profession against which
+he turned. This it was which aggravated the offence, because it seemed
+to be adding treachery to insult. It was not a war from without, but it
+was a treason from within. It was a bishop who humbled the episcopacy,
+and a cardinal who affronted the church.[87] Such, however, was the
+general temper of men, that the clergy did not venture to strike an
+open blow; but, by means of their partisans, they scattered the most
+odious libels against the great minister. They said that he was
+unchaste, that he was guilty of open debauchery, and that he held
+incestuous commerce with his own niece.[88] They declared that he had no
+religion; that he was only a Catholic in name; that he was the pontiff
+of the Huguenots; that he was the patriarch of atheists;[89] and what
+was worse than all, they even accused him of wishing to establish a
+schism in the French church.[90] Happily the time was now passing away
+in which the national mind could be moved by such artifices as these.
+Still the charges are worth recording, because they illustrate the
+tendency of public affairs, and the bitterness with which the spiritual
+classes saw the reins of power falling from their hands. Indeed, all
+this was so manifest, that in the last civil war raised against
+Richelieu, only two years before his death, the insurgents stated in
+their proclamation, that one of their objects was to revive the respect
+with which the clergy and nobles had formerly been treated.[91]
+
+  [87] In a short account of Richelieu, which was published immediately
+       after his death, the writer indignantly says, that 'being a
+       cardinal, he afflicted the church.' _Somers Tracts_. vol. v. p.
+       540. Compare _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. p. 322.
+
+  [88] This scandalous charge in regard to his niece was a favourite one
+       with the clergy; and among many other instances, the accusation
+       was brought by the Cardinal de Valencay in the grossest manner.
+       See _Tallemant des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 201.
+
+  [89] 'De la ces petits ecrits qui le denoncaient comme le "pontife des
+       huguenots" ou "le patriarche des athees."' _Capefigue's
+       Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 312.
+
+  [90] Compare _Des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. ii. p. 233, with _Le
+       Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. viii. part ii. pp. 177, 178,
+       vol. ix. p. 277.
+
+  [91] See the manifesto in _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii.
+       pp. 452, 453.
+
+The more we study the career of Richelieu, the more prominent does this
+antagonism become. Every thing proves that he was conscious of a great
+struggle going on between the old ecclesiastical scheme of government
+and the new secular scheme; and that he was determined to put down the
+old plan, and uphold the new one. For, not only in his domestic
+administration, but also in his foreign policy, do we find the same
+unprecedented disregard of theological interests. The House of Austria,
+particularly its Spanish branch, had long been respected by all pious
+men as the faithful ally of the church; it was looked upon as the
+scourge of heresy; and its proceedings against the heretics had won for
+it a great name in ecclesiastical history.[92] When, therefore, the
+French government, in the reign of Charles IX., made a deliberate
+attempt to destroy the Protestants, France naturally established an
+intimate connexion with Spain as well as with Rome;[93] and these three
+great powers were firmly united, not by a community of temporal
+interests, but by the force of a religious compact. This theological
+confederacy was afterwards broken up by the personal character of Henry
+IV.,[94] and by the growing indifference of the age; but during the
+minority of Louis XIII., the queen-regent had in some degree renewed it,
+and had attempted to revive the superstitious prejudices upon which it
+was based.[95] In all her feelings, she was a zealous Catholic; she was
+warmly attached to Spain; and she succeeded in marrying her son, the
+young king, to a Spanish princess, and her daughter to a Spanish
+prince.[96]
+
+  [92] Late in the sixteenth century, 'fils aine de l'Eglise' was the
+       recognized and well-merited title of the kings of Spain. _De
+       Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 280. Compare _Duplessis Mornay_,
+       _Mem. et Correspond._ vol. xi. p. 21. And on the opinions which
+       the Catholics, early in the seventeenth century, generally held
+       respecting Spain, see _Mem. de Fontenay_, _Mareuil_, vol. i. p.
+       189; _Mem. de Bassompierre_, vol. i. p. 424.
+
+  [93] As to the connexion between this foreign policy and the massacre of
+       Saint Bartholomew, see _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_,
+       vol. iii. pp. 253, 268, 269.
+
+  [94] On the policy, and still more on the feelings, of Henry IV. towards
+       the House of Austria, see _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol.
+       ii. p. 291, vol. iii. pp. 162, 166, vol. iv. pp. 289, 290, 321,
+       343, 344, 364, vol. v. p. 123, vol. vi. p. 293, vol. vii. p. 303,
+       vol. viii. pp. 195, 202, 348.
+
+  [95] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. pp. 26, 369; _Mem. de Montglat_,
+       vol. i. pp. 16, 17; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol i. p.
+       268, vol. vi. p. 349; _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii.
+       p. 227. Her husband, Henry IV., said that she had 'the soul of a
+       Spaniard.' _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. viii. p. 150.
+
+  [96] This was, in her opinion, a master-stroke of policy: 'Entetee du
+       double mariage avec l'Espagne qu'elle avoit menage avec tant
+       d'application, et qu'elle regardoit comme le plus ferme appui de
+       son autorite.' _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. pp.
+       453, 454.
+
+It might have been expected that when Richelieu, a great dignitary of
+the Romish church, was placed at the head of affairs, he would have
+reestablished a connexion so eagerly desired by the profession to which
+he belonged.[97] But his conduct was not regulated by such views as
+these. His object was, not to favour the opinions of a sect, but to
+promote the interests of a nation. His treaties, his diplomacy, and the
+schemes of his foreign alliances, were all directed, not against the
+enemies of the church, but against the enemies of France. By erecting
+this new standard of action, Richelieu took a great step towards
+secularizing the whole system of European politics. For he thus made the
+theoretical interests of men subordinate to their practical interests.
+Before his time, the rulers of France, in order to punish their
+Protestant subjects, had not hesitated to demand the aid of the Catholic
+troops of Spain; and in so doing, they merely acted upon the old
+opinion, that it was the chief duty of a government to suppress heresy.
+This pernicious doctrine was first openly repudiated by Richelieu. As
+early as 1617, and before he had established his power, he, in an
+instruction to one of the foreign ministers which is still extant, laid
+it down as a principle, that, in matters of state, no Catholic ought to
+prefer a Spaniard to a French Protestant.[98] To us, indeed, in the
+progress of society, such preference of the claims of our country to
+those of our creed, has become a matter of course; but in those days it
+was a startling novelty.[99] Richelieu, however, did not fear to push
+the paradox even to its remotest consequences. The Catholic church
+justly considered that its interests were bound up with those of the
+House of Austria;[100] but Richelieu, directly he was called to the
+council, determined to humble that house in both its branches.[101] To
+effect this, he openly supported the bitterest enemies of his own
+religion. He aided the Lutherans against the Emperor of Germany; he
+aided the Calvinists against the king of Spain. During the eighteen
+years he was supreme, he steadily pursued the same undeviating
+policy.[102] When Philip attempted to repress the Dutch Protestants,
+Richelieu made common cause with them; at first, advancing them large
+sums of money, and afterwards inducing the French king to sign a treaty
+of intimate alliance with those who, in the opinion of the church, he
+ought rather to have chastized as rebellious heretics.[103] In the same
+way, when that great war broke out, in which the emperor attempted to
+subjugate to the true faith the consciences of German Protestants,
+Richelieu stood forward as their protector; he endeavoured from the
+beginning to save their leader the Palatine;[104] and, failing in that,
+he concluded in their favour an alliance with Gustavus Adolphus,[105]
+the ablest military commander the Reformers had then produced. Nor did
+he stop there. After the death of Gustavus, he, seeing that the
+Protestants were thus deprived of their great leader, made still more
+vigorous efforts in their favour.[106] He intrigued for them in foreign
+courts; he opened negotiations in their behalf; and eventually he
+organized for their protection a public confederacy, in which all
+ecclesiastical considerations were set at defiance. This league, which
+formed an important precedent in the international polity of Europe, was
+not only contracted by Richelieu with the two most powerful enemies of
+his own church, but it was, from its tenor, what Sismondi emphatically
+calls a 'Protestant confederation'--a Protestant confederation, he says,
+between France, England, and Holland.[107]
+
+  [97] So late as 1656, the French clergy wished 'to hasten a peace with
+       Spain, and to curb the heretics in France,' _Letter from Pell to
+       Thurloe_, written in 1656, and printed in _Vaughan's Protectorate
+       of Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 436, 8vo, 1839. During the minority of
+       Louis XIII. we hear of 'les zelez catholiques, et ceux qui
+       desiroient, a quelque prix que ce fut, l'union des deux roys, et
+       des deux couronnes de France et d'Espagne, comme le seul moyen
+       propre, selon leur advis, pour l'extirpation des heresies dans la
+       chrestiente.' _Sully_, _[OE]con. Royales_, vol. ix. p. 181:
+       compare vol. vii. p. 248, on 'les zelez catholiques espagnolisez
+       de France.'
+
+  [98] See _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. pp. 387-389, where
+       the importance of this document is noticed, and it is said that
+       Richelieu had drawn it up 'avec beaucoup de soin.' The language of
+       it is very peremptory: 'Que nul catholique n'est si aveugle
+       d'estimer en matiere d'etat un Espagnol meilleur qu'un Francais
+       huguenot.'
+
+  [99] Even in the reign of Henry IV. the French Protestants were not
+       considered to be Frenchmen: 'The intolerant dogmas of Roman
+       Catholicism did not recognize them as Frenchmen. They were looked
+       upon as foreigners, or rather as enemies; and were treated as
+       such.' _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 216.
+
+  [100] Sismondi says, under the year 1610, 'Toute l'eglise catholique
+        croyoit son sort lie a celui de la maison d'Autriche,' _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 180.
+
+  [101] 'Sa vue dominante fut l'abaissement de la maison d'Autriche.'
+        _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. iii. p. 81.
+        And, on the early formation of this scheme, see _Mem. de la
+        Rochefoucauld_, vol. i. p. 350. De Retz says, that before
+        Richelieu, no one had even thought of such a step: 'Celui
+        d'attaquer la formidable maison d'Autriche n'avoit ete imagine de
+        personne.' _Mem. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 45. This is rather too
+        strongly expressed; but the whole paragraph is curious, as
+        written by a man who possessed great ability, which De Retz
+        undoubtedly did, and who, though hating Richelieu, could not
+        refrain from bearing testimony to his immense services.
+
+  [102] 'Obwohl Cardinal der roemischen Kirche, trug Richelieu kein
+        Bedenken, mit den Protestanten selbst unverhohlen in Bund zu
+        treten,' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_, vol. ii. p. 510. Compare, in
+        _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29, the reproach
+        which the nuncio Spada addressed to Richelieu for treating with
+        the Protestants, 'de la paix qui se traitoit avec les huguenots.'
+        See also _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. v. pp. 236,
+        354-356, 567; and a good passage in _Lavallee_, _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. iii. p. 90,--an able little work, and perhaps the
+        best small history ever published of a great country.
+
+  [103] De Retz mentions a curious illustration of the feelings of the
+        ecclesiastical party respecting this treaty. He says, that the
+        Bishop of Beauvais, who, the year after the death of Richelieu,
+        was for a moment at the head of affairs, began his administration
+        by giving to the Dutch their choice, either to abandon their
+        religion, or else forfeit their alliance with France: 'Et il
+        demanda des le premier jour aux Hollandois qu'ils se
+        convertissent a la religion catholique, s'ils vouloient demeurer
+        dans l'alliance de France.' _Mem. du Cardinal de Retz_, vol. i.
+        p. 39. This, I suppose, is the original authority for the
+        statement in the _Biog. Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 440; though, as is
+        too often the case in that otherwise valuable work, the writer
+        has omitted to indicate the source of his information.
+
+  [104] In 1626, he attempted to form a league 'en faveur du Palatin,'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 576. Sismondi
+        seems not quite certain as to the sincerity of his proposal; but
+        as to this there can, I think, be little doubt; for it appears
+        from his own memoirs, that even in 1624 he had in view the
+        recovery of the Palatinate. _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 405;
+        and again in 1625, p. 468.
+
+  [105] _Sismondi_, vol. xxiii. p. 173; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i.
+        p. 415; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. vi. pp. 12, 600;
+        and at p. 489: 'Le roi de Suede qui comptoit uniquement sur le
+        cardinal.'
+
+  [106] Compare _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. pp. 74, 75, vol. ii. pp. 92,
+        93, with _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 198; and
+        _Howell's Letters_, p. 247. The different views which occurred to
+        his fertile mind in consequence of the death of Gustavus, are
+        strikingly summed up in _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. vii. pp.
+        272-277. On his subsequent pecuniary advances, see vol. ix.
+        p. 395.
+
+  [107] In 1633, 'les ambassadeurs de France, d'Angleterre et de Hollande
+        mirent a profit le repos de l'hiver pour resserrer la
+        confederation protestante,' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_,
+        vol. xxiii. p. 221. Compare, in _Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy_,
+        vol. i. p. 275, the remark made twenty years later by Christina,
+        daughter of Gustavus, on the union with 'papists.'
+
+These things alone would have made the administration of Richelieu a
+great epoch in the history of European civilization. For his government
+affords the first example of an eminent Catholic statesman
+systematically disregarding ecclesiastical interests, and showing that
+disregard in the whole scheme of his foreign, as well as of his
+domestic, policy. Some instances, indeed, approaching to this, may be
+found, at an earlier period, among the petty rulers of Italian states;
+but, even there, such attempts have never been successful; they had
+never been continued for any length of time, nor had they been carried
+out on a scale large enough to raise them to the dignity of
+international precedents. The peculiar glory of Richelieu is, that his
+foreign policy was, not occasionally, but invariably, governed by
+temporal considerations; nor do I believe that, during the long tenure
+of his power, there is to be found the least proof of his regard for
+those theological interests, the promotion of which had long been looked
+upon as a matter of paramount importance. By thus steadily subordinating
+the church to the state; by enforcing the principle of this
+subordination, on a large scale, with great ability, and with unvarying
+success, he laid the foundation of that purely secular polity, the
+consolidation of which has, since his death, been the aim of all the
+best European diplomatists. The result was a most salutary change, which
+had been for some time preparing, but which, under him, was first
+completed. For, by the introduction of this system, an end was put to
+religious wars; and the chances of peace were increased, by thus
+removing one of the causes to which the interruption of peace had often
+been owing.[108] At the same time, there was prepared the way for that
+final separation of theology from politics, which it will be the
+business of future generations fully to achieve. How great a step had
+been taken in this direction, appears from the facility with which the
+operations of Richelieu were continued by men every way his inferiors.
+Less than two years after his death, there was assembled the Congress of
+Westphalia;[109] the members of which concluded that celebrated peace,
+which is remarkable, as being the first comprehensive attempt to adjust
+the conflicting interests of the leading European countries.[110] In
+this important treaty, ecclesiastical interests were altogether
+disregarded;[111] and the contracting parties, instead of, as
+heretofore, depriving each other of their possessions, took the bolder
+course of indemnifying themselves at the expense of the church, and did
+not hesitate to seize her revenues, and secularize several of her
+bishoprics.[112] From this grievous insult, which became a precedent in
+the public law of Europe, the spiritual power has never recovered; and
+it is remarked by a very competent authority that, since that period,
+diplomatists have, in their official acts, neglected religious
+interests, and have preferred the advocacy of matters relating to the
+commerce and colonies of their respective countries.[113] The truth of
+this observation is confirmed by the interesting fact, that the Thirty
+Years' War, to which this same treaty put an end, is the last great
+religious war which has ever been waged;[114] no civilized people,
+during two centuries, having thought it worth while to peril their own
+safety in order to disturb the belief of their neighbours. This, indeed,
+is but a part of that vast secular movement, by which superstition has
+been weakened, and the civilization of Europe secured. Without, however,
+discussing that subject, I will now endeavour to show how the policy of
+Richelieu, in regard to the French Protestant church, corresponded with
+his policy in regard to the French Catholic church; so, that, in both
+departments, this great statesman, aided by that progress of knowledge
+for which his age was remarkable, was able to struggle with prejudices
+from which men, slowly and with infinite difficulty, were attempting to
+emerge.
+
+  [108] This change may be illustrated by comparing the work of Grotius
+        with that of Vattel. These two eminent men are still respected as
+        the most authoritative expounders of international law; but there
+        is this important difference between them, that Vattel wrote more
+        than a century after Grotius, and when the secular principles
+        enforced by Richelieu had penetrated the minds even of common
+        politicians. Therefore, Vattel says (_Le Droit des Gens_, vol. i.
+        pp. 379, 380): 'On demande s'il est permis de faire alliance avec
+        une nation qui ne professe pas la meme religion? Si les traites
+        faits avec les ennemis de la foi sont valides? Grotius a traite
+        la question assez au long. Cette discussion pouvait etre
+        necessaire dans un temps ou la fureur des partis obscurcissait
+        encore des principes qu'elle avait long-temps fait oublier, osons
+        croire qu'elle serait superflue dans notre siecle. La loi
+        naturelle seule regit les traites des nations; la difference de
+        religion y est absolument etrangere.' See also p. 318, and vol.
+        ii. p. 151. On the other hand, Grotius opposes alliances between
+        nations of different religion, and says, that nothing can justify
+        them except 'une extreme necessite.... Car il faut chercher
+        premierement le regne celeste, c'est a dire penser avant toutes
+        choses a la propagation de l'evangile.' And he further recommends
+        that princes should follow the advice given on this subject by
+        Foulques, Archbishop of Rheims! _Grotius_, _le Droit de la Guerre
+        et de la Paix_, livre ii. chap. xv. sec. xi. vol. i. pp. 485, 486,
+        edit. Barbeyrac, Amsterdam, 1724, 4to; a passage the more
+        instructive, because Grotius was a man of great genius and great
+        humanity. On religious wars, as naturally recognized in barbarous
+        times, see the curious and important work, _Institutes of
+        Timour_, pp. 141, 333, 335.
+
+  [109] 'Le Congres de Westphalie s'ouvrit le 10 avril 1643.' _Lavallee_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 156. Its two great divisions
+        at Munster and Osnabruck were formed in March 1644. _Flassan_,
+        _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. iii. p. 110. Richelieu died in
+        December, 1642. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxviii. p. 28.
+
+  [110] 'Les regnes de Charles-Quint et de Henri IV font epoque pour
+        certaines parties du droit international; mais le point de depart
+        le plus saillant, c'est la paix de Westphalie.' _Eschbach_,
+        _Introduc. a l'Etude du Droit_, Paris, 1846, p. 92. Compare the
+        remarks on Mably, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 7, and
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiv. p. 179: 'base au
+        droit public de l'Europe.'
+
+  [111] Compare the indignation of the pope at this treaty (_Vattel_, _le
+        Droit des Gens_, vol. ii. p. 28), with _Ranke's Paepste_, vol. ii.
+        p. 576: 'Das religioese Element ist zurueckgetreten; die
+        politischen Ruecksichten beherrschen die Welt:' a summary of the
+        general state of affairs.
+
+  [112] 'La France obtint par ce traite, en indemnite, la souverainete des
+        trois eveches, Metz, Toul et Verdun, ainsi que celle d'Alsace. La
+        satisfaction ou indemnite des autres parties interessees fut
+        convenue, en grande partie, aux depens de l'eglise, et moyennant
+        la secularisation de plusieurs eveches et benefices
+        ecclesiastiques.' _Koch_, _Tableau des Revolutions_, vol. i. p.
+        328.
+
+  [113] Dr. Vaughan (_Protectorate of Cromwell_, vol. i. p. civ.) says:
+        'It is a leading fact, also, in the history of modern Europe,
+        that, from the peace of Westphalia, in 1648, religion, as the
+        great object of negotiation, began everywhere to give place to
+        questions relating to colonies and commerce.' Charles Butler
+        observed, that this treaty 'considerably lessened the influence
+        of religion on politics.' _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p.
+        181.
+
+  [114] The fact of the Thirty Years' War being a religious contest,
+        formed the basis of one of the charges which the church party
+        brought against Richelieu: and an author, who wrote in 1634,
+        'montroit bien au long que l'alliance du roy de France avec les
+        protestantes etoit contraire aux interets de la religion
+        catholique; parce que la guerre des Provinces Unies, et celle
+        d'Allemagne etoient des guerres de religion.' _Benoist_, _Hist.
+        de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 536.
+
+The treatment of the French Protestants by Richelieu is, undoubtedly,
+one of the most honourable parts of his system; and in it, as in other
+liberal measures, he was assisted by the course of preceding events. His
+administration, taken in connexion with that of Henry IV. and the
+queen-regent, presents the noble spectacle of a toleration far more
+complete than any which had then been seen in Catholic Europe. While in
+other Christian countries, men were being incessantly persecuted,
+simply because they held opinions different from those professed by the
+established clergy, France refused to follow the general example, and
+protected those heretics whom the church was eager to punish. Indeed,
+not only were they protected, but, when they possessed abilities, they
+were openly rewarded. In addition to their appointments to civil
+offices, many of them were advanced to high military posts; and Europe
+beheld, with astonishment, the armies of the king of France led by
+heretical generals. Rohan, Lesdiguieres, Chatillon, La Force, Bernard de
+Weimar, were among the most celebrated of the military leaders employed
+by Louis XIII.; and all of them were Protestants, as also were some
+younger, but distinguished officers, such as Gassion, Rantzau,
+Schomberg, and Turenne. For now, nothing was beyond the reach of men
+who, half a century earlier, would, on account of their heresies, have
+been persecuted to the death. Shortly before the accession of Louis
+XIII., Lesdiguieres, the ablest general among the French Protestants,
+was made marshal of France.[115] Fourteen years later, the same high
+dignity was conferred upon two other Protestants, Chatillon and La
+Force; the former of whom is said to have been the most influential of
+the schismatics.[116] Both these appointments were in 1622;[117] and, in
+1634, still greater scandal was caused by the elevation of Sully, who,
+notwithstanding his notorious heresy, also received the staff of marshal
+of France.[118] This was the work of Richelieu, and it gave serious
+offence to the friends of the church; but the great statesman paid so
+little attention to their clamour, that, after the civil war was
+concluded, he took another step equally obnoxious. The Duke de Rohan was
+the most active of all the enemies of the established church, and was
+looked up to by the Protestants as the main support of their party. He
+had taken up arms in their favour, and, declining to abandon his
+religion, had, by the fate of war, been driven from France. But
+Richelieu, who was acquainted with his ability, cared little about his
+opinions. He, therefore, recalled him from exile, employed him in a
+negotiation with Switzerland, and sent him on foreign service, as
+commander of one of the armies of the king of France.[119]
+
+  [115] According to a contemporary, he received this appointment without
+        having asked for it: 'sans etre a la cour ni l'avoir demande.'
+        _Mem. de Fontenay_, _Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 70. In 1622, even the
+        lieutenants of Lesdiguieres were Protestants: 'ses lieutenants,
+        qui estant tous huguenots.' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 538. These memoirs
+        are very valuable in regard to political and military matters;
+        their author having played a conspicuous part in the transactions
+        which he describes.
+
+  [116] 'Il n'y avoit personne dans le parti huguenot si considerable que
+        lui.' _Tallemant des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. v. p. 204.
+
+  [117] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xv. p. 247; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 400.
+
+        [118] Additions to _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. viii. p.
+        496; _Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in France_,
+        vol. iii. p. 204.
+
+  [119] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 57; _Mem. de Rohan_, vol. i.
+        pp. 66, 69; _Mem. de Bassompierre_, vol. iii. pp. 324, 348; _Mem.
+        de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 86; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_,
+        vol. vii. p. 157, vol. viii. p. 284. This great rise in the
+        fortunes of Rohan took place at different times between 1632 and
+        1635.
+
+Such were the tendencies which characterized this new state of things.
+It is hardly necessary to observe how beneficial this great change must
+have been; since by it men were encouraged to look to their country as
+the first consideration, and, discarding their old disputes, Catholic
+soldiers were taught to obey heretical generals, and follow their
+standards to victory. In addition to this, the mere social amalgamation,
+arising from the professors of different creeds mixing in the same camp,
+and fighting under the same banner, must have still further aided to
+disarm the mind, partly by merging theological feuds in a common, and
+yet a temporal, object, and partly by showing to each sect, that their
+religious opponents were not entirely bereft of human virtue; that they
+still retained some of the qualities of men; and that it was even
+possible to combine the errors of heresy with all the capabilities of a
+good and competent citizen.[120]
+
+  [120] Late in the sixteenth century, Duplessis Mornay had to state what
+        was then considered by the majority of men an incredible paradox,
+        'que ce n'estoit pas chose incompatible d'estre bon huguenot et
+        bon Francoys tout ensemble.' _Duplessis_, _Mem. et Correspond._
+        vol. i. p. 146. Compare p. 213, vol. ii. pp. 45, 46, 77, 677,
+        vol. vii. p. 294, vol. xi. pp. 31, 68; interesting passages for
+        the history of opinions in France.
+
+But, while the hateful animosities by which France had long been
+distracted, were, under the policy of Richelieu, gradually subsiding, it
+is singular to observe that, though the prejudices of the Catholics
+obviously diminished, those of the Protestants seemed, for a time, to
+retain all their activity. It is, indeed, a striking proof of the
+perversity and pertinacity of such feelings, that it was precisely in
+the country, and at the period, when the Protestants were best treated,
+that they displayed most turbulence. And in this, as in all such cases,
+the cause principally at work was the influence of that class to which
+circumstances, I will now explain, had secured a temporary ascendency.
+
+For, the diminution of the theological spirit had effected in the
+Protestants a remarkable but a very natural result. The increasing
+toleration of the French government had laid open to their leaders
+prizes which before they could never have obtained. As long as all
+offices were refused to the Protestant nobles, it was natural that they
+should cling with the greater zeal to their own party, by whom alone
+their virtues were acknowledged. But, when the principle was once
+recognised, that the state would reward men for their abilities, without
+regard to their religion, there was introduced into every sect a new
+element of discord. The leaders of the Reformers could not fail to feel
+some gratitude, or, at all events, some interest for the government
+which employed them; and the influence of temporal considerations being
+thus strengthened, the influence of religious ties must have been
+weakened. It is impossible that opposite feelings should be paramount,
+at the same moment, in the same mind. The further men extend their view,
+the less they care for each of the details of which the view is
+composed. Patriotism is a corrective of superstition; and the more we
+feel for our country, the less we feel for our sect. Thus it is, that
+in the progress of civilization, the scope of the intellect is widened;
+its horizon is enlarged; its sympathies are multiplied; and, as the
+range of its excursions is increased, the tenacity of its grasp is
+slackened, until, at length, it begins to perceive that the infinite
+variety of circumstances necessarily causes an infinite variety of
+opinions; that a creed, which is good and natural for one man, may be
+bad and unnatural for another; and that, so far from interfering with
+the march of religious convictions, we should be content to look into
+ourselves, search our own hearts, purge our own souls, soften the evil
+of our own passions, and extirpate that insolent and intolerant spirit,
+which is at once the cause and the effect of all theological
+controversy.
+
+It was in this direction, that a prodigious step was taken by the French
+in the first half of the seventeenth century. Unfortunately, however,
+the advantages which arose were accompanied by serious drawbacks. From
+the introduction of temporal considerations among the Protestant
+leaders, there occurred two results of considerable importance. The
+first result was, that many of the Protestants changed their religion.
+Before the Edict of Nantes, they had been constantly persecuted, and
+had, as constantly, increased.[121] But, under the tolerant policy of
+Henry IV. and Louis XIII., they continued to diminish.[122] Indeed, this
+was the natural consequence of the growth of that secular spirit which,
+in every country, has assuaged religious animosities. For, by the action
+of that spirit, the influence of social and political views began to
+outweigh those theological views to which the minds of men had long been
+confined. As these temporal ties increased in strength, there was, of
+course, generated among the rival factions an increased tendency to
+assimilate; while, as the Catholics were not only much more numerous,
+but in every respect, more influential, than their opponents, they
+reaped the benefit of this movement, and gradually drew over to their
+side many of their former enemies. That this absorption of the smaller
+sect into the larger, is due to the cause I have mentioned, is rendered
+still more evident by the interesting fact, that the change began among
+the heads of the party; and that it was not the inferior Protestants who
+first abandoned their leaders, but it was rather the leaders who
+deserted their followers. This was because the leaders, being more
+educated than the great body of the people, were more susceptible to the
+sceptical movement, and therefore set the example of an indifference to
+disputes which still engrossed the popular mind. As soon as this
+indifference had reached a certain point, the attractions offered by the
+conciliating policy of Louis XIII. became irresistible; and the
+Protestant nobles, in particular, being most exposed to political
+temptations, began to alienate themselves from their own party, in order
+to form an alliance with a court which showed itself ready to reward
+their merits.
+
+  [121] See _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. pp. 10, 14,
+        18; _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. iii. pp. 181, 242, 357, 358,
+        543, 558, vol. iv. p. 155; _Relat. des Ambassadeurs Venitiens_,
+        vol. i. pp. 412, 536, vol. ii. pp. 66, 74; _Ranke's Civil Wars in
+        France_, vol. i. pp. 279, 280, vol. ii. p. 94.
+
+  [122] Compare _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 173, with _Ranke_, _die
+        Roemischen Paepste_, vol. ii. pp. 477-479. In spite of the increase
+        of population, the Protestants diminished absolutely, as well as
+        relatively, to the Catholics. In 1598 they had 760 churches; in
+        1619 only 700. _Smedley's Hist. of the Reformed Religion in
+        France_, vol. iii. pp. 46, 145. De Thou, in the preface to his
+        History (vol. i. p. 320), observes, that the Protestants had
+        increased during the wars carried on against them, but
+        'diminuoient en nombre et en credit pendant la paix.'
+
+It is, of course, impossible to fix the exact period at which this
+important change took place.[123] But we may say with certainty, that
+very early in the reign of Louis XIII. many of the Protestant nobles
+cared nothing for their religion, while the remainder of them ceased to
+feel that interest in it which they had formerly expressed. Indeed, some
+of the most eminent of them openly abandoned their creed, and joined
+that very church which they had been taught to abhor as the man of sin,
+and the whore of Babylon. The Duke de Lesdiguieres, the greatest of all
+the Protestant generals,[124] became a Catholic, and, as a reward for
+his conversion, was made constable of France.[125] The Duke de la
+Tremouille adopted the same course;[126] as also did the Duke de la
+Meilleraye,[127] the Duke de Bouillon,[128] and a few years later the
+Marquis de Montausier.[129] These illustrious nobles were among the most
+powerful of the members of the Reformed communion; but they quitted it
+without compunction, sacrificing their old associations in favour of
+the opinions professed by the state. Among the other men of high rank,
+who still remained nominally connected with the French Protestants, we
+find a similar spirit. We find them lukewarm respecting matters, for
+which, if they had been born fifty years earlier, they would have laid
+down their lives. The Marechal de Bouillon, who professed himself to be
+a Protestant, was unwilling to change his religion; but he so comported
+himself as to show that he considered its interests as subordinate to
+political considerations.[130] A similar remark has been made by the
+French historians concerning the Duke de Sully and the Marquis de
+Chatillon, both of whom, though they were members of the Reformed
+church, displayed a marked indifference to those theological interests
+which had formerly been objects of supreme importance.[131] The result
+was, that when, in 1621, the Protestants began their civil war against
+the government, it was found that of all their great leaders, two only,
+Rohan and his brother Soubise, were prepared to risk their lives in
+support of their religion.[132]
+
+  [123] M. Ranke has noticed how the French Protestant nobles fell off
+        from their party; but he does not seem aware of the remote causes
+        of what he deems a sudden apostasy: 'In dem naemlichen Momente
+        trat nun auch die grosse Wendung der Dinge in Frankreich ein.
+        Fragen wir, woher im Jahr 1621 die Verluste des Protestantismus
+        hauptsaechlich kamen, so war es die Entzweiung derselben, der
+        Abfall des Adels.' _Ranke_, _die Paepste_, vol. ii. p. 476.
+        Compare a curious passage in _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 33, from which it appears that in 1611 the
+        French Protestants were breaking into three parties, one of which
+        consisted of 'les seigneurs d'eminente qualite.'
+
+  [124] 'Le plus illustre guerrier du parti protestant.' _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 505. In the contemporary
+        despatches of the Spanish ambassador, he is called 'l'un des
+        huguenots les plus marquans, homme d'un grand poids, et d'un
+        grand credit.' _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 60. His
+        principal influence was in Dauphine. _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit
+        de Nantes_, vol. i. p. 236.
+
+  [125] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 293; and a dry remark on his
+        'conversion' in _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 215, which may
+        be compared with _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xviii. p. 132, and
+        _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 195-197. Rohan
+        (_Mem._ vol. i. p. 228) plainly says, 'le duc de Lesdiguieres,
+        ayant harde sa religion pour la charge de connetable de France.'
+        See also p. 91, and _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 37.
+
+  [126] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 67; _Le Vassor_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. v. pp. 809, 810, 865.
+
+  [127] _Tallemant des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 43. La
+        Meilleraye was also a duke; and what is far more in his favour,
+        he was a friend of Descartes. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxviii. pp. 152,
+        153.
+
+  [128] Sismondi (_Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 27) says, 'il
+        abjura en 1637;' but according to Benoist (_Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. ii. p. 550) it was in 1635.
+
+  [129] _Tallemant des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. iii. p. 245. Des
+        Reaux, who saw these changes constantly happening, simply
+        observes, 'notre marquis, voyant que sa religion etoit un
+        obstacle a son dessein, en change.'
+
+  [130] 'Mettoit la politique avant la religion.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 264. This was Henry Bouillon, whom some
+        writers have confused with Frederick Bouillon. Both of them were
+        dukes; but Henry, who was the father, and who did not actually
+        change his religion, was the marshal. The following notices of
+        him will more than confirm the remark made by Sismondi; _Mem. de
+        Bassompierre_, vol. i. p. 455; _Smedley's Reformed Religion in
+        France_, vol. iii. p. 99; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p.
+        107; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 420, 467,
+        664, vol. iv. p. 519; _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 104, vol.
+        ii. p. 259; _Mem. de Duplessis Mornay_, vol. xi. p. 450, vol.
+        xii. pp. 79, 182, 263, 287, 345, 361, 412, 505.
+
+  [131] _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. i. pp. 121, 298,
+        vol. ii. pp. 5, 180, 267, 341; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i.
+        p. 267; _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 206.
+        Sully advised Henry IV., on mere political considerations, to
+        become a Catholic; and there were strong, but I believe unfounded
+        rumours, that he himself intended taking the same course. See
+        _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ii. p. 81, vol. vii. pp.
+        362, 363.
+
+  [132] 'There were, among all the leaders, but the Duke de Rohan and his
+        brother the Duke de Soubise, who showed themselves disposed to
+        throw their whole fortunes into the new wars of religion.'
+        _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 241. For this,
+        M. Felice, as usual, quotes no authority; but Rohan himself says:
+        'C'est ce qui s'est passe en cette seconde guerre (1626), ou
+        Rohan et Soubise ont eu pour contraires tous les grands de la
+        religion de France.' _Mem. de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 278. Rohan
+        claims great merit for his religious sincerity; though, from a
+        passage in _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 418, and
+        another in _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p.
+        173, one may be allowed to doubt if he were so single-minded as
+        is commonly supposed.
+
+Thus it was, that the first great consequence of the tolerating policy
+of the French government was to deprive the Protestants of the support
+of their former leaders, and, in several instances, even to turn their
+sympathies on the side of the Catholic church. But the other
+consequence, to which I have alluded, was one of far greater moment. The
+growing indifference of the higher classes of Protestants threw the
+management of their party into the hands of the clergy. The post, which
+was deserted by the secular leaders, was naturally seized by the
+spiritual leaders. And as, in every sect, the clergy, as a body, have
+always been remarkable for their intolerance of opinions different to
+their own, it followed, that this change infused into the now mutilated
+ranks of the Protestants an acrimony not inferior to that of the worst
+times of the sixteenth century.[133] Hence it was, that by a singular,
+but perfectly natural combination, the Protestants, who professed to
+take their stand on the right of private judgment, became, early in the
+seventeenth century, more intolerant than the Catholics, who based their
+religion on the dictates of an infallible church.
+
+  [133] Sismondi notices this remarkable change; though he places it a few
+        years earlier than the contemporary writers do: 'Depuis que les
+        grands seigneurs s'etoient eloignes deg eglises, c'etoient les
+        ministres qui etoient devenus les chefs, les representans et les
+        demagogues des huguenots; et ils apportoient dans leurs
+        deliberations cette aprete et cette inflexibilite theologiques
+        qui semblent caracteriser les pretres de toutes les religions, et
+        qui donnent a leurs haines une amertume plus offensante.'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 87. Compare p.
+        478. In 1621, 'Rohan lui-meme voyait continuellement ses
+        operations contrariees par le conseil-general des eglises.'
+        _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 88. In the same
+        year, M. Capefigue (_Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 271) says, 'Le parti
+        modere cessa d'avoir action sur le preche; la direction des
+        forces huguenotes, etait passee dans les mains des ardents,
+        conduits par les ministres.'
+
+This is one of the many instances which show how superficial is the
+opinion of those speculative writers, who believe that the Protestant
+religion is necessarily more liberal than the Catholic. If those who
+adopt this view had taken the pains to study the history of Europe in
+its original sources, they would have learned, that the liberality of
+every sect depends, not at all on its avowed tenets, but on the
+circumstances in which it is placed, and on the amount of authority
+possessed by its priesthood. The Protestant religion is, for the most
+part, more tolerant than the Catholic, simply because the events which
+have given rise to Protestantism have at the same time increased the
+play of the intellect, and therefore lessened the power of the clergy.
+But whoever has read the works of the great Calvinist divines, and above
+all, whoever has studied their history, must know, that in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, the desire of persecuting their opponents
+burnt as hotly among them, as it did among any of the Catholics even in
+the worst days of the papal dominion. This is a mere matter of fact, of
+which any one may satisfy himself, by consulting the original documents
+of those times. And even now, there is more superstition, more bigotry,
+and less of the charity of real religion, among the lower order of
+Scotch Protestants, than there is among the lower order of French
+Catholics. Yet for one intolerant passage in Protestant theology, it
+would be easy to point out twenty in Catholic theology. The truth,
+however, is, that the actions of men are governed, not by dogmas, and
+text-books, and rubrics, but by the opinions and habits of their
+contemporaries, by the general spirit of their age, and by the character
+of those classes who are in the ascendant. This seems to be the origin
+of that difference between religious theory and religious practice, of
+which theologians greatly complain as a stumbling-block and an evil.
+For, religious theories being preserved in books, in a doctrinal and
+dogmatic form, remain a perpetual witness, and, therefore cannot be
+changed without incurring the obvious charge of inconsistency, or of
+heresy. But the practical part of every religion, its moral, political,
+and social workings, embrace such an immense variety of interests, and
+have to do with such complicated and shifting agencies, that it is
+hopeless to fix them by formularies: they, even in the most rigid
+systems, are left, in a great measure, to private discretion; and, being
+almost entirely unwritten, they lack those precautions by which the
+permanence of dogmas is effectually secured.[134] Hence it is, that
+while the religious doctrines professed by a people in their national
+creed are no criterion of their civilization, their religious practice
+is, on the other hand, so pliant and so capable of adaptation to social
+wants, that it forms one of the best standards by which the spirit of
+any age can be measured.
+
+  [134] The church of Rome has always seen this, and on that account has
+        been, and still is, very pliant in regard to morals, and very
+        inflexible in regard to dogmas; a striking proof of the great
+        sagacity with which her affairs are administered. In _Blanco
+        White's Evidence against Catholicism_, p. 48, and in _Parr's
+        Works_, vol. vii. pp. 454, 455, there is an unfavourable and,
+        indeed, an unjust notice of this peculiarity, which, though
+        strongly marked in the Romish church, is by no means confined to
+        it, but is found in every religious sect which is regularly
+        organized. Locke, in his _Letters on Toleration_, observes, that
+        the clergy are naturally more eager against error than against
+        vice (_Works_, vol. v. pp. 6, 7, 241); and their preference of
+        dogmas to moral truths is also mentioned by M. C. Comte, _Traite
+        de Legislat._ vol. i. p. 245; and is alluded to by Kant in his
+        comparison of 'ein moralischer Katechismus' with a
+        'Religionskatechismus.' _Die Metaphysik der Sitten_ (_Ethische
+        Methodenlehre_), in _Kant's Werke_, vol. v. p. 321. Compare
+        _Temple's Observations upon the United Provinces_, in _Works of
+        Sir W. Temple_, vol. i. p. 154, with the strict adhesion to
+        formularies noticed in _Ward's Ideal Church_, p. 358; and
+        analogous cases in _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. i. pp. 399, 400,
+        and in _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iii. p. 87; also
+        _Combe's Notes on the United States_, vol. iii. pp. 256, 257.
+
+It is on account of these things, that we ought not to be surprised
+that, during many years, the French Protestants, who affected to appeal
+to the right of private judgment, were more intolerant of the exercise
+of that judgment by their adversaries than were the Catholics; although
+the Catholics, by recognising an infallible church, ought, in
+consistency, to be superstitious, and may be said to inherit intolerance
+as their natural birthright.[135] Thus, while the Catholics were
+theoretically more bigoted than the Protestants, the Protestants became
+practically more bigoted than the Catholics. The Protestants continued
+to insist upon that right of private judgment in religion, which the
+Catholics continued to deny. Yet, such was the force of circumstances,
+that each sect, in its practice, contradicted its own dogma, and acted
+as if it had embraced the dogma of its opponents. The cause of this
+change was very simple. Among the French, the theological spirit, as we
+have already seen, was decaying; and the decline of the influence of the
+clergy was, as invariably happens, accompanied by an increase of
+toleration. But, among the French Protestants, this partial diminution
+of the theological spirit had produced different consequences; because
+it had brought about a change of leaders, which threw the command into
+the hands of the clergy, and, by increasing their power, provoked a
+reaction, and revived those very feelings to the decay of which the
+reaction owed its origin. This seems to explain how it is, that a
+religion, which is not protected by the government, usually displays
+greater energy and greater vitality than one which is so protected. In
+the progress of society, the theological spirit first declines among the
+most educated classes; and then it is that the government can step in,
+as it does in England, and, controlling the clergy, make the church a
+creature of the state; thus weakening the ecclesiastical element by
+tempering it with secular considerations. But, when the state refuses to
+do this, the reins of power, as they fall from the hands of the upper
+classes, are seized by the clergy, and there arises a state of things
+of which the French Protestants in the seventeenth century, and the
+Irish Catholics in our own time, form the best illustration. In such
+cases, it will always happen, that the religion which is tolerated by
+the government, though not fully recognised by it, will the longest
+retain its vitality; because its priesthood, neglected by the state,
+must cling closer to the people, in whom alone is the source of their
+power.[136] On the other hand, in a religion which is favoured and
+richly endowed by the state, the union between the priesthood and
+inferior laity will be less intimate; the clergy will look to the
+government as well as to the people; and the interference of political
+views, of considerations of temporal expediency, and, if it may be added
+without irreverence, the hopes of promotion will secularize the
+ecclesiastical spirit,[137] and, according to the process I have already
+traced, will thus hasten the march of toleration.
+
+  [135] Blanco White (_Evidence against Catholicism_, p. vi.) harshly
+        says, '_sincere_ Roman Catholics cannot conscientiously be
+        tolerant.' But he is certainly mistaken; for the question is one,
+        not of sincerity, but of consistency. A sincere Roman Catholic
+        may be, and often is, conscientiously tolerant; a consistent
+        Roman Catholic, never.
+
+  [136] We also see this very clearly in England, where the dissenting
+        clergy have much more influence among their hearers than the
+        clergy of the Establishment have among theirs. This has often
+        been noticed by impartial observers, and we are now possessed of
+        statistical proof that 'the great body of Protestant dissenters
+        are more assiduous' in attending religious worship than churchmen
+        are. See a valuable essay by Mr. Mann _On the Statistical
+        Position of Religious Bodies in England and Wales_, in _Journal
+        of Statist. Soc._ vol. xviii. p. 152.
+
+  [137] Respecting the working of this in England, there are some shrewd
+        remarks made by Le Blanc in his _Lettres d'un Francois_, vol. i.
+        pp. 267, 268; which may be compared with _Lord Holland's Mem. of
+        the Whig Party_, vol. ii. p. 253, where it is suggested, that in
+        the case of complete emancipation of the Catholics, 'eligibility
+        to worldly honours and profits would somewhat abate the fever of
+        religious zeal.' On this, there are observations worth attending
+        to in _Lord Cloncurry's Recollections_, Dublin, 1849, pp. 342,
+        343.
+
+These generalizations, which account for a great part of the present
+superstition of the Irish Catholics, will also account for the former
+superstition of the French Protestants. In both cases, the government
+disdaining the supervision of an heretical religion, allowed supreme
+authority to fall into the hands of the priesthood, who stimulated the
+bigotry of men, and encouraged them in a hatred of their opponents.
+What the results of this are in Ireland, is best known to those of our
+statesmen, who, with unusual candour, have declared Ireland to be their
+greatest difficulty. What the results were in France, we will now
+endeavour to ascertain.
+
+The conciliating spirit of the French government having drawn over to
+its side some of the most eminent of the French Protestants, and having
+disarmed the hostility of others, the leadership of the party fell, as
+we have already seen, into the hands of those inferior men, who
+displayed in their new position the intolerance characteristic of their
+order. Without pretending to write a history of the odious feuds that
+now arose, I will lay before the reader some evidence of their
+increasing bitterness; and I will point out a few of the steps by which
+the angry feelings of religious controversy became so inflamed, that at
+length they kindled a civil war, which nothing but the improved temper
+of the Catholics prevented from being as sanguinary as were the horrible
+struggles of the sixteenth century. For, when the French Protestants
+became governed by men whose professional habits made them consider
+heresy to be the greatest of crimes, there naturally sprung up a
+missionary and proselytizing spirit, which induced them to interfere
+with the religion of the Catholics, and, under the old pretence of
+turning them from the error of their ways, revived those animosities
+which the progress of knowledge tended to appease. And as, under such
+guidance, these feelings quickly increased, the Protestants soon learned
+to despise that great Edict of Nantes, by which their liberties were
+secured; and they embarked in a dangerous contest, in which their object
+was, not to protect their own religion, but to weaken the religion of
+that very party to whom they owed a toleration, which had been
+reluctantly conceded by the prejudices of the age.
+
+It was stipulated, in the Edict of Nantes, that the Protestants should
+enjoy the full exercise of their religion; and this right they continued
+to possess until the reign of Louis XIV. To this there were added
+several other privileges, such as no Catholic Government, except that
+of France, would then have granted to its heretical subjects. But these
+things did not satisfy the desires of the Protestant clergy. They were
+not content to exercise their own religion, unless they could also
+trouble the religion of others. Their first step was, to call upon the
+government to limit the performance of those rites which the French
+Catholics had long revered as emblems of the national faith. For this
+purpose, directly after the death of Henry IV. they held a great
+assembly at Saumur, in which they formally demanded that no Catholic
+processions should be allowed in any town, place, or castle occupied by
+the Protestants.[138] As the government did not seem inclined to
+countenance this monstrous pretension, these intolerant sectaries took
+the law into their own hands. They not only attacked the Catholic
+processions wherever they met them, but they subjected the priests to
+personal insults, and even endeavoured to prevent them from
+administering the sacrament to the sick. If a Catholic clergyman was
+engaged in burying the dead, the Protestants were sure to be present,
+interrupting the funeral, turning the ceremonies into ridicule, and
+attempting, by their clamour, to deaden the voice of the minister, so
+that the service performed in the church should not be heard.[139] Nor
+did they always confine themselves even to such demonstrations as these.
+For, certain towns having been, perhaps imprudently, placed under their
+control, they exercised their authority in them with the most wanton
+insolence. At La Rochelle, which for importance was the second city in
+the kingdom, they would not permit the Catholics to have even a single
+church in which to celebrate what for centuries had been the sole
+religion of France, and was still the religion of an enormous majority
+of Frenchmen.[140] This, however, only formed part of a system, by which
+the Protestant clergy hoped to trample on the rights of their
+fellow-subjects. In 1619, they ordered in their general assembly at
+Loudun, that in none of the Protestant towns should there be a sermon
+preached by a Jesuit, or indeed by any ecclesiastical person
+commissioned by a bishop.[141] In another assembly, they forbade any
+Protestant even to be present at a baptism, or at a marriage, or at a
+funeral, if the ceremony was performed by a Catholic priest.[142] And,
+as if to cut off all hope of reconciliation, they not only vehemently
+opposed those intermarriages between the two parties, by which, in every
+Christian country, religious animosities have been softened, but they
+publicly declared, that they would withhold the sacrament from any
+parents whose children were married into a Catholic family.[143] Not,
+however, to accumulate unnecessary evidence, there is one other
+circumstance worth relating, as a proof of the spirit with which these
+and similar regulations were enforced. When Louis XIII., in 1620,
+visited Pau, he was not only treated with indignity, as being an
+heretical prince, but he found that the Protestants had not left him a
+single church, not one place, in which the king of France, in his own
+territory, could perform those devotions which he believed necessary
+for his future salvation.[144]
+
+  [138] 'Les processions catholiques seraient interdites dans toutes les
+        places, villes et chateaux occupes par ceux de la religion.'
+        _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 39.
+
+  [139] Of these facts we have the most unequivocal proof; for they were
+        not only stated by the Catholics in 1623, but they are recorded,
+        without being denied, by the Protestant historian Benoist: 'On y
+        accusoit les Reformez d'injurier les pretres, quand ils les
+        voyoient passer; d'empecher les processions des Catholiques;
+        l'administration des sacremens aux malades; l'enterrement des
+        morts avec les ceremonies accoutumees; ... que les Reformez
+        s'etoient emparez des cloches en quelques lieux, et en d'autres
+        se serroient de celles des Catholiques pour avertir de l'heure du
+        preche; qu'ils affectoient de faire du bruit autour des eglises
+        pendant le service; qu'ils tournoient en derision les ceremonies
+        de l'eglise romaine.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 433, 434; see also pp. 149, 150.
+
+  [140] 'On pouvait dire que La Rochelle etait la capitale, le saint
+        temple du calvinisme; car on ne voyait la aucune eglise, aucune
+        ceremonie papiste.' _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 342.
+
+  [141] _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 100. For other and similar
+        evidence, see _Duplessis Mornay_, _Memoires_, vol. xi. p. 244;
+        _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. vii. p. 164; _Benoist_,
+        _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 70, 233, 279.
+
+  [142] _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. ii. p. 196.
+
+  [143] For a striking instance of the actual enforcement of this
+        intolerant regulation, see _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_,
+        vol. ii. p. 344.
+
+  [144] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 124; _Mem. de
+        Richelieu_, vol. ii. pp. 109, 110; _Felice's Hist. of the
+        Protestants of France_, p. 238.
+
+This was the way in which the French Protestants, influenced by their
+new leaders, treated the first Catholic government which abstained from
+persecuting them; the first which not only allowed them the free
+exercise of their religion, but even advanced many of them to offices of
+trust and of honour.[145] All this, however, was only of a piece with
+the rest of their conduct. They, who in numbers and in intellect formed
+a miserable minority of the French nation, claimed a power which the
+majority had abandoned, and refused to concede to others the toleration
+they themselves enjoyed. Several persons, who had joined their party,
+now quitted it, and returned to the Catholic church; but for exercising
+this undoubted right, they were insulted by the Protestant clergy in the
+grossest manner, with every term of opprobrium and abuse.[146] For those
+who resisted their authority, no treatment was considered too severe. In
+1612, Ferrier, a man of some reputation in his own day, having disobeyed
+their injunctions, was ordered to appear before one of their synods. The
+gist of his offence was, that he had spoken contemptuously of
+ecclesiastical assemblies; and to this there were, of course, added
+those accusations against his moral conduct, with which theologians
+often attempt to blacken the character of their opponents.[147] Readers
+of ecclesiastical history are too familiar with such charges to attach
+any importance to them; but as, in this case, the accused was tried by
+men who were at once his prosecutors, his enemies, and his judges, the
+result was easy to anticipate. In 1613 Ferrier was excommunicated, and
+the excommunication was publicly proclaimed in the church of Nimes. In
+this sentence, which is still extant, he is declared by the clergy to be
+'a scandalous man, a person incorrigible, impenitent and ungovernable.'
+We, therefore, they add, 'in the name and power of our Lord Jesus
+Christ, by the conduct of the Holy Ghost, and with authority from the
+church, have cast, and do now cast and throw him out of the society of
+the faithful, that he may be delivered up unto Satan.'[148]
+
+  [145] In 1625, Howell writes that the Protestants had put up an
+        inscription on the gates of Montauban, 'Roy sans foy, ville sans
+        peur.' _Howell's Letters_, p. 178.
+
+  [146] Sometimes they were called dogs returning to the vomit of popery;
+        sometimes they were swine wallowing in the mire of idolatry.
+        _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. i. pp. 385, 398.
+
+  [147] It is observable, that on the first occasion (_Quick's Synodicon_,
+        vol. i. p. 362) nothing is said of Ferrier's immorality; and on
+        the next occasion (p. 449) the synod complains, among other
+        things, that 'he hath most licentiously inveighed against, and
+        satirically lampooned, the ecclesiastical assemblies.'
+
+  [148] See this frightful and impious document, in _Quick's Synodicon_,
+        vol. i. pp. 448, 450.
+
+That he may be delivered up unto Satan! This was the penalty which a
+handful of clergymen, in a corner of France, thought they could inflict
+on a man who dared to despise their authority. In our time such an
+anathema would only excite derision;[149] but, early in the seventeenth
+century, the open promulgation of it was enough to ruin any private
+person against whom it might be directed. And they whose studies have
+enabled them to take the measure of the ecclesiastical spirit will
+easily believe that, in that age, the threat did not remain a dead
+letter. The people, inflamed by their clergy, rose against Ferrier,
+attacked his family, destroyed his property, sacked and gutted his
+houses, and demanded with loud cries, that the 'traitor Judas' should be
+given up to them. The unhappy man, with the greatest difficulty,
+effected his escape; but though he saved his life by flying in the dead
+of the night, he was obliged to abandon for ever his native town, as he
+dared not return to a place where he had provoked so active and so
+implacable a party.[150]
+
+  [149] The notion of theologians respecting excommunication may be seen
+        in Mr. Palmer's entertaining book, _Treatise on the Church_, vol.
+        i. pp. 64, 67, vol. ii. pp. 299, 300; but the opinions of this
+        engaging writer should be contrasted with the indignant language
+        of Vattel, _Le Droit des Gens_, vol. i. pp. 177, 178. In England,
+        the terrors of excommunication fell into contempt towards the end
+        of the seventeenth century. See _Life of Archbishop Sharpe_,
+        edited by Newcome, vol. i. p. 216: compare p. 363; and see the
+        mournful remarks of Dr. Mosheim, in his _Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii.
+        p. 79; and _Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs_, pp. 175, 176.
+
+  [150] On the treatment of Ferrier, which excited great attention as
+        indicating the extreme lengths to which the Protestants were
+        prepared to go, see _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 177; _Mem. de
+        Pontchartrain_, vol. ii. pp. 5, 6, 12, 29, 32; _Mem. de Duplessis
+        Mornay_, vol. xii. pp. 317, 333, 341, 350, 389, 399, 430;
+        _Felice's Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 235; _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 440; _Tallemant des Reaux_, _Historiettes_,
+        vol. v. pp. 48-54. Mr. Smedley, who refers to none of these
+        authorities, except two passages in Duplessis, has given a
+        garbled account of this riot. See his _History of the Reformed
+        Religion in France_, vol. iii. pp. 119, 120.
+
+Into other matters, and even into those connected with the ordinary
+functions of government, the Protestants carried the same spirit.
+Although they formed so small a section of the people, they attempted to
+control the administration of the crown, and, by the use of threats,
+turn all its acts to their own favour. They would not allow the state to
+determine what ecclesiastical councils it should recognize; they would
+not even permit the king to choose his own wife. In 1615, without the
+least pretence of complaint, they assembled in large numbers at Grenoble
+and at Nimes.[151] The deputies of Grenoble insisted that government
+should refuse to acknowledge the Council of Trent;[152] and both
+assemblies ordered that the Protestants should prevent the marriage of
+Louis XIII. with a Spanish princess.[153] They laid similar claims to
+interfere with the disposal of civil and military offices. Shortly after
+the death of Henry IV., they, in an assembly at Saumur, insisted that
+Sully should be restored to some posts from which, in their opinion, he
+had been unjustly removed.[154] In 1619, another of their assemblies at
+London declared, that as one of the Protestant councillors of the
+Parliament of Paris had become a Catholic, he must be dismissed; and
+they demanded that, for the same reason, the government of Lectoure
+should be taken from Fontrailles, he also having adopted the not
+infrequent example of abandoning his sect in order to adopt a creed
+sanctioned by the state.[155]
+
+  [151] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 123.
+
+  [152] _Capefigue_, vol. i. p. 123; _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_,
+        vol. i. p. 364; _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii.
+        p. 183; _Mem. de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 130.
+
+  [153] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 124; _Mem. de Pontchartrain_,
+        vol. ii. p. 100; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp.
+        333, 334. The consequence was, that the king was obliged to send
+        a powerful escort to protect his bride against his Protestant
+        subjects. _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 274.
+
+  [154] _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 38; _Benoist_, _Hist. de
+        l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29, 63.
+
+  [155] _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 450; _Mem. de
+        Bassompierre_, vol. ii. p. 161. See a similar instance, in the
+        case of Berger, in _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol.
+        ii. p. 136, whom the Protestants sought to deprive because 'il
+        avoit quitte leur religion.'
+
+By way of aiding all this, and with the view of exasperating still
+further religious animosities, the principal Protestant clergy put forth
+a series of works, which, for bitterness of feeling, have hardly ever
+been equalled, and which it would certainly be impossible to surpass.
+The intense hatred with which they regarded their Catholic countrymen
+can only be fully estimated by those who have looked into the pamphlets
+written by the French Protestants during the first half of the
+seventeenth century, or who have read the laboured and formal treatises
+of such men as Chamier, Drelincourt, Moulin, Thomson, and Vignier.
+Without, however, pausing on these, it will perhaps be thought
+sufficient if, for the sake of brevity, I follow the mere outline of
+political events. Great numbers of the Protestants had joined in the
+rebellion which, in 1615, was raised by Conde;[156] and, although they
+were then easily defeated, they seemed bent on trying the issue of a
+fresh struggle. In Bearn, where they were unusually numerous,[157] they,
+even during the reign of Henry IV., had refused to tolerate the Catholic
+religion; 'their fanatical clergy,' says the historian of France,
+'declaring that it would be a crime to permit the idolatry of the
+mass.'[158] This charitable maxim they for many years actively enforced,
+seizing the property of the Catholic clergy, and employing it in support
+of their own churches;[159] so that, while in one part of the dominions
+of the king of France the Protestants were allowed to exercise their
+religion, they, in another part of his dominions, prevented the
+Catholics from exercising theirs. It was hardly to be expected that any
+government would suffer such an anomaly as this; and, in 1618, it was
+ordered that the Protestants should restore the plunder, and reinstate
+the Catholics in their former possessions. But the reformed clergy,
+alarmed at so sacrilegious a proposal, appointed a public fast, and
+inspiriting the people to resistance, forced the royal commissioner to
+fly from Pau, where he had arrived in the hope of effecting a peaceful
+adjustment of the claims of the rival parties.[160]
+
+  [156] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. i. p. 381. Sismondi (_Hist.
+        des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 349) says that they had no good
+        reason for this; and it is certain that their privileges, so far
+        from being diminished since the Edict of Nantes, had been
+        confirmed and extended.
+
+  [157] M. Felice (_Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 237) says of
+        Lower Navarre and Bearn, in 1617: 'Three-fourths of the
+        population, some say nine-tenths, belonged to the reformed
+        communion.' This is perhaps overestimated; but we know, from De
+        Thou, that they formed a majority in Bearn in 1566: 'Les
+        Protestans y fussent en plus grand nombre que les Catholiques.'
+        _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. v. p. 187.
+
+  [158] 'Les ministres fanatiques declaroient qu'ils ne pouvaient sans
+        crime souffrir dans ce pays regenere l'idolatrie de la messe.'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 415.
+
+  [159] _Notice sur les Memoires de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 26. Compare the
+        account given by Pontchartrain, who was one of the ministers of
+        Louis XIII. _Mem. de Pontchartrain_, vol. ii. pp. 248, 264; and
+        see _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 443.
+
+  [160] _Bazin_, _Hist. de France sous Louis XIII_, vol. ii. pp. 62-64.
+        The pith of the question was, that 'l'edit de Nantes ayant donne
+        pouvoir, tant aux catholiques qu'aux huguenots, de rentrer
+        partout dans leurs biens, les ecclesiastiques de Bearn
+        demanderent aussytot les leurs.' _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol.
+        i. p. 392.
+
+The rebellion thus raised by the zeal of the Protestants, was soon put
+down; but, according to the confession of Rohan, one of the ablest of
+their leaders, it was the beginning of all their misfortunes.[161] The
+sword had now been drawn; and the only question to be decided was,
+whether France should be governed according to the principles of
+toleration recently established, or according to the maxims of a
+despotic sect, which, while professing to advocate the right of private
+judgment, was acting in a way that rendered all private judgment
+impossible.
+
+  [161] 'L'affaire de Bearn, source de tous nos maux.' _Mem. de Rohan_,
+        vol. i. p. 156; see also p. 183. And the Protestant Le Vassor
+        says (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iii. p. 634): 'L'affaire du
+        Bearn et l'assemblee qui se convoqua ensuite a la Rochelle, sont
+        la source veritable des malheurs des eglises reformees de France
+        sous le regne dont j'ecris l'histoire.'
+
+Scarcely was the war in Bearn brought to an end, when the Protestants
+determined on making a great effort in the west of France.[162] The seat
+of this new struggle was Rochelle, which was one of the strongest
+fortresses in Europe, and was entirely in the hands of the
+Protestants,[163] who had grown wealthy, partly by their own industry
+and partly by following the occupation of public pirates.[164] In this
+city, which they believed to be impregnable,[165] they, in December,
+1620, held a Great Assembly, to which their spiritual chiefs flocked
+from all parts of France. It was soon evident that their party was now
+governed by men who were bent on the most violent measures. Their great
+secular leaders were, as we have already seen, gradually falling off;
+and, by this time, there only remained two of much ability, Rohan and
+Mornay, both of whom saw the inexpediency of their proceedings, and
+desired that the assembly should peaceably separate.[166] But the
+authority of the clergy was irresistible; and, by their prayers and
+exhortations, they easily gained over the ordinary citizens, who were
+then a gross and uneducated body.[167] Under their influence, the
+Assembly adopted a course which rendered civil war inevitable. Their
+first act was an edict, by which they at once confiscated all the
+property belonging to Catholic churches.[168] They then caused a great
+seal to be struck; under the authority of which they ordered that the
+people should be armed, and taxes collected from them for the purpose of
+defending their religion.[169] Finally, they drew up the regulations,
+and organized the establishment of what they called the Reformed
+Churches of France and of Bearn; and, with a view to facilitate the
+exercise of their spiritual jurisdiction, they parcelled out France into
+eight circles, to each of which there was allotted a separate general,
+who, however, was to be accompanied by a clergyman, since the
+administration, in all its parts, was held responsible to that
+ecclesiastical assembly which called it into existence.[170]
+
+  [162] On the connexion between the proceedings of Bearn and those of
+        Rochelle, compare _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 33, with _Mem.
+        de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 113, and _Mem. de Rohan_, vol. i. p.
+        446.
+
+  [163] Their first church was established in 1556 (_Ranke's Civil Wars in
+        France_, vol. i. p. 360); but, by the reign of Charles IX. the
+        majority of the inhabitants were Protestants. See _De Thou_,
+        _Hist. Univ._ vol. iv. p. 263, vol. v. p. 379, ad. ann. 1562 and
+        1567.
+
+  [164] Or, as M. Capefigue courteously puts it, 'les Rochelois ne
+        respectaient pas toujours les pavillons amis.' _Capefigue's
+        Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 332. A delicate circumlocution, unknown to
+        Mezeray who says (_Hist. de France_, vol. iii. p. 426) in 1587:
+        'et les Rochelois, qui par le moyen du commerce et de la
+        _piraterie_,' &c.
+
+  [165] 'Ceste place, que les huguenots tenoient quasy pour imprenable.'
+        _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 512. 'Cette orgueilleuse
+        cite, qui se croyoit imprenable.' _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. p.
+        45. Howell, who visited Rochelle in 1620 and 1622, was greatly
+        struck by its strength. _Howell's Letters_, pp. 46, 47, 108. At
+        p. 204, he calls it, in his barbarous style, 'the chiefest
+        propugnacle of the Protestants there.' For a description of the
+        defences of Rochelle, see _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. vi. pp.
+        615-617; and some details worth consulting in _Mezeray_, _Hist.
+        de France_, vol. ii. pp. 977-980.
+
+  [166] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 139; _Sismondi, Hist.
+        des Francais_, vol. xxii. pp. 480, 481. Rohan himself says
+        (_Mem._ vol. i. p. 446): 'je m'efforcai de la separer.' In a
+        remarkable letter, which Mornay wrote ten years before this, he
+        shows his apprehensions of the evil that would result from the
+        increasing violence of his party; and he advises, 'que nostre
+        zele soit tempere de prudence.' _Mem. et Correspond._ vol. xi. p.
+        122; and as to the divisions this caused among the Protestants,
+        see pp. 154, 510, vol. xii. pp. 82, 255; and _Sully_,
+        _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ix. pp. 350, 435.
+
+  [167] 'Les seigneurs du parti, et surtout le sage Duplessis Mornay,
+        firent ce qu'ils purent pour engager les reformes a ne pas
+        provoquer l'autorite royale pour des causes qui ne pouvoient
+        justifier une guerre civile; mais le pouvoir dans le parti avoit
+        passe presque absolument aux bourgeois des villes et aux
+        ministres qui se livroient aveuglement a leur fanatisme, et a
+        leur orgueil, et qui etoient d'autant plus applaudis qu'ils
+        montroient plus de violence.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_,
+        vol. xxii. p. 478.
+
+  [168] 'On confisqua les biens des eglises catholiques.' _Lavallee des
+        Francais_, vol. iii. p. 85: and see _Capefigue's Richelieu_,
+        vol. i. p. 258.
+
+  [169] 'Ils donnent des commissions d'armer et de faire des impositions
+        sur le peuple, et ce sous leur grand sceau, qui etoit une
+        Religion appuyee sur une croix, ayant en la main un livre de
+        l'evangile, foulant aux pieds un vieux squelette, qu'ils disoient
+        etre l'eglise romaine.' _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. p. 120. M.
+        Capefigue (_Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 259) says that this seal still
+        exists; but it is not even alluded to by a late writer (_Felice_,
+        _Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 240), who systematically
+        suppresses every fact unfavourable to his own party.
+
+  [170] _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iv. p. 157; _Bazin_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 145; _Benoist_, _Hist. de
+        l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 353-355; _Capefigue's Richelieu_,
+        vol. i. p. 258.
+
+Such were the forms and pomp of authority assumed by the spiritual
+leaders of the French Protestants; men by nature destined to obscurity,
+and whose abilities were so despicable, that, notwithstanding their
+temporary importance, they have left no name in history. These
+insignificant priests, who, at the best, were only fit to mount the
+pulpit of a country village, now arrogated to themselves the right of
+ordering the affairs of France, imposing taxes upon Frenchmen,
+confiscating property, raising troops, levying war; and all this for the
+sake of propagating a creed, which was scouted by the country at large
+as a foul and mischievous heresy.
+
+In the face of these inordinate pretensions, it was evident that the
+French government had no choice, except to abdicate its functions, or
+else take arms in its own defence.[171] Whatever may be the popular
+notion respecting the necessary intolerance of the Catholics, it is an
+indisputable fact, that, early in the seventeenth century, they
+displayed in France a spirit of forbearance, and a Christian charity, to
+which the Protestants could make no pretence. During the twenty-two
+years which elapsed between the Edict of Nantes and the Assembly of
+Rochelle, the government, notwithstanding repeated provocations, never
+attacked the Protestants;[172] nor did they make any attempt to destroy
+the privileges of a sect, which they were bound to consider heretical,
+and the extirpation of which had been deemed by their fathers to be one
+of the first duties of a Christian statesman.
+
+  [171] Even Mosheim, who, as a Protestant, was naturally prejudiced in
+        favour of the Huguenots, says, that they had established
+        'imperium in imperio;' and he ascribes to the violence of their
+        rulers the war of 1621. _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 237, 238.
+
+  [172] Compare _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 88, with
+        _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. ii. p. 351.
+
+The war that now broke out lasted seven years, and was uninterrupted,
+except by the short peace, first of Montpelier, and afterwards of
+Rochelle; neither of which, however, was very strictly preserved. But
+the difference in the views and intentions of the two parties
+corresponded to the difference between the classes which governed them.
+The Protestants, being influenced mainly by the clergy, made their
+object religious domination. The Catholics being led by statesmen, aimed
+at temporal advantages. Thus it was, that circumstances had in France so
+completely obliterated the original tendency of these two great sects,
+that, by a singular metamorphosis, the secular principle was now
+represented by the Catholics, and the theological principle by the
+Protestants. The authority of the clergy, and therefore the interests of
+superstition, were upheld by that very party which owed its origin to
+the diminution of both; they were, on the other hand, attacked by a
+party whose success had hitherto depended on the increase of both. If
+the Catholics triumphed, the ecclesiastical power would be weakened; if
+the Protestants triumphed, it would be strengthened. Of this fact, so
+far as the Protestants are concerned, I have just given ample proof,
+collected from their proceedings, and from the language of their own
+synods. And that the opposite, or secular principle, predominated among
+the Catholics, is evident, not only from their undeviating policy in the
+reigns of Henry IV. and Louis XIII., but also from another circumstance
+worthy of note. For, their motives were so obvious, and gave such
+scandal to the church, that the pope, as the great protector of
+religion, thought himself bound to reprehend that disregard of
+theological interests which they displayed, and which he considered to
+be a crying and unpardonable offence. In 1622, only one year after the
+struggle between the Protestants and Catholics had begun, he strongly
+remonstrated with the French government upon the notorious indecency of
+which they were guilty, in carrying on war against heretics, not for the
+purpose of suppressing the heresy, but merely with a view of procuring
+for the state those temporal advantages which, in the opinion of all
+pious men, ought to be regarded as of subordinate importance.[173]
+
+  [173] See the paper of instructions from Pope Gregory XV. in the
+        appendix to _Ranke_, _die Roem. Paepste_, vol. iii. pp. 173, 174:
+        'Die Hauptsache aber ist was er dem Koenige von Frankreich
+        vorstellen soll: 1, dass er ja nicht den Verdacht auf sich laden
+        werde als verfolge er die Protestanten bloss aus
+        Staatsinteresse.' Bazin (_Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 320)
+        says, that Richelieu attacked the Huguenots 'sans aucune idee de
+        persecution religieuse.' See, to the same effect, _Capefigue's
+        Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 274; and the candid admissions of the
+        Protestant Le Vassor, in his _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. v.
+        p. 11.
+
+If, at this juncture, the Protestants had carried the day, the loss to
+France would have been immense, perhaps irreparable. For no one, who is
+acquainted with the temper and character of the French Calvinists, can
+doubt, that if they had obtained possession of the government, they
+would have revived those religious persecutions which, so far as their
+power extended, they had already attempted to enforce. Not only in their
+writings, but even in the edicts of their assemblies, we find ample
+proof of that meddling and intolerant spirit which, in every age, has
+characterized ecclesiastical legislation. Indeed, such a spirit is the
+legitimate consequence of the fundamental assumption from which
+theological lawgivers usually start. The clergy are taught to consider
+that their paramount duty is to preserve the purity of the faith, and
+guard it against the invasions of heresy. Whenever, therefore, they rise
+to power, it almost invariably happens, that they carry into politics
+the habits they have contracted in their profession; and having long
+been accustomed to consider religious error as criminal, they now
+naturally attempt to make it penal. And as all the European countries
+have, in the period of their ignorance, been once ruled by the clergy,
+just so do we find in the law-books of every land those traces of their
+power which the progress of knowledge is gradually effacing. We find the
+professors of the dominant creed enacting laws against the professors of
+other creeds: laws sometimes to burn them, sometimes to exile them,
+sometimes to take away their civil rights, sometimes only to take away
+their political rights. These are the different gradations through which
+persecution passes; and by observing which, we may measure, in any
+country, the energy of the ecclesiastical spirit. At the same time, the
+theory by which such measures are supported generally gives rise to
+other measures of a somewhat different, though of an analogous
+character. For, by extending the authority of law to opinions as well as
+to acts, the basis of legislation becomes dangerously enlarged; the
+individuality and independence of each man are invaded; and
+encouragement is given to the enactment of intrusive and vexatious
+regulations, which are supposed to perform for morals the service that
+the other class of laws performs for religion. Under pretence of
+favouring the practice of virtue, and maintaining the purity of society,
+men are troubled in their most ordinary pursuits, in the commonest
+occurrences of life, in their amusements, nay, even in the very dress
+they may be inclined to wear. That this is what has actually been done,
+must be known to whoever has looked into the writings of the fathers,
+into the canons of Christian councils, into the different systems of
+ecclesiastical law, or into the sermons of the earlier clergy. Indeed,
+all this is so natural, that regulations, conceived in the same spirit,
+were drawn up for the government of Geneva by the Calvinist clergy, and
+for the government of England by Archbishop Cranmer and his coadjutors;
+while a tendency, precisely identical, may be observed in the
+legislation of the Puritans, and to give a still later instance, in that
+of the Methodists. It is, therefore, not surprising that, in France, the
+Protestant clergy, having great power among their own party, should
+enforce a similar discipline. Thus, to mention only a few examples,
+they forbade any one to go to a theatre, or even to witness the
+performance of private theatricals.[174] They looked upon dancing as an
+ungodly amusement, and, therefore, they not only strictly prohibited it,
+but they ordered that all dancing-masters should be admonished
+by the spiritual power, and desired to abandon so unchristian a
+profession. If, however, the admonition failed in effecting its
+purpose, the dancing-masters, thus remaining obdurate, were to be
+excommunicated.[175] With the same pious care did the clergy superintend
+other matters equally important. In one of their synods, they ordered
+that all persons should abstain from wearing gay apparel, and should
+arrange their hair with becoming modesty.[176] In another synod, they
+forbade women to paint; and they declared that if, after this
+injunction, any woman persisted in painting, she should not be allowed
+to receive the sacrament.[177] To their own clergy, as the instructors
+and shepherds of the flock, there was paid an attention still more
+scrupulous. The ministers of the Word were permitted to teach Hebrew,
+because Hebrew is a sacred dialect, uncontaminated by profane writers.
+But the Greek language, which contains all the philosophy and nearly all
+the wisdom of antiquity, was to be discouraged, its study laid aside,
+its professorship suppressed.[178] And, in order that the mind might not
+be distracted from spiritual things, the study of chemistry was likewise
+forbidden; such a mere earthly pursuit being incompatible with the
+habits of the sacred profession.[179] Lest, however, in spite of these
+precautions, knowledge should still creep in among the Protestants,
+other measures were taken to prevent even its earliest approach. The
+clergy, entirely forgetting that right of private judgment upon which
+their sect was founded, became so anxious to protect the unwary from
+error, that they forbade any person to print or publish a work without
+the sanction of the church; in other words, without the sanction of the
+clergy themselves.[180] When, by these means, they had destroyed the
+possibility of free inquiry, and, so far as they were able, had put a
+stop to the acquisition of all real knowledge, they proceeded to guard
+against another circumstance to which their measures had given rise.
+For, several of the Protestants, seeing that under such a system, it was
+impossible to educate their families with advantage, sent their children
+to some of those celebrated Catholic colleges, where alone a sound
+education could then be obtained. But the clergy, so soon as they heard
+of this practice, put an end to it, by excommunicating the offending
+parents;[181] and to this there was added an order forbidding them to
+admit into their own private houses any tutor who professed the Catholic
+religion.[182] Such was the way in which the French Protestants were
+watched over and protected by their spiritual masters. Even the minutest
+matters were not beneath the notice of these great legislators. They
+ordered that no person should go to a ball or masquerade;[183] nor ought
+any Christian to look at the tricks of conjurors, or at the famous game
+of goblets, or at the puppet-show; neither was he to be present at
+morris-dances; for all such amusements should be suppressed by the
+magistrates, because they excite curiosity, cause expense, waste
+time.[184] Another thing to be attended to, is the names that are
+bestowed in baptism. A child may have two christian names, though one is
+preferable.[185] Great care, however, is to be observed in their
+selection. They ought to be taken from the Bible, but they ought not to
+be Baptist or Angel; neither should any infant receive a name which has
+been formerly used by the Pagans.[186] When the children are grown up,
+there are other regulations to which they must be subject. The clergy
+declared that the faithful must by no means let their hair grow long,
+lest by so doing they indulge in the luxury of 'lascivious curls.'[187]
+They are to make their garments in such a manner as to avoid 'the
+new-fangled fashions of the world:' they are to have no tassels to their
+dress: their gloves must be without silk and ribbons: they are to
+abstain from fardingales: they are to beware of wide sleeves.[188]
+
+  [174] _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. i. p. 62.
+
+  [175] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. lvii. 17, 131, vol. ii. p. 174.
+
+  [176] 'And both sexes are required to keep modesty in their hair,' &c.
+        _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 119.
+
+  [177] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. p. 165.
+
+  [178] The synod of Alez, in 1620, says, 'A minister may at the same time
+        be professor in divinity and of the Hebrew tongue. But it is not
+        seemly for him to profess the Greek also, because the most of his
+        employment will be taken up in the exposition of Pagan and
+        profane authors, unless he be discharged from the ministry.'
+        _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. ii. p. 57. Three years later, the synod
+        of Charenton suppressed altogether the Greek professorships, 'as
+        being superfluous and of small profit.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 115.
+
+  [179] The synod of St. Maixant, in 1609, orders that 'colloquies and
+        synods shall have a watchful eye over those ministers who study
+        chemistry, and grievously reprove and censure them.' _Ibid._ vol.
+        i. p. 314.
+
+  [180] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. 140, 194, vol. ii. p. 110.
+
+  [181] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. pp. lv. 235, 419, vol. ii. pp. 201,
+        509, 515. Compare _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii.
+        p. 473.
+
+  [182] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. ii. p. 81.
+
+  [183] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 174.
+
+  [184] 'All Christian magistrates are advised not in the least to suffer
+        them, because it feeds foolish curiosity, puts upon unnecessary
+        expenses, and wastes time,' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 194.
+
+  [185] This was a very knotty question for the theologians; but it was at
+        length decided in the affirmative by the synod of Saumur: 'On the
+        13th article of the same chapter, the deputies of Poicton
+        demanded, whether two names might be given a child at baptism? To
+        which it was replied: The thing was indifferent; however, parents
+        were advised to observe herein Christian simplicity.' _Ibid._
+        vol. i. p. 178.
+
+  [186] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. xlvi. 25.
+
+  [187] I quote the language of the synod of Castres, in 1626. _Ibid._
+        vol. ii. p. 174.
+
+  [188] _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. p. 165, vol. ii. pp. 7, 174, 574,
+        583. In the same way, the Spanish clergy, early in the present
+        century, attempted to regulate the dress of women. See _Doblado's
+        Letters from Spain_, pp. 202-205: a good illustration of the
+        identity of the ecclesiastical spirit, whether it be Catholic or
+        Protestant.
+
+Those readers who have not studied the history of ecclesiastical
+legislation, will perhaps be surprised to find, that men of gravity, men
+who had reached the years of discretion, and were assembled together in
+solemn council, should evince such a prying and puerile spirit; that
+they should display such miserable and childish imbecility. But, whoever
+will take a wider survey of human affairs, will be inclined to blame,
+not so much the legislators, as the system of which the legislators
+formed a part. For as to the men themselves, they merely acted after
+their kind. They only followed the traditions in which they were bred.
+By virtue of their profession, they had been accustomed to hold certain
+views, and, when they rose to power, it was natural that they should
+carry those views into effect; thus transplanting into the law-book the
+maxims they had already preached in the pulpit. Whenever, therefore, we
+read of meddling, inquisitive, and vexatious regulations imposed by
+ecclesiastical authority, we should remember, that they are but the
+legitimate result of the ecclesiastical spirit; and that the way to
+remedy such grievances, or to prevent their occurrence, is not by vainly
+labouring to change the tendencies of that class from whence they
+proceed, but rather by confining the class within its proper limits, by
+jealously guarding against its earliest encroachments, by taking every
+opportunity of lessening its influence, and finally, when the progress
+of society will justify so great a step, by depriving it of that
+political and legislative power which, though gradually falling from its
+hands, it is, even in the most civilized countries, still allowed in
+some degree to retain.
+
+But, setting aside these general considerations, it will, at all events,
+be admitted, that I have collected sufficient evidence to indicate what
+would have happened to France, if the Protestants had obtained the upper
+hand. After the facts which I have brought forward, no one can possibly
+doubt, that if such a misfortune had occurred, the liberal, and,
+considering the age, the enlightened policy of Henry IV. and Louis XIII.
+would have been destroyed, in order to make way for that gloomy and
+austere system, which, in every age and in every country, has been found
+to be the natural fruit of ecclesiastical power. To put, therefore, the
+question in its proper form, instead of saying that there was a war
+between hostile creeds, we should rather say that there was a war
+between rival classes. It was a contest, not so much between the
+Catholic religion and the Protestant religion, as between Catholic
+laymen and Protestant clergy. It was a struggle between temporal
+interests and theological interests,--between the spirit of the present
+and the spirit of the past. And the point now at issue was, whether
+France should be governed by the civil power or by the spiritual
+power,--whether she should be ruled according to the large views of
+secular statesmen, or according to the narrow notions of a factious and
+intolerant priesthood.
+
+The Protestants having the great advantage of being the aggressive
+party, and being, moreover, inflamed by a religious zeal unknown to
+their opponents, might, under ordinary circumstances, have succeeded in
+their hazardous attempt; or, at all events, they might have protracted
+the struggle for an indefinite period. But, fortunately for France, in
+1624, only three years after the war began, Richelieu assumed the
+direction of the government. He had for some years been the secret
+adviser of the queen-mother, into whose mind he had always inculcated
+the necessity of complete toleration.[189] When placed at the head of
+affairs, he pursued the same policy, and attempted in every way to
+conciliate the Protestants. The clergy of his own party were constantly
+urging him to exterminate the heretics, whose presence they thought
+polluted France.[190] But Richelieu, having only secular objects,
+refused to embitter the contest by turning it into a religious war. He
+was determined to chastise the rebellion, but he would not punish the
+heresy. Even while the war was raging, he would not revoke those edicts
+of toleration by which the full liberty of religious worship was
+granted to the Protestants. And when they, in 1626, showed signs of
+compunction, or at all events of fear, he publicly confirmed the Edict
+of Nantes,[191] and he granted them peace; although, as he says, he knew
+that by doing so he should fall under the suspicion of those 'who so
+greatly affected the name of zealous Catholics.'[192] A few months
+afterwards, war again broke out; and then it was that Richelieu
+determined on that celebrated siege of Rochelle, which, if brought to a
+successful issue, was sure to be a decisive blow against the French
+Protestants. That he was moved to this hazardous undertaking solely by
+secular considerations is evident, not only from the general spirit of
+his preceding policy, but also from his subsequent conduct. With the
+details of this famous siege history is not concerned, as such matters
+have no value except to military readers. It is enough to say that, in
+1628, Rochelle was taken; and the Protestants, who had been induced by
+their clergy[193] to continue to resist long after relief was hopeless,
+and who, in consequence, had suffered the most dreadful hardships, were
+obliged to surrender at discretion.[194] The privileges of the town were
+revoked, and its magistrates removed; but the great minister by whom
+these things were effected, still abstained from that religious
+persecution to which he was urged.[195] He granted to the Protestants
+the toleration which he had offered at an earlier period, and he
+formally conceded the free exercise of their public worship.[196] But,
+such was their infatuation, that because he likewise restored the
+exercise of the Catholic religion, and thus gave to the conquerors the
+same liberty that he had granted to the conquered, the Protestants
+murmured at the indulgence; they could not bear the idea that their eyes
+should be offended by the performance of Popish rites.[197] And their
+indignation waxed so high, that in the next year they, in another part
+of France, again rose in arms. As, however, they were now stripped of
+their principal resources, they were easily defeated; and, their
+existence as a political faction being destroyed, they were, in
+reference to their religion, treated by Richelieu in the same manner as
+before.[198] To the Protestants generally, he confirmed the privilege of
+preaching and of performing the other ceremonies of their creed.[199] To
+their leader, Rohan, he granted an amnesty, and, a few years afterwards,
+employed him in important public services. After this, the hopes of the
+party were destroyed; they never again rose in arms, nor do we find any
+mention of them until a much later period, when they were barbarously
+persecuted by Louis XIV.[200] But from all such intolerance Richelieu
+sedulously abstained; and having now cleared the land from rebellion, he
+embarked in that vast scheme of foreign policy, of which I have already
+given some account, and in which he clearly showed that his proceedings
+against the Protestants had not been caused by hatred of their religious
+tenets. For, the same party which he attacked at home, he supported
+abroad. He put down the French Protestants, because they were a
+turbulent faction that troubled the state, and wished to suppress the
+exercise of all opinions unfavourable to themselves. But so far from
+carrying on a crusade against their religion, he, as I have already
+observed, encouraged it in other countries; and, though a bishop of the
+Catholic church, he did not hesitate, by treaties, by money, and by
+force of arms, to support the Protestants against the House of Austria,
+maintain the Lutherans against the Emperor of Germany, and uphold the
+Calvinists against the King of Spain.
+
+  [189] On his influence over her in and after 1616, see _Le Vassor_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 508; _Mem. de Pontchartrain_,
+        vol. ii. p. 240; _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 23; and compare,
+        in _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. ii. pp. 198-200, the curious
+        arguments which he put in her mouth respecting the impolicy of
+        making war on the Protestants.
+
+  [190] In 1625, the Archbishop of Lyons wrote to Richelieu, urging him
+        'assieger la Rochelle, et chatier ou, pour mieux dire, exterminer
+        les huguenots, toute autre affaire cessante.' _Bazin_, _Hist. de
+        Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 276. See also, on the anxiety of the
+        clergy in the reign of Louis XIII. to destroy the Protestants,
+        _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. pp. 155, 166,
+        232, 245, 338, 378, 379, 427; _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_,
+        vol. xxii. p. 485.
+
+  [191] He confirmed it in March 1626; _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie
+        Francaise_, vol. ii. p. 399; and also in the preceding January.
+        See _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. appendix,
+        pp. 77, 81.
+
+  [192] 'Ceux qui affectent autant le nom de zeles catholiques.' _Mem. de
+        Richelieu_, vol. iii. p. 16; and at p. 2, he, in the same year
+        (1626), says, that he was opposed by those who had 'un trop
+        ardent et precipite desir de ruiner les huguenots.'
+
+  [193] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 66.
+
+  [194] On the sufferings of the inhabitants, see extract from the Dupuis
+        Mss., in _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 351. Fontenay
+        Mareuil, who was an eye-witness, says, that the besieged, in some
+        instances, ate their own children; and that the burial-grounds
+        were guarded, to prevent the corpses from being dug up and turned
+        into food. _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 119.
+
+  [195] And in which he would most assuredly have been supported by Louis
+        XIII.; of whom an intelligent writer says 'Il etoit plein de
+        piete et de zele pour le service de Dieu et pour la grandeur de
+        l'eglise; et sa plus sensible joie, en prenant La Rochelle et les
+        autres places qu'il prit, fut de penser qu'il chasseroit de son
+        royaume les heretiques, et qu'il le purgeroit par cette voie des
+        differentes religions qui gatent et infectent l'eglise de Dieu.'
+        _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. i. p. 425, edit. Petitot, 1824.
+
+  [196] _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 423; _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. p. 77; _Capefigue's Richelieu_,
+        vol. i. p. 357; _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. ii. p. 122.
+
+  [197] 'Les huguenots murmuraient de voir le retablissement de l'eglise
+        romaine au sein de leur ville.' _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i.
+        p. 359.
+
+  [198] 'Des qu'il ne s'agit plus d'un parti politique, il conceda, comme
+        a la Rochelle, la liberte de conscience et la faculte de preche.'
+        _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 381. Compare _Smedley's Hist.
+        of the Reformed Religion in France_, vol. iii. p. 201, with
+        _Memoires de Richelieu_, vol. iv. p. 484.
+
+  [199] The Edict of Nismes, in 1629, an important document, will be
+        found in _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. pp. xcvi.-ciii., and in
+        _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. appendix, pp.
+        92-98; and a commentary on it in _Bazin_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 36-38. M. Bazin, unfortunately for the reputation
+        of this otherwise valuable work, never quotes his authorities.
+
+  [200] In 1633, their own historian says: 'les Reformez ne faisoient plus
+        de party.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p.
+        532. Compare Sir Thomas Hanmer's account of France in 1648, in
+        _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_, p. 309, Lond. 1838.
+
+I have thus endeavoured to draw a slight, though, I trust, a clear
+outline, of the events which took place in France during the reign of
+Louis XIII., and particularly during that part of it which included the
+administration of Richelieu. But such occurrences, important as they
+are, only formed a single phase of that larger development which was now
+displaying itself in nearly every branch of the national intellect. They
+were the mere political expression of that bold and sceptical spirit
+which cried havoc to the prejudices and superstitions of men. For, the
+government of Richelieu was successful, as well as progressive; and no
+government can unite these two qualities, unless its measures harmonize
+with the feelings and temper of the age. Such an administration, though
+it facilitates progress, is not the cause of it, but is rather its
+measure and symptom. The cause of the progress lies far deeper, and is
+governed by the general tendency of the time. And as the different
+tendencies observable in successive generations depend on the difference
+in their knowledge, it is evident, that we can only understand the
+working of the tendencies, by taking a wide view of the amount and
+character of the knowledge. To comprehend, therefore, the real nature of
+the great advance made during the reign of Louis XIII., it becomes
+necessary that I should lay before the reader some evidence respecting
+those higher and more important facts, which historians are apt to
+neglect, but without which the study of the past is an idle and trivial
+pursuit, and history itself a barren field, which, bearing no fruit, is
+unworthy of the labour that is wasted on the cultivation of so
+ungrateful a soil.
+
+It is, indeed, a very observable fact, that while Richelieu, with such
+extraordinary boldness, was secularizing the whole system of French
+politics, and by his disregard of ancient interests, was setting at
+naught the most ancient traditions, a course precisely similar was being
+pursued, in a still higher department, by a man greater than he; by one,
+who, if I may express my own opinion, is the most profound among the
+many eminent thinkers France has produced. I speak of Rene Descartes, of
+whom the least that can be said is, that he effected a revolution more
+decisive than has ever been brought about by any other single mind. With
+his mere physical discoveries we are not now concerned, because in this
+Introduction I do not pretend to trace the progress of science, except
+in those epochs which indicate a new turn in the habits of national
+thought. But I may remind the reader, that he was the first who
+successfully applied algebra to geometry;[201] that he pointed out the
+important law of the sines;[202] that in an age in which optical
+instruments were extremely imperfect, he discovered the changes to which
+light is subjected in the eye by the crystalline lens;[203] that he
+directed attention to the consequences resulting from the weight of the
+atmosphere;[204] and that he, moreover, detected the causes of the
+rainbow,[205] that singular phenomenon, with which, in the eyes of the
+vulgar, some theological superstitions are still connected.[206] At the
+same time, and as if to combine the most varied forms of excellence, he
+is not only allowed to be the first geometrician of the age,[207] but
+by the clearness and admirable precision of his style, he became one of
+the founders of French prose.[208] And although he was constantly
+engaged in those lofty inquiries into the nature of the human mind,
+which can never be studied without wonder, I had almost said can never
+be read without awe, he combined with them a long course of laborious
+experiment upon the animal frame, which raised him to the highest rank
+among the anatomists of his time.[209] The great discovery made by
+Harvey of the circulation of the blood, was neglected by most of his
+contemporaries;[210] but it was at once recognized by Descartes, who
+made it the basis of the physiological part of his work on Man.[211] He
+likewise adopted the discovery of the lacteals by Aselli,[212] which,
+like every great truth yet laid before the world, was, at its first
+appearance, not only disbelieved, but covered with ridicule.[213]
+
+  [201] Thomas (_Eloge_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 32) says,
+        'cet instrument, c'est Descartes qui l'a cree; c'est
+        l'application de l'algebre a la geometrie.' And this, in the
+        highest sense, is strictly true; for although Vieta and two or
+        three others in the sixteenth century had anticipated this step,
+        we owe entirely to Descartes the magnificent discovery of the
+        possibility of applying algebra to the geometry of curves, he
+        being undoubtedly the first who expressed them by algebraic
+        equations. See _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathemat._ vol. i. pp. 704,
+        705, vol. ii. p. 120, vol. iii. p. 64.
+
+  [202] The statements of Huygens and of Isaac Vossius to the effect that
+        Descartes had seen the papers of Snell before publishing his
+        discovery, are unsupported by any direct evidence; at least none
+        of the historians of science, so far as I am aware, have brought
+        forward any. So strong, however, is the disposition of mankind at
+        large to depreciate great men, and so general is the desire to
+        convict them of plagiarism, that this charge, improbable in
+        itself, and only resting on the testimony of two envious rivals,
+        has been not only revived by modern writers, but has been, even
+        in our own time, spoken of as a well-established and notorious
+        fact! The flimsy basis of this accusation is clearly exposed by
+        M. Bordas Demoulin, in his valuable work _Le Cartesianisme_,
+        Paris, 1843, vol. ii. pp. 9-12; while, on the other side of the
+        question, I refer with regret to _Sir D. Brewster on the Progress
+        of Optics, Second Report of British Association_, pp. 309, 310;
+        and to _Whewell's Hist. of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. ii. pp.
+        379, 502, 503.
+
+  [203] See the interesting remarks of Sprengel (_Hist. de la Medecine_,
+        vol. iv. pp. 271, 272), and _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv.
+        pp. 371 seq. What makes this the more observable is this: that
+        the study of the crystalline lens was neglected long after the
+        death of Descartes, and no attempt made for more than a hundred
+        years to complete his views by ascertaining its intimate
+        structure. Indeed, it is said (_Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, p.
+        512) that the crystalline lens and the two humours were first
+        analyzed in 1802. Compare _Simon's Animal Chemistry_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 419-421; _Henle_, _Traite d'Anatomie_, vol. i. p. 357;
+        _Lepelletier_, _Physiologie Medicale_, vol. iii. p. 160; _Mayo's
+        Human Physiol._, p. 279; _Blainville_, _Physiol. comparee_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 325-328; none of whom refer to any analysis earlier than
+        the nineteenth century. I notice this partly as a contribution to
+        the history of our knowledge, and partly as proving how slow men
+        have been in following Descartes, and in completing his views;
+        for, as M. Blanville justly observes, the chemical laws of the
+        lens must be understood, before we can exhaustively generalize
+        the optical laws of its refraction; so that, in fact, the
+        researches of Berzelius on the eye are complemental to those of
+        Descartes. The theory of the limitation of the crystalline lens
+        according to the descending scale of the animal kingdom, and the
+        connexion between its development and a general increase of
+        sensuous perception, seem to have been little studied; but Dr.
+        Grant (_Comparative Anatomy_, p. 252) thinks that the lens exists
+        in some of the rotifera; while in regard to its origin, I find a
+        curious statement in _Mueller's Physiology_, vol. i. p. 450, that
+        after its removal in mammals, it has been reproduced by its
+        matrix, the capsule. (If this can be relied on, it will tell
+        against the suggestion of Schwann, who supposes, in his
+        _Microscopical Researches_, 1847, pp. 87, 88, that its mode of
+        life is vegetable, and that it is not 'a secretion of its
+        capsule'). As to its probable existence in the hydrozoa, see
+        _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, 1855, p. 96, 'regarded either as
+        a crystalline lens, or an otolithe;' and as to its embryonic
+        development, see _Burdach_, _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 435-438.
+
+  [204] Torricelli first weighed the air in 1643. _Brande's Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 360; _Leslie's Natural Philosophy_, p. 419: but there
+        is a letter from Descartes, written as early as 1631, 'ou il
+        explique le phenomene de la suspension du mercure dans un tuyau
+        ferme par en haut, en l'attribuant au poids de la colonne d'air
+        elevee jusqu'au dela des nues.' _Bordas Demoulin_, _le
+        Cartesianisme_, vol. i. p. 311. And Montucla (_Hist. des
+        Mathemat._ vol. ii. p. 205) says of Descartes, 'nous avons des
+        preuves que ce philosophe reconnut avant Torricelli la pesanteur
+        de l'air.' Descartes himself says, that he suggested the
+        subsequent experiment of Pascal. _[OE]uvres de Descartes_,
+        vol. x. pp. 344, 351.
+
+  [205] Dr. Whewell, who has treated Descartes with marked injustice, does
+        nevertheless allow that he is 'the genuine author of the
+        explanation of the rainbow.' _Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 380, 384. See also _Boyle's Works_, vol. iii. p. 189;
+        _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 364; _Hallam's Lit. of
+        Europe_, vol. iii. p. 205; _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp.
+        47, 48, vol. v. pp. 265-284. On the theory of the rainbow as
+        known in the present century, see _Kaemtz_, _Course of
+        Meteorology_, pp. 440-445; and _Forbes on Meteorology_, pp.
+        125-130, in _Report of British Association_ for 1840. Compare
+        _Leslie's Natural Philosophy_, p. 531; _Pouillet_, _Elemens de
+        Physique_, vol. ii. p. 788.
+
+  [206] The Hebrew notion of the rainbow is well known; and for the ideas
+        of other nations on this subject, see _Prichard's Physical
+        History of Mankind_, vol. v. pp. 154, 176; _Kame's Sketches of
+        the History of Man_, vol. iv. p. 252, Edinb. 1788; and
+        _Burdache's Physiologie_, vol. v. pp. 546, 547, Paris, 1839.
+
+  [207] Thomas calls him 'le plus grand geometre de son siecle.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 89. Sir W. Hamilton
+        (_Discussions on Philosophy_, p. 271) says, 'the greatest
+        mathematician of the age;' and Montucla can find no one but Plato
+        to compare with him: 'On ne sauroit donner une idee plus juste de
+        ce qu'a ete l'epoque de Descartes dans la geometrie ancienne....
+        De meme enfin que Platon prepara par sa decouverte celles des
+        Archimede, des Apollonius, &c., on peut dire que Descartes a
+        jette les fondemens de celles qui illustrent aujourd'hui les
+        Newton, les Leibnitz, &c.' _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathemat._
+        vol. ii. p. 112.
+
+  [208] 'Descartes joint encore a ses autres titres, celui d'avoir ete un
+        des createurs de notre langue.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 154.
+        Sir James Mackintosh (_Dissert. on Ethical Philos._ p. 186) has
+        also noticed the influence of Descartes in forming the style of
+        French writers; and I think that M. Cousin has somewhere made a
+        similar remark.
+
+  [209] Thomas says, 'Descartes eut aussi la gloire d'etre un des premiers
+        anatomistes de son siecle.' _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p.
+        55; see also p. 101. In 1639, Descartes writes to Mersenne
+        (_[OE]uvres_, vol. viii. p. 100) that he had been engaged 'depuis
+        onze ans' in studying comparative anatomy by dissection. Compare
+        p. 174, and vol. i. pp. 175-184.
+
+  [210] Dr. Whewell (_Hist. of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 440)
+        says: 'It was for the most part readily accepted by his
+        countrymen; but that abroad it had to encounter considerable
+        opposition.' For this no authority is quoted; and yet one would
+        be glad to know who told Dr. Whewell that the discovery was
+        readily accepted. So far from meeting in England with ready
+        acceptance, it was during many years most universally denied.
+        Aubrey was assured by Harvey that, in consequence of his book on
+        the Circulation of the Blood, he lost much of his practice, was
+        believed to be crackbrained, and was opposed by 'all the
+        physicians.' _Aubrey's Letters and Lives_, vol. ii. p. 383. Dr.
+        Willis (_Life of Harvey_, p. xli., in _Harvey's Works_, edit.
+        Sydenham Society, 1847) says 'Harvey's views were at first
+        rejected almost universally.' Dr. Elliotson (_Human Physiology_,
+        p. 194) says, 'His immediate reward was general ridicule and
+        abuse, and a great diminution of his practice.' Broussais
+        (_Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. i. p. vii.) says, 'Harvey
+        passa pour fou quand il annonca la decouverte de la circulation.'
+        Finally, Sir William Temple, who belongs to the generation
+        subsequent to Harvey, and who, indeed, was not born until some
+        years after the discovery was made, mentions it in his works in
+        such a manner as to show that even then it was not universally
+        received by educated men. See two curious passages, which have
+        escaped the notice of the historians of physiology, in _Works of
+        Sir W. Temple_, vol. iii. pp. 293, 469, 8vo., 1814.
+
+  [211] 'Taken by Descartes as the basis of his physiology, in his work on
+        Man.' _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 441.
+        'Rene Descartes se declara un des premiers en faveur de la
+        doctrine de la circulation.' _Renourd_, _Hist. de la Medecine_,
+        vol. ii. p. 163. See also _Bordas Demoulin_, _le Cartesianisme_,
+        vol. ii. p. 324; and _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 68,
+        179, vol. iv. pp. 42, 449, vol. ix. pp. 159, 332. Compare
+        _Willis's Life of Harvey_, p. xlv., in _Harvey's Works_.
+
+  [212] 'Les veines blanches, dites lactees, qu'Asellius a decouvertes
+        depuis peu dans le mesentere.' _De la Formation du F[oe]tus_,
+        sec. 49, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv. p. 483.
+
+  [213] Even Harvey denied it to the last. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Med._
+        vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. Compare _Harvey's Works_, edit. Sydenham
+        Soc. pp. 605, 614.
+
+These things might have been sufficient to rescue even the physical
+labours of Descartes from the attacks constantly made on them by men who
+either have not studied his works, or else, having studied them, are
+unable to understand their merit. But the glory of Descartes, and the
+influence he exercised over his age, do not depend even on such claims
+as these. Putting them aside, he is the author of what is emphatically
+called Modern Philosophy.[214] He is the originator of that great
+system and method of metaphysics, which, notwithstanding its errors, has
+the undoubted merit of having given a wonderful impulse to the European
+mind, and communicated to it an activity which has been made available
+for other purposes of a different character. Besides this, and superior
+to it, there is another obligation which we are under to the memory of
+Descartes. He deserves the gratitude of posterity, not so much on
+account of what he built up, as on account of what he pulled down. His
+life was one great and successful warfare against the prejudices and
+traditions of men. He was great as a creator, but he was far greater as
+a destroyer. In this respect he was the true successor of Luther, to
+whose labours his own were the fitting supplement. He completed what the
+great German reformer had left undone.[215] He bore to the old systems
+of philosophy precisely the same relation that Luther bore to the old
+systems of religion. He was the great reformer and liberator of the
+European intellect. To prefer, therefore, even the most successful
+discoverers of physical laws to this great innovator and disturber of
+tradition, is just as if we should prefer knowledge to freedom, and
+believe that science is better than liberty. We must, indeed, always be
+grateful to those eminent thinkers, to whose labours we are indebted for
+that vast body of physical truths which we now possess. But, let us
+reserve the full measure of our homage for those far greater men, who
+have not hesitated to attack and destroy the most inveterate prejudices:
+men who, by removing the pressure of tradition, have purified the very
+source and fountain of our knowledge, and secured its future progress,
+by casting off obstacles in the presence of which progress was
+impossible.[216]
+
+  [214] M. Cousin (_Hist. de la Philos._ II. serie, vol. i. p. 39) says of
+        Descartes, 'Son premier ouvrage ecrit en francais est de 1637.
+        C'est donc de 1637 que date la philosophie moderne.' See the same
+        work, I. serie, vol. iii. p. 77; and compare _Stewart's Philos.
+        of the Mind_, vol. i. pp. 14, 529, with _Eloge de Parent_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 444, and vol.
+        vi. p. 318: 'Cartesien, ou, si l'on veut, philosophe moderne.'
+
+  [215] 'Descartes avait etabli dans le domaine de la pensee
+        l'independance absolue de la raison; il avait declare a la
+        scholastique et a la theologie que l'esprit de l'homme ne pouvait
+        plus relever que de l'evidence qu'il aurait obtenue par lui-meme.
+        Ce que Luther avait commence dans la religion, le genie francais
+        si actif et si prompt l'importait dans la philosophie, et l'on
+        peut dire a la double gloire de l'Allemagne et de la France que
+        Descartes est le fils aine de Luther.' _Lerminier_, _Philos. du
+        Droit_, vol. ii. p. 141. See also, on the philosophy of Descartes
+        as a product of the Reformation. _Ward's Ideal of a Christian
+        Church_, p. 498.
+
+  [216] For, as Turgot finely says, 'ce n'est pas l'erreur qui s'oppose
+        aux progres de la verite. Ce sont la mollesse, l'entetement,
+        l'esprit de routine, tout ce qui porte a l'inaction,' _Pensees_
+        in _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 343.
+
+It will not be expected, perhaps it will hardly be desired, that I
+should enter into a complete detail of the philosophy of Descartes: a
+philosophy which, in England at least, is rarely studied, and therefore,
+is often attacked. But it will be necessary to give such an account of
+it as will show its analogy with the anti-theological policy of
+Richelieu, and will thus enable us to see the full extent of that vast
+movement which took place in France before the accession of Louis XIV.
+By this means, we shall be able to understand how the daring innovations
+of the great minister were so successful, since they were accompanied
+and reinforced by corresponding innovations in the national intellect;
+thus affording an additional instance of the way in which the political
+history of every country is to be explained by the history of its
+intellectual progress.
+
+In 1637, when Richelieu was at the height of his power, Descartes
+published that great work which he had long been meditating, and which
+was the first open announcement of the new tendencies of the French
+mind. To this work he gave the name of a 'Method;' and, assuredly, the
+method is the most alien to what is commonly called theology that can
+possibly be conceived. Indeed, so far from being theological, it is
+essentially and exclusively psychological. The theological method rests
+on ancient records, on tradition, on the voice of antiquity. The method
+of Descartes rests solely on the consciousness each man has of the
+operations of his own mind, and lest anyone should mistake the meaning
+of this, he, in subsequent works, developed it at great length, and with
+unrivalled clearness. For his main object was to popularize the views
+which he put forward. Therefore, says Descartes, 'I write in French
+rather than in Latin, because I trust that they who only employ their
+simple and native reason will estimate my opinions more fairly than they
+who only believe in ancient books.'[217] So strongly does he insist upon
+this, that, almost at the beginning of his first work, he cautions his
+readers against the common error of looking to antiquity for knowledge;
+and he reminds them that 'when men are too curious to know the practices
+of past ages, they generally remain very ignorant of their own.'[218]
+
+  [217] 'Et si j'ecris en francais, qui est la langue de mon pays, plutot
+        qu'en latin, qui est celle de mes precepteurs, c'est a cause que
+        j'espere que ceux qui ne se servent que de leur raison naturelle
+        toute pure, jugeront mieux de mes opinions que ceux qui ne
+        croient qu'aux livres anciens.' _Discours de la Methode_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 210, 211.
+
+  [218] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 127.
+
+Indeed, so far from following the old plan of searching for truths in
+the records of the past, the great essential of this new philosophy is
+to wean ourselves from all such associations, and, beginning the
+acquisition of knowledge by the work of destruction, first pull down, in
+order that afterwards we may build up.[219] When I, says Descartes, set
+forth in the pursuit of truth, I found that the best way was to reject
+every thing I had hitherto received, and pluck out all my old opinions,
+in order that I might lay the foundation of them afresh: believing that,
+by this means, I should more easily accomplish the great scheme of life,
+than by building on an old basis, and supporting myself by principles
+which I had learned in my youth, without examining if they were really
+true.[220] 'I, therefore, will occupy myself freely and earnestly in
+effecting a general destruction of all my old opinions.'[221] For, if we
+would know all the truths that can be known, we must, in the first
+place, free ourselves from our prejudices, and make a point of
+rejecting those things which we have received, until we have subjected
+them to a new examination.[222] We, therefore, must derive our opinions,
+not from tradition, but from ourselves. We must not pass judgment upon
+any subject which we do not clearly and distinctly understand; for, even
+if such a judgment is correct, it can only be so by accident, not having
+solid ground on which to support itself.[223] But, so far are we from
+this state of indifference, that our memory is full of prejudices:[224]
+we pay attention to words rather than to things;[225] and being thus
+slaves to form, there are too many of us 'who believe themselves
+religious, when, in fact, they are bigoted and superstitious; who think
+themselves perfect because they go much to church, because they often
+repeat prayers, because they wear short hair, because they fast, because
+they give alms. These are the men who imagine themselves such friends of
+God, that nothing they do displeases Him; men who, under pretence of
+zeal, gratify their passions by committing the greatest crimes, such as
+betraying towns, killing princes, exterminating nations: and all this
+they do to those who will not change their opinions.'[226]
+
+  [219] 'Er fing also vom Zweifel an, und ging durch denselben zur
+        Gewissheit ueber.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. p.
+        218. Compare _Second Discours en Sorbonne_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 89.
+
+  [220] _Disc. de la Methode_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i.
+        p. 136.
+
+  [221] 'Je m'appliquerai serieusement et avec liberte a detruire
+        generalement toutes mes anciennes opinions.' _Meditations_ in
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 236.
+
+  [222] _Principes de la Philosophie_, part i. sec. 75, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Descartes_, vol. iii. pp. 117, 118; and compare vol. ii. p. 417,
+        where he gives a striking illustration of this view.
+
+  [223] _Meditations_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 303, 304.
+
+  [224] 'Nous avons rempli notre memoire de beaucoup de prejuges.'
+        _Principes de la Philos._ part i. sec. 47, in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. iii. p. 91.
+
+  [225] _[OE]uvres_, vol. iii. p. 117.
+
+  [226] 'Ce qu'on peut particulierement remarquer en ceux qui, croyant
+        etre devots, sont seulement bigots et superstitieux, c'est a dire
+        qui, sous ombre qu'ils vont souvent a l'eglise, qu'ils recitent
+        force prieres, qu'ils portent les cheveux courts, qu'ils jeunent,
+        qu'ils donnent l'aumone, pensent etre entierement parfaits, et
+        s'imaginent qu'ils sont si grands amis de Dieu, qu'ils ne
+        sauroient rien faire qui lui deplaise, et que tout ce que leur
+        dicte leur passion est un bon zele, bien qu'elle leur dicte
+        quelquefois les plus grands crimes qui puissent etre commis par
+        des hommes, comme de trahir des villes, de tuer des princes,
+        d'exterminer des peuples entiers, pour cela seul qu'ils ne
+        suivent pas leurs opinions.' _Les Passions de l'Ame_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv. pp. 194, 195.
+
+These were the words of wisdom which this great teacher addressed to his
+countrymen only a few years after they had brought to a close the last
+religious war that has ever been waged in France. The similarity of
+those views to those which, about the same time, were put forth by
+Chillingworth, must strike every reader, but ought not to excite
+surprise; for they were but the natural products of a state of society
+in which the right of private judgment, and the independence of the
+human reason, were first solidly established. If we examine this matter
+a little closer, we shall find still further proof of the analogy
+between France and England. So identical are the steps of the progress,
+that the relation which Montaigne bears to Descartes is just the same as
+that which Hooker bears to Chillingworth; the same in reference to the
+difference of time, and also in reference to the difference of opinions.
+The mind of Hooker was essentially sceptical; but his genius was so
+restrained by the prejudices of his age, that, unable to discern the
+supreme authority of private judgment, he hampered it by appeals to
+councils and to the general voice of ecclesiastical antiquity:
+impediments which Chillingworth, thirty years later, effectually
+removed. In precisely the same way, Montaigne, like Hooker, was
+sceptical; but, like him, he lived at a period when the spirit of doubt
+was yet young, and when the mind still trembled before the authority of
+the Church. It is, therefore, no wonder that even Montaigne, who did so
+much for his age, should have hesitated respecting the capacity of men
+to work out for themselves great truths; and that, pausing in the course
+that lay before him, his scepticism should often have assumed the form
+of a distrust of the human faculties.[227] Such shortcomings, and such
+imperfections, are merely an evidence of the slow growth of society, and
+of the impossibility for even the greatest thinkers to outstrip their
+contemporaries beyond a certain point. But, with the advance of
+knowledge, this deficiency was at length supplied; and, as the
+generation after Hooker brought forth Chillingworth, just so did the
+generation after Montaigne bring forth Descartes. Both Chillingworth and
+Descartes were eminently sceptical; but their scepticism was directed,
+not against the human intellect, but against those appeals to authority
+and tradition without which it had hitherto been supposed that the
+intellect could not safely proceed. That this was the case with
+Chillingworth, we have already seen. That it was likewise the case with
+Descartes, is, if possible, still more apparent; for that profound
+thinker believed, not only that the mind, by its own efforts, could root
+out its most ancient opinions, but that it could, without fresh aid,
+build up a new and solid system in place of the one which it had thrown
+down.[228]
+
+  [227] As is particularly evident in his long chapter, headed 'Apologie
+        de Raimond Sebond.' _Essais de Montaigne_, livre ii. chap. xii.
+        Paris, 1843, pp. 270-382, and see _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der
+        Philos._ vol. ix. p. 455.
+
+  [228] He very clearly separates himself from men like Montaigne: 'Non
+        que j'imitasse pour cela les sceptiques, qui ne doutent que pour
+        douter, et affectent d'etre toujours irresolus; car, au
+        contraire, tout mon dessein ne tendoit qu'a m'assurer, et a
+        rejeter la terre mouvante et le sable pour trouver le roc ou
+        l'argile.' _Discours de la Methode_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_,
+        vol. i. pp. 153, 154.
+
+It is this extraordinary confidence in the power of the human intellect,
+which eminently characterizes Descartes, and has given to his philosophy
+that peculiar sublimity which distinguishes it from all other systems.
+So far from thinking that a knowledge of the external world is essential
+to the discovery of truth, he laid it down as a fundamental principle,
+that we must begin by ignoring such knowledge;[229] that the first step
+is to separate ourselves from the delusions of nature, and reject the
+evidence presented to our senses.[230] For, says Descartes, nothing is
+certain but thought; nor are there any truths except those which
+necessarily follow from the operation of our own consciousness. We have
+no knowledge of our soul except as a thinking substance:[231] and it
+were easier for us to believe that the soul should cease to exist, than
+that it should cease to think.[232] And, as to man himself, what is he
+but the incarnation of thought? For that which constitutes the man, is
+not his bones, nor his flesh, nor his blood. These are the accidents,
+the incumbrances, the impediments of his nature. But the man himself is
+the thought. The invisible me, the ultimate fact of existence, the
+mystery of life, is this: 'I am a thing that thinks.' This, therefore,
+is the beginning and the basis of our knowledge. The thought of each man
+is the last element to which analysis can carry us; it is the supreme
+judge of every doubt; it is the starting-point for all wisdom.[233]
+
+  [229] According to the view of Descartes, it was to be ignored, not
+        denied. There is no instance to be found in his works of a denial
+        of the existence of the external world; nor does the passage
+        quoted from him by Mr. Jobert (_New System of Philos._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 161, 162, Lond. 1849) at all justify the interpretation of
+        that ingenious writer, who confuses certainty in the ordinary
+        sense of the word with certainty in the Cartesian sense. A
+        similar error is made by those who suppose that his 'Je pense,
+        donc je suis,' is an enthymeme; and having taken this for
+        granted, they turn on the great philosopher, and accuse him of
+        begging the question! Such critics overlook the difference
+        between a logical process and a psychological one; and therefore
+        they do not see that this famous sentence was the description of
+        a mental fact, and not the statement of a mutilated syllogism.
+        The student of the philosophy of Descartes must always
+        distinguish between these two processes, and remember that each
+        process has an order of proof peculiar to itself; or at all
+        events he must remember that such was the opinion of Descartes.
+        Compare, on the Cartesian enthymeme, _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+        Philos._ I. serie, vol. iv. pp. 512, 513, with a note in _Kritik
+        der reinen Vernunft, Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 323, 324.
+
+  [230] _Meditations_, in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 220, 226;
+        and again in the _Objections et Reponses_, _[OE]uvres_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 245, 246.
+
+  [231] 'Au lieu que, lorsque nous tachons a connoitre plus distinctement
+        notre nature, nous pouvons voir que notre ame, en tant qu'elle
+        est une substance distincte du corps, ne nous est connue que par
+        cela seul qu'elle pense.' _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iv. p.
+        432. Compare vol. iii. p. 96, _Principes de la Philosophie_, part
+        i. sec. 53.
+
+  [232] 'En sorte qu'il me seroit bien plus aise de croire que l'ame
+        cesseroit d'etre quand on dit qu'elle cesse de penser, que non
+        pas de concevoir qu'elle soit sans pensee.' _[OE]uvres de
+        Descartes_, vol. viii. p. 574. That 'the soul always thinks,' is
+        a conclusion also arrived at by Berkeley by a different process.
+        See his subtle argument, _Principles of Human Knowledge_, part i.
+        sec. 98, in _Berkeley's Works_, vol. i. p. 123; and for a curious
+        application of this to the theory of dreaming, see _Burdach_,
+        _Physiologie comme Science d'Observation_, vol. v. pp. 205, 230.
+
+  [233] _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 251, 252, 279, 293, vol. ii.
+        pp. 252, 283.
+
+Taking our stand on this ground, we rise, says Descartes, to the
+perception of the existence of the Deity. For, our belief in His
+existence is an irrefragable proof that He exists. Otherwise, whence
+does the belief arise? Since nothing can come out of nothing, and since
+no effect can be without a cause, it follows that the idea we have of
+God must have an origin; and this origin, whatever name we give it, is
+no other than God.[234] Thus, the ultimate proof of His existence is our
+idea of it. Instead, therefore, of saying that we know ourselves because
+we believe in God, we should rather say that we believe in God because
+we know ourselves.[235] This is the order and precedence of things. The
+thought of each man is sufficient to prove His existence, and it is the
+only proof we can ever possess. Such, therefore, is the dignity and
+supremacy of the human intellect, that even this, the highest of all
+matters, flows from it, as from its sole source.[236] Hence, our
+religion should not be acquired by the teaching of others, but should be
+worked out by ourselves: it is not to be borrowed from antiquity, but it
+is to be discovered by each man's mind; it is not traditional, but
+personal. It is because this great truth has been neglected, that
+impiety has arisen. If each man were to content himself with that idea
+of God which is suggested by his own mind, he would attain to a true
+knowledge of the Divine Nature. But when, instead of confining himself
+to this, he mixes up with it the notions of others, his ideas become
+perplexed; they contradict themselves; and the composition being thus
+confused, he often ends by denying the existence, not, indeed, of God,
+but of such a God as that in whom he has been taught to believe.[237]
+
+  [234] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 419; and at p. 420: 'Or de tout cela on conclut
+        tres-manifestement que Dieu existe.' See also pp. 159-162, 280,
+        290, 291. But the simplest statement is in a letter to Mersenne
+        (vol. viii. p. 529): 'J'ai tire la preuve de l'existence de Dieu
+        de l'idee que je trouve en moi d'un etre souverainement parfait.'
+
+  [235] 'Ainsi, quoique, de ce que je suis, je conclue avec certitude que
+        Dieu est, je ne puis reciproquement affirmer, de ce que Dieu est,
+        que j'existe.' _Regles pour la Direction de l'Esprit_, in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. xi. p. 274. See also _Principes de la
+        Philosophie_, part i. sec. 7, vol. iii. p. 66.
+
+  [236] On this famous argument, which it is said was also broached by
+        Anselm, see _King's Life of Locke_, vol. ii. p. 133; the
+        Benedictine _Hist. Lit. de la France_, vol. ix. pp. 417, 418;
+        _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. i. p. 239; and _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. Syst._ vol. iii. p. 383.
+
+ [237] 'Et certes jamais les hommes ne pourroient s'eloigner de la vraie
+        connoissance de cette nature divine, s'ils vouloient seulement
+        porter leur attention sur l'idee qu'ils ont de l'etre
+        souverainement parfait. Mais ceux qui melent quelques autres
+        idees avec celle-la composent par ce moyen un dieu chimerique, en
+        la nature duquel il y a des choses qui se contrarient; et, apres
+        l'avoir ainsi compose, ce n'est pas merveille s'ils nient qu'un
+        tel dieu, qui leur est represente par une fausse idee, existe.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. pp. 423, 424.
+
+The mischief which these principles must have done to the old theology
+is very obvious.[238] Not only were they fatal, in the minds of those
+who received them, to many of the common dogmas--such, for instance, as
+that of transubstantiation,[239]--but they were likewise directly
+opposed to other opinions, equally indefensible, and far more dangerous.
+For Descartes, by founding a philosophy which rejected all authority
+except that of the human reason,[240] was, of course, led to abandon
+the study of final causes,[241]--an old and natural superstition, by
+which, as we shall hereafter see, the German philosophers were long
+impeded, and which still hangs, though somewhat loosely, about the minds
+of men.[242] At the same time, by superseding the geometry of the
+ancients, he aided in weakening that inordinate respect with which
+antiquity was then regarded. In another matter, still more important, he
+displayed the same spirit, and met with the same success. With such
+energy did he attack the influence, or rather the tyranny of Aristotle,
+that although the opinions of that philosopher were intimately
+interwoven with the Christian theology,[243] his authority was entirely
+overthrown by Descartes; and with it there perished those scholastic
+prejudices, for which Aristotle, indeed, was not responsible, but which,
+under the shelter of his mighty name, had, during several centuries,
+perplexed the understandings of men, and retarded the progress of their
+knowledge.[244]
+
+  [238] This is delicately but clearly indicated in an able letter from
+        Arnaud, printed in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. ii. pp. 1-36:
+        see in particular pp. 31, 34. And Duclos bluntly says: 'Si,
+        depuis la revolution que Descartes a commencee, les theologiens
+        se sont eloignes des philosophes, c'est que ceux-ci ont paru ne
+        pas respecter infiniment les theologiens. Une philosophie qui
+        prenoit pour base le doute et l'examen devoit les effaroucher.'
+        _Duclos_, _Memoires_, vol. i. p. 109.
+
+  [239] On the relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the doctrine of
+        transubstantiation, compare _Palmer's Treatise on the Church_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 169, 170, with _Hallam's Lit. of Europe_, vol. ii.
+        p. 453; and the remark ascribed to Hobbes, in _Aubrey's Letters
+        and Lives_, vol. ii. p. 626. But Hobbes, if he really made this
+        observation, had no right to expect Descartes to become a martyr.
+
+  [240] 'Le caractere de la philosophie du moyen age est la soumission a
+        une autorite autre que la raison. La philosophie moderne ne
+        reconnait que l'autorite de la raison. C'est le cartesianisme qui
+        a opere cette revolution decisive.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+        Philos._ II. serie, vol. i. pp. 258, 259.
+
+  [241] 'Nous rejetterons entierement de notre philosophie la recherche
+        des causes finales.' _Principes de la Philos._, part i. sec. 28,
+        in _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. iii. p. 81. See also part iii.
+        sec. 3, p. 182; and his reply to Gassendi, in _[OE]uvres_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 280, 281. Compare _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_,
+        II. serie, vol. ii. p. 71, with _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Medecine_, vol. v. p. 203.
+
+  [242] Dr. Whewell, for instance, says, that we must reject final causes
+        in the inorganic sciences, but must recognize them in the organic
+        ones; which, in other words, simply means, that we know less of
+        the organic world than of the inorganic, and that because we know
+        less, we are to believe more; for here, as everywhere else, the
+        smaller the science the greater the superstition. _Whewell's
+        Philos. of the Inductive Sciences_, 8vo., 1847, vol. i. pp. 620,
+        627, 628; and his _Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. pp.
+        430, 431. If the question were to be decided by authority, it
+        would be enough to appeal to Bacon and Descartes, the two
+        greatest writers on the philosophy of method in the seventeenth
+        century; and to Auguste Comte, who is admitted by the few persons
+        who have mastered his _Philosophie Positive_, to be the greatest
+        in our own time. These profound and comprehensive thinkers have
+        all rejected the study of final causes, which, as they have
+        clearly seen, is a theological invasion of scientific rights. On
+        the injury which this study has wrought, and on the check it has
+        given to the advance of our knowledge, see _Robin et Verdeil_,
+        _Chimie Anat._ Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 489, 493, 494, vol. ii.
+        p. 555; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. i. pp. 232, 237;
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 220; _Geoffroy
+        Saint-Hilaire_, _Hist. des Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 435, 436; _Herder_, _Ideen zur Gesch. der Menschheit_,
+        vol. iii. p. 270; _Lawrence's Lectures on Man_, p. 36; and
+        _Burdach_, _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. i. p. 190.
+
+  [243] 'Auf das innigste verbunden mit der Theologie, nicht allein in den
+        katholischen, sondern selbst auch in den protestantischen
+        Laendern.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. ix. p. 516.
+        Descartes, in a letter to Mersenne (_[OE]uvres_, vol. vi. p. 73),
+        writes, in 1629, 'La theologie, laquelle on a tellement
+        assujettie a Aristote, qu'il est impossible d'expliquer une autre
+        philosophie qu'il ne semble d'abord qu'elle soit contre la foi.'
+        Compare vol. vii. p. 344, vol. viii. pp. 281, 497.
+
+  [244] Dr. Brown (_Philosophy of the Mind_, Edinburgh, 1838, p. 172)
+        calls Descartes 'that illustrious rebel, who, in overthrowing the
+        authority of Aristotle,' &c. See also _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la
+        Sorbonne_, vol. ii. p. 192; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part
+        ii. p. 532; and _Locke's Works_, vol. iii. p. 48. This, I need
+        hardly say, refers to the habit of appealing to Aristotle, as if
+        he were infallible, and is very different from that respect which
+        is naturally felt for a man who was probably the greatest of all
+        the ancient thinkers. The difference between the Aristotelian and
+        Cartesian systems is touched on rather hastily in _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. Syst._ vol. i. pp. 170, 171.
+
+These were the principal services rendered to civilization by one of the
+greatest men Europe has ever produced. The analogy between him and
+Richelieu is very striking, and is as complete as their relative
+positions would allow. The same disregard of ancient notions, the same
+contempt for theological interests, the same indifference to tradition,
+the same determination to prefer the present to the past: in a word, the
+same essentially modern spirit, is seen alike in the writings of
+Descartes, and in the actions of Richelieu. What the first was to
+philosophy, that was the other to politics. But, while acknowledging the
+merits of these eminent men, it behoves us to remember that their
+success was the result, not only of their own abilities, but likewise of
+the general temper of their time. The nature of their labours depended
+on themselves; the way in which their labours were received, depended on
+their contemporaries. Had they lived in a more superstitious age, their
+views would have been disregarded, or, if noticed, would have been
+execrated as impious novelties. In the fifteenth, or early in the
+sixteenth century, the genius of Descartes and of Richelieu would have
+lacked the materials necessary to their work; their comprehensive minds
+would, in that state of society, have found no play; they would have
+awakened no sympathies; their bread would have been cast upon those
+waters which return it not again. And it would have been well for them
+if, in such a case, indifference were the only penalty with which they
+would be visited. It would have been well if they had not paid the
+forfeit incurred by many of those illustrious thinkers who have vainly
+attempted to stem the torrent of human credulity. It would have been
+well if the church had not risen in her wrath--if Richelieu had not been
+executed as a traitor, and Descartes burned as a heretic.
+
+Indeed, the mere fact that two such men, occupying so conspicuous a
+place before the public eye, and enforcing views so obnoxious to the
+interests of superstition, should have lived without serious danger, and
+then have died peaceably in their beds--the mere fact that this should
+have happened, is a decisive proof of the progress which, during fifty
+years, had been made by the French nation. With such rapidity were the
+prejudices of that great people dying away, that opinions utterly
+subversive of theological traditions, and fatal to the whole scheme of
+ecclesiastical power, were with impunity advocated by Descartes, and put
+in practice by Richelieu. It was now clearly seen, that the two foremost
+men of their time could, with little or no risk, openly propagate ideas
+which, half a century before, it would have been accounted dangerous
+even for the most obscure man to whisper in the privacy of his own
+chamber.
+
+Nor are the causes of this impunity difficult to understand. They are to
+be found in the diffusion of that sceptical spirit, by which, in France
+as well as in England, toleration was preceded. For, without entering
+into details which would be too long for the limits of this
+Introduction, it is enough to say, that French literature generally was,
+at this period, distinguished by a freedom and a boldness of inquiry,
+of which, England alone excepted, no example had then been seen in
+Europe. The generation which had listened to the teachings of Montaigne
+and of Charron, was now succeeded by another generation, the disciples,
+indeed, of those eminent men, but disciples who far outstripped their
+masters. The result was, that, during the thirty or forty years which
+preceded the power of Louis XIV.,[245] there was not to be found a
+single Frenchman of note who did not share in the general feeling--not
+one who did not attack some ancient dogma, or sap the foundation of some
+old opinion. This fearless temper was the characteristic of the ablest
+writers of that time;[246] but what is still more observable is, that
+the movement spread with such rapidity as to include in its action even
+those parts of society which are invariably the last to be affected by
+it. That spirit of doubt, which is the necessary precursor of all
+inquiry, and therefore of all solid improvement, owes its origin to the
+most thinking and intellectual parts of society, and is naturally
+opposed by the other parts: opposed by the nobles, because it is
+dangerous to their interests; opposed by the uneducated, because it
+attacks their prejudices. This is one of the reasons why neither the
+highest nor the lowest ranks are fit to conduct the government of a
+civilized country; since both of them, notwithstanding individual
+exceptions, are, in the aggregate, averse to those reforms which the
+exigencies of an advancing nation constantly require. But, in France,
+before the middle of the seventeenth century, even these classes began
+to participate in the great progress; so that, not only among thoughtful
+men, but likewise among the ignorant and the frivolous, there was seen
+that inquisitive and incredulous disposition, which, whatever may be
+said against it, has at least this peculiarity, that, in its absence,
+there is no instance to be found of the establishment of those
+principles of toleration and of liberty, which have only been recognized
+with infinite difficulty, and after many a hard-fought battle against
+prejudices whose inveterate tenacity might almost cause them to be
+deemed a part of the original constitution of the human mind.[247]
+
+  [245] That is in 1661, when Louis XIV. first assumed the government.
+
+  [246] M. Barante (_Tableau de la Litterature Francaise_, pp. 26, 27)
+        notices 'cette independance dans les idees, ce jugement audacieux
+        de toutes choses, qu'on remarque dans Corneille, dans Mezeray,
+        dans Balzac, dans Saint-Real, dans Lamothe-Levayer.' To these may
+        be added Naude, Patin, and probably Gassendi. Compare _Hallam's
+        Literat. of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 364, 365, with _Mackintosh's
+        Ethical Philos._ p. 116, and _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 297,
+        vol. ii. pp. 33, 186, 191, 242, 342, 498, 508, vol. iii. p. 87.
+
+  [247] The increase of incredulity was so remarkable, as to give rise to
+        a ridiculous assertion, 'qu'il y avoit plus de 50,000 athees dans
+        Paris vers l'an 1623.' _Baillet_, _Jugemens des Savans_, Paris,
+        1722, 4to. vol. i. p. 185. Baillet has no difficulty in rejecting
+        this preposterous statement (which is also noticed in
+        _Coleridge's Literary Remains_, vol. i. p. 305; where, however,
+        there is apparently a confusion between two different periods);
+        but the spread of scepticism among the upper ranks and courtiers,
+        during the reign of Louis XIII. and the minority of Louis XIV.,
+        is attested by a great variety of evidence. See _Mem. de Madame
+        de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 52; _Mem. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 266;
+        _Conrart_, _Mem._ p. 235 note; _Des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol.
+        vii. p. 143; _Mem. de Brienne_, vol. ii. p. 107 note.
+
+It is no wonder if, under these circumstances, the speculations of
+Descartes and the actions of Richelieu should have met with great
+success. The system of Descartes exercised immense influence, and soon
+pervaded nearly every branch of knowledge.[248] The policy of Richelieu
+was so firmly established, that it was continued without the slightest
+difficulty by his immediate successor: nor was any attempt made to
+reverse it until that forcible and artificial reaction which, under
+Louis XIV., was fatal, for a time, to every sort of civil and religious
+liberty. The history of that reaction, and the way in which, by a
+counter-reaction, the French Revolution was prepared, will be related in
+the subsequent chapters of this volume; at present we will resume the
+thread of those events which took place in France before Louis XIV.
+assumed the government.
+
+  [248] Volumes might be written on the influence of Descartes, which was
+        seen, not only in subjects immediately connected with his
+        philosophy, but even in those apparently remote from it. Compare
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. ii. pp. 55
+        seq.; _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 153; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de
+        la Medecine_, vol. iv. p. 238; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_,
+        part ii. pp. 327, 332, 352, 363; _Staeudlin_, _Geschichte der
+        theologischen Wissenschaften_, vol. i. p. 263; _Tennemann_,
+        _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. pp. 285 seq.; _Huetius de Rebus ad
+        eum pertinentibus_, pp. 35, 295, 296, 385-389; _Mosheim's Eccles.
+        Hist._ vol. ii. p. 258; _Dacier_, _Rapport Historique_, p. 334;
+        _Leslie's Nat. Philos._ p. 121; _Eloges_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. v. pp. 94, 106, 137, 197, 234,
+        392, vol. vi. pp. 157, 318, 449; _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 195; _Querard_, _France Lit._ vol. iii. p. 273.
+
+A few months after the death of Richelieu, Louis XIII. also died, and
+the crown was inherited by Louis XIV., who was then a child, and who for
+many years had no influence in public affairs. During his minority, the
+government was administered, avowedly by his mother, but in reality by
+Mazarin: a man who, though in every point inferior to Richelieu, had
+imbibed something of his spirit, and who, so far as he was able, adopted
+the policy of that great statesman, to whom he owed his promotion.[249]
+He, influenced partly by the example of his predecessor, partly by his
+own character, and partly by the spirit of his age, showed no desire to
+persecute the Protestants, or to disturb them in any of the rights they
+then exercised.[250] His first act was to confirm the Edict of
+Nantes;[251] and, towards the close of his life, he even allowed the
+Protestants again to hold those synods which their own violence had
+been the means of interrupting.[252] Between the death of Richelieu and
+the accession to power of Louis XIV., there elapsed a period of nearly
+twenty years, during which Mazarin, with the exception of a few
+intervals, was at the head of the state; and in the whole of that time,
+I have found no instance of any Frenchman being punished for his
+religion. Indeed, the new government, so far from protecting the church
+by repressing heresy, displayed that indifference to ecclesiastical
+interests which was now becoming a settled maxim of French policy.
+Richelieu, as we have already seen, had taken the bold step of placing
+Protestants at the head of the royal armies; and this he had done upon
+the simple principle, that one of the first duties of a statesman is to
+employ for the benefit of the country the ablest men he can find,
+without regard to their theological opinions, with which, as he well
+knew, no government has any concern. But Louis XIII., whose personal
+feelings were always opposed to the enlightened measures of his great
+minister, was offended by this magnanimous disregard of ancient
+prejudices; his piety was shocked at the idea of Catholic soldiers being
+commanded by heretics; and, as we are assured by a well-informed
+contemporary, he determined to put an end to this scandal to the church,
+and, for the future, allow no Protestant to receive the staff of marshal
+of France.[253] Whether the king, if he had lived, would have carried
+his point, is doubtful;[254] but what is certain is, that, only four
+months after his death, this appointment of marshal was bestowed upon
+Turenne, the most able of all the Protestant generals.[255] And in the
+very next year, Gassion, another Protestant, was raised to the same
+dignity; thus affording the strange spectacle of the highest military
+power in a great Catholic country wielded by two men against whose
+religion the church was never weary of directing her anathemas.[256] In
+a similar spirit, Mazarin, on mere grounds of political expediency,
+concluded an intimate alliance with Cromwell; an usurper who, in the
+opinion of the theologians, was doomed to perdition, since he was soiled
+by the triple crime of rebellion, of heresy, and of regicide.[257]
+Finally, one of the last acts of this pupil of Richelieu's[258] was to
+sign the celebrated treaty of the Pyrenees, by which ecclesiastical
+interests were seriously weakened, and great injury inflicted on him who
+was still considered to be the head of the church.[259]
+
+  [249] On the connexion between Richelieu and Mazarin, see _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiii. pp. 400, 530; and a curious,
+        though perhaps apocryphal anecdote in _Tallemant des Reaux_,
+        _Historiettes_, vol. ii. pp. 231, 232. In 1636 there was noticed
+        'l'etroite union' between Richelieu and Mazarin. _Le Vassor_,
+        _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. viii. part ii. p. 187.
+
+  [250] 'Mazarin n'avoit ni fanatisme ni esprit persecuteur,' _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiv. p. 531. That he did not
+        persecute the Protestants is grudgingly confessed in _Felice's
+        Hist. of the Protestants of France_, p. 292. See also _Smedley's
+        Reformed Religion in France_, vol. iii. p. 222.
+
+  [251] He confirmed it in July, 1643. See _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. iii. appendix, p. 3; and _Quick's Synodicon in
+        Gallia_, vol. i. p. ciii.
+
+  [252] In 1659, there was assembled the Synod of Loudon, the moderator of
+        which said, 'It is now fifteen years since we had a national
+        synod.' _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, vol. ii. p. 517.
+
+  [253] Brienne records the determination of the king, 'que cette dignite
+        ne seroit plus accordee a des Protestans.' _Sismondi_, _Histoire
+        des Francais_, vol. xxiv. p. 65.
+
+  [254] He was so uneasy about the sin he had committed, that before his
+        death he intreated the Protestant marshals to change their creed:
+        'Il ne voulut pas mourir sans avoir exhorte de sa propre bouche
+        les marechaux de la Force et de Chatillon a se faire
+        Catholiques.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. ii. p.
+        612. The same circumstance is mentioned by Le Vassor, _Hist. de
+        Louis XIII_, vol. x. part ii. p. 785.
+
+  [255] Louis XIII. died in May 1643; and Turenne was made marshal in the
+        September following. _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 148, 151.
+
+  [256] Sismondi (_Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxiv. p. 65) makes the
+        appointment of Gassion in 1644; according to Montglat
+        (_Memoires_, vol. i. p. 437) it was at the end of 1643. There are
+        some singular anecdotes of Gassion in _Les Historiettes de
+        Tallemant des Reaux_, vol. v. pp. 167-180; and an account of his
+        death in _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 290, from which it
+        appears that he remained a Protestant to the last.
+
+  [257] The Pope especially was offended by this alliance (_Ranke_, _die
+        Paepste_, vol. iii. p. 158, compared with _Vaughan's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. 343, vol. ii. p. 124); and, judging from the language
+        of Clarendon, the orthodox party in England was irritated by it.
+        _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 699, 700. Contemporary
+        notices of this union between the cardinal and the regicide, will
+        be found in _Mem. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 349; _Mem. de Montglat_,
+        vol. ii. p. 478, vol. iii. p. 23; _Lettres de Patin_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 183, 302, 426; _Marchand_, _Dict. Historique_, vol. ii. p.
+        56; _Mem. of Sir Philip Warwick_, p. 377; _Harris's Lives of the
+        Stuarts_, vol. iii. p. 393.
+
+  [258] De Retz (_Memoires_, vol. i. p. 59), who knew Richelieu, calls
+        Mazarin 'son disciple.' And at p. 65 he adds, 'comme il marchoit
+        sur les pas du cardinal de Richelieu, qui avoit acheve de
+        detruire toutes les anciennes maximes de l'etat.' Compare _Mem.
+        de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 18; and _Mem. de la Rochefoucauld_,
+        vol. i. p. 444.
+
+  [259] On the open affront to the Pope by this treaty, see _Ranke_, _die
+        Paepste_, vol. iii. p. 159: 'An dem pyrenaeischen Frieden nahm er
+        auch nicht einmal mehr einen scheinbaren Antheil: man vermied es
+        seine Abgeordneten zuzulassen: kaum wurde seiner noch darin
+        gedacht.' The consequences and the meaning of all this are well
+        noticed by M. Ranke.
+
+But, the circumstance for which the administration of Mazarin is most
+remarkable, is the breaking out of that great civil war called the
+Fronde, in which the people attempted to carry into politics the
+insubordinate spirit which had already displayed itself in literature
+and in religion. Here we cannot fail to note the similarity between this
+struggle and that which, at the same time, was taking place in England.
+It would, indeed, be far from accurate to say that the two events were
+the counterpart of each other; but there can be no doubt that the
+analogy between them is very striking. In both countries, the civil war
+was the first popular expression of what had hitherto been rather a
+speculative, and, so to say, a literary scepticism. In both countries,
+incredulity was followed by rebellion, and the abasement of the clergy
+preceded the humiliation of the crown; for Richelieu was to the French
+church what Elizabeth had been to the English church. In both countries
+there now first arose that great product of civilization, a free press,
+which showed its liberty by pouring forth those fearless and innumerable
+works which mark the activity of the age.[260] In both countries, the
+struggle was between retrogression and progress; between those who clung
+to tradition, and those who longed for innovation; while, in both, the
+contest assumed the external form of a war between king and parliament,
+the king being the organ of the past, the parliament the representative
+of the present. And, not to mention inferior similarities, there was one
+other point of vast importance in which these two great events coincide.
+This is, that both of them were eminently secular, and arose from the
+desire, not of propagating religious opinions, but of securing civil
+liberty. The temporal character of the English rebellion I have already
+noticed, and, indeed, it must be obvious to whoever has studied the
+evidence in its original sources. In France, not only do we find the
+same result, but we can even mark the stages of the progress. In the
+middle of the sixteenth century, and immediately after the death of
+Henry III., the French civil wars were caused by religious disputes, and
+were carried on with the fervour of a crusade. Early in the seventeenth
+century, hostilities again broke out; but though the efforts of the
+government were directed against the Protestants, this was not because
+they were heretics, but because they were rebels: the object being, not
+to punish an opinion, but to control a faction. This was the first great
+stage in the history of toleration; and it was accomplished, as we have
+already seen, during the reign of Louis XIII. That generation passing
+away, there arose, in the next age, the wars of the Fronde; and in this,
+which may be called the second stage of the French intellect, the
+alteration was still more remarkable. For, in the mean time, the
+principles of the great sceptical thinkers, from Montaigne to Descartes,
+had produced their natural fruit, and, becoming diffused among the
+educated classes, had influenced, as they always will do, not only those
+by whom they were received, but also those by whom they were rejected.
+Indeed, a mere knowledge of the fact, that the most eminent men have
+thrown doubt on the popular opinions of an age, can never fail, in some
+degree, to disturb the convictions even of those by whom the doubts are
+ridiculed.[261] In such cases, none are entirely safe: the firmest
+belief is apt to become slightly unsettled; those who outwardly preserve
+the appearance of orthodoxy, often unconsciously waver; they cannot
+entirely resist the influence of superior minds, nor can they always
+avoid an unwelcome suspicion, that when ability is on one side, and
+ignorance on the other, it is barely possible that the ability may be
+right, and the ignorance may be wrong.
+
+  [260] 'La presse jouissait d'une entiere liberte pendant les troubles de
+        la Fronde, et le public prenait un tel interet aux debats
+        politiques, que les pamphlets se debitaient quelquefois au nombre
+        de huit et dix mille exemplaires.' _Sainte-Aulaire_, _Hist. de la
+        Fronde_, vol. i. p. 299. Tallemant des Reaux, who wrote
+        immediately after the Fronde, says (_Historiettes_, vol. iv. p.
+        74), 'Durant la Fronde, qu'on imprimoit tout.' And Omer Talon,
+        with the indignation natural to a magistrate, mentions, that in
+        1649, 'toutes sortes de libelles et de diffamations se publioient
+        hautement par la ville sans permission du magistrat.' _Mem.
+        d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. p. 466. For further evidence of the great
+        importance of the press in France in the middle of the
+        seventeenth century, see _Mem. de Lenet_, vol. i. p. 162; _Mem.
+        de Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 288, 289; _Lettres de Patin_, vol.
+        i. p. 432, vol. ii. p. 517; _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_,
+        vol. vii. p. 175.
+
+        In England, the Long Parliament succeeded to the licensing
+        authority of the Star-chamber (_Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol.
+        iv. p. 152); but it is evident from the literature of that time,
+        that for a considerable period the power was in reality in
+        abeyance. Both parties attacked each other freely through the
+        press; and it is said that between the breaking out of the civil
+        war and the restoration, there were published from 30,000 to
+        50,000 pamphlets. _Morgan's Ph[oe]nix Britannicus_, 1731, 4to.
+        pp. iii. 557; _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 4; _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 449. See also on this great
+        movement of the press, _Bates's Account of the Late Troubles_,
+        part i. p. 78; _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, p. 4; _Howell's Letters_,
+        p. 354; _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. p. 45; _Clarendon's
+        Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 81; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iv.
+        pp. 86, 102.
+
+  [261] Dugald Stewart (_Philos. of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 357) says,
+        'Nothing can be more just than the observation of Fontenelle,
+        that "the number of those who believe in a system already
+        established in the world, does not, in the least, add to its
+        credibility; but that the number of those who doubt of it, has a
+        tendency to diminish it."' Compare with this _Newman on
+        Development_, Lond. 1845, p. 31; and the remark of Hylas in
+        _Berkeley's Works_, edit. 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152, first
+        dialogue.
+
+Thus it fell out in France. In that country, as in every other, when
+theological convictions diminished, theological animosities subsided.
+Formerly religion had been the cause of war, and had also been the
+pretext under which it was conducted. Then there came a time when it
+ceased to be the cause: but so slow is the progress of society, that it
+was still found necessary to set it up as the pretext.[262] Finally,
+there came the great days of the Fronde, in which it was neither cause
+nor pretext,[263] and in which there was seen, for the first time in
+France, an arduous struggle by human beings avowedly for human purposes:
+a war waged by men who sought, not to enforce their opinions, but to
+increase their liberty. And, as if to make this change still more
+striking, the most eminent leader of the insurgents was the Cardinal de
+Retz; a man of vast ability, but whose contempt for his profession was
+notorious,[264] and of whom a great historian has said, 'he is the first
+bishop in France who carried on a civil war without making religion the
+pretence.'[265]
+
+  [262] Compare _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol. i. p. 293, with a remarkable
+        passage in _Mem. de Rohan_, vol. i. p. 317; where Rohan contrasts
+        the religious wars he was engaged in during the administration of
+        Richelieu, with those very different wars which had been waged in
+        France a little earlier.
+
+  [263] 'L'esprit religieux ne s'etait mele en aucune maniere aux
+        querelles de la Fronde.' _Capefigue_, vol. ii. p. 434. Lenet, who
+        had great influence with what was called the party of the
+        princes, says that he always avoided any attempt 'a faire aboutir
+        notre parti a une guerre de religion.' _Mem. de Lenet_, vol. i.
+        p. 619. Even the people said that it was unimportant whether or
+        not a man died a Protestant; but that if he were a partizan of
+        Mazarin he was sure to be damned: 'Ils disoient qu'etant mazarin,
+        il falloit qu'il fut damne.' _Lenet_, vol. i. p. 434.
+
+  [264] Indeed he does not conceal this even in his memoirs. He says
+        (_Mem._ vol. i. p. 3), he had 'l'ame peut-etre la moins
+        ecclesiastique qui fut dans l'univers.' At p. 13, 'le chagrin que
+        ma profession ne laissoit pas de nourrir toujours dans le fonds
+        de mon ame.' At p. 21, 'je haissois ma profession plus que
+        jamais.' At p. 48, 'le clerge, qui donne toujours l'exemple de la
+        servitude, la prechoit aux autres sous le titre d'obeissance.'
+        See also the remark of his great friend Joly (_Mem. de Joly_, p.
+        209, edit. Petitot, 1825); and the account given by Tallemant des
+        Reaux, who knew De Retz well, and had travelled with him,
+        _Historiettes_, vol. vii. pp. 18-30. The same tendency is
+        illustrated, though in a much smaller degree, by a conversation
+        which Charles II., when in exile, held with De Retz, and which is
+        preserved in _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 806, and is
+        worth consulting merely as an instance of the purely secular view
+        that De Retz always took of political affairs.
+
+  [265] 'Cet homme singulier est le premier eveque en France qui ait fait
+        une guerre civile sans avoir la religion pour pretexte.' _Siecle
+        de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 261.
+
+We have thus seen that, during the seventy years which succeeded the
+accession of Henry IV., the French intellect developed itself in a
+manner remarkably similar to that which took place in England. We have
+seen that, in both countries, the mind, according to the natural
+conditions of its growth, first doubted what it had long believed, and
+then tolerated what it had long hated. That this was by no means an
+accidental or capricious combination, is evident, not only from general
+arguments, and from the analogy of the two countries, but also from
+another circumstance of great interest. This is, that the order of
+events, and as it were their relative proportions, were the same, not
+only in reference to the increase of toleration, but also in reference
+to the increase of literature and science. In both countries, the
+progress of knowledge bore the same ratio to the decline of
+ecclesiastical influence, although they manifested that ratio at
+different periods. We had begun to throw off our superstitions somewhat
+earlier than the French were able to do; and thus, being the first in
+the field, we anticipated that great people in producing a secular
+literature. Whoever will take the pains to compare the growth of the
+French and English minds, will see that, in all the most important
+departments, we were the first, I do not say in merit, but in the order
+of time. In prose, in poetry, and in every branch of intellectual
+excellence, it will be found, on comparison, that we were before the
+French nearly a whole generation; and that, chronologically, the same
+proportion was preserved as that between Bacon and Descartes, Hooker and
+Pascal,[266] Shakespeare and Corneille, Massinger and Racine, Ben Jonson
+and Moliere, Harvey and Pecquet. These eminent men were all justly
+celebrated in their respective countries; and it would perhaps be
+invidious to institute a comparison between them. But what we have here
+to observe is, that among those who cultivated the same department, the
+greatest Englishman, in every instance, preceded the greatest Frenchman
+by many years. The difference, running as it does, through all the
+leading topics, is far too regular to be considered accidental. And as
+few Englishmen of the present day will be so presumptuous as to suppose
+that we possess any native and inherent superiority over the French, it
+is evident that there must be some marked peculiarity in which the two
+countries differed, and which has produced this difference, not in their
+knowledge, but in the time at which their knowledge appeared. Nor does
+the discovery of this peculiarity require much penetration. For,
+notwithstanding that the French were more tardy than the English, still,
+when the development had fairly begun, the antecedents of its success
+were among both people precisely the same. It is, therefore, clear,
+according to the commonest principles of inductive reasoning, that the
+lateness of the development must be owing to the lateness of the
+antecedent. It is clear that the French knew less because they believed
+more.[267] It is clear that their progress was checked by the prevalence
+of those feelings which are fatal to all knowledge, because, looking on
+antiquity as the sole receptacle of wisdom, they degrade the present in
+order that they may exaggerate the past: feelings which destroy the
+prospects of man, stifle his hopes, damp his curiosity, chill his
+energies, impair his judgment, and, under pretence of humbling the pride
+of his reason, seek to throw him back into that more than midnight
+darkness from which his reason alone has enabled him to emerge.
+
+  [266] Hooker and Pascal may properly be classed together, as the two
+        most sublime theological writers either country has produced; for
+        Bossuet is as inferior to Pascal as Jeremy Taylor is inferior to
+        Hooker.
+
+  [267] One of the most remarkable men they have ever possessed notices
+        this connexion, which he expresses conversely, but with equal
+        truth: 'moins on sait, moins on doute; moins on a decouvert,
+        moins on voit ce qui reste a decouvrir.... Quand les hommes sont
+        ignorans, il est aise de tout savoir.' _Discours en Sorbonne_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. pp. 65, 70.
+
+The analogy thus existing between France and England, is, indeed, very
+striking, and, so far as we have yet considered it, seems complete in
+all its parts. To sum up the similarities in a few words, it may be
+said, that both countries followed the same order of development in
+their scepticism, in their knowledge, in their literature, and in their
+toleration. In both countries, there broke out a civil war at the same
+time, for the same object, and, in many respects, under the same
+circumstances. In both, the insurgents, at first triumphant, were
+afterwards defeated; and the rebellion being put down, the governments
+of the two nations were fully restored almost at the same moment: in
+1660 by Charles II.; in 1661, by Louis XIV.[268] But there the
+similarity stopped. At this point there began a marked divergence
+between the two countries;[269] which continued to increase for more
+than a century, until it ended in England by the consolidation of the
+national prosperity, in France by a revolution more sanguinary, more
+complete, and more destructive, than any the world has ever seen. This
+difference between the fortunes of such great and civilized nations is
+so remarkable, that a knowledge of its causes becomes essential to a
+right understanding of European history, and will be found to throw
+considerable light on other events not immediately connected with it.
+Besides this, such an inquiry, independently of its scientific interest,
+will have a high practical value. It will show, what men seem only
+recently to have begun to understand, that, in politics, no certain
+principles having yet been discovered, the first conditions of success
+are compromise, barter, expediency, and concession. It will show the
+utter helplessness even of the ablest rulers, when they try to meet new
+emergencies by old maxims. It will show the intimate connexion between
+knowledge and liberty; between an increasing civilization and an
+advancing democracy. It will show that, for a progressive nation, there
+is required a progressive polity; that within certain limits, innovation
+is the sole ground of security; that no institution can withstand the
+flux and movements of society, unless it not only repairs its structure,
+but also widens its entrance; and that, even in a material point of
+view, no country can long remain either prosperous or safe, in which the
+people are not gradually extending their power, enlarging their
+privileges, and, so to say, incorporating themselves with the functions
+of the state.
+
+  [268] Mazarin, until his death in 1661, exercised complete authority
+        over Louis. See _Siecle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xix. pp. 318, 319; and _Lavallee_, _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. iii. p. 195; so that, as Montglat says (_Mem._
+        vol. iii. p. 111), 'On doit appeler ce temps-la le commencement
+        du regne de Louis XIV.' The pompous manner in which, directly
+        after the death of Mazarin, the king assumed the government, is
+        related by Brienne, who was present. _Mem. de Brienne_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 154-158.
+
+  [269] By this I mean, that the divergence now first became clear to
+        every observer; but the origin of the divergence dates from a
+        much earlier period, as we shall see in the next chapter.
+
+The tranquillity of England, and her freedom from civil war, are to be
+ascribed to the recognition of these great truths;[270] while the
+neglect of them has entailed upon other countries the most woful
+calamities. On this account, therefore, if on no other, it becomes
+interesting to ascertain how it was that the two nations we have been
+comparing should, in regard to these truths, have adopted views
+diametrically opposite, although, in other matters, their opinions, as
+we have already seen, were very similar. Or, to state the question in
+other words, we have to inquire how it was that the French, after
+pursuing precisely the same course as the English, in their knowledge,
+in their scepticism, and in their toleration, should have stopped short
+in their politics; how it was that their minds, which had effected such
+great things, should, nevertheless, have been so unprepared for liberty,
+that, in spite of the heroic efforts of the Fronde, they not only fell
+under the despotism of Louis XIV., but never cared to resist it; and, at
+length, becoming slaves in their souls as well as in their bodies, they
+grew proud of a condition which the meanest Englishman would have
+spurned as an intolerable bondage.
+
+  [270] That is to say, their practical recognition; theoretically, they
+        are still denied by innumerable politicians, who, nevertheless,
+        assist in carrying them into effect, fondly hoping that each
+        innovation will be the last, and enticing men into reform under
+        the pretext that by each change they are returning to the spirit
+        of the ancient British constitution.
+
+The cause of this difference is to be sought in the existence of that
+spirit of protection which is so dangerous and yet so plausible, that it
+forms the most serious obstacle with which advancing civilization has to
+contend. This, which may truly be called an evil spirit, has always been
+far stronger in France than in England. Indeed, among the French, it
+continues, even to the present day, to produce the most mischievous
+results. It is, as I shall hereafter point out, intimately connected
+with that love of centralization which appears in the machinery of their
+government, and in the spirit of their literature. It is this which
+induces them to retain restrictions by which their trade has long been
+troubled, and to preserve monopolies which, in our country, a freer
+system has effectually destroyed. It is this which causes them to
+interfere with the natural relation between producers and consumers; to
+force into existence manufactures which otherwise would never arise, and
+which, for that very reason, are not required; to disturb the ordinary
+march of industry, and, under pretence of protecting their native
+labourers, diminish the produce of labour by diverting it from those
+profitable channels into which its own instincts always compel it to
+flow.
+
+When the protective principle is carried into trade, these are its
+inevitable results. When it is carried into politics, there is formed
+what is called a paternal government, in which supreme power is vested
+in the sovereign, or in a few privileged classes. When it is carried
+into theology, it produces a powerful church, and a numerous clergy, who
+are supposed to be the necessary guardians of religion, and every
+opposition to whom is resented as an insult to the public morals. These
+are the marks by which protection may be recognized; and from a very
+early period they have displayed themselves in France much more clearly
+than in England. Without pretending to discover their precise origin, I
+will, in the next chapter, endeavour to trace them back to a time
+sufficiently remote to explain some of the discrepancies which, in this
+respect existed between the two countries.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Note to p. 93._ Descartes died in Sweden on a visit to Christina; so
+that, strictly speaking, there is an error in the text. But this does
+not affect the argument; because the works of Descartes, being eagerly
+read in France, and not being prohibited, we must suppose that his
+person would have been safe, had he remained in his own country. To burn
+a heretic is a more decisive step than to suppress a book; and as the
+French clergy were not strong enough to effect the latter, it is hardly
+likely that they could have accomplished the former.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER II.
+
+  HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND
+                                ENGLAND.
+
+
+When, towards the end of the fifth century, the Roman empire was broken
+up, there followed, as is well known, a long period of ignorance and of
+crime, in which even the ablest minds were immersed in the grossest
+superstitions. During these, which are rightly called the Dark Ages, the
+clergy were supreme: they ruled the consciences of the most despotic
+sovereigns, and they were respected as men of vast learning, because
+they alone were able to read and write; because they were the sole
+depositaries of those idle conceits of which European science then
+consisted; and because they preserved the legends of the saints and the
+lives of the fathers, from which, as it was believed, the teachings of
+divine wisdom might easily be gathered.
+
+Such was the degradation of the European intellect for about five
+hundred years, during which the credulity of men reached a height
+unparalleled in the annals of ignorance. But at length the human reason,
+that divine spark which even the most corrupt society is unable to
+extinguish, began to display its power, and disperse the mists by which
+it was surrounded. Various circumstances, which it would be tedious here
+to discuss, caused this dispersion to take place at different times in
+different countries. However, speaking generally, we may say that it
+occurred in the tenth and eleventh centuries, and that by the twelfth
+century there was no nation now called civilized, upon whom the light
+had not begun to dawn.
+
+It is from this point that the first great divergence between the
+European nations took its rise. Before this time their superstition was
+so great and universal, that it would avail little to measure the degree
+of their relative darkness. Indeed, so low had they fallen, that, during
+the earlier period, the authority of the clergy was in many respects an
+advantage, as forming a barrier between the people and their rulers, and
+as supplying the sole instance of a class that even made an approach to
+intellectual pursuits. But when the great movement took place, when the
+human reason began to rebel, the position of the clergy was suddenly
+changed. They had been friendly to reasoning as long as the reasoning
+was on their side.[271] While they were the only guardians of knowledge,
+they were eager to promote its interests. Now, however, it was falling
+from their hands: it was becoming possessed by laymen: it was growing
+dangerous: it must be reduced to its proper dimensions. Then it was that
+there first became general the inquisitions, the imprisonments, the
+torturings, the burnings, and all the other contrivances by which the
+church vainly endeavoured to stem the tide that had turned against
+her.[272] From that moment there has been an unceasing struggle between
+these two great parties,--the advocates of inquiry, and the advocates of
+belief: a struggle which, however it may be disguised, and under
+whatever forms it may appear, is at bottom always the same, and
+represents the opposite interests of reason and faith, of scepticism and
+credulity, of progress and reaction, of those who hope for the future,
+and of those who cling to the past.
+
+  [271] 'Toute influence qu'on accordait a la science ne pouvait, dans les
+        premiers temps, qu'etre favorable au clerge.' _Meyer_, _Institut.
+        Judic._ vol. i. p. 498.
+
+  [272] Early in the eleventh century the clergy first began
+        systematically to repress independent inquiries by punishing men
+        who attempted to think for themselves. Compare _Sismondi_, _Hist.
+        des Francais_, vol. iv. pp. 145, 146; _Neander's Hist. of the
+        Church_, vol. vi. pp. 365, 366; _Prescott's Hist. of Ferdinand
+        and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 261 note. Before this, such a policy,
+        as Sismondi justly observes, was not required: 'Pendant plusieurs
+        siecles, l'eglise n'avoit ete troublee par aucune heresie;
+        l'ignorance etoit trop complete la soumission trop servile, la
+        foi trop aveugle, pour que les questions qui avoient si long-temps
+        exerce la subtilite des Grecs fussent seulement comprises par les
+        Latins.' As knowledge advanced, the opposition between inquiry
+        and belief became more marked: the church redoubled her efforts,
+        and at the end of the twelfth century the popes first formally
+        called on the secular power to punish heretics; and the earliest
+        constitution addressed 'inquisitoribus haereticae pravitatis' is
+        one by Alexander IV. _Meyer_, _Inst. Jud._ vol. ii. pp. 554, 556.
+        See also on this movement, _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_,
+        vol. i. p. 125, vol. iv. p. 284. In 1222 a synod assembled at
+        Oxford caused an apostate to be burned; and this, says Lingard
+        (_Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 148), 'is, I believe, the first
+        instance of capital punishment in England on the ground of
+        religion.' Compare _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 444.
+
+This, then, is the great starting point of modern civilization. From the
+moment that reason began, however faintly, to assert its supremacy, the
+improvement of every people has depended upon their obedience to its
+dictates, and upon the success with which they have reduced to its
+standard the whole of their actions. To understand, therefore, the
+original divergence of France and England, we must seek it in the
+circumstances that took place when this, which may be called the great
+rebellion of the intellect, was first clearly seen.
+
+If now, with a view to such inquiry, we examine the history of Europe,
+we shall find that just at this period there sprung up the feudal
+system: a vast scheme of polity, which, clumsy and imperfect as it was,
+supplied many of the wants of the rude people among whom it arose.[273]
+The connexion between it and the decline of the ecclesiastical spirit
+is very obvious. For the feudal system was the first great secular plan
+that had been seen in Europe since the formation of the civil law: it
+was the first comprehensive attempt which had been made, during more
+than four hundred years, to organize society according to temporal, not
+according to spiritual circumstances, the basis of the whole arrangement
+being merely the possession of land, and the performance of certain
+military and pecuniary services.[274]
+
+  [273] Sir F. Palgrave (_English Commonwealth_, vol. ii. p. ccvi.) says,
+        'it is generally admitted, by the best authorities, that from
+        about the eleventh century benefices acquired the name of fiefs
+        or feuds;' and Robertson (_State of Europe_, note viii. in
+        _Works_, p. 393) supposes that the word _feudum_ does not occur
+        before 1008. But according to M. Guizot (_Civilisation en
+        France_, vol. iii. p. 238), 'il apparait, pour la premiere fois,
+        dans une charte de Charles le Gros en 884.' This is a question
+        more curious than important; since whatever the origin of the
+        word may be, it is certain that the thing did not, and could not,
+        exist before the tenth century at the earliest: inasmuch as the
+        extreme disorganisation of society rendered so coercive an
+        institution impossible. M. Guizot, in another work (_Essais sur
+        l'Hist. de France_, p. 239), rightly says, 'Au X^e siecle
+        seulement, les rapports et les pouvoirs sociaux acquirent quelque
+        fixite.' See also his _Civilisation en Europe_, p. 90.
+
+  [274] 'La terre est tout dans ce systeme.... Le systeme feodal est comme
+        une religion de la terre.' _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Michelet_, vol. ii. p. 302. 'Le caractere de la feodalite,
+        c'etait la predominance de la _realite_ sur la _personnalite_, de
+        la terre sur l'homme.' _Eschbach_, _Etude du Droit_, p. 256.
+
+This was, no doubt, a great step in European civilization, because it
+set the first example of a large public polity in which the spiritual
+classes as such had no recognized place;[275] and hence there followed
+that struggle between feudality and the church, which has been observed
+by several writers, but the origin of which has been strangely
+overlooked. What, however, we have now to notice is, that by the
+establishment of the feudal system, the spirit of protection, far from
+being destroyed, was probably not even weakened, but only assumed a new
+form. Instead of being spiritual, it became temporal. Instead of men
+looking up to the church, they looked up to the nobles. For, as a
+necessary consequence of this vast movement, or rather as a part of it,
+the great possessors of land were now being organized into an hereditary
+aristocracy.[276] In the tenth century, we find the first surnames:[277]
+by the eleventh century most of the great offices had become hereditary
+in the leading families:[278] and in the twelfth century armorial
+bearings were invented, as well as other heraldic devices, which long
+nourished the conceit of the nobles, and were valued by their
+descendants as marks of that superiority of birth to which, during many
+ages, all other superiority was considered subordinate.[279]
+
+  [275] According to the social and political arrangements from the fourth
+        to the tenth century, the clergy were so eminently a class apart,
+        that they were freed from 'burdens of the state,' and were not
+        obliged to engage in military services unless they thought proper
+        to do so. See _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. iii. p. 195,
+        vol. v. pp. 133, 140; and _Petrie's Ecclesiast. Archit._ p. 382.
+        But under the feudal system this immunity was lost; and in regard
+        to performing services no separation of classes was admitted.
+        'After the feudal polity became established, we do not find that
+        there was any dispensation for ecclesiastical fiefs.' _Hallam's
+        Supplemental Notes_, p. 120; and for further proof of the loss of
+        the old privileges, compare _Grose's Military Antiquities_, vol.
+        i. pp. 5, 64; _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. i. p. 257; _Turner's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p. 462; and _Mably's Observations_,
+        vol. i. pp. 434, 435: so that, as this writer says, p. 215,
+        'Chaque seigneur laic avait gagne personnellement a la revolution
+        qui forma le gouvernement feodal; mais les eveques et les abbes,
+        en devenant souverains dans leurs terres, perdirent au contraire
+        beaucoup de leur pouvoir et de leur dignite.'
+
+  [276] The great change of turning life-possessions of land into
+        hereditary possessions, began late in the ninth century, being
+        initiated in France by a capitulary of Charles the Bald, in 877.
+        See _Allen on the Prerogative_, p. 210; _Spence's Origin of the
+        Laws of Europe_, pp. 282, 301; _Meyer_, _Instit. Judiciaires_,
+        vol. i. p. 206.
+
+  [277] That surnames first arose in the tenth century is stated by the
+        most competent authorities. See _Sismondi_, _Hist. de Francais_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 452-455; _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 138;
+        _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. iii. p. 268; _Petrie's
+        Ecclesiast. Archit._ pp. 277, 342. Koch (_Tableau des
+        Revolutions_, vol. i. p. 138) erroneously says, 'c'est
+        pareillement aux croisades que l'Europe doit l'usage des surnoms
+        de famille;' a double mistake, both as to the date and the cause,
+        since the introduction of surnames being part of a large social
+        movement, can under no circumstances be ascribed to a single
+        event.
+
+  [278] On this process from the end of the ninth to the twelfth century,
+        compare _Hallam's Supplemental Notes_, pp. 97, 98; _Dalrymple's
+        Hist. of Feudal Property_, p. 21; _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_,
+        vol. i. p. 74.
+
+  [279] As to the origin of armorial bearings, which cannot be traced
+        higher than the twelfth century, see _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol.
+        i. pp. 138, 139; _Ledwich_, _Antiquities of Ireland_, pp. 231,
+        232; _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii. p.
+        382.
+
+Such was the beginning of the European aristocracy, in the sense in
+which that word is commonly used. With the consolidation of its power,
+feudality was made, in reference to the organization of society, the
+successor of the church;[280] and the nobles, becoming hereditary,
+gradually displaced in government, and in the general functions of
+authority, the clergy, among whom the opposite principle of celibacy was
+now firmly established.[281] It is, therefore, evident, that an inquiry
+into the origin of the modern protective spirit does, in a great
+measure, resolve itself into an inquiry into the origin of the
+aristocratic power; since that power was the exponent, and, as it were,
+the cover under which the spirit displayed itself. This, as we shall
+hereafter see, is likewise connected with the great religious rebellion
+of the sixteenth century; the success of which mainly depended on the
+weakness of the protective principle that opposed it. But, reserving
+this for future consideration, I will now endeavour to trace a few of
+the circumstances which gave the aristocracy more power in France than
+in England, and thus accustomed the French to a closer and more constant
+obedience, and infused into them a more reverential spirit than that
+which was usual in our country.
+
+  [280] For, as Lerminia says (_Philos. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 17), 'la loi
+        feodale n'est autre chose que la terre elevee a la souverainete.'
+        On the decline of the church in consequence of the increased
+        feudal and secular spirit, see _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_,
+        vol. iii. p. 440, vol. iv. p. 88. In our own country, one fact
+        may be mentioned illustrative of the earliest encroachments of
+        laymen: namely, that, before the twelfth century, we find no
+        instance in England of the great seal being entrusted 'to the
+        keeping of a layman.' _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. i. p. 61.
+
+  [281] Celibacy, on account of its supposed ascetic tendency, was
+        advocated and in some countries was enforced, at an early period;
+        but the first general and decisive movement in its favour was in
+        the middle of the eleventh century, before which time it was a
+        speculative doctrine, constantly disobeyed. See _Neander's Hist.
+        of the Church_, vol. vi. pp. 52, 61, 62, 72, 93, 94 note, vol.
+        vii. pp. 127-131; _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 248, 249;
+        _Eccleston's English Antiq._ p. 95.
+
+Soon after the middle of the eleventh century, and therefore while the
+aristocracy was in the process of formation, England was conquered by
+the Duke of Normandy, who naturally introduced the polity existing in
+his own country.[282] But, in his hands, it underwent a modification
+suitable to the new circumstances in which he was placed. He, being in a
+foreign country, the general of a successful army composed partly of
+mercenaries,[283] was able to dispense with some of those feudal usages
+which were customary in France. The great Norman lords, thrown as
+strangers into the midst of a hostile population, were glad to accept
+estates from the crown on almost any terms that would guarantee their
+own security. Of this, William naturally availed himself. For, by
+granting baronies on conditions favourable to the crown, he prevented
+the barons[284] from possessing that power which they exercised in
+France, and which, but for this, they would have exercised in England.
+The result was, that the most powerful of our nobles became amenable to
+the law, or, at all events, to the authority of the king.[285] Indeed,
+to such an extent was this carried, that William, shortly before his
+death, obliged all the landowners to render their fealty to him; thus
+entirely neglecting that peculiarity of feudalism, according to which
+each vassal was separately dependent on his own lord.[286]
+
+  [282] Where it was particularly flourishing: 'la feodalite fut organisee
+        en Normandie plus fortement et plus systematiquement que partout
+        ailleurs en France.' _Klimrath_, _Travaux sur l'Hist. du Droit_,
+        vol. i. p. 130. The 'coutume de Normandie' was, at a much later
+        period, only to be found in the old 'grand coutumier.'
+        _Klimrath_, vol. ii. p. 160. On the peculiar tenacity with which
+        the Normans clung to it, see _Lettres d'Aguesseau_, vol. ii. pp.
+        225, 226: 'accoutumes a respecter leur coutume comme l'evangile.'
+
+  [283] _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 387; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 390, vol. iv. p. 76. Mercenary troops were
+        also employed by his immediate successors. _Grose's Military
+        Antiq._ vol. i. p. 55.
+
+  [284] On the different meanings attached to the word 'baron,' compare
+        _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 40, with _Meyer_,
+        _Instit. Judiciaires_, vol. i. p. 105. But M. Guizot says, what
+        seems most likely, 'il est probable que ce nom fut commun
+        originairement a tous les vassaux immediats de la couronne, lies
+        au roi _per servitium militare_, par le service de chevalier.'
+        _Essais_, p. 265.
+
+  [285] _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. i. p. 242; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 220. The same policy of reducing the
+        nobles was followed up by Henry II., who destroyed the baronial
+        castles. _Turner_, vol. iv. p. 223. Compare _Lingard_, vol. i.
+        pp. 315, 371.
+
+  [286] 'Deinde c[oe]pit homagia hominum totius Angliae, et juramentum
+        fidelitatis cujuscumque essent feodi vel tenementi.' _Matthaei
+        Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+But in France, the course of affairs was very different. In that country
+the great nobles held their lands, not so much by grant, as by
+prescription.[287] A character of antiquity was thus thrown over their
+rights; which, when added to the weakness of the crown, enabled them to
+exercise on their own estates, all the functions of independent
+sovereigns.[288] Even when they received their first great check, under
+Philip Augustus,[289] they, in his reign, and indeed long after, wielded
+a power quite unknown in England. Thus, to give only two instances: the
+right of coining money, which has always been regarded as an attribute
+of sovereignty, was never allowed in England, even to the greatest
+nobles.[290] But in France it was exercised by many persons
+independently of the crown, and was not abrogated until the sixteenth
+century.[291] A similar remark holds good of what was called the right
+of private war; by virtue of which the nobles were allowed to attack
+each other, and disturb the peace of the country with the prosecution of
+their private feuds. In England the aristocracy were never strong enough
+to have this admitted as a right,[292] though they too often exercised
+it as a practice. But in France it became a part of the established law;
+it was incorporated into the text-books of feudalism, and it is
+distinctly recognized by Louis IX. and Philip the Fair,--two kings of
+considerable energy, who did every thing in their power to curtail the
+enormous authority of the nobles.[293]
+
+  [287] See some good remarks on this difference between the French and
+        English nobles, in _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. ii. pp. 99, 100.
+        Mably (_Observations_, vol. i. p. 60) says: 'en effet, on
+        negligea, sur la fin de la premiere race, de conserver les titres
+        primordiaux de ses possessions.' As to the old customary French
+        law of prescription, see _Giraud_, _Precis de l'Ancien Droit_,
+        pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [288] _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. i. pp. 70,
+        162, 178.
+
+  [289] On the policy of Philip Augustus in regard to the nobles, see
+        _Mably_, _Observations_, vol. i. p. 246; _Lerminier_, _Philos. du
+        Droit_, vol. i. p. 265; _Boulainvilliers_, _Hist. de l'Ancien
+        Gouvernement_, vol. iii. pp. 147-150; _Guizot_, _Civilisation en
+        France_, vol. iv. pp. 134, 135; _Courson_, _Hist. des Peuples
+        Bretons_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 350.
+
+  [290] 'No subjects ever enjoyed the right of coining silver in England
+        without the royal stamp and superintendence; a remarkable proof
+        of the restraint in which the feudal aristocracy was always held
+        in this country.' _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 154.
+
+  [291] _Brougham's Polit. Philos._ 1849, vol. i. p. 446. In addition to
+        the evidence there given on the right of coinage, see _Mably's
+        Observations_, vol. i. p. 424, vol. ii. pp. 296, 297; and
+        _Turner's Normandy_, vol. ii. p. 261.
+
+  [292] _Hallam's Supplemental Notes_, pp. 304, 305.
+
+  [293] 'Saint-Louis consacra le droit de guerre.... Philippe le Bel, qui
+        voulut l'abolir, finit par le retablir.' _Montlosier_, _Monarchie
+        Francaise_, vol. i. pp. 127, 202: see also pp. 434, 435, and vol.
+        ii. pp. 435, 436. Mably (_Observations_, vol. ii. p. 338)
+        mentions 'lettres-patentes de Philippe-de-Valois du 8 fevrier
+        1330, pour permettre dans le duche d'Aquitaine les guerres
+        privees,' &c.; and he adds, 'le 9 avril 1353 le roi Jean
+        renouvelle l'ordonnance de S. Louis, nommee la quarantaine du
+        roi, touchant les guerres privees.'
+
+Out of this difference between the aristocratic power of France and
+England, there followed many consequences of great importance. In our
+country the nobles, being too feeble to contend with the crown, were
+compelled, in self-defence, to ally themselves with the people.[294]
+About a hundred years after the Conquest, the Normans and Saxons
+amalgamated; and both parties united against the king in order to uphold
+their common rights.[295] The Magna Charta, which John was forced to
+yield contained concessions to the aristocracy; but its most important
+stipulations were those in favour of 'all classes of freemen.'[296]
+Within half a century, fresh contests broke out; the barons were again
+associated with the people, and again there followed the same
+results,--the extension of popular privileges being each time the
+condition and the consequence of this singular alliance. In the same
+way, when the Earl of Leicester raised a rebellion against Henry III.,
+he found his own party too weak to make head against the crown. He,
+therefore, applied to the people:[297] and it is to him that our House
+of Commons owes its origin; since he, in 1264, set the first example of
+issuing writs to cities and boroughs; thus calling upon citizens and
+burgesses to take their place in what had hitherto been a parliament
+composed entirely of priests and nobles.[298]
+
+  [294] Sir Francis Palgrave (in his _Rise and Progress of the English
+        Commonwealth_, vol. i. pp. 51-55) has attempted to estimate the
+        results produced by the Norman Conquest; but he omits to notice
+        this, which was the most important consequence of all.
+
+  [295] On this political union between Norman barons and Saxon citizens,
+        of which the first clear indication is at the end of the twelfth
+        century, compare _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. i. p. 113, with
+        _Brougham's Polit. Philos._ vol. i. p. 339, vol. iii. p. 222.
+
+In regard to the general question of the amalgamation of races, we have
+three distinct kinds of evidence:
+
+1st. Towards the end of the twelfth century, a new language began to be
+formed by blending Norman with Saxon; and English literature, properly
+so called, dates from the commencement of the thirteenth century.
+Compare _Madden's Preface to Layamon_, 1847, vol. i. pp. xx. xxi., with
+_Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. viii. pp. 214, 217, 436, 437.
+
+2nd. We have the specific statement of a writer in the reign of Henry
+II., that 'sic permixtae sunt nationes ut vix discerni possit hodie, de
+liberis loquor, quis Anglicus, quis Normannus sit genere.' _Note in
+Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 106.
+
+3rd. Before the thirteenth century had passed away, the difference of
+dress, which in that state of society would survive many other
+differences, was no longer observed, and the distinctive peculiarities
+of Norman and Saxon attire had disappeared. See _Strutt's View of the
+Dress and Habits of the People of England_, vol. ii. p. 67, edit.
+Planche, 1842, 4to.
+
+  [296] 'An equal distribution of civil rights to all classes of freemen
+        forms the peculiar beauty of the charter.' _Hallam's Middle
+        Ages_, vol. ii. p. 108. This is very finely noticed in one of
+        Lord Chatham's great speeches. _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. p. 662.
+
+  [297] Compare _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. ii. p. 39, with _Lingard's
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 127, and _Somers Tracts_, vol. vi. p. 92.
+
+  [298] 'He is to be honoured as the founder of a representative system of
+        government in this country.' _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. i.
+        p. 61. Some writers (see, for instance, _Dalrymple's Hist. of
+        Feudal Property_, p. 332) suppose that burgesses were summoned
+        before the reign of Henry III.: but this assertion is not only
+        unsupported by evidence, but is in itself improbable; because at
+        an early period the citizens, though rapidly increasing in power,
+        were hardly important enough to warrant such a step being taken.
+        The best authorities are now agreed to refer the origin of the
+        House of Commons to the period mentioned in the text. See
+        _Hallam's Supplement_, _Notes_, pp. 335-339; _Spence's Origin of
+        the Laws of Europe_, p. 512; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. i. p.
+        155; _Lingard's England_, vol. ii. p. 138; _Guizot's Essais_, p.
+        319. The notion of tracing this to the wittenagemot is as absurd
+        as finding the origin of juries in the system of compurgators;
+        both of which were favourite errors in the seventeenth, and even
+        in the eighteenth century. In regard to the wittenagemot, this
+        idea still lingers among antiquaries: but, in regard to
+        compurgators, even they have abandoned their old ground, and it
+        is now well understood that trial by jury did not exist till long
+        after the Conquest. Compare _Palgrave's English Commonwealth_,
+        part i. pp. 243 seq., with _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._ vol. ii. pp.
+        152-173. There are few things in our history so irrational as the
+        admiration expressed by a certain class of writers for the
+        institutions of our barbarous Anglo-Saxon ancestors.
+
+The English aristocracy being thus forced, by their own weakness, to
+rely on the people,[299] it naturally followed, that the people imbibed
+that tone of independence, and that lofty bearing, of which our civil
+and political institutions are the consequence, rather than the cause.
+It is to this, and not to any fanciful peculiarity of race, that we owe
+the sturdy and enterprising spirit for which the inhabitants of this
+island have long been remarkable. It is this which has enabled us to
+baffle all the arts of oppression, and to maintain for centuries
+liberties which no other nation has ever possessed. And it is this which
+has fostered and upheld those great municipal privileges, which,
+whatever be their faults, have, at least, the invaluable merit of
+accustoming free men to the exercise of power, giving to citizens the
+management of their own city, and perpetuating the idea of independence,
+by preserving it in a living type, and by enlisting in its support the
+interests and affections of individual men.
+
+  [299] Montlosier, with the fine spirit of a French noble, taunts the
+        English aristocracy with this: 'En France la noblesse, attaquee
+        sans cesse, s'est defendue sans cesse. Elle a subi l'oppression;
+        elle ne l'a point acceptee. En Angleterre, elle a couru des la
+        premiere commotion, se refugier dans les rangs des bourgeois, et
+        sous leur protection. Elle a abdique ainsi son existence.'
+        _Montlosier_, _Monarchie Francaise_, vol. iii. p. 162. Compare an
+        instructive passage in _De Stael_, _Consid. sur la Revolution_,
+        vol. i. p. 421.
+
+But the habits of self-government which, under these circumstances, were
+cultivated in England, were, under opposite circumstances, neglected in
+France. The great French lords being too powerful to need the people,
+were unwilling to seek their alliance.[300] The result was, that, amid a
+great variety of forms and names, society was, in reality, only divided
+into two classes--the upper and the lower, the protectors and the
+protected. And, looking at the ferocity of the prevailing manners, it
+is not too much to say, that in France, under the feudal system, every
+man was either a tyrant or a slave. Indeed, in most instances, the two
+characters were combined in the same person. For, the practice of
+subinfeudation, which in our country was actively checked, became in
+France almost universal.[301] By this, the great lords having granted
+lands on condition of fealty and other services to certain persons,
+these last subgranted them; that is, made them over on similar
+conditions to other persons, who had likewise the power of bestowing
+them on a fourth party, and so on in an endless series;[302] thus
+forming a long chain of dependence, and, as it were, organizing
+submission into a system.[303] In England, on the other hand, such
+arrangements were so unsuited to the general state of affairs, that it
+is doubtful if they were ever carried on to any extent; and, at all
+events, it is certain that, in the reign of Edward I., they were finally
+stopped by the statute known to lawyers as _Quia emptores_.[304]
+
+  [300] See some good remarks in _Mably_, _Observations sur l'Hist. de
+        France_, vol. iii. pp. 114, 115.
+
+  [301] _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 111.
+
+  [302] 'Originally there was no limit to subinfeudation.' _Brougham's
+        Polit. Philos._ vol. i. p. 279.
+
+  [303] A living French historian boasts that, in his own country, 'toute
+        la societe feodale formait ainsi une echelle de clientelle et de
+        patronage.' _Cassagnac_, _Revolution Francaise_, vol. i. p. 459.
+
+  [304] This is 18 Edw. I. c. 1; respecting which, see _Blackstone's
+        Comment._ vol. ii. p. 91, vol. iv. p. 425; _Reeve's Hist. of
+        English Law_, vol. ii. p. 223; _Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal
+        Property_, pp. 102, 243, 340.
+
+Thus early was there a great social divergence between France and
+England. The consequences of this were still more obvious when, in the
+fourteenth century, the feudal system rapidly decayed in both countries.
+For in England, the principle of protection being feeble, men were in
+some degree accustomed to self-government; and they were able to hold
+fast by those great institutions which would have been ill adapted to
+the more obedient habits of the French people. Our municipal privileges,
+the rights of our yeomanry, and the security of our copyholders, were,
+from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the three most
+important guarantees for the liberties of England.[305] In France such
+guarantees were impossible. The real division being between those who
+were noble, and those who were not noble, no room was left for the
+establishment of intervening classes; but all were compelled to fall
+into one of these two great ranks.[306] The French have never had any
+thing answering to our yeomanry; nor were copyholders recognized by
+their laws. And, although they attempted to introduce into their
+country municipal institutions, all such efforts were futile; for, while
+they copied the forms of liberty, they lacked that bold and sturdy
+spirit by which alone liberty can be secured. They had, indeed, its
+image and superscription; but they wanted the sacred fire that warms the
+image into life. Every thing else they possessed. The show and
+appliances of freedom were there. Charters were granted to their towns,
+and privileges conceded to their magistrates. All, however, was useless.
+For it is not by the wax and parchment of lawyers that the independence
+of men can be preserved. Such things are the mere externals; they set
+off liberty to advantage; they are as its dress and paraphernalia, its
+holiday-suit in times of peace and quiet. But, when the evil days set
+in, when the invasions of despotism have begun, liberty will be
+retained, not by those who can show the oldest deeds and the largest
+charters, but by those who have been most inured to habits of
+independence, most accustomed to think and act for themselves, and most
+regardless of that insidious protection which the upper classes have
+always been so ready to bestow, that, in many countries, they have now
+left nothing worth the trouble to protect.
+
+  [305] The history of the decay of that once most important class, the
+        English yeomanry, is an interesting subject, and one for which I
+        have collected considerable materials; at present, I will only
+        say, that its decline was first distinctly perceptible in the
+        latter half of the seventeenth century, and was consummated by
+        the rapidly-increasing power of the commercial and manufacturing
+        classes early in the eighteenth century. After losing their
+        influence, their numbers naturally diminished, and they made way
+        for other bodies of men, whose habits of mind were less
+        prejudiced, and therefore better suited to that new state which
+        society assumed in the last age. I mention this, because some
+        writers regret the almost total destruction of the yeoman
+        freeholders; overlooking the fact, that they are disappearing,
+        not in consequence of any violent revolution or stretch of
+        arbitrary power, but simply by the general march of affairs;
+        society doing away with what it no longer requires. Compare
+        _Kay's Social Condition of the People_, vol. i. pp. 43, 602, with
+        a letter from Wordsworth in _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_,
+        p. 440; a note in _Mill's Polit. Econ._ vol. i. pp. 311, 312;
+        another in _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. v. p. 323; and _Sinclair's
+        Correspond._ vol. i. p. 229.
+
+  [306] This is stated as an admitted fact by French writers living in
+        different periods and holding different opinions; but all agreed
+        as to there being only two divisions: 'comme en France on est
+        toujours ou noble, ou roturier, et qu'il n'y a pas de milieu.'
+        _Mem. de Rivarol_, p. 7. 'La grande distinction des nobles et des
+        roturiers.' _Giraud_, _Precis de l'Ancien Droit_, p. 10. Indeed,
+        according to the Coutumes, the nobles and roturiers attained
+        their majority at different ages. _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_,
+        vol. ii. p. 249 (erroneously stated in _Story's Conflict of
+        Laws_, pp. 56, 79, 114). See further respecting this capital
+        distinction, _Mem. de Duplessis Mornay_, vol. ii. p. 230
+        ('agreable a la noblesse et au peuple'); _[OE]uvres de Turgot_,
+        vol. viii. pp. 222, 232, 237; _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_,
+        p. 256; _Mably_, _Observations_, vol. iii. p. 263; and _Mercier
+        sur Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 38: 'On etoit roturier, vilain, homme
+        de neant, canaille, des qu'on ne s'appelloit plus marquis, baron,
+        comte, chevalier, etc.'
+
+And so it was in France. The towns, with few exceptions, fell at the
+first shock; and the citizens lost those municipal privileges which, not
+being grafted on the national character, it was found impossible to
+preserve. In the same way, in our country, power naturally, and by the
+mere force of the democratic movement, fell into the hands of the House
+of Commons; whose authority has ever since, notwithstanding occasional
+checks, continued to increase at the expense of the more aristocratic
+parts of the legislature. The only institution answering to this in
+France was the States-General; which, however, had so little influence,
+that, in the opinion of native historians, it was hardly to be called an
+institution at all.[307] Indeed, the French were, by this time, so
+accustomed to the idea of protection, and to the subordination which
+that idea involves, that they were little inclined to uphold an
+establishment which, in their constitution, was the sole representative
+of the popular element. The result was, that, by the fourteenth century,
+the liberties of Englishmen were secured;[308] and, since then, their
+only concern has been to increase what they have already obtained. But
+in that same century, in France, the protective spirit assumed a new
+form; the power of the aristocracy was, in a great measure, succeeded by
+the power of the crown; and there began that tendency to centralization
+which, having been pushed still further, first under Louis XIV., and
+afterwards under Napoleon, has become the bane of the French
+people.[309] For by it the feudal ideas of superiority and submission
+have long survived that barbarous age to which alone they were suited.
+Indeed, by their transmigration, they seemed to have gained fresh
+strength. In France, every thing is referred to one common centre, in
+which all civil functions are absorbed. All improvements of any
+importance, all schemes for bettering even the material condition of the
+people must receive the sanction of government; the local authorities
+not being considered equal to such arduous tasks. In order that inferior
+magistrates may not abuse their power, no power is conferred upon them.
+The exercise of independent jurisdiction is almost unknown. Every thing
+that is done must be done at head quarters.[310] The government is
+believed to see every thing, know every thing, and provide for every
+thing. To enforce this monstrous monopoly there has been contrived a
+machinery well worthy of the design. The entire country is covered by an
+immense array of officials;[311] who, in the regularity of their
+hierarchy, and in the order of their descending series, form an
+admirable emblem of that feudal principle, which ceasing to be
+territorial, has now become personal. In fact, the whole business of the
+state is conducted on the supposition that no man either knows his own
+interest, or is fit to take care of himself. So paternal are the
+feelings of government, so eager for the welfare of its subjects, that
+it has drawn within its jurisdiction the most rare, as well as the most
+ordinary, actions of life. In order that the French may not make
+imprudent wills, it has limited the right of bequest; and, for fear that
+they should bequeath their property wrongly, it prevents them from
+bequeathing the greater part of it at all. In order that society may be
+protected by its police, it has directed that no one shall travel
+without a passport. And when men are actually travelling, they are met
+at every turn by the same interfering spirit, which, under pretence of
+protecting their persons, shackles their liberty. Into another matter,
+far more serious, the French have carried the same principle. Such is
+their anxiety to protect society against criminals, that, when an
+offender is placed at the bar of one of their courts, there is exhibited
+a spectacle which is no idle boast to say we, in England, could not
+tolerate for a single hour. There is seen a great public magistrate, by
+whom the prisoner is about to be tried, examining him in order to
+ascertain his supposed guilt, re-examining him, cross-examining him,
+performing the duties, not of a judge, but of a prosecutor, and bringing
+to bear against the unhappy man all the authority of his judicial
+position, all his professional subtlety, all his experience, all the
+dexterity of his practised understanding. This is, perhaps, the most
+alarming of the many instances in which the tendencies of the French
+intellect are shown; because it supplies a machinery ready for the
+purposes of absolute power; because it brings the administration of
+justice into disrepute, by associating with it an idea of unfairness;
+and because it injures that calm and equable temper, which it is
+impossible fully to maintain under a system that makes a magistrate an
+advocate, and turns the judge into a partizan. But this, mischievous as
+it is, only forms part of a far larger scheme. For, to the method by
+which criminals are discovered, there is added an analogous method, by
+which crime is prevented. With this view, the people, even in their
+ordinary amusements, are watched and carefully superintended. Lest they
+should harm each other by some sudden indiscretion, precautions are
+taken similar to those with which a father might surround his children.
+In their fairs, at their theatres, their concerts, and their other
+places of public resort, there are always present soldiers, who are sent
+to see that no mischief is done, that there is no unnecessary crowding,
+that no one uses harsh language, that no one quarrels with his
+neighbour. Nor does the vigilance of the government stop there. Even the
+education of children is brought under the control of the state, instead
+of being regulated by the judgment of masters or parents.[312] And the
+whole plan is executed with such energy, that, as the French while men
+are never let alone, just so while children they are never left
+alone.[313] At the same time, it being reasonably supposed that the
+adults thus kept in pupilage cannot be proper judges of their own food,
+the government has provided for this also. Its prying eye follows the
+butcher to the shambles, and the baker to the oven. By its paternal
+hand, meat is examined lest it should be bad, and bread is weighed lest
+it should be light. In short, without multiplying instances, with which
+most readers must be familiar, it is enough to say that in France, as in
+every country where the protective principle is active, the government
+has established a monopoly of the worst kind; a monopoly which comes
+home to the business and bosoms of men, follows them in their daily
+avocations, troubles them with its petty, meddling spirit, and, what is
+worse than all, diminishes their responsibility to themselves; thus
+depriving them of what is the only real education that most minds
+receive,--the constant necessity of providing for future contingencies,
+and the habit of grappling with the difficulties of life.
+
+  [307] 'Les etats-generaux sont portes dans la liste de nos institutions.
+        Je ne sais cependant s'il est permis de donner ce nom a des
+        rassemblemens aussi irreguliers.' _Montlosier_, _Monarchie
+        Francaise_, vol. i. p. 266. 'En France, les etats-generaux, au
+        moment meme de leur plus grand eclat, c'est a dire dans le cours
+        du xiv^e siecle, n'ont guere ete que des accidents, un pouvoir
+        national et souvent invoque, mais non un etablissement
+        constitutionnel.' _Guizot_, _Essais_, p. 253. See also _Mably_,
+        _Observations_, vol. iii. p. 147; and _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. xiv. p. 642.
+
+  [308] This is frankly admitted by one of the most candid and enlightened
+        of all the foreign writers on our history, _Guizot_, _Essais_, p.
+        297: 'En 1307, les droits qui devaient enfanter en Angleterre un
+        gouvernement libre etaient definitivement reconnus.'
+
+  [309] See an account of the policy of Philip the Fair, in _Mably_,
+        _Observations_, vol. ii. pp. 25-44; in _Boulainvilliers_, _Ancien
+        Gouvernement_, vol. i. pp. 292, 314, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38; and in
+        _Guizot_, _Civilisation en France_, vol. iv. pp. 170-192. M.
+        Guizot says, perhaps too strongly, that his reign was 'la
+        metamorphose de la royaute en despotisme,' On the connexion of
+        this with the centralizing movement, see _Tocqueville's
+        Democratie_, vol. i. p. 307: 'Le gout de la centralisation et la
+        manie reglementaire remontent, en France, a l'epoque ou les
+        legistes sont entres dans le gouvernement; ce qui nous reporte au
+        temps de Philippe le Bel.' Tennemann also notices, that in his
+        reign the 'Rechtstheorie' began to exercise influence; but this
+        learned writer takes a purely metaphysical view, and has
+        therefore misunderstood the more general social tendency. _Gesch.
+        der Philos._ vol. viii. p. 823.
+
+  [310] As several writers on law notice this system with a lenient eye
+        _Origines du Droit Francais_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii.
+        p. 321; and _Eschbach_, _Etude du Droit_, p. 129: 'le systeme
+        energique de la centralisation', it may be well to state how it
+        actually works.
+
+        Mr. Bulwer, writing twenty years ago, says: 'Not only cannot a
+        commune determine its own expenses without the consent of the
+        minister or one of his deputed functionaries, it cannot even
+        erect a building, the cost of which shall have been sanctioned,
+        without the plan being adopted by a board of public works
+        attached to the central authority, and having the supervision and
+        direction of every public building throughout the Kingdom.'
+        _Bulwer's Monarchy of the Middle Classes_, 1836, vol. ii. p. 262.
+
+        M. Tocqueville, writing in the present year (1856), says, 'Sous
+        l'ancien regime, _comme de nos jours_, il n'y avait ville, bourg,
+        village, ni si petit hameau en France, hopital, fabrique, couvent
+        ni college, qui put avoir une volonte independante dans ses
+        affaires particulieres, ni administrer a sa volonte ses propres
+        biens. Alors, _comme aujourd'hui_, l'administration tenait donc
+        tous les Francais en tutelle, et si l'insolence du mot ne s'etait
+        pas encore produite, on avait du moins deja la chose.'
+        _Tocqueville_, _l'Ancien Regime_, 1856, pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [311] The number of civil functionaries in France, who are paid by the
+        government to trouble the people, passes all belief, being
+        estimated, at different periods during the present century, at
+        from 138,000 to upwards of 800,000. _Tocqueville_, _de la
+        Democratie_, vol. i. p. 220; _Alison's Europe_, vol. xiv. pp. 127,
+        140; _Kay's Condition of the People_, vol. i. p. 272; _Laing's
+        Notes_, 2d series, p. 185. Mr. Laing, writing in 1850, says: 'In
+        France, at the expulsion of Louis Philippe, the civil
+        functionaries were stated to amount to 807,030 individuals.'
+
+  [312] 'The government in France possesses control over all the education
+        of the country, with the exception of the colleges for the
+        education of the clergy, which are termed seminaries, and their
+        subordinate institutions.' _Report on the State of Superior
+        Education in France in_ 1843, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol.
+        vi. p. 304. On the steps taken during the power of Napoleon, see
+        _Alison's Europe_, vol. viii. p. 203: 'Nearly the whole education
+        of the empire was brought effectually under the direction and
+        appointment of government.'
+
+  [313] Much attention is paid to the _surveillance_ of pupils; it being a
+        fundamental principle of French education, that children should
+        never be left alone. _Report on General Education in France in_
+        1842, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. v. p. 20.
+
+The consequence of all this has been, that the French, though a great
+and splendid people,--a people full of mettle, high-spirited, abounding
+in knowledge, and perhaps less oppressed by superstition than any other
+in Europe,--have always been found unfit to exercise political power.
+Even when they have possessed it, they have never been able to combine
+permanence with liberty. One of these two elements has always been
+wanting. They have had free governments, which have not been stable.
+They have had stable governments, which have not been free. Owing to
+their fearless temper, they have rebelled, and no doubt will continue to
+rebel, against so evil a condition.[314] But it does not need the tongue
+of a prophet to tell that, for at least some generations, all such
+efforts must be unsuccessful. For men can never be free, unless they are
+educated to freedom. And this is not the education which is to be found
+in schools, or gained from books; but it is that which consists in
+self-discipline, in self-reliance, and in self-government. These, in
+England, are matters of hereditary descent--traditional habits, which we
+imbibe in our youth, and which regulate us in the conduct of life. The
+old associations of the French all point in another direction. At the
+slightest difficulty, they call on the government for support. What with
+us is competition, with them is monopoly. That which we effect by
+private companies, they effect by public boards. They cannot cut a
+canal, or lay down a railroad, without appealing to the government for
+aid. With them, the people look to the rulers; with us, the rulers look
+to the people. With them, the executive is the centre from which society
+radiates;[315] with us, society is the instigator, and the executive the
+organ. The difference in the result has corresponded with the difference
+in the process. We have been made fit for political power, by the long
+exercise of civil rights; they, neglecting the exercise, think they can
+at once begin with the power. We have always shown a determination to
+uphold our liberties, and, when the times are fitting, to increase them;
+and this we have done with a decency and a gravity natural to men to
+whom such subjects have long been familiar. But the French, always
+treated as children, are, in political matters, children still. And as
+they have handled the most weighty concerns in that gay and volatile
+spirit which adorns their lighter literature, it is no wonder that they
+have failed in matters where the first condition of success is, that men
+should have been long accustomed to rely upon their own energies, and
+that before they try their skill in a political struggle, their
+resources should have been sharpened by that preliminary discipline,
+which a contest with the difficulties of civil life can never fail to
+impart.
+
+  [314] A distinguished French author says: 'La France souffre du mal du
+        siecle; elle en est plus malade qu'aucun autre pays; ce mal c'est
+        la haine de l'autorite.' _Custine_, _Russie_, vol. ii. p. 136.
+        Compare, _Rey_, _Science Sociale_, vol. ii. p. 86 note.
+
+  [315] It is to the activity of this protective and centralizing spirit
+        that we must ascribe, what a very great authority noticed thirty
+        years ago, as 'le defaut de spontaneite, qui caracterise les
+        institutions de la France moderne.' _Meyer_, _Instit. Judic._
+        vol. iv. p. 536. It is also this which, in literature and in
+        science, makes them favour the establishment of academies; and it
+        is probably to the same principle that their jurists owe their
+        love of codification. All these are manifestations of an
+        unwillingness to rely on the general march of affairs, and show
+        an undue contempt for the unaided conclusions of private men.
+
+These are among the considerations by which we must be guided, in
+estimating the probable destinies of the great countries of Europe. But
+what we are now rather concerned with is, to notice how the opposite
+tendencies of France and England long continued to be displayed in the
+condition and treatment of their aristocracy; and how from this there
+naturally followed some striking differences between the war conducted
+by the Fronde, and that waged by the Long Parliament.
+
+When, in the fourteenth century, the authority of the French kings began
+rapidly to increase, the political influence of the nobility was, of
+course, correspondingly diminished. What, however, proves the extent to
+which their power had taken root, is the undoubted fact, that,
+notwithstanding this to them unfavourable circumstance, the people were
+never able to emancipate themselves from their control.[316] The
+relation the nobles bore to the throne became entirely changed; that
+which they bore to the people remained almost the same. In England,
+slavery, or villenage, as it is mildly termed, quickly diminished, and
+was extinct by the end of the sixteenth century.[317] In France, it
+lingered on two hundred years later, and was only destroyed in that
+great Revolution by which the possessors of ill-gotten power were called
+to so sharp an account.[318] Thus, too, until the last seventy years,
+the nobles were in France exempt from those onerous taxes which
+oppressed the people. The taille and corvee were heavy and grievous
+exactions, but they fell solely on men of ignoble birth;[319] for the
+French aristocracy, being a high and chivalrous race, would have deemed
+it an insult to their illustrious descent, if they had been taxed to the
+same amount as those whom they despised as their inferiors.[320]
+Indeed, every thing tended to nurture this general contempt. Every
+thing was contrived to humble one class, and exalt the other. For the
+nobles there were reserved the best appointments in the church, and also
+the most important military posts.[321] The privilege of entering the
+army as officers was confined to them;[322] and they alone possessed a
+prescriptive right to belong to the cavalry.[323] At the same time, and
+to avoid the least chance of confusion, an equal vigilance was displayed
+in the most trifling matters, and care was taken to prevent any
+similarity, even in the amusements of the two classes. To such a pitch
+was this brought, that, in many parts of France, the right of having an
+aviary or a dovecote depended entirely on a man's rank; and no
+Frenchman, whatever his wealth might be, could keep pigeons, unless he
+were a noble; it being considered that these recreations were too
+elevated for persons of plebeian origin.[324]
+
+  [316] Mably (_Observations_, vol. iii. pp. 154, 155, 352-362) has
+        collected some striking evidence of the tyranny of the French
+        nobles in the sixteenth century; and as to the wanton cruelty
+        with which they exercised their power in the seventeenth century,
+        see _Des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. vii. p. 155, vol. viii. p.
+        79, vol. ix. pp. 40, 61, 62, vol. x. pp. 255-257. In the
+        eighteenth century, matters were somewhat better; but still the
+        subordination was excessive, and the people were poor,
+        ill-treated, and miserable. Compare _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol.
+        iv. p. 139; _Letter from the Earl of Cork_, dated Lyons, 1754, in
+        _Burton's Diary_, vol. iv. p. 80; the statement of Fox, in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 406; _Jefferson's Correspond._ vol. ii. p.
+        45; and _Smith's Tour on the Continent_, edit. 1793, vol. iii.
+        pp. 201, 202.
+
+  [317] Mr. Eccleston (_English Antiq._ p. 138) says, that in 1450
+        'villenage had almost passed away;' and according to Mr. Thornton
+        (_Over-Population_, p. 182), 'Sir Thomas Smith, who wrote about
+        the year 1550, declares that he had never met with any personal
+        or domestic slaves; and that the villains, or predial slaves,
+        still to be found, were so few, as to be scarcely worth
+        mentioning.' Mr. Hallam can find no 'unequivocal testimony to the
+        existence of villenage' later than 1574. _Middle Ages_, vol. ii.
+        p. 312; see, to the same effect, _Barrington on the Statutes_,
+        pp. 308, 309. If, however, my memory does not deceive me, I have
+        met with evidence of it in the reign of James I., but I cannot
+        recall the passage.
+
+  [318] M. Cassagnac (_Causes de la Revolution_, vol. iii. p. 11) says:
+        'Chose surprenante, il y avait encore, au 4 aout 1789, _un
+        million cinq cent mille serfs de corps_;' and M. Giraud (_Precis
+        de l'Ancien Droit_, Paris, 1852, p. 3), 'jusqu'a la revolution
+        une division fondamentale partageait les personnes en personnes
+        libres et personnes sujettes a condition servile.' A few years
+        before the Revolution, this shameful distinction was abolished by
+        Louis XVI. in his own domains. Compare _Eschbach_, _Etude du
+        Droit_, pp. 271, 272, with _Du Mesnil_, _Mem. sur le Prince le
+        Brun_, p. 94. I notice this particularly, because M. Monteil, a
+        learned and generally accurate writer, supposes that the
+        abolition took place earlier than it really did. _Hist. des
+        divers Etats_, vol. vi. p. 101.
+
+  [319] _Cassagnac_, _de la Revolution_, vol. i. pp. 122, 173; _Giraud_,
+        _Ancien Droit_, p. 11; _Soulavie_, _Mem. de Louis XVI_, vol. vi.
+        p. 156; _Mem. au Roi sur les Municipalites_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. vii. p. 423; _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. i. p. 200.
+
+        Further information respecting the amount and nature of these
+        vexatious impositions will be found in _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+        vol. xiii. p. 24, vol. xiv. p. 118; _Sainte-Aulaire_, _Hist. de
+        la Fronde_, vol. i. p. 125; _Tocqueville_, _Ancien Regime_, pp.
+        135, 191, 420, 440; _Sully_, _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. ii. p.
+        412, vol. iii. p. 226, vol. iv. p. 199, vol. v. pp. 339, 410,
+        vol. vi. p. 94; _Relat. des Ambassad. Venit._ vol. i. p. 96;
+        _Mably_, _Observations_, vol. iii. pp. 355, 356;
+        _Boulainvilliers_, _Ancien Gouvernement_, vol. iii. p. 109; _Le
+        Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. ii. p. 29; _Mem. d'Omer
+        Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 103, 369; _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. i. p. 82;
+        _Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol. i. pp. 87, 332;
+        _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. i. p. 372, vol. iv. pp. 58, 59, 74,
+        75, 242, 278, vol. v. pp. 226, 242, vol. vi. p. 144, vol. viii.
+        pp. 152, 280.
+
+  [320] So deeply rooted were these feelings, that, even in 1789, the very
+        year the Revolution broke out, it was deemed a great concession
+        that the nobles 'will consent, indeed, to equal taxation.' See a
+        letter from Jefferson to Jay, dated Paris, May 9th, 1789, in
+        _Jefferson's Corresp._ vol. ii. pp. 462, 463. Compare _Mercier
+        sur Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 136.
+
+  [321] 'Les nobles, qui avaient le privilege exclusif des grandes
+        dignites et des gros benefices.' _Mem. de Rivarol_, p. 97: see
+        also _Mem. de Bouille_, vol. i. p. 56; _Lemontey_,
+        _Etablissement Monarchique_, p. 337; _Daniel_, _Hist. de la
+        Milice Francoise_, vol. ii. p. 556; _Campan_, _Mem. sur
+        Marie-Antoinette_, vol. i. pp. 238, 239.
+
+  [322] 'L'ancien regime n'avait admis que des nobles pour officiers.'
+        _Mem. de Roland_, vol. i. p. 398. Segur mentions that, early in
+        the reign of Louis XVI., 'les nobles seuls avaient le droit
+        d'entrer au service comme sous-lieutenans.' _Mem. de Segur_, vol.
+        i. p. 65. Compare pp. 117, 265-271, with _Mem. de Genlis_,
+        vol. iii. p. 74, and _De Stael_, _Consid. sur la Rev._ vol. i.
+        p. 123.
+
+  [323] Thus, De Thou says of Henry III., 'il remet sous l'ancien pied la
+        cavalerie ordinaire, qui n'etoit composee que de la noblesse.'
+        _Hist. Univ._ vol. ix. pp. 202, 203; and see vol. x. pp. 504,
+        505, vol. xiii. p. 22; and an imperfect statement of the same
+        fact in _Boullier_, _Hist. des divers Corps de la Maison
+        Militaire des Rois de France_, Paris, 1818, p. 58, a superficial
+        work on an uninteresting subject.
+
+  [324] M. Tocqueville (_L'Ancien Regime_, p. 448) mentions, among other
+        regulations still in force late in the eighteenth century, that
+        'en Dauphine, en Bretagne, en Normandie, il est prohibe a tout
+        roturier d'avoir des colombiers, fuies et voliere; il n'y a que
+        les nobles qui puissent avoir des pigeons.'
+
+Circumstances like these are valuable, as evidence of the state of
+society to which they belong; and their importance will become
+peculiarly obvious, when we compare them with the opposite condition of
+England.
+
+For in England, neither these nor any similar distinctions have ever
+been known. The spirit of which our yeomanry, copyholders, and free
+burgesses were the representatives, proved far too strong for those
+protective and monopolizing principles of which the aristocracy are the
+guardians in politics, and the clergy in religion. And it is to the
+successful opposition made by these feelings of individual independence
+that we owe our two greatest national acts--our Reformation in the
+sixteenth, and our Rebellion in the seventeenth century. Before,
+however, tracing the steps taken in these matters, there is one other
+point of view to which I wish to call attention, as a further
+illustration of the early and radical difference between France and
+England.
+
+In the eleventh century there arose the celebrated institution of
+chivalry,[325] which was to manners what feudalism was to politics. This
+connexion is clear, not only from the testimony of contemporaries, but
+also from two general considerations. In the first place, chivalry was
+so highly aristocratic, that no one could even receive knighthood unless
+he were of noble birth;[326] and the preliminary education which was
+held to be necessary was carried on either in schools appointed by the
+nobles, or else in their own baronial castles.[327] In the second place,
+it was essentially a protective, and not at all a reforming institution.
+It was contrived with a view to remedy certain oppressions as they
+successively arose; opposed in this respect to the reforming spirit,
+which, being remedial rather than palliative, strikes at the root of an
+evil by humbling the class from which the evil proceeds, passing over
+individual cases in order to direct its attention to general causes. But
+chivalry, so far from doing this, was in fact a fusion of the
+aristocratic and the ecclesiastical forms of the protective spirit.[328]
+For, by introducing among the nobles the principle of knighthood, which,
+being personal, could never be bequeathed, it presented a point at which
+the ecclesiastical doctrine of celibacy could coalesce with the
+aristocratic doctrine of hereditary descent.[329] Out of this coalition
+sprung results of great moment. It is to this that Europe owes those
+orders, half aristocratic half religious,[330] the Knights Templars,
+the Knights of St. James, the Knights of St. John, the Knights of St.
+Michael: establishments which inflicted the greatest evils on society;
+and whose members, combining analogous vices, enlivened the superstition
+of monks with the debauchery of soldiers. As a natural consequence, an
+immense number of noble knights were solemnly pledged to 'defend the
+church;' an ominous expression, the meaning of which is too well known
+to the readers of ecclesiastical history.[331] Thus it was that
+chivalry, uniting the hostile principles of celibacy and noble birth,
+became the incarnation of the spirit of the two classes to which those
+principles belonged. Whatever benefit, therefore, this institution may
+have conferred upon manners,[332] there can be no doubt that it actively
+contributed to keep men in a state of pupilage, and stopped the march
+of society by prolonging the term of its infancy.[333]
+
+  [325] 'Des la fin du onzieme siecle, a l'epoque meme ou commencerent les
+        croisades, on trouve la chevalerie etablie.' _Koch_, _Tab. des
+        Revolutions_, vol. i. p. 143; see also _Sainte-Palaye_, _Mem. sur
+        la Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 42, 68. M. Guizot (_Civilis. en
+        France_, vol. iii. pp. 349-354) has attempted to trace it back to
+        an earlier period; but he appears to have failed, though of
+        course its germs may be easily found. According to some writers
+        it originated in northern Europe; according to others in Arabia!
+        _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, p. 202; _Journal of Asiat. Soc._
+        vol. ii. p. 11.
+
+  [326] 'L'ordre de chevalerie n'etoit accorde qu'aux hommes d'un sang
+        noble.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iv. p. 204.
+        Compare _Daniel_, _Hist. de la Milice_, vol. i. p. 97, and
+        _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 20.
+
+  [327] 'In some places there were schools appointed by the nobles of the
+        country, but most frequently their own castles served.' _Mills'
+        Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 31; and see _Sainte-Palaye_, _Mem.
+        sur l'Anc. Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 30, 56, 57, on this
+        education.
+
+  [328] This combination of knighthood and religious rites is often
+        ascribed to the crusades; but there is good evidence that it took
+        place a little earlier, and must be referred to the latter half
+        of the eleventh century. Compare _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol.
+        i. pp. 10, 11; _Daniel_, _Hist. de la Milice_, vol. i. pp. 101,
+        102, 108; _Boulainvilliers_, _Ancien Gouv._ vol. i. p. 326.
+        Sainte-Palaye (_Mem. sur la Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 119-123),
+        who has collected some illustrations of the relation between
+        chivalry and the church, says, p. 119, 'enfin la chevalerie etoit
+        regardee comme une ordination, un sacerdoce.' The superior clergy
+        possessed the right of conferring knighthood, and William Rufus
+        was actually knighted by Archbishop Lanfranc: 'Archiepiscopus
+        Lanfrancus, eo quod eum nutrierat, et militem fecerat.' _Will.
+        Malmes._ lib. iv., in _Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 67. Compare
+        _Fosbroke's British Monachism_, 1843, p. 101, on knighting by
+        abbots.
+
+  [329] The influence of this on the nobles is rather exaggerated by Mr.
+        Mills; who, on the other hand, has not noticed how the
+        unhereditary element was favourable to the ecclesiastical spirit.
+        _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. pp. 15, 389, vol. ii. p. 169;
+        a work interesting as an assemblage of facts, but almost useless
+        as a philosophic estimate.
+
+  [330] 'In their origin all the military orders, and most of the
+        religious ones, were entirely aristocratic.' _Mills' Hist. of
+        Chivalry_, vol. i. p. 336.
+
+  [331] _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. pp. 148, 338. About the year
+        1127, St. Bernard wrote a discourse in favour of the Knights
+        Templars, in which 'he extols this order as a combination of
+        monasticism and knighthood.... He describes the design of it as
+        being to give the military order and knighthood a serious
+        Christian direction, and to convert war into something that God
+        might approve.' _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. vii. p.
+        358. To this may be added, that, early in the thirteenth century,
+        a chivalric association was formed, and afterwards merged in the
+        Dominican order, called the Militia of Christ: 'un nouvel ordre
+        de chevalerie destine a poursuivre les heretiques, sur le modele
+        de celui des Templiers, et sous le nom de Milice de Christ.'
+        _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. pp. 52, 133, 203.
+
+  [332] Several writers ascribe to chivalry the merit of softening
+        manners, and of increasing the influence of women.
+        _Sainte-Palaye_, _Mem. sur la Chevalerie_, vol. i. pp. 220-223,
+        282, 284, vol. iii. pp. vi. vii. 159-161; _Helvetius de
+        l'Esprit_, vol. ii. pp. 50, 51; _Schlegel's Lectures_, vol. i. p.
+        209. That there was such a tendency is, I think, indisputable;
+        but it has been greatly exaggerated; and an author of
+        considerable reading on these subjects says, 'The rigid treatment
+        shown to prisoners of war in ancient times strongly marks the
+        ferocity and uncultivated manners of our ancestors, and that even
+        to ladies of high rank; notwithstanding the homage said to have
+        been paid to the fair sex in those days of chivalry.' _Grose's
+        Military Antiquities_, vol. ii. p. 114. Compare _Manning on the
+        Law of Nations_, 1839, pp. 145, 146.
+
+  [333] Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 464) says, 'A third
+        reproach may be made to the character of knighthood, that it
+        widened the separation between the different classes of society,
+        and confirmed that aristocratical spirit of high birth, by which
+        the large mass of mankind were kept in unjust degradation.'
+
+On this account, it is evident that, whether we look at the immediate or
+at the remote tendency of chivalry, its strength and duration become a
+measure of the predominance of the protective spirit. If, with this
+view, we compare France and England, we shall find fresh proof of the
+early divergence of those countries. Tournaments, the first open
+expression of chivalry, are of French origin.[334] The greatest and,
+indeed, the only two great describers of chivalry are Joinville and
+Froissart, both of whom were Frenchmen. Bayard, that famous chevalier,
+who is always considered as the last representative of chivalry, was a
+Frenchman, and was killed when fighting for Francis I. Nor was it until
+nearly forty years after his death that tournaments were finally
+abolished in France, the last one having been held in 1560.[335]
+
+  [334] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iv. pp. 370, 371, 377;
+        _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p. 478; _Foncemagne_, _De
+        l'Origine des Armoiries_, in _Mem. de l'Academie des
+        Inscriptions_, vol. xx. p. 580. Koch also says (_Tableau des
+        Revolutions_, vol. i. p. 139), 'c'est de la France que l'usage
+        des tournois se repandit chez les autres nations de l'Europe.'
+        They were first introduced into England in the reign of Stephen.
+        _Lingard's England_, vol. ii. p. 27.
+
+  [335] Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 470) says they were
+        'entirely discontinued in France' in consequence of the death of
+        Henry II.; but according to _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. ii.
+        p. 226, they lasted the next year; when another fatal accident
+        occurred, and 'tournaments ceased for ever.' Compare
+        _Sainte-Palaye sur la Chevalerie_, vol. ii. pp. 39, 40.
+
+But in England, the protective spirit being much less active than in
+France, we should expect to find that chivalry, as its offspring, had
+less influence. And such was really the case. The honours that were paid
+to knights, and the social distinctions by which they were separated
+from the other classes, were never so great in our country as in
+France.[336] As men became more free, the little respect they had for
+such matters still further diminished. In the thirteenth century, and
+indeed in the very reign in which burgesses were first returned to
+parliament, the leading symbol of chivalry fell into such disrepute,
+that a law was passed obliging certain persons to accept that rank of
+knighthood which in other nations was one of the highest objects of
+ambition.[337] In the fourteenth century, this was followed by another
+blow, which deprived knighthood of its exclusively military character;
+the custom having grown up in the reign of Edward III. of conferring it
+on the judges in the courts of law, thus turning a warlike title into a
+civil honour.[338] Finally, before the end of the fifteenth century, the
+spirit of chivalry, in France still at its height, was in our country
+extinct, and this mischievous institution had become a subject for
+ridicule even among the people themselves.[339] To these circumstances
+we may add two others, which seem worthy of observation. The first is,
+that the French, notwithstanding their many admirable qualities, have
+always been more remarkable for personal vanity than the English;[340] a
+peculiarity partly referable to those chivalric traditions which even
+their occasional republics have been unable to destroy, and which makes
+them attach undue importance to external distinctions, by which I mean,
+not only dress and manners, but also medals, ribbons, stars, crosses,
+and the like, which we, a prouder people, have never held in such high
+estimation. The other circumstance is, that duelling has from the
+beginning been more popular in France than in England; and as this is a
+custom which we owe to chivalry, the difference in this respect between
+the two countries supplies another link in that long chain of evidence
+by which we must estimate their national tendencies.[341]
+
+  [336] Mr. Hallam (_Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 467) observes, that the
+        knight, as compared with other classes, 'was addressed by titles
+        of more respect. _There was not, however, so much distinction in
+        England as in France._' The great honour paid to knights in
+        France is noticed by Daniel (_Milice Francaise_, vol. i. pp. 128,
+        129) and Herder (Ideen zur Geschichte, vol. iv. pp. 226, 267)
+        says, that in France chivalry flourished more than in any other
+        country. The same remark is made by Sismondi (_Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. iv. p. 198).
+
+  [337] The _Statutum de Militibus_, in 1307, was perhaps the first
+        recognition of this. Compare _Blackstone's Comment._ vol. ii. p.
+        69; _Barrington on the Statutes_, pp. 192, 193. But we have
+        positive evidence that compulsory knighthood existed in the reign
+        of Henry III.; or at least that those who refused it were obliged
+        to pay a fine. See _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 421, and
+        _Lyttleton's Hist. of Henry II._ vol. ii. pp. 238, 239, 2nd edit.
+        4to. 1767. Lord Lyttleton, evidently puzzled, says, 'Indeed it
+        seems a deviation from the original principle of this
+        institution. For one cannot but think it a very great
+        inconsistency, that a dignity, which was deemed an accession of
+        honour to kings themselves, should be forced upon any.'
+
+  [338] In _Mills' Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. ii. p. 154, it is said, that
+        'the judges of the courts of law' were first knighted in the
+        reign of Edward III.
+
+  [339] Mr. Mills (_Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. ii. pp. 99, 100) has printed
+        a curious extract from a lamentation over the destruction of
+        chivalry, written in the reign of Edward IV.; but he has
+        overlooked a still more singular instance. This is a popular
+        ballad, written in the middle of the fifteenth century, and
+        called the Turnament of Tottenham, in which the follies of
+        chivalry are admirably ridiculed. See _Warton's Hist. of English
+        Poetry_, edit. 1840, vol. iii. pp. 98-101; and _Percy's Reliques
+        of Ancient Poetry_, edit. 1845, pp. 92-95. According to Turner
+        (_Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 363), 'the ancient books of
+        chivalry were laid aside' about the reign of Henry VI.
+
+  [340] This is not a mere popular opinion, but rests upon a large amount
+        of evidence, supplied by competent and impartial observers.
+        Addison, who was a lenient as well as an able judge, and who had
+        lived much among the French, calls them 'the vainest nation in
+        the world.' _Letter to Bishop Hough_, in _Aikin's Life of
+        Addison_, vol. i. p. 90. Napoleon says, 'vanity is the ruling
+        principle of the French.' _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. vi. p.
+        25. Dumont (_Souvenirs sur Mirabeau_, p. 111) declares, that 'le
+        trait le plus dominant dans le caractere francais, c'est l'amour
+        propre;' and Segur (_Souvenirs_, vol. i. pp. 73, 74), 'car en
+        France l'amour propre, ou, si on le veut, la vanite, est de
+        toutes les passions la plus irritable.' It is moreover stated,
+        that phrenological observations prove that the French are vainer
+        than the English. _Combe's Elements of Phrenology_, 6th edit.
+        Edinb. 1845, p. 90; and a partial recognition of the same fact in
+        _Broussais_, _Cours de Phrenologie_, p. 297. For other instances
+        of writers who have noticed the vanity of the French, see
+        _Tocqueville_, _l'Ancien Regime_, p. 148; _Barante_, _Lit. Franc.
+        au XVIII^e. Siecle_, p. 80; _Mem. de Brissot_, vol. i. p. 272;
+        _Mezeray_, _Hist. de France_, vol. ii. p. 933; _Lemontey_,
+        _Etablissement Monarchique_, p. 418; _Voltaire_, _Lettres
+        inedites_, vol. ii. p. 282; _Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_,
+        vol. ii. p. 358; _De Stael sur la Revolution_, vol. i. p. 260,
+        vol. ii. p. 258.
+
+  [341] The relation between chivalry and duelling has been noticed by
+        several writers; and in France, where the chivalric spirit was
+        not completely destroyed until the Revolution, we find occasional
+        traces of this connexion even in the reign of Louis XVI. See, for
+        instance, in _Mem. de Lafayette_, vol. i. p. 86, a curious letter
+        in regard to chivalry and duelling in 1778. In England there is,
+        I believe, no evidence of even a single private duel being fought
+        earlier than the sixteenth century, and there were not many till
+        the latter half of Elizabeth's reign; but in France the custom
+        arose early in the fifteenth century, and in the sixteenth it
+        became usual for the seconds to fight as well as the principals.
+        Compare _Montlosier_, _Monarc. Franc._ vol. ii. p. 436, with
+        _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. vi. p. 48. From that
+        time the love of the French for duelling became quite a passion
+        until the end of the eighteenth century, when the Revolution, or
+        rather the circumstances which led to the Revolution, caused its
+        comparative cessation. Some idea may be formed of the enormous
+        extent of this practice formerly in France, by comparing the
+        following passages, which I have the more pleasure in bringing
+        together, as no one has written even a tolerable history of
+        duelling, notwithstanding the great part it once played in
+        European society. _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. ix. pp. 592, 593,
+        vol. xv. p. 57; _Daniel_, _Milice Francaise_, vol. ii. p. 582;
+        _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. i. p. 301, vol. iii. p. 406, vol.
+        vi. p. 122, vol. viii. p. 41, vol. ix. p. 408; _Carew's State of
+        France under Henry IV._, in _Birch's Historical Negotiations_, p.
+        467; _Ben Jonson's Works_, edit. Gifford, vol. vi. p. 69;
+        _Dulaure_, _Hist. de Paris_ (1825 3rd edit.), vol. iv. p. 567,
+        vol. v. pp. 300, 301; _Le Clerc_, _Bibliotheque Univ._ vol. xx.
+        p. 242; _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 536; _Capefigue_, _Hist.
+        de la Reforme_, vol. viii. p. 98; _Capefigue's Richelieu_, vol.
+        i. p. 63; _Des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. x. p. 13; _Mem. de
+        Genlis_, vol. ii. p. 191, vol. vii. p. 215, vol. ix. p. 351;
+        _Mem. of the Baroness d'Oberkirch_, vol. i. p. 71, edit. Lond.
+        1852; _Lettres inedites d'Aguesseau_, vol. i. p. 211; _Lettres de
+        Dudeffand a Walpole_, vol. iii. p. 249, vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152;
+        _Boullier_, _Maison Militaire des Rois de France_, pp. 87, 88;
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. v. pp. 402, 403, vol. xxiii. p. 411, vol.
+        xliv. pp. 127, 401, vol. xlviii. p. 522, vol. xlix. p. 130.
+
+The old associations, of which these facts are but the external
+expression, now continued to act with increasing vigour. In France, the
+protective spirit, carried into religion, was strong enough to resist
+the Reformation, and preserve to the clergy the forms, at least, of
+their ancient supremacy. In England, the pride of men, and their habits
+of self-reliance, enabled them to mature into a system what is called
+the right of private judgment, by which some of the most cherished
+traditions were eradicated; and this, as we have already seen, being
+quickly succeeded, first by scepticism, and then by toleration, prepared
+the way for that subordination of the church to the state, for which we
+are pre-eminent, and without a rival, among the nations of Europe. The
+very same tendency, acting in politics, displayed analogous results. Our
+ancestors found no difficulty in humbling the nobles, and reducing them
+to comparative insignificance. The wars of the Roses, by breaking up the
+leading families into two hostile factions, aided this movement;[342]
+and, after the reign of Edward IV., there is no instance of any
+Englishman, even of the highest rank, venturing to carry on those
+private wars, by which, in other countries, the great lords still
+disturbed the peace of society.[343] When the civil contests subsided,
+the same spirit displayed itself in the policy of Henry VII. and Henry
+VIII. For, those princes, despots as they were, mainly oppressed the
+highest classes; and even Henry VIII., notwithstanding his barbarous
+cruelties, was loved by the people, to whom his reign was, on the whole,
+decidedly beneficial. Then there came the Reformation; which, being an
+uprising of the human mind, was essentially a rebellious movement, and
+thus increasing the insubordination of men, sowed, in the sixteenth
+century, the seeds of those great political revolutions which, in the
+seventeenth century, broke out in nearly every part of Europe. The
+connexion between these two revolutionary epochs is a subject full of
+interest; but, for the purpose of the present chapter, it will be
+sufficient to notice such events, during the latter half of the
+sixteenth century, as explain the sympathy between the ecclesiastical
+and aristocratic classes, and prove how the same circumstances that were
+fatal to the one, also prepared the way for the downfall of the other.
+
+  [342] On the effect of the wars of the Roses upon the nobles, compare
+        _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 10; _Lingard's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 340; _Eccleston's English Antiq._ pp. 224,
+        320: and on their immense pecuniary, or rather territorial,
+        losses, _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. i. p. 155.
+
+  [343] 'The last instance of a pitched battle between two powerful
+        noblemen in England occurs in the reign of Edward IV.' _Allen on
+        the Prerogative_, p. 123.
+
+When Elizabeth ascended the throne of England, a large majority of the
+nobility were opposed to the Protestant religion. This we know from the
+most decisive evidence; and, even if we had no such evidence, a general
+acquaintance with human nature would induce us to suspect that such was
+the case. For, the aristocracy, by the very conditions of their
+existence, must, as a body, always be averse to innovation. And this,
+not only because by a change they have much to lose and little to gain,
+but because some of their most pleasurable emotions are connected with
+the past rather than with the present. In the collision of actual life,
+their vanity is sometimes offended by the assumptions of inferior men;
+it is frequently wounded by the successful competition of able men.
+These are mortifications to which, in the progress of society, their
+liability is constantly increasing. But the moment they turn to the
+past, they see in those good old times which are now gone by, many
+sources of consolation. There they find a period in which their glory is
+without a rival. When they look at their pedigrees, their quarterings,
+their escutcheons; when they think of the purity of their blood, and the
+antiquity of their ancestors--they experience a comfort which ought
+amply to atone for any present inconvenience. The tendency of this is
+very obvious, and has shown itself in the history of every aristocracy
+the world has yet seen. Men who have worked themselves to so extravagant
+a pitch as to believe that it is an honour to have had one ancestor who
+came over with the Normans, and another ancestor who was present at the
+first invasion of Ireland--men who have reached this ecstacy of the
+fancy are not disposed to stop there, but, by a process with which most
+minds are familiar, they generalize their view; and, even on matters not
+immediately connected with their fame, they acquire a habit of
+associating grandeur with antiquity, and of measuring value by age;
+thus transferring to the past an admiration which otherwise they might
+reserve for the present.
+
+The connexion between these feelings and those which animate the clergy
+is very evident. What the nobles are to politics, that are the priests
+to religion. Both classes, constantly appealing to the voice of
+antiquity, rely much on tradition, and make great account of upholding
+established customs. Both take for granted that what is old is better
+than what is new; and that in former times there were means of
+discovering truths respecting government and theology which we, in these
+degenerate ages, no longer possess. And it may be added, that the
+similarity of their functions follows from the similarity of their
+principles. Both are eminently protective, stationary, or, as they are
+sometimes called, conservative. It is believed that the aristocracy
+guard the state against revolution, and that the clergy keep the church
+from error. The first are the enemies of reformers; the others are the
+scourge of heretics.
+
+It does not enter into the province of this Introduction to examine how
+far these principles are reasonable, or to inquire into the propriety of
+notions which suppose that, on certain subjects of immense importance,
+men are to remain stationary, while on all other subjects they are
+constantly advancing. But what I now rather wish to point out, is the
+manner in which, in the reign of Elizabeth, the two great conservative
+and protective classes were weakened by that vast movement, the
+Reformation, which, though completed in the sixteenth century, had been
+prepared by a long chain of intellectual antecedents.
+
+Whatever the prejudices of some may suggest, it will be admitted, by all
+unbiassed judges, that the Protestant Reformation was neither more nor
+less than an open rebellion. Indeed, the mere mention of private
+judgment, on which it was avowedly based, is enough to substantiate this
+fact. To establish the right of private judgment, was to appeal from the
+church to individuals; it was to increase the play of each man's
+intellect; it was to test the opinions of the priesthood by the
+opinions of laymen; it was, in fact, a rising of the scholars against
+their teachers, of the ruled against their rulers. And although the
+reformed clergy, as soon as they had organised themselves into a
+hierarchy, did undoubtedly abandon the great principle with which they
+started, and attempt to impose articles and canons of their own
+contrivance, still, this ought not to blind us to the merits of the
+Reformation itself. The tyranny of the Church of England, during the
+reign of Elizabeth, and still more during the reigns of her two
+successors, was but the natural consequence of that corruption which
+power always begets in those who wield it, and does not lessen the
+importance of the movement by which the power was originally obtained.
+For men could not forget that, tried by the old theological theory, the
+church of England was a schismatic establishment, and could only defend
+itself from the charge of heresy by appealing to that private judgment,
+to the exercise of which it owed its existence, but of the rights of
+which its own proceedings were a constant infraction. It was evident
+that if, in religious matters, private judgment were supreme, it became
+a high spiritual crime to issue any articles, or to take any measure, by
+which that judgment could be tied up; while, on the other hand, if the
+right of private judgment were not supreme, the church of England was
+guilty of apostacy, inasmuch as its founders did, by virtue of the
+interpretation which their own private judgment made of the Bible,
+abandon tenets which they had hitherto held, stigmatize those tenets as
+idolatrous, and openly renounce their allegiance to what had for
+centuries been venerated as the catholic and apostolic church.
+
+This was a simple alternative; which might, indeed, be kept out of
+sight, but could not be refined away, and most assuredly has never been
+forgotten. The memory of the great truth it conveys was preserved by the
+writings and teachings of the Puritans, and by those habits of thought
+natural to an inquisitive age. And when the fulness of time had come, it
+did not fail to bear its fruit. It continued slowly to fructify; and
+before the middle of the seventeenth century, its seed had quickened
+into a life, the energy of which nothing could withstand. That same
+right of private judgment which the early Reformers had loudly
+proclaimed, was now pushed to an extent fatal to those who opposed it.
+This it was which, carried into politics, overturned the government,
+and, carried into religion, upset the church.[344] For, rebellion and
+heresy are but different forms of the same disregard of tradition, the
+same bold and independent spirit. Both are of the nature of a protest
+made by modern ideas against old associations. They are as a struggle
+between the feelings of the present and the memory of the past. Without
+the exercise of private judgment, such a contest could never take place;
+the mere conception of it could not enter the minds of men, nor would
+they even dream of controlling, by their individual energy, those abuses
+to which all great societies are liable. It is, therefore, in the
+highest degree natural that the exercise of this judgment should be
+opposed by those two powerful classes who, from their position, their
+interests, and the habits of their mind, are more prone than any other
+to cherish antiquity, cleave to superannuated customs, and uphold
+institutions which, to use their favourite language, have been
+consecrated by the wisdom of their fathers.
+
+  [344] Clarendon (_Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 80), in a very angry
+        spirit, but with perfect truth, notices (under the year 1640) the
+        connexion between 'a proud and venomous dislike against the
+        discipline of the church of England, and so by degrees (as the
+        progress is very natural) an equal irreverence to the government
+        of the state too.' The Spanish government, perhaps more than any
+        other in Europe, has understood this relation; and even so late
+        as 1789, an edict of Charles IV. declared, 'qu'il y a crime
+        d'heresie dans tout ce qui tend, ou contribue, a propager les
+        idees revolutionnaires.' _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_,
+        vol. ii. p. 130.
+
+From this point of view we are able to see with great clearness the
+intimate connexion which, at the accession of Elizabeth, existed between
+the English nobles and the Catholic clergy. Notwithstanding many
+exceptions, an immense majority of both classes opposed the Reformation,
+because it was based on that right of private judgment of which they,
+as the protectors of old opinions, were the natural antagonists. All
+this can excite no surprise; it was in the order of things, and strictly
+accordant with the spirit of those two great sections of society.
+Fortunately, however, for our country, the throne was now occupied by a
+sovereign who was equal to the emergency, and who, instead of yielding
+to the two classes, availed herself of the temper of the age to humble
+them. The manner in which this was effected by Elizabeth, in respect,
+first to the Catholic clergy, and afterwards to the Protestant
+clergy,[345] forms one of the most interesting parts of our history; and
+in an account of the reign of the great queen, I hope to examine it at
+considerable length. At present, it will be sufficient to glance at her
+policy towards the nobles--that other class with which the priesthood,
+by their interests, opinions, and associations, have always much in
+common.
+
+  [345] The general character of her policy towards the Protestant English
+        bishops is summed up very fairly by Collier; though he, as a
+        professional writer, is naturally displeased with her disregard
+        for the heads of the church. _Collier's Eccles. Hist. of Great
+        Britain_, vol. vii. pp. 257, 258, edit. Barham, 1840.
+
+Elizabeth, at her accession to the throne, finding that the ancient
+families adhered to the ancient religion, naturally called to her
+councils advisers who were more likely to uphold the novelties on which
+the age was bent. She selected men who, being little burdened by past
+associations, were more inclined to favour present interests. The two
+Bacons, the two Cecils, Knollys, Sadler, Smith, Throgmorton, Walsingham,
+were the most eminent statesmen and diplomatists in her reign; but all
+of them were commoners; only one did she raise to the peerage; and they
+were certainly nowise remarkable, either for the rank of their immediate
+connexions, or for the celebrity of their remote ancestors. They,
+however, were recommended to Elizabeth by their great abilities, and by
+their determination to uphold a religion which the ancient aristocracy
+naturally opposed. And it is observable that, among the accusations
+which the Catholics brought against the queen, they taunted her, not
+only with forsaking the old religion, but also with neglecting the old
+nobility.[346]
+
+  [346] One of the charges which, in 1588, Sixtus V. publicly brought
+        against Elizabeth, was, that 'she hath rejected and excluded the
+        ancient nobility, and promoted to honour obscure people.'
+        _Butler's Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. ii. p. 4. Persons also
+        reproaches her with her low-born ministers, and says that she was
+        influenced 'by five persons in particular--all of them sprung
+        from the earth--Bacon, Cecil, Dudley, Hatton, and Walsingham.'
+        _Butler_, vol. ii. p. 31. Cardinal Allen taunted her with
+        'disgracing the ancient nobility, erecting base and unworthy
+        persons to all the civil and ecclesiastical dignities.' _Dodd's
+        Church History_, edit. Tierney, 1840, vol. iii. appendix no. xii.
+        p. xlvi. The same influential writer, in his _Admonition_, said
+        that she had injured England, 'by great contempt and abasing of
+        the ancient nobility, repelling them from due government,
+        offices, and places of honour.' _Allen's Admonition to the
+        Nobility and People of England and Ireland_, 1588 (reprinted
+        London, 1842), p. xv. Compare the account of the Bull of 1588, in
+        _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. x. p. 175: 'On accusoit Elisabeth
+        d'avoir au prejudice de la noblesse angloise eleve aux dignites,
+        tant civiles qu'ecclesiastiques, des hommes nouveaux, sans
+        naissance, et indignes de les posseder.'
+
+Nor does it require much acquaintance with the history of the time to
+see the justice of this charge. Whatever explanation we may choose to
+give of the fact, it cannot be denied that, during the reign of
+Elizabeth, there was an open and constant opposition between the nobles
+and the executive government. The rebellion of 1569 was essentially an
+aristocratic movement; it was a rising of the great families of the
+north against what they considered the upstart and plebeian
+administration of the queen.[347] The bitterest enemy of Elizabeth was
+certainly Mary of Scotland; and the interests of Mary were publicly
+defended by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of
+Westmoreland, and the Earl of Arundel; while there is reason to believe
+that her cause was secretly favoured by the Marquis of Northampton, the
+Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Cumberland, the Earl of
+Shrewsbury, and the Earl of Sussex.[348]
+
+  [347] To the philosophic historian this rebellion, though not
+        sufficiently appreciated by ordinary writers, is a very important
+        study, because it is the last attempt ever made by the great
+        English families to establish their authority by force of arms.
+        Mr. Wright says, that probably all those who took a leading part
+        in it 'were allied by blood or intermarriage with the two
+        families of the Percies and Neviles.' _Wright's Elizabeth_, 1838,
+        vol. i. p. xxxiv.; a valuable work. See also, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. i. p. 730, a list of some of those who, in 1571, were
+        attainted on account of this rebellion, and who are said to be
+        'all of the best families in the north of England.'
+
+        But the most complete evidence we have respecting this struggle,
+        consists of the collection of original documents published in
+        1840 by Sir C. Sharpe, under the title of _Memorials of the
+        Rebellion of 1569_. They show very clearly the real nature of the
+        outbreak. On 17th November 1569, Sir George Bowes writes, that
+        the complaint of the insurgents was that 'there was certaine
+        counsellors cropen' (_i.e._ crept) 'in aboute the prince, which
+        had excluded the nobility from the prince,' &c., _Memorials_, p.
+        42; and the editor's note says that this is one of the charges
+        made in all the proclamations by the earls. Perhaps the most
+        curious proof of how notorious the policy of Elizabeth had
+        become, is contained in a friendly letter from Sussex to Cecil,
+        dated 5th January 1569 (_Memorials_, p. 137), one paragraph of
+        which begins, 'Of late years few young noblemen have been
+        employed in service.'
+
+  [348] _Hallam_, i. p. 130; _Lingard_, v. pp. 97, 102; _Turner_, xii.
+        pp. 245, 247.
+
+The existence of this antagonism of interests could not escape the
+sagacity of the English government. Cecil, who was the most powerful of
+the ministers of Elizabeth, and who was at the head of affairs for forty
+years, made it part of his business to study the genealogies and
+material resources of the great families; and this he did, not out of
+idle curiosity, but in order to increase his control over them, or, as a
+great historian says, to let them know 'that his eye was upon
+them.'[349] The queen herself, though too fond of power, was by no means
+of a cruel disposition; but she seemed to delight in humbling the
+nobles. On them her hand fell heavily; and there is hardly to be found a
+single instance of her pardoning their offences, while she punished
+several of them for acts which would now be considered no offences at
+all. She was always unwilling to admit them to authority; and it is
+unquestionably true that, taking them as a class, they were, during her
+long and prosperous reign, treated with unusual disrespect. Indeed, so
+clearly marked was her policy, that when the ducal order became extinct,
+she refused to renew it; and a whole generation passed away to whom the
+name of duke was a mere matter of history, a point to be mooted by
+antiquaries, but with which the business of practical life had no
+concern.[350] Whatever may be her other faults, she was on this subject
+always consistent. Although she evinced the greatest anxiety to surround
+the throne with men of ability, she cared little for those conventional
+distinctions by which the minds of ordinary sovereigns are greatly
+moved. She made no account of dignity of rank; she did not even care for
+purity of blood. She valued men neither for the splendour of their
+ancestry, nor for the length of their pedigrees, nor for the grandeur of
+their titles. Such questions she left for her degenerate successors, to
+the size of whose understandings they were admirably fitted. Our great
+queen regulated her conduct by another standard. Her large and powerful
+intellect, cultivated to its highest point by reflection and study,
+taught her the true measure of affairs, and enabled her to see, that to
+make a government flourish, its councillors must be men of ability and
+of virtue; but that if these two conditions are fulfilled, the nobles
+may be left to repose in the enjoyment of their leisure, unoppressed by
+those cares of the state for which, with a few brilliant exceptions,
+they are naturally disqualified by the number of their prejudices and by
+the frivolity of their pursuits.
+
+  [349] _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 241; an interesting passage.
+        Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. xii. p. 237) says, that Cecil
+        'knew the tendency of the great lords to combine against the
+        crown, that they might reinstate the peerage in the power from
+        which the house of Tudor had depressed it.'
+
+  [350] In 1572 the order of dukes became extinct; and was not revived
+        till fifty years afterwards, when James I. made the miserable
+        Villiers, duke of Buckingham. _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol.
+        i. p. 397. This evidently attracted attention; for Ben Jonson, in
+        one of his comedies in 1616, mentions 'the received heresy that
+        England bears no dukes.' _Jonson's Works_, edit. Gifford, 1816,
+        vol. v. p. 47, where Gifford, not being aware of the extinction
+        in 1572, has made an unsatisfactory note.
+
+After the death of Elizabeth, an attempt was made, first by James, and
+then by Charles, to revive the power of the two great protective
+classes, the nobles and the clergy. But so admirably had the policy of
+Elizabeth been supported by the general temper of the age, that it was
+found impossible for the Stuarts to execute their mischievous plans. The
+exercise of private judgment, both in religion and in politics, had
+become so habitual, that these princes were unable to subjugate it to
+their will. And as Charles I., with inconceivable blindness, and with an
+obstinacy even greater than that of his father, persisted in adopting in
+their worst forms the superannuated theories of protection, and
+attempted to enforce a scheme of government which men from their
+increasing independence were determined to reject, there inevitably
+arose that memorable collision which is well termed The Great Rebellion
+of England.[351] The analogy between this and the Protestant
+Reformation, I have already noticed; but what we have now to consider,
+and what, in the next chapter, I will endeavour to trace, is the nature
+of the difference between our Rebellion, and those contemporary wars of
+the Fronde, to which it was in some respects very similar.
+
+  [351] Clarendon (_Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 216) truly calls it 'the
+        most prodigious and the boldest rebellion, that any age or
+        country ever brought forth.' See also some striking remarks in
+        _Warwick's Memoirs_, p. 207.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF
+  THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH
+                               REBELLION.
+
+
+The object of the last chapter was to enquire into the origin of the
+protective spirit. From the evidence there collected, it appears that
+this spirit was first organized into a distinct secular form at the
+close of the dark ages; but that, owing to circumstances which then
+arose, it was, from the beginning, much less powerful in England than in
+France. It has likewise appeared that, in our country, it continued to
+lose ground; while in France, it early in the fourteenth century assumed
+a new shape, and gave rise to a centralizing movement, manifested not
+only in the civil and political institutions, but also in the social and
+literary habits of the French nation. Thus far we seem to have cleared
+the way for a proper understanding of the history of the two countries;
+and I now purpose to follow this up a little further, and point out how
+this difference explains the discrepancy between the civil wars of
+England, and those which at the same time broke out in France.
+
+Among the obvious circumstances connected with the Great English
+Rebellion, the most remarkable is, that it was a war of classes as well
+as of factions. From the beginning of the contest, the yeomanry and
+traders adhered to the parliament;[352] the nobles and the clergy
+rallied round the throne.[353] And the name given to the two parties, of
+Roundheads[354] and Cavaliers,[355] proves that the true nature of this
+opposition was generally known. It proves that men were aware that a
+question was at issue, upon which England was divided, not so much by
+the particular interests of individuals, as by the general interests of
+the classes to which those individuals belonged.
+
+  [352] 'From the beginning it may be said that the yeomanry and trading
+        classes of towns were generally hostile to the king's side, even
+        in those counties which were in his military occupation; except
+        in a few, such as Cornwall, Worcester, Salop, and most of Wales,
+        where the prevailing sentiment was chiefly royalist.' _Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 578. See also _Lingard's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. vi. p. 304; and _Alison's Hist. of Europe_,
+        vol. i. p. 49.
+
+  [353] On this division of classes, which, notwithstanding a few
+        exceptions, is undoubtedly true as a general fact, compare
+        _Memoirs of Sir P. Warwick_, p. 217; _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol.
+        iii. p. 347; _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 294, 297,
+        345, 346, 401, 476; _May's Hist. of the Long Parliament_, book i.
+        pp. 22, 64, book ii. p. 63, book iii. p. 78; _Hutchinson's
+        Memoirs_, p. 100; _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 104, vol. iii.
+        p. 258; _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, p. 86.
+
+  [354] Lord Clarendon says, in his grand style, 'the rabble contemned and
+        despised under the name of roundheads.' _Hist. of the Rebellion_,
+        p. 136. This was in 1641, when the title appears to have been
+        first bestowed. See _Fairfax Corresp._ vol. ii. pp. 185, 320.
+
+  [355] Just before the battle of Edgehill, in 1642, Charles said to his
+        troops, 'You are called cavaliers in a reproachful
+        signification.' See the king's speech, in _Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        iv. p. 478. Directly after the battle, he accused his opponents
+        of 'rendering all persons of honour odious to the common people,
+        under the style of cavaliers.' _May's Hist. of the Long
+        Parliament_, book iii. p. 25.
+
+But in the history of the French rebellion, there is no trace of so
+large a division. The objects of the war were in both countries
+precisely the same: the machinery by which those objects were attained
+was very different. The Fronde was like our Rebellion, insomuch that it
+was a struggle of the parliament against the crown; an attempt to secure
+liberty, and raise up a barrier against the despotism of
+government.[356] So far, and so long, as we merely take a view of
+political objects, the parallel is complete. But the social and
+intellectual antecedents of the French being very different from those
+of the English, it necessarily followed that the shape which the
+rebellion took should likewise be different, even though the motives
+were the same. If we examine this divergence a little nearer, we shall
+find that it is connected with the circumstance I have already
+noticed--namely, that in England a war for liberty was accompanied by a
+war of classes, while in France there was no war of classes at all. From
+this it resulted, that in France the rebellion, being merely political,
+and not, as with us, also social, took less hold of the public mind: it
+was unaccompanied by those feelings of insubordination, in the absence
+of which freedom has always been impossible; and, striking no root into
+the national character, it could not save the country from that servile
+state into which, a few years later, it, under the government of Louis
+XIV. rapidly fell.
+
+  [356] M. Saint-Aulaire (_Hist. de la Fronde_, vol. i. p. v.) says, that
+        the object of the Frondeurs was, 'limiter l'autorite royale,
+        consacrer les principes de la liberte civile et en confier la
+        garde aux compagnies souveraines;' and at p. vi. he calls the
+        declaration of 1648, 'une veritable charte constitutionnelle.'
+        See also, at vol. i. p. 128, the concluding paragraph of the
+        speech of Omer Talon. Joly, who was much displeased at this
+        tendency, complains that in 1648, 'le peuple tomboit
+        imperceptiblement dans le sentiment dangereux, qu'il est naturel
+        et permis de se defendre et de s'armer contre la violence des
+        superieurs.' _Mem. de Joly_, p. 15. Of the immediate objects
+        proposed by the Fronde, one was to diminish the taille, and
+        another was to obtain a law that no one should be kept in prison
+        more than twenty-four hours, 'sans etre remis entre les mains du
+        parlement pour lui faire son proces s'il se trouvoit criminel ou
+        l'elargir s'il etoit innocent.' _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. ii. p.
+        135; _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 398; _Mem. de Retz_, vol.
+        i. p. 265; _Mem. d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225, 240, 328.
+
+That our Great Rebellion was, in its external form, a war of classes, is
+one of those palpable facts which lie on the surface of history. At
+first, the parliament[357] did indeed attempt to draw over to their side
+some of the nobles; and in this they for a time succeeded. But as the
+struggle advanced, the futility of this policy became evident. In the
+natural order of the great movement, the nobles grew more loyal;[358]
+the parliament grew more democratic.[359] And when it was clearly seen
+that both parties were determined either to conquer or to die, this
+antagonism of classes was too clearly marked to be misunderstood; the
+perception which each had of its own interests being sharpened by the
+magnitude of the stake for which they contended.
+
+  [357] I use the word 'parliament' in the sense given to it by writers of
+        that time, and not in the legal sense.
+
+  [358] In May 1642, there remained at Westminster forty-two peers,
+        _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 559; but they gradually
+        abandoned the popular cause; and, according to _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        iii. p. 1282, so dwindled, that eventually 'seldom more than five
+        or six' were present.
+
+  [359] These increasing democratic tendencies are most clearly indicated
+        in Walker's curious work, _The History of Independency_. See
+        among other passages, book i. p. 59. And Clarendon, under the
+        year 1644, says (_Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 514): 'That violent
+        party, which had at first cozened the rest into the war, and
+        afterwards obstructed all the approaches towards peace, found now
+        that they had finished as much of their work as the tools which
+        they had wrought with could be applied to, and what remained to
+        be done must be despatched by new workmen.' What these new
+        workmen were, he afterwards explains, p. 641, to be 'the most
+        inferior people preferred to all places of trust and profit.'
+        Book xi. under the year 1648. Compare some good remarks by Mr.
+        Bell, in _Fairfax Correspond._ vol. iii. pp. 115, 116.
+
+For, without burdening this Introduction with what may be read in our
+common histories, it will be sufficient to remind the reader of a few of
+the conspicuous events of that time. Just before the war began, the Earl
+of Essex was appointed general of the parliamentary forces, with the
+Earl of Bedford as his lieutenant. A commission to raise troops was
+likewise given to the Earl of Manchester,[360] the only man of high rank
+against whom Charles had displayed open enmity.[361] Notwithstanding
+these marks of confidence, the nobles, in whom parliament was at first
+disposed to trust, could not avoid showing the old leaven of their
+order.[362] The Earl of Essex so conducted himself, as to inspire the
+popular party with the greatest apprehensions of his treachery;[363] and
+when the defence of London was intrusted to Waller, he so obstinately
+refused to enter the name of that able officer in the commission, that
+the Commons were obliged to insert it by virtue of their own authority,
+and in spite of their own general.[364] The Earl of Bedford, though he
+had received a military command, did not hesitate to abandon those who
+conferred it. This apostate noble fled from Westminster to Oxford: but
+finding that the king, who never forgave his enemies, did not receive
+him with the favour he expected, he returned to London; where, though he
+was allowed to remain in safety, it could not be supposed that he should
+again experience the confidence of parliament.[365]
+
+  [360] This was after the appointments of Essex and Bedford, and was in
+        1643. _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. i. p. 58; _Carlyle's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. 189.
+
+  [361] 'When the king attempted to arrest the five members, Manchester,
+        at that time Lord Kymbolton, was the only peer whom he impeached.
+        This circumstance endeared Kymbolton to the party; his own safety
+        bound him more closely to its interests.' _Lingard's England_,
+        vol. vi. p. 337. Compare _Clarendon_, p. 375; _Ludlow_, vol. i.
+        p. 20. It is also said that Lord Essex joined the popular party
+        from personal pique against the king. _Fairfax Corresp._
+        vol. iii. p. 37.
+
+  [362] Mr. Carlyle has made some very characteristic, but very just,
+        observations on the 'high Essexes and Manchesters of limited
+        notions and large estates.' _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 215.
+
+  [363] _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. iii. p. 110; _Hutchinson's Memoirs_,
+        pp. 230, 231; _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. iii. p. 106;
+        _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, pp. 112, 113, 119; _Clarendon's
+        Rebellion_, pp. 486, 514; or, as Lord North puts it, 'for General
+        Essex began now to appear to the private cabalists somewhat
+        wresty.' _North's Narrative of Passages relating to the Long
+        Parliament_, published in 1670, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. vi. p.
+        578. At p. 584, the same elegant writer says of Essex, 'being the
+        first person and last of the nobility employed by the parliament
+        in military affairs, which soon brought him to the period of his
+        life. And may he be an example to all future ages, to deter all
+        persons of like dignity from being instrumental in setting up a
+        democratical power, whose interest it is to keep down all persons
+        of his condition.' The 'Letter of Admonition' addressed to him by
+        parliament in 1644, is printed in _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 274.
+
+  [364] _Lingard's Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 318. See also, on the
+        hostility between Essex and Waller, _Walker's Hist. of
+        Independency_, part i. pp. 28, 29; and _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p.
+        177. Sir Philip Warwick (_Memoirs_, p. 254) contemptuously calls
+        Waller 'favourite-general of the city of London.'
+
+  [365] Compare _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 569, 570, with
+        _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, p. 96, and Lord Bedford's letter, in
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. pp. 189, 190. This shuffling letter
+        confirms the unfavourable account of the writer, which is given
+        in _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 422.
+
+Such examples as these were not likely to lessen the distrust which both
+parties felt for each other. It soon became evident that a war of
+classes was unavoidable, and that the rebellion of the parliament
+against the king must be reinforced by a rebellion of the people against
+the nobles.[366] To this the popular party, whatever may have been their
+first intention, now willingly agreed. In 1645 they enacted a law, by
+which not only the Earl of Essex and the Earl of Manchester lost their
+command, but all members of either house were made incapable of military
+service.[367] And, only a week after the execution of the king, they
+formally took away the legislative power of the peers; putting at the
+same time on record their memorable opinion, that the House of Lords is
+'useless, dangerous, and ought to be abolished.'[368]
+
+  [366] Dr. Bates, who had been physician to Cromwell, intimates that this
+        was foreseen from the beginning. He says, that the popular party
+        offered command to some of the nobles, 'not that they had any
+        respect for the lords, whom shortly they intended to turn out and
+        to level with the commoners, but that they might poison them with
+        their own venom, and rise to greater authority by drawing more
+        over to their side.' _Bates's Account of the late Troubles in
+        England_, part i. p. 76. Lord North too supposes, that almost
+        immediately after the war began, it was determined to dissolve
+        the House of Lords. See _Somers Tracts_, vol. vi. p. 582. Beyond
+        this, I am not aware of any direct early evidence; except that,
+        in 1644, Cromwell is alleged to have stated that 'there would
+        never be a good time in England till we had done with lords.'
+        _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 217; and, what is evidently the
+        same circumstance, in _Holles's Memoirs_, p. 18.
+
+  [367] This was the 'Self-denying Ordinance,' which was introduced in
+        December, 1644; but, owing to the resistance of the peers, was
+        not carried until the subsequent April. _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii.
+        pp. 326-337, 340-343, 354, 355. See also _Mem. of Lord Holles_,
+        p. 30; _Mem. of Sir P. Warwick_, p. 283.
+
+  [368] On this great Epoch in the history of England, see _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. iii. p. 1284; _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 643;
+        _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. i. p. 424; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol.
+        i. p. 246; _Warwick's Mem._ pp. 182, 336, 352.
+
+But we may find proofs still more convincing of the true character of
+the English rebellion, if we consider who those were by whom it was
+accomplished. This will show us the democratic nature of a movement
+which lawyers and antiquaries have vainly attempted to shelter under the
+form of constitutional precedent. Our great rebellion was the work, not
+of men who looked behind, but of men who looked before. To attempt to
+trace it to personal and temporary causes; to ascribe this unparalleled
+outbreak to a dispute respecting ship-money, or to a quarrel about the
+privileges of parliament, can only suit the habits of those historians
+who see no further than the preamble of a statute, or the decision of a
+judge. Such writers forget that the trial of Hampden, and the
+impeachment of the five members, could have produced no effect on the
+country, unless the people had already been prepared, and unless the
+spirit of inquiry and insubordination had so increased the discontents
+of men, as to put them in a state, where, the train being laid, the
+slightest spark sufficed to kindle a conflagration.
+
+The truth is, that the rebellion was an outbreak of the democratic
+spirit. It was the political form of a movement, of which the
+Reformation was the religious form. As the Reformation was aided, not by
+men in high ecclesiastical offices, not by great cardinals or wealthy
+bishops, but by men filling the lowest and most subordinate posts, just
+so was the English rebellion a movement from below, an uprising from the
+foundations, or as some will have it, the dregs of society. The few
+persons of high rank who adhered to the popular cause were quickly
+discarded, and the ease and rapidity with which they fell off was a
+clear indication of the turn that things were taking. Directly the army
+was freed from its noble leaders, and supplied with officers drawn from
+the lower classes, the fortune of war changed, the royalists were every
+where defeated, and the king made prisoner by his own subjects. Between
+his capture and execution, the two most important political events were
+his abduction by Joyce, and the forcible expulsion from the House of
+Commons of those members who were thought likely to interfere in his
+favour. Both these decisive steps were taken, and indeed only could have
+been taken, by men of great personal influence, and of a bold and
+resolute spirit. Joyce, who carried off the king, and who was highly
+respected in the army, had, however, been recently a common working
+tailor;[369] while Colonel Pride, whose name is preserved in history as
+having purged the House of Commons of the malignants, was about on a
+level with Joyce, since his original occupation was that of a
+drayman.[370] The tailor and the drayman were, in that age, strong
+enough to direct the course of public affairs, and to win for themselves
+a conspicuous position in the state. After the execution of Charles, the
+same tendency was displayed, the old monarchy being destroyed, that
+small but active party known as the fifth-monarchy men increased in
+importance, and for a time exercised considerable influence. Their three
+principal and most distinguished members were Venner, Tuffnel, and Okey.
+Venner, who was the leader, was a wine-cooper;[371] Tuffnel, who was
+second in command, was a carpenter;[372] and Okey, though he became a
+colonel, had filled the menial office of stoker in an Islington
+brewery.[373]
+
+  [369] 'Cornet Joyce, who was one of the agitators in the army, a tailor,
+        a fellow who had two or three years before served in a very
+        inferior employment in Mr. Hollis's house.' _Clarendon's
+        Rebellion_, p. 612. 'A shrewd tailor-man.' _D'Israeli's
+        Commentaries on the Reign of Charles I._, 1851, vol. ii. p. 466.
+
+  [370] Ludlow (_Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 139); Noble (_Memoirs of the House
+        of Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 470); and Winstanley (_Loyal
+        Martyrology_, edit. 1665, p. 108), mention that Pride had been a
+        drayman. It is said that Cromwell, in ridicule of the old
+        distinctions, conferred knighthood on him 'with a faggot.'
+        _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 164; _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_,
+        vol. iii. p. 478.
+
+  [371] 'The fifth-monarchy, headed mainly by one Venner, a wine-cooper.'
+        _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. iii. p. 282. 'Venner, a wine-cooper.'
+        _Lister's Life and Corresp. of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p. 62.
+
+  [372] 'The second to Venner was one Tuffnel a carpenter living in Gray's
+        Inn Lane.' _Winstanley's Martyrology_, p. 163.
+
+  [373] 'He was stoaker in a brewhouse at Islington, and next a most poor
+        chandler near Lion-Key, in Thames Street.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        iii. p. 1605. See also _Winstanley's Martyrology_, p. 122.
+
+Nor are these to be regarded as exceptional cases. In that period,
+promotion depended solely on merit; and if a man had ability he was sure
+to rise, no matter what his birth or former avocations might have been.
+Cromwell himself was a brewer;[374] and Colonel Jones, his
+brother-in-law, had been servant to a private gentleman.[375] Deane was
+the servant of a tradesman; but he became an admiral, and was made one
+of the commissioners of the navy.[376] Colonel Goffe had been apprentice
+to a drysalter;[377] Major-general Whalley had been apprentice to a
+draper.[378] Skippon, a common soldier who had received no
+education,[379] was appointed commander of the London militia; he was
+raised to the office of sergeant-major-general of the army; he was
+declared commander-in-chief in Ireland; and he became one of the
+fourteen members of Cromwell's council.[380] Two of the lieutenants of
+the Tower were Berkstead and Tichborne. Berkstead was a pedlar, or at
+all events a hawker of small wares;[381] and Tichborne, who was a
+linendraper, not only received the lieutenancy of the Tower, but became
+a colonel, and a member of the committee of state in 1655, and of the
+council of state in 1659.[382] Other trades were equally successful; the
+highest prizes being open to all men, provided they displayed the
+requisite capacity. Colonel Harvey was a silk-mercer;[383] so was
+Colonel Rowe;[384] so also was Colonel Venn.[385] Salway had been
+apprentice to a grocer, but, being an able man, he rose to the rank of
+major in the army; he received the king's remembrancer's office; and in
+1659 he was appointed by parliament a member of the council of
+state.[386] Around that council-board were also gathered Bond the
+draper,[387] and Cawley the brewer;[388] while by their side we find
+John Berners, who is said to have been a private servant,[389] and
+Cornelius Holland, who is known to have been a servant, and who was,
+indeed, formerly a link-boy.[390] Among others who were now favoured and
+promoted to offices of trust, were Packe the woollen-draper,[391] Pury
+the weaver,[392] and Pemble the tailor.[393] The parliament which was
+summoned in 1653 is still remembered as Barebone's parliament, being so
+called after one of its most active members, whose name was Barebone,
+and who was a leather-seller in Fleet Street.[394] Thus too, Downing,
+though a poor charity-boy,[395] became teller of the exchequer, and
+representative of England at the Hague.[396] To these we may add, that
+Colonel Horton had been a gentleman's servant;[397] Colonel Berry had
+been a woodmonger;[398] Colonel Cooper a haberdasher;[399] Major Rolfe
+a shoemaker;[400] Colonel Fox a tinker;[401] and Colonel Hewson a
+cobbler.[402]
+
+  [374] Some of the clumsy eulogists of Cromwell wish to suppress the fact
+        of his being a brewer; but that he really practised that useful
+        trade is attested by a variety of evidence, and is distinctly
+        stated by his own physician, Dr. Bates. _Bates's Troubles in
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 238. See also _Walker's History of
+        Independency_, part i. p. 32, part ii. p. 25, part iii. p. 37;
+        _Noble's House of Cromwell_, vol. i. pp. 328-331. Other passages,
+        which I cannot now call to mind, will occur to those who have
+        studied the literature of the time.
+
+  [375] 'John Jones, at first a serving-man, then a colonel of the Long
+        Parliament, ... married the Protector's sister.' _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. iii. p. 1600. 'A serving-man; ... in process of time married
+        one of Cromwell's sisters.' _Winstanley's Martyrology_, p. 125.
+
+  [376] 'Richard Deane, Esq., is said to have been a servant to one
+        Button, a toyman in Ipswich, and to have himself been the son of
+        a person in the same employment; ... was appointed one of the
+        commissioners of the navy with Popham and Blake, and in April
+        (1649) he became an admiral and general at sea.' _Noble's Lives
+        of the Regicides_, vol. i. pp. 172, 173. Winstanley (_Martyrol._
+        p. 121) also says that Deane was 'servant in Ipswich.'
+
+  [377] 'Apprentice to one Vaughan a dry-salter.' _Noble's House of
+        Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 507: and see his _Regicides_, vol. i.
+        p. 255.
+
+  [378] 'Bound apprentice to a woollen-draper.' _Winstanley's Martyr._
+        p. 108. He afterwards set up in the same trade for himself; but
+        with little success, for Dr. Bates (_Troubles in England_, vol.
+        ii. p. 222) calls him 'a broken clothier.'
+
+  [379] 'Altogether illiterate.' _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 152. Two
+        extraordinary speeches by him are preserved in _Burton's Diary_,
+        vol. i. pp. 24, 25, 48-50.
+
+  [380] _Holles's Mem._ p. 82; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. ii. p. 39; and a
+        letter from Fairfax in _Cary's Memorials of the Civil War_, 1842,
+        vol. i. p. 413.
+
+  [381] 'Berkstead, who heretofore sold needles, bodkins, and thimbles,
+        and would have run on an errand any where for a little money; but
+        who now by Cromwell was preferred to the honourable charge of
+        lieutenant of the Tower of London.' _Bates's Account of the
+        Troubles_, part ii. p. 222.
+
+  [382] _Noble's Regicides_, vol. ii. pp. 272, 273. Lord Holles
+        (_Memoirs_, p. 174) also mentions that he was 'a linen-draper.'
+
+  [383] 'Edward Harvy, late a poor silk-man, now colonel, and hath got the
+        Bishop of London's house and manor of Fulham.' _Walker's
+        Independency_, part i. p. 170. 'One Harvey, a decayed silk-man,'
+        _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 418.
+
+  [384] Owen Rowe, 'put to the trade of a silk-mercer, ... went into the
+        parliament army, and became a colonel.' _Noble's Regicides_,
+        vol. ii. p. 150.
+
+  [385] 'A silkman in London; ... went into the army, and rose to the rank
+        of colonel.' _Noble's Regicides_, vol. ii. p. 283. 'A broken
+        silk-man in Cheapside.' _Winstanley's Martyrol._ p. 130.
+
+  [386] _Walker's Independency_, part i. p. 143; _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii.
+        p. 1608; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. ii. pp. 241, 259; _Noble's
+        Regicides_, vol. ii. pp. 158, 162.
+
+  [387] He was 'a woollen-draper at Dorchester,' and was 'one of the
+        council of state in 1649 and 1651.' _Noble's Regicides_, vol. i.
+        p. 99: see also _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 1594.
+
+  [388] 'A brewer in Chichester; ... in 1650-1 he was appointed one of the
+        council of state.' _Noble's Regicides_, vol. i. p. 136. 'William
+        Cawley, a brewer of Chichester.' _Winstanley's Martyrol._ p. 138.
+
+  [389] John Berners, 'supposed to have been originally a serving-man,'
+        was 'one of the council of state in 1659,' _Noble's Regicides_,
+        vol. i. p. 90.
+
+  [390] 'Holland the link-boy,' _Walker's Independency_, part iii. p. 37.
+        'He was originally nothing more than a servant to Sir Henry Vane;
+        ... upon the establishment of the Commonwealth, he was made one
+        of the council of state in 1649, and again in 1650.' _Noble's
+        Regicides_, vol. i. pp. 357, 358.
+
+  [391] _Noble's Mem. of Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 502.
+
+  [392] _Walker's Hist. of Independency_, part i. p. 167.
+
+  [393] _Ellis's Original Letters illustrative of English History_, third
+        series, vol. iv. p. 219, Lond. 1846.
+
+  [394] _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 1407; _Rose's Biog. Dict._ vol. iii.
+        p. 172; _Clarendon's Rebellion_, p. 794.
+
+  [395] 'A poor child bred upon charity.' _Harris's Stuarts_, vol. v. p.
+        281. 'A man of an obscure birth, and more obscure education.'
+        _Clarendon's Life of Himself_, p. 1116.
+
+  [396] See _Vaughan's Cromwell_, vol. i. pp. 227, 228, vol. ii. pp. 299,
+        302, 433; _Lister's Life and Corresp. of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p.
+        231, vol. iii. p. 134. The common opinion is, that he was the son
+        of a clergyman at Hackney; but if so, he was probably
+        illegitimate, considering the way he was brought up. However, his
+        Hackney origin is very doubtful, and no one appears to know who
+        his father was. See _Notes and Queries_, vol. iii. pp. 69, 213.
+
+  [397] _Noble's Regicides_, vol. i. p. 362. Cromwell had a great regard
+        for this remarkable man, who not only distinguished himself as a
+        soldier, but, judging from a letter of his recently published,
+        appears to have repaired the deficiencies of his early education.
+        See _Fairfax Correspond._ vol. iv. pp. 22-25, 108. There never
+        has been a period in the history of England in which so many men
+        of natural ability were employed in the public service as during
+        the Commonwealth.
+
+  [398] _Noble's House of Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 507.
+
+  [399] _Noble's Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 518; _Bates's Troubles_, vol. ii.
+        p. 222.
+
+  [400] _Bates's Late Troubles_, vol. i. p. 87; _Ludlow's Mem._ vol. i.
+        p. 220.
+
+  [401] _Walker's Hist. of Independency_, part ii. p. 87.
+
+  [402] Ludlow who was well acquainted with Colonel Hewson, says that he
+        'had been a shoemaker.' _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 139. But
+        this is the amiable partiality of a friend; and there is no doubt
+        that the gallant colonel was neither more nor less than a
+        cobbler. See _Walker's Independency_, part ii. p. 39;
+        _Winstanley's Martyrol._ p. 123; _Bates's Late Troubles_, vol.
+        ii. p. 222; _Noble's Cromwell_, vol. ii. pp. 251, 345, 470.
+
+Such were the leaders of the English rebellion, or to speak more
+properly, such were the instruments by which the rebellion was
+consummated.[403] If we now turn to France, we shall clearly see the
+difference between the feelings and temper of the two nations. In that
+country, the old protective spirit still retained its activity; and the
+people, being kept in a state of pupilage, had not acquired those habits
+of self-command and self-reliance, by which alone great things can be
+effected. They had been so long accustomed to look with timid reverence
+to the upper classes, that, even when they rose in arms, they could not
+throw off the ideas of submission which were quickly discarded by our
+ancestors. The influence of the higher ranks was, in England,
+constantly diminishing; in France, it was scarcely impaired. Hence it
+happened that, although the English and French rebellions were
+contemporary, and, in their origin, aimed at precisely the same objects,
+they were distinguished by one most important difference. This was, that
+the English rebels were headed by popular leaders; the French rebels by
+noble leaders. The bold and sturdy habits which had long been cultivated
+in England, enabled the middle and lower classes to supply their own
+chiefs out of their own ranks. In France such chiefs were not to be
+found; simply because, owing to the protective spirit, such habits had
+not been cultivated. While, therefore, in our island, the functions of
+civil government, and of war, were conducted with conspicuous ability,
+and complete success, by butchers, by bakers, by brewers, by cobblers,
+and by tinkers, the struggle which, at the same moment, was going on in
+France, presented an appearance totally different. In that country, the
+rebellion was headed by men of a far higher standing; men, indeed, of
+the longest and most illustrious lineage. There, to be sure, was a
+display of unexampled splendour; a galaxy of rank, a noble assemblage of
+aristocratic insurgents and titled demagogues. There was the Prince de
+Conde, the Prince de Conti, the Prince de Marsillac, the Duke de
+Bouillon, the Duke de Beaufort, the Duke de Longueville, the Duke de
+Chevreuse, the Duke de Nemours, the Duke de Luynes, the Duke de Brissac,
+the Duke d'Elb[oe]uf, the Duke de Candale, the Duke de la Tremouille,
+the Marquis de la Boulaye, the Marquis de Laigues, the Marquis de
+Noirmoutier, the Marquis de Vitry, the Marquis de Fosseuse, the Marquis
+de Sillery, the Marquis d'Estissac, the Marquis d'Hocquincourt, the
+Count de Rantzau, the Count de Montresor.
+
+  [403] Walker, who relates what he himself witnessed, says, that, about
+        1649, the army was commanded by 'colonels and superior officers,
+        who lord it in their gilt coaches, rich apparel, costly
+        feastings; though some of them led dray-horses, wore
+        leather-pelts, and were never able to name their own fathers or
+        mothers.' _Hist. of Independ._ part ii. p. 244. The _Mercurius
+        Rusticus_, 1647, says, 'Chelmsford was governed by a tinker, two
+        cobblers, two tailors, two pedlars.' _Southey's Commonplace
+        Book_, third series, 1850, p. 430. And, at p. 434, another work,
+        in 1647, makes a similar statement in regard to Cambridge; while
+        Lord Holles assures us, that 'most of the colonels and officers
+        (were) mean tradesmen, brewers, taylors, goldsmiths, shoe-makers,
+        and the like.' _Holles's Memoirs_, p. 149. When Whitelocke was in
+        Sweden in 1653, the praetor of one of the towns abused the
+        parliament, saying, 'that they killed their king, and were a
+        company of taylors and cobblers.' _Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy_,
+        vol. i. p. 205. See also note in _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church
+        of England_, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+These were the leaders of the Fronde;[404] and the mere announcement of
+their names indicate the difference between the French and English
+rebellions. And, in consequence of this difference, there followed some
+results, which are well worth the attention of those writers who, in
+their ignorance of the progress of human affairs, seek to uphold that
+aristocratic power, which, fortunately for the interests of mankind, has
+long been waning; and which, during the last seventy years has, in the
+most civilized countries, received such severe and repeated shocks, that
+its ultimate fate is hardly a matter respecting which much doubt can now
+be entertained.
+
+  [404] Even De Retz, who vainly attempted to organise a popular party,
+        found that it was impossible to take any step without the nobles;
+        and, notwithstanding his democratic tendencies, he, in 1648,
+        thought it advisable 'tacher d'engager dans les interets publics
+        les personnes de qualite.' _Mem. de Joly_, p. 31.
+
+The English rebellion was headed by men, whose tastes, habits, and
+associations, being altogether popular, formed a bond of sympathy
+between them and the people, and preserved the union of the whole party.
+In France the sympathy was very weak, and therefore, the union was very
+precarious. What sort of sympathy could there be between the mechanic
+and the peasant, toiling for their daily bread, and the rich and
+dissolute noble, whose life was passed in those idle and frivolous
+pursuits which debased his mind, and made his order a byword and a
+reproach among the nations? To talk of sympathy existing between the two
+classes is a manifest absurdity, and most assuredly would have been
+deemed an insult by those high-born men, who treated their inferiors
+with habitual and insolent contempt. It is true, that, from causes which
+have been already stated, the people did, unhappily for themselves, look
+up to those above them with the greatest veneration;[405] but every page
+of French history proves how unworthily this feeling was reciprocated,
+and in how complete a thraldom the lower classes were kept. While,
+therefore, the French, from their long-established habits of dependence,
+were become incapable of conducting their own rebellion, and, on that
+account, were obliged to place themselves under the command of their
+nobles, this very necessity confirmed the servility which caused it; and
+thus stunting the growth of freedom, prevented the nation from
+effecting, by their civil wars, those great things which we, in England,
+were able to bring about by ours.
+
+  [405] Mably (_Observations sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. i. p. 357)
+        frankly says, 'L'exemple d'un grand a toujours ete plus
+        contagieux chez les Francais que partout ailleurs.' See also vol.
+        ii. p. 267: 'Jamais l'exemple des grands n'a ete aussi contagieux
+        ailleurs qu'en France; on dirait qu'ils ont le malheureux
+        privilege de tout justifier.' Rivarol, though his opinions on
+        other points were entirely opposed to those of Mably, says, that,
+        in France, 'la noblesse est aux yeux du peuple une espece de
+        religion, dont les gentilshommes sont les pretres.' _Mem. de
+        Rivarol_, p. 94. Happily, the French Revolution, or rather the
+        circumstances which caused the French Revolution, have utterly
+        destroyed this ignominious homage.
+
+Indeed, it is only necessary to read the French literature of the
+seventeenth century, to see the incompatibility of the two classes, and
+the utter hopelessness of fusing into one party the popular and
+aristocratic spirit. While the object of the people was to free
+themselves from the yoke, the object of the nobles was merely to find
+new sources of excitement,[406] and minister to that personal vanity for
+which, as a body, they have always been notorious. As this is a
+department of history that has been little studied, it will be
+interesting to collect a few instances, which will illustrate the temper
+of the French aristocracy, and will show what sort of honours, and what
+manner of distinctions, those were which this powerful class was most
+anxious to obtain.
+
+  [406] The Duke de la Rochefoucauld candidly admits that, in 1649, the
+        nobles raised a civil war, 'avec d'autant plus de haleur que
+        c'etait une nouveaute.' _Mem. de Rochefoucauld_, vol. i. p. 406.
+        Thus too Lemontey (_Etablissement de Louis XIV_, p. 368): 'La
+        vieille noblesse, qui ne savait que combattre, faisait la guerre
+        par gout, par besoin, par vanite, par ennui.' Compare, in _Mem.
+        d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 467, 468, a summary of the reasons
+        which, in 1649, induced the nobles to go to war; and on the way
+        in which their frivolity debased the Fronde, see _Lavallee_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. pp. 169, 170.
+
+That the objects chiefly coveted were of a very trifling description,
+will be anticipated by whoever has studied the effect which, in an
+immense majority of minds, hereditary distinctions produce upon personal
+character. How pernicious such distinctions are, may be clearly seen in
+the history of all the European aristocracies; and in the notorious
+fact, that none of them have preserved even a mediocrity of talent,
+except in countries where they are frequently invigorated by the
+infusion of plebeian blood, and their order strengthened by the
+accession of those masculine energies which are natural to men who make
+their own position, but cannot be looked for in men whose position is
+made for them. For, when the notion is once firmly implanted in the
+mind, that the source of honour is from without, rather than from
+within, it must invariably happen that the possession of external
+distinction will be preferred to the sense of internal power. In such
+cases, the majesty of the human intellect, and the dignity of human
+knowledge, are considered subordinate to those mock and spurious
+gradations by which weak men measure the degrees of their own
+littleness. Hence it is, that the real precedence of things becomes
+altogether reversed; that which is trifling is valued more than that
+which is great; and the mind is enervated by conforming to a false
+standard of merit, which its own prejudices have raised. On this
+account, they are evidently in the wrong who reproach the nobles with
+their pride, as if it were a characteristic of their order. The truth
+is, that if pride were once established among them, their extinction
+would rapidly follow. To talk of the pride of hereditary rank, is a
+contradiction in terms. Pride depends on the consciousness of
+self-applause; vanity is fed by the applause of others. Pride is a
+reserved and lofty passion, which disdains those external distinctions
+that vanity eagerly grasps. The proud man sees in his own mind, the
+source of his own dignity; which, as he well knows, can be neither
+increased or diminished by any acts except those which proceed solely
+from himself. The vain man, restless, insatiable, and always craving
+after the admiration of his contemporaries, must naturally make great
+account of those external marks, those visible tokens, which, whether
+they be decorations or titles, strike directly on the senses, and thus
+captivate the vulgar, to whose understandings they are immediately
+obvious. This, therefore, being the great distinction, that pride looks
+within, while vanity looks without, it is clear that when a man values
+himself for a rank which he inherited by chance, without exertion, and
+without merit, it is a proof, not of pride, but of vanity, and of vanity
+of the most despicable kind. It is a proof that such a man has no sense
+of real dignity, no idea of what that is in which alone all greatness
+consists. What marvel if, to minds of this sort, the most insignificant
+trifles should swell into matters of the highest importance? What marvel
+if such empty understandings should be busied with ribbons, and stars,
+and crosses; if this noble should yearn after the Garter, and that noble
+pine for the Golden Fleece; if one man should long to carry a wand in
+the precincts of the court, and another man to fill an office in the
+royal household; while the ambition of a third is to make his daughter a
+maid-of-honour, or to raise his wife to be mistress of the robes?
+
+We, seeing these things, ought not to be surprised that the French
+nobles, in the seventeenth century, displayed, in their intrigues and
+disputes, a frivolity, which, though redeemed by occasional exceptions,
+is the natural characteristic of every hereditary aristocracy. A few
+examples of this will suffice to give the reader some idea of the tastes
+and temper of that powerful class which, during several centuries,
+retarded the progress of French civilization.
+
+Of all the questions on which the French nobles were divided, the most
+important was that touching the right of sitting in the royal presence.
+This was considered to be a matter of such gravity, that, in comparison
+with it, a mere struggle for liberty faded into insignificance. And what
+made it still more exciting to the minds of the nobles was, the extreme
+difficulty with which this great social problem was beset. According to
+the ancient etiquette of the French court, if a man were a duke, his
+wife might sit in the presence of the queen; but if his rank were
+inferior, even if he were a marquis, no such liberty could be
+allowed.[407] So far, the rule was very simple, and, to the duchesses
+themselves, highly agreeable. But the marquises, the counts, and the
+other illustrious nobles, were uneasy at this invidious distinction, and
+exerted all their energies to procure for their own wives the same
+honour. This the dukes strenuously resisted; but, owing to circumstances
+which unfortunately are not fully understood, an innovation was made in
+the reign of Louis XIII., and the privilege of sitting in the same room
+with the queen was conceded to the female members of the Bouillon
+family.[408] In consequence of this evil precedent, the question became
+seriously complicated, since other members of the aristocracy considered
+that the purity of their descent gave them claims nowise inferior to
+those of the house of Bouillon, whose antiquity, they said, had been
+grossly exaggerated. The contest which ensued, had the effect of
+breaking up the nobles into two hostile parties, one of which sought to
+preserve that exclusive privilege in which the other wished to
+participate. To reconcile these rival pretensions, various expedients
+were suggested; but all were in vain, and the court, during the
+administration of Mazarin, being pressed by the fear of a rebellion,
+showed symptoms of giving way, and of yielding to the inferior nobles
+the point they so ardently desired. In 1648 and 1649, the queen-regent,
+acting under the advice of her council, formally conceded the right of
+sitting in the royal presence to the three most distinguished members of
+the lower aristocracy, namely, the Countess de Fleix, Madame de Pons,
+and the Princess de Marsillac.[409] Scarcely had this decision been
+promulgated, when the princes of the blood and the peers of the realm
+were thrown into the greatest agitation.[410] They immediately summoned
+to the capital those members of their own order who were interested in
+repelling this daring aggression, and, forming themselves into an
+assembly, they at once adopted measures to vindicate their ancient
+rights.[411] On the other hand, the inferior nobles, flushed by their
+recent success, insisted that the concession just made should be raised
+into a precedent; and that, as the honour of being seated in the
+presence of majesty had been conceded to the house of Foix, in the
+person of the Countess de Fleix, it should likewise be granted to all
+those who could prove that their ancestry was equally illustrious.[412]
+The greatest confusion now arose; and both sides urgently insisting on
+their own claims, there was, for many months, imminent danger lest the
+question should be decided by an appeal to the sword.[413] But as the
+higher nobles, though less numerous than their opponents, were more
+powerful, the dispute was finally settled in their favour. The queen
+sent to their assembly a formal message, which was conveyed by four of
+the marshals of France, and in which she promised to revoke those
+privileges, the concession of which had given such offence to the most
+illustrious members of the French aristocracy. At the same time, the
+marshals not only pledged themselves as responsible for the promise of
+the queen, but undertook to sign an agreement that they would personally
+superintend its execution.[414] The nobles, however, who felt that they
+had been aggrieved in their most tender point, were not yet satisfied,
+and, to appease them, it was necessary that the atonement should be as
+public as the injury. It was found necessary, before they would
+peaceably disperse, that government should issue a document, signed by
+the queen-regent, and by the four secretaries of state,[415] in which
+the favours granted to the unprivileged nobility were withdrawn, and the
+much-cherished honour of sitting in the royal presence was taken away
+from the Princess de Marsillac, from Madame de Pons, and from the
+Countess de Fleix.[416]
+
+  [407] Hence the duchesses were called 'femmes assises;' those of lower
+        rank 'non assises.' _Mem. de Fontenay Mareuil_, vol. i. p. 111.
+        The Count de Segur tells us that 'les duchesses jouissaient de la
+        prerogative d'etre assises sur un tabouret chez la reine.' _Mem.
+        de Segur_, vol. i. p. 79. The importance attached to this is
+        amusingly illustrated in _Mem. de Saint-Simon_, vol. iii. pp.
+        215-218, Paris, 1842; which should be compared with _De
+        Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 116, and _Mem. de
+        Genlis_, vol. x. p. 383.
+
+  [408] 'Survint incontinent une autre difficulte a la cour sur le sujet
+        des tabourets, que doivent avoir les dames dans la chambre de la
+        reine; car encore que cela ne s'accorde regulierement qu'aux
+        duchesses, neanmoins le feu roi Louis XIII l'avoit accorde aux
+        filles de la maison de Bouillon,' &c. _Mem. d'Omer Talon_, vol.
+        iii. p. 5. See also, on this encroachment on the rights of the
+        duchesses under Louis XIII., the case of Seguier, in _Duclos_,
+        _Memoires Secrets_, vol. i. pp. 360, 361. The consequences of the
+        innovation were very serious; and Tallemant des Reaux
+        (_Historiettes_, vol. iii. pp. 223, 224) mentions a distinguished
+        lady, of whom he says, 'Pour satisfaire son ambition, il lui
+        falloit un tabouret: elle cabale pour epouser le vieux Bouillon
+        La Marck veuf pour la seconde fois.' In this she failed; but,
+        determined not to be baffled, 'elle ne se rebute point, et
+        voulant a toute force avoir un tabouret, elle epouse le fils aine
+        du duc de Villars: c'est un ridicule de corps et d'esprit, car il
+        est bossu et quasi imbecile, et gueux par-dessus cela.' This
+        melancholy event happened in 1649.
+
+  [409] As to the Countess de Fleix and Madame de Pons, see _Mem. de
+        Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 116, 369. According to the same high
+        authority (vol. iii. p. 367), the inferiority of the Princess de
+        Marsillac consisted in the painful fact, that her husband was
+        merely the son of a duke, and the duke himself was still alive
+        'il n'etoit que gentilhomme, et son pere le duc de la
+        Rochefoucauld n'etoit pas mort.'
+
+  [410] The long account of these proceedings in _Mem. de Motteville_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 367-393, shows the importance attached to them by
+        contemporary opinion.
+
+  [411] In October 1649, 'la noblesse s'assembla a Paris sur le fait des
+        tabourets,' _Mem. de Lenet_, vol. i. p. 184.
+
+  [412] 'Tous ceux donc qui par leurs aieux avoient dans leurs maisons de
+        la grandeur, par des alliances des femmes descendues de ceux qui
+        etoient autrefois maitres et souverains des provinces de France,
+        demanderent la meme prerogative que celle qui venoit d'etre
+        accordee au sang de Foix.' _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. iii. p.
+        117. Another contemporary says: 'Cette pretention emut toutes les
+        maisons de la cour sur cette difference et inegalite.' _Mem.
+        d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 6; and vol. ii. p. 437: 'le marquis
+        de Noirmoutier et celui de Vitry demandoient le tabouret pour
+        leurs femmes.'
+
+  [413] Indeed, at one moment, it was determined that a
+        counter-demonstration should be made on the part of the inferior
+        nobles; a proceeding which, if adopted, must have caused civil
+        war: 'Nous resolumes une contre-assemblee de noblesse pour
+        soutenir le tabouret de la maison de Rohan.' _De Retz_,
+        _Memoires_, vol. i. p. 284.
+
+  [414] _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 389.
+
+  [415] 'Signe d'elle et des quatre secretaires d'etat.' _Ibid._ vol. iii.
+        p. 391.
+
+  [416] The best accounts of this great struggle will be found in the
+        _Memoirs of Madame de Motteville_, and in those of Omer Talon;
+        two writers of very different minds, but both of them deeply
+        impressed with the magnitude of the contest.
+
+These were the subjects which occupied the minds and wasted the
+energies, of the French nobles, while their country was distracted by
+civil war, and while questions were at issue of the greatest
+importance--questions concerning the liberty of the nation, and the
+reconstruction of the government.[417] It is hardly necessary to point
+out how unfit such men must have been to head the people in their
+arduous struggle, and how immense was the difference between them and
+the leaders of the great English Rebellion. The causes of the failure of
+the Fronde are, indeed, obvious, when we consider that its chiefs were
+drawn from that very class respecting whose tastes and feelings some
+evidence has just been given.[418] How that evidence might be almost
+indefinitely extended, is well known to readers of the French memoirs of
+the seventeenth century--a class of works which, being mostly written
+either by the nobles or their adherents, supplies the best materials
+from which an opinion may be formed. In looking into these authorities,
+where such matters are related with a becoming sense of their
+importance, we find the greatest difficulties and disputes arising as to
+who was to have an arm-chair at court;[419] who was to be invited to
+the royal dinners, and who was to be excluded from them;[420] who was to
+be kissed by the queen, and who was not to be kissed by her;[421] who
+should have the first seat in church;[422] what the proper proportion
+was between the rank of different persons, and the length of the cloth
+on which they were allowed to stand;[423] what was the dignity a noble
+must have attained, in order to justify his entering the Louvre in a
+coach;[424] who was to have precedence at coronations;[425] whether all
+dukes were equal, or whether, as some thought, the Duke de Bouillon,
+having once possessed the sovereignty of Sedan, was superior to the Duke
+de la Rochefoucauld, who had never possessed any sovereignty at
+all;[426] whether the Duke de Beaufort ought or ought not to enter the
+council-chamber before the Duke de Nemours, and whether, being there, he
+ought to sit above him.[427] These were the great questions of the day:
+while, as if to exhaust every form of absurdity, the most serious
+misunderstandings arose as to who should have the honour of giving the
+king his napkin as he ate his meals[428] and who was to enjoy the
+inestimable privilege of helping on the queen with her shift.[429]
+
+  [417] Saint-Aulaire (_Hist. de la Fronde_, vol. i. p. 317) says, that in
+        this same year (1649), 'l'esprit de discussion fermentait dans
+        toutes les tetes, et chacun a cette epoque soumettait les actes
+        de l'autorite a un examen raisonne.' Thus, too, in _Mem. de
+        Montglat_, under 1649, 'on ne parlait publiquement dans Paris que
+        de republique et de liberte,' vol. ii. p. 186. In 1648, 'effusa
+        est contemptio super principes.' _Mem. d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii.
+        p. 271.
+
+  [418] That the failure of the Fronde is not to be ascribed to the
+        inconstancy of the people, is admitted by De Retz, by far the
+        ablest observer of his time: 'Vous vous etonnerez peut-etre de ce
+        que je dis plus sur, a cause de l'instabilite du peuple: mais il
+        faut avouer que celui de Paris se fixe plus aisement qu'aucun
+        autre; et M. de Villeroi, qui a ete le plus habile homme de son
+        siecle, et qui en a parfaitement connu le naturel dans tout le
+        cours de la ligue, ou il le gouverna sous M. du Maine, a ete de
+        ce sentiment. Ce que j'en eprouvois moi-meme me le persuadoit.'
+        _Mem. de Retz_, vol. i. p. 348; a remarkable passage, and forming
+        a striking contrast to the declamation of those ignorant writers
+        who are always reproaching the people with their fickleness.
+
+  [419] This knotty point was decided in favour of the Duke of York, to
+        whom, in 1649, 'la reine fit de grands honneurs, et lui donna une
+        chaise a bras.' _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 275. In the
+        chamber of the king, the matter seems to have been differently
+        arranged; for Omer Talon (_Mem._ vol. ii. p. 332) tells us that
+        'le duc d'Orleans n'avoit point de fauteuil, mais un simple siege
+        pliant, a cause que nous etions dans la chambre du roi.' In the
+        subsequent year, the scene not being in the king's room, the same
+        writer describes 'M. le duc d'Orleans assis dans un fauteuil.'
+        _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 95. Compare _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis
+        XIII_, vol. viii. p. 310. Voltaire (_Dict. Philos._ art.
+        _Ceremonies_) says: 'Le fauteuil a bras, la chaise a dos, le
+        tabouret, la main droite et la main gauche, ont ete pendant
+        plusieurs siecles d'importants objets de politique, et
+        d'illustres sujets de querelles.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol.
+        xxxvii. p. 486. The etiquette of the 'fauteuil' and 'chaise' is
+        explained in _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. x. p. 287.
+
+  [420] See _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 309, 310.
+
+  [421] See a list of those it was proper for the queen to kiss, in _Mem.
+        de Motteville_, vol. iii. p. 318.
+
+  [422] _Mem. de Omer Talon_, vol. i. pp. 217-219. The Prince de Conde
+        hotly asserted, that at a _Te Deum_ 'il ne pouvait etre assis en
+        autre place que dans la premiere chaire.' This was in 1642.
+
+  [423] For a quarrel respecting the 'drap de pied,' see _Mem. de
+        Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 249.
+
+  [424] A very serious dispute was caused by the claim of the Prince de
+        Marsillac, for 'permission d'entrer dans le Louvre en carrosse.'
+        _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. iii. pp. 367-389.
+
+  [425] _Mem. de Pontchartrain_, vol. i. pp. 422, 423, at the coronation
+        of Louis XIII. Other instances of difficulties caused by
+        questions of precedence, will be found in _Mem. d'Omer Talon_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 23, 24, 437; and even in the grave work of Sully,
+        _[OE]conomies Royales_, vol. vii. p. 126, vol. viii. p. 395;
+        which should be compared with _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. ix.
+        pp. 86, 87.
+
+  [426] _Mem. de Lenet_, vol. i. pp. 378, 379. Lenet, who was a great
+        admirer of the nobles, relates all this without the faintest
+        perception of its absurdity. I ought not to omit a terrible
+        dispute, in 1652, respecting the recognition of the claims of the
+        Duke de Rohan (_Mem. de Conrart_, pp. 151, 152); nor another
+        dispute, in the reign of Henry IV., as to whether a duke ought to
+        sign his name before a marshal, or whether a marshal should sign
+        first. _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 11.
+
+  [427] This difficulty, in 1652, caused a violent quarrel between the two
+        dukes, and ended in a duel in which the Duke de Nemours was
+        killed, as is mentioned by most of the contemporary writers. See
+        _Mem. de Montglat_, vol. ii. p. 357; _Mem. de la Rochefoucauld_,
+        vol. ii. p. 172; _Mem. de Conrart_, pp. 172-175; _Mem. de Retz_,
+        vol. ii. p. 203; _Mem. d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 437.
+
+  [428] Pontchartrain, one of the ministers of state, writes, under the
+        year 1620: 'En ce meme temps s'etoit mu un tres-grand differend
+        entre M. le prince de Conde et M. le comte de Soissons, sur le
+        sujet de la serviette que chacun d'eux pretendoit devoir
+        presenter au roi quand ils se rencontreroient tous deux pres sa
+        majeste.' _Mem. de Pontchartrain_, vol. ii. p. 295. Le Vassor,
+        who gives a fuller account (_Regne de Louis XIII_, vol. iii. pp.
+        536, 537), says, 'Chacun des deux princes du sang, fort echauffez
+        a qui feroit une fonction de maitre d'hotel, tiroit la serviette
+        de son cote, et la contestation augmentoit d'une maniere dont les
+        suites pouvoient devenir facheuses.' But the king interposing,
+        'ils furent donc obligez de ceder: mais ce ne fut pas sans se
+        dire l'un a l'autre des paroles hautes et menacantes.'
+
+  [429] According to some authorities, a man ought to be a duke before his
+        wife could be allowed to meddle with the queen's shift; according
+        to other authorities, the lady-in-waiting, whoever she might be,
+        had the right, unless a princess happened to be present. On these
+        alternatives, and on the difficulties caused by them, compare
+        _Mem. de Saint-Simon_, 1842, vol. vii. p. 125, with _Mem. de
+        Motteville_, vol. ii. pp. 28, 276, 277.
+
+It may, perhaps, be thought that I owe some apology to the reader for
+obtruding upon his notice these miserable disputes respecting matters
+which, however despicable they now appear, were once valued by men not
+wholly devoid of understanding. But, it should be remembered that their
+occurrence, and above all, the importance formerly attached to them, is
+part of the history of the French mind; and they are therefore to be
+estimated, not according to their intrinsic dignity, but according to
+the information they supply respecting a state of things which has now
+passed away. Events of this sort, though neglected by ordinary
+historians, are among the staff and staple of history. Not only do they
+assist in bringing before our minds the age to which they refer, but in
+a philosophic point of view they are highly important. They are part of
+the materials from which we may generalize the laws of that great
+protective spirit, which in different periods assumes different shapes;
+but which, whatever its form may be, always owes its power to the
+feeling of veneration as opposed to the feeling of independence. How
+natural this power is, in certain stages of society, becomes evident if
+we examine the basis on which veneration is itself supported. The origin
+of veneration is wonder and fear. These two passions, either alone or
+combined, are the ordinary source of veneration; and the way in which
+they arise is obvious. We wonder because we are ignorant, and we fear
+because we are weak. It is therefore natural, that in former times, when
+men were more ignorant and more weak than they now are, they should
+likewise have been more given to veneration, more inclined to those
+habits of reverence, which if carried into religion, cause superstition,
+and if carried into politics, cause despotism. In the ordinary march of
+society, those evils are remedied by that progress of knowledge, which
+at once lessens our ignorance and increases our resources: in other
+words, which diminishes our proneness to wonder and to fear, and thus
+weakening our feelings of veneration, strengthens, in the same
+proportion, our feelings of independence. But in France, this natural
+tendency was, as we have already seen, counteracted by an opposite
+tendency; so that while, on the one hand, the protective spirit was
+enfeebled by the advance of knowledge, it was, on the other hand,
+invigorated by those social and political circumstances which I have
+attempted to trace; and by virtue of which, each class exercising great
+power over the one below it, the subordination and subserviency of the
+whole were completely maintained. Hence the mind became accustomed to
+look upwards, and to rely, not on its own resources, but on the
+resources of others. Hence that pliant and submissive disposition, for
+which the French, until the eighteenth century, were always remarkable.
+Hence, too, that inordinate respect for the opinions of others, on which
+vanity, as one of their national characteristics, is founded.[430] For,
+the feelings of vanity and of veneration have evidently this in common,
+that they induce each man to measure his actions by a standard external
+to himself; while the opposite feelings of pride and of independence
+would make him prefer that internal standard which his own mind alone
+can supply. The result of all this was, that when, in the middle of the
+seventeenth century, the intellectual movement stimulated the French to
+rebellion, its effect was neutralized by that social tendency which,
+even in the midst of the struggle, kept alive the habits of their old
+subservience. Thus it was that, while the war went on, there still
+remained a constant inclination on the part of the people to look up to
+the nobles, on the part of the nobles to look up to the crown. Both
+classes relied upon what they saw immediately above them. The people
+believed that without the nobles there was no safety; the nobles
+believed that without the crown there was no honour. In the case of the
+nobles, this opinion can hardly be blamed; for as their distinctions
+proceed from the crown, they have a direct interest in upholding the
+ancient notion that the sovereign is the fountain of honour. They have a
+direct interest in that preposterous doctrine, according to which, the
+true source of honour being overlooked, our attention is directed to an
+imaginary source, by whose operation it is believed, that in a moment,
+and at the mere will of a prince, the highest honours may be conferred
+upon the meanest men. This, indeed, is but part of the old scheme to
+create distinctions for which nature has given no warrant; to substitute
+a superiority which is conventional for that which is real; and thus try
+to raise little minds above the level of great ones. The utter failure,
+and, as society advances, the eventual cessation of all such attempts,
+is certain; but it is evident, that as long as the attempts are made,
+they who profit by them must be inclined to value those from whom they
+proceed. Unless counteracting circumstances interpose, there must be
+between the two parties that sympathy which is caused by the memory of
+past favours, and the hope of future ones. In France, this natural
+feeling being strengthened by that protective spirit which induced men
+to cling to those above them, it is not strange that the nobles, even in
+the midst of their turbulence, should seek the slightest favours of the
+crown with an eagerness of which some examples have just been given.
+They had been so long accustomed to look up to the sovereign as the
+source of their own dignity, that they believed there was some hidden
+dignity even in his commonest actions; so that, to their minds, it was a
+matter of the greatest importance which of them should hand him his
+napkin, which of them should hold his basin, and which of them should
+put on his shirt.[431] It is not, however, for the sake of casting
+ridicule upon these idle and frivolous men, that I have collected
+evidence respecting the disputes with which they were engrossed. So far
+from this, they are rather to be pitied than blamed: they acted
+according to their instincts; they even exerted such slender abilities
+as nature had given to them. But we may well feel for that great country
+whose interests depended on their care. And it is solely in reference to
+the fate of the French people that the historian need trouble himself
+with the history of the French nobles. At the same time, evidence of
+this sort, by disclosing the tendencies of the old nobility, displays in
+one of its most active forms that protective and aristocratic spirit, of
+which they know little who only know it in its present reduced and
+waning condition. Such facts are to be regarded as the symptoms of a
+cruel disease, by which Europe is indeed still afflicted, but which we
+now see only in a very mitigated form, and of whose native virulence no
+one can have an idea, unless he has studied it in those early stages,
+when, raging uncontrolled, it obtained such a mastery as to check the
+growth of liberty, stop the progress of nations, and dwarf the energies
+of the human mind.
+
+  [430] Also connected with the institution of chivalry, both being
+        cognate symptoms of the same spirit.
+
+  [431] Even just before the French Revolution, these feelings still
+        existed. See, for instance the extraordinary details in _Campan_,
+        _Mem. sur Marie-Antoinette_, vol. i. pp. 98, 99; which should be
+        compared with an extract from _Prudhomme's Mirror de Paris_, in
+        _Southey's Commonplace Book_, third series, 1850, p. 251,
+        no. 165.
+
+It is hardly necessary to trace at greater length the way in which
+France and England diverged from each other, or to point out what I hope
+will henceforth be considered the obvious difference between the civil
+wars in the two countries. It is evident that the low-born and plebeian
+leaders of our rebellion could have no sympathy with those matters which
+perplexed the understanding of the great French nobles. Men like
+Cromwell and his co-adjutors were not much versed in the mysteries of
+genealogy, or in the subtleties of heraldic lore. They had paid small
+attention to the etiquette of courts; they had not even studied the
+rules of precedence. All this was foreign to their design. On the other
+hand, what they did was done thoroughly. They knew that they had a great
+work to perform; and they performed it well.[432] They had risen in arms
+against a corrupt and despotic government, and they would not stay
+their hands until they had pulled down those who were in high places;
+until they had not only removed the evil, but had likewise chastised
+those bad men by whom the evil was committed. And although in this,
+their glorious undertaking, they did undoubtedly display some of the
+infirmities to which even the highest minds are subject; we, at least,
+ought never to speak of them but with that unfeigned respect which is
+due to those who taught the first great lesson to the kings of Europe,
+and who, in language not to be mistaken, proclaimed to them that the
+impunity which they had long enjoyed was now come to an end, and that
+against their transgressions the people possessed a remedy, sharper, and
+more decisive, than any they had hitherto ventured to use.
+
+  [432] Ludlow thus expresses the sentiments which induced him to make war
+        upon the crown: 'The question in dispute between the king's party
+        and us being, as I apprehend, whether the king should govern as a
+        god by his will, and the nation be governed by force like beasts?
+        or whether the people should be governed by laws made by
+        themselves, and live under a government derived from their own
+        consent? being fully persuaded, that an accommodation with the
+        king was unsafe to the people of England, and unjust and wicked
+        in the nature of it.' _Ludlow's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 230. Compare
+        Whitelocke's spirited speech to Christina, in _Journal of the
+        Swedish Embassy_, vol. i. p. 238; and see pp. 390, 391.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE. EXAMINATION
+   OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES
+                       AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES.
+
+
+The reader will now be able to understand how it was that the protective
+system, and the notions of subordination connected with it, gained in
+France a strength unknown in England, and caused an essential divergence
+between the two countries. To complete the comparison, it seems
+necessary to examine how this same spirit influenced the purely
+intellectual history of France as well as its social and political
+history. For the ideas of dependence upon which the protective scheme is
+based, encouraged a belief that the subordination which existed in
+politics and in society ought also to exist in literature; and that the
+paternal, inquisitive, and centralizing system which regulated the
+material interests of the country, should likewise regulate the
+interests of its knowledge. When, therefore, the Fronde was finally
+overthrown, everything was prepared for that singular intellectual
+polity which, during fifty years characterised the reign of Louis XIV.,
+and which was to French literature what feudalism was to French
+politics. In both cases, homage was paid by one party, and protection
+and favour accorded by the other. Every man of letters became a vassal
+of the French crown. Every book was written with a view to the royal
+favour; and to obtain the patronage of the king was considered the most
+decisive proof of intellectual eminence. The effects produced by this
+system will be examined in the present chapter. The apparent cause of
+the system was the personal character of Louis XIV.; but the real and
+overruling causes were those circumstances which I have already pointed
+out, and which established in the French mind associations that remained
+undisturbed until the eighteenth century. To invigorate those
+associations, and to carry them into every department of life, was the
+great aim of Louis XIV.; and in that he was completely successful. It is
+on this account that the history of his reign becomes highly
+instructive, because we see in it the most remarkable instance of
+despotism which has ever occurred; a despotism of the largest and most
+comprehensive kind; a despotism of fifty years over one of the most
+civilized people in Europe, who not only bore the yoke without repining,
+but submitted with cheerfulness, and even with gratitude, to him by whom
+it was imposed.[433]
+
+  [433] On the disgraceful subserviency of the most eminent men of
+        letters, see _Capefigue's Louis XIV._, vol. i. pp. 41, 42, 116;
+        and on the feeling of the people, Le Vassor, who wrote late in
+        the reign of Louis XIV., bitterly says, 'mais les Francais,
+        accoutumes a l'esclavage, ne sentent plus la pesanteur de leurs
+        chaines.' _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. vi. p. 670.
+        Foreigners were equally amazed at the general, and still more, at
+        the willing servility. Lord Shaftesbury, in a letter dated
+        February 1704-5, passes a glowing eulogy upon liberty; but he
+        adds, that in France 'you will hardly find this argument
+        understood; for whatever flashes may now and then appear, I never
+        yet knew one single Frenchman a free man.' _Forster's Original
+        Letters of Locke, Sidney, and Shaftesbury_, 1830, p. 205. In the
+        same year, De Foe makes a similar remark in regard to the French
+        nobles, _Wilson's Life of De Foe_, vol. ii. p. 209; and, in 1699,
+        Addison writes from Blois a letter which strikingly illustrates
+        the degradation of the French. _Aikin's Life of Addison_, vol. i.
+        p. 80. Compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 365, on 'the
+        gross excess of flattery to which the French have run, beyond the
+        examples of former ages, in honour of their king.'
+
+What makes this the more strange is, that the reign of Louis XIV. must
+be utterly condemned if it is tried even by the lowest standard of
+morals, of honour, or of interest. A coarse and unbridled profligacy,
+followed by the meanest and most grovelling superstition, characterized
+his private life, while in his public career he displayed an arrogance
+and a systematic perfidy which eventually roused the anger of all
+Europe, and brought upon France sharp and signal retribution. As to his
+domestic policy, he formed a strict alliance with the church; and
+although he resisted the authority of the Pope, he willingly left his
+subjects to be oppressed by the tyranny of the clergy.[434] To them he
+abandoned everything except the exercise of his own prerogative.[435]
+Led on by them, he, from the moment he assumed the Government, began to
+encroach upon those religious liberties of which Henry IV. had laid the
+foundation, and which down to this period had been preserved
+intact.[436] It was at the instigation of the clergy that he revoked the
+Edict of Nantes, by which the principle of toleration had for nearly a
+century been incorporated with the law of the land.[437] It was at their
+instigation that, just before this outrage upon the most sacred rights
+of his subjects, he, in order to terrify the Protestants into
+conversion, suddenly let loose upon them whole troops of dissolute
+soldiers, who were allowed to practise the most revolting cruelties. The
+frightful barbarities which followed are related by authentic
+writers;[438] and of the effect produced on the material interests of
+the nation, some idea may be formed from the fact, that these religious
+persecutions cost France half a million of her most industrious
+inhabitants, who fled to different parts, taking with them those habits
+of labour, and that knowledge and experience in their respective trades,
+which had hitherto been employed in enriching their own country.[439]
+These things are notorious, they are incontestable, and they lie on the
+surface of history. Yet, in the face of them there are still found men
+who hold up for admiration the age of Louis XIV. Although it is well
+known that in his reign every vestige of liberty was destroyed; that the
+people were weighed down by an insufferable taxation; that their
+children were torn from them by tens of thousands to swell the royal
+armies; that the resources of the country were squandered to an
+unprecedented extent; that a despotism of the worst kind was firmly
+established;--although all this is universally admitted, yet there are
+writers, even in our own day, who are so infatuated with the glories of
+literature, as to balance them against the most enormous crimes, and who
+will forgive every injury inflicted by a prince during whose life there
+were produced the Letters of Pascal, the orations of Bossuet, the
+Comedies of Moliere, and the Tragedies of Racine.
+
+  [434] The terms of this compact between the crown and the church are
+        fairly stated by M. Ranke: 'Wir sehen, die beiden Gewalten
+        unterstuetzten einander. Der Koenig ward von den Einwirkungen der
+        weltlichen, der Clerus von der unbedingten Autoritaet der
+        geistlichen Gewalt des Papstthums freigesprochen.' _Die Paepste_,
+        vol. iii. p. 168.
+
+  [435] This part of his character is skilfully drawn by Sismondi, _Hist.
+        des Francais_, vol. xxv. p. 43.
+
+  [436] Flasson supposes that the first persecuting laws were in 1679:
+        'Des l'annee 1679 les concessions faites aux protestans avaient
+        ete graduellement restreintes.' _Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. iv.
+        p. 92. But the fact is, that these laws began in 1662, the year
+        after the death of Mazarin. See _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_,
+        vol. xxv. p. 167; _Benoist_, _Edit. de Nantes_, vol. iii. pp.
+        460-462, 481. In 1667, a letter from Thynne to Lord Clarendon
+        (_Lister's Life of Clarendon_, vol. iii. p. 446) mentions 'the
+        horrid persecutions the reformed religion undergoes in France;'
+        and Locke, who travelled in France in 1675 and 1676, states in
+        his Journal (_King's Life of Locke_, vol. i. p. 110) that the
+        Protestants were losing 'every day some privilege or other.'
+
+  [437] An account of the revocation will be found in all the French
+        historians; but I do not remember that any of them have noticed
+        that there was a rumour of it in Paris twenty years before it
+        occurred. In March 1665 Patin writes, 'On dit que, pour miner les
+        huguenots, le roi veut supprimer les chambres de l'edit, et
+        abolir l'edit de Nantes.' _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 516.
+
+  [438] Compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. pp. 73-76, with _Siecle de
+        Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xx. pp. 377, 378.
+        Voltaire says that the Protestants who persisted in their
+        religion 'etaient livres aux soldats, qui eurent toute licence,
+        excepte celle de tuer. Il y eut pourtant plusieurs personnes si
+        cruellement maltraitees qu'elles en moururent.' And Burnet, who
+        was in France in 1685, says, 'all men set their thoughts on work
+        to invent new methods of cruelty.' What some of those methods
+        were, I shall now relate; because the evidence, however painful
+        it may be, is necessary to enable us to understand the reign of
+        Louis XIV. It is necessary that the veil should be rent; and that
+        the squeamish delicacy which would hide such facts, should give
+        way before the obligation which the historian is under of holding
+        up to public opprobrium, and branding with public infamy, the
+        church by which the measures were instigated, the sovereign by
+        whom they were enforced, and the age in which they were
+        permitted.
+
+        The two original sources for our knowledge of these events are,
+        _Quick's Synodicon in Gallia_, 1692, folio; and _Benoist_,
+        _Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes_, 1695, 4to. From these works I
+        extract the following accounts of what happened in France in
+        1685. 'Afterwards they fall upon the persons of the Protestants;
+        and there was no wickedness, though never so horrid, which they
+        did not put in practice, that they might enforce them to change
+        their religion.... They bound them as criminals are when they be
+        put to the rack; and in that posture, putting a funnel into their
+        mouths, they poured wine down their throats till its fumes had
+        deprived them of their reason, and they had in that condition
+        made them consent to become Catholics. Some they stripped stark
+        naked, and after they had offered them a thousand indignities,
+        they stuck them with pins from head to foot; they cut them with
+        pen-knives, tear them by the noses with red-hot pincers, and
+        dragged them about the rooms till they promised to become Roman
+        Catholics, or that the doleful outcries of these poor tormented
+        creatures, calling upon God for mercy, constrained them to let
+        them go.... In some places they tied fathers and husbands to the
+        bed-posts, and ravished their wives and daughters before their
+        eyes.... From others they pluck off the nails of their hands and
+        toes, which must needs cause an intolerable pain. They burnt the
+        feet of others. They blew up men and women with bellows, till
+        they were ready to burst in pieces. If these horrid usages could
+        not prevail upon them to violate their consciences, and abandon
+        their religion, they did then imprison them in close and noisome
+        dungeons, in which they exercised all kinds of inhumanities upon
+        them.' _Quick's Synodicon_, vol. i. pp. cxxx. cxxxi. 'Cependant
+        les troupes exercoient partout de cruautez inouies. Tout leur
+        etoit permis, pourveu qu'ils ne fissent pas mourir. Ils faisoient
+        danser quelquefois leurs hotes, jusqu'a ce qu'ils tombassent en
+        defaillance. Ils bernoient les autres jusqu'a ce qu'ils n'en
+        pouvoient plus.... Il y en eut quelques-uns a qui on versa de
+        l'eau bouillante dans la bouche.... Il y en eut plusieurs a qui
+        on donna des coups de baton sous les pieds, pour eprouver si ce
+        supplice est aussi cruel que les relations le publient. On
+        arrachoit a d'autres le poil de la barbe.... D'autres bruloient a
+        la chandelle le poil des bras et des jambes de leurs hotes.
+        D'autres faisoient bruler de la poudre, si pres du visage de ceux
+        qui leur resistoient, qu'elle leur grilloit toute la peau. Ils
+        mettoient a d'autres des charbons allumez dans les mains, et les
+        contraignoient de les tenir fermees, jusqu'a ce que les charbons
+        fussent eteints.... On brula les pieds a plusieurs, tenant les
+        uns long-tems devant un grand feu; appliquant aux autres une
+        pelle ardente sous les pieds; liant les pieds des autres dans des
+        bottines pleines de graisse, qu'on faisoit fondre et chauffer peu
+        a peu devant un brasier ardent.' _Benoist_, _Hist. de l'Edit de
+        Nantes_, vol. v. pp. 887-889. One of the Protestants, named Ryau,
+        they 'lierent fort etroitement; lui sevrerent les doigts des
+        mains; lui ficherent des epingles sous les ongles; lui firent
+        bruler de la poudre dans les oreilles; lui percerent les cuisses
+        en plusieurs lieux, et verserent du vinaigre et du sel dans ses
+        blessures. _Par ce tourment ils epuiserent sa patience en deux
+        jours; et le forcerent a changer de religion_,' p. 890. 'Ses
+        dragons etoient les memes en tous lieux. Ils battoient, ils
+        etourdissoient, ils bruloient en Bourgogne comme en Poitou, en
+        Champagne comme en Guyenne, en Normandie comme en Languedoc. Mais
+        ils n'avoient pour les femmes ni plus de respect, ni plus de
+        pitie que pour les hommes. Au contraire, ils abusoient de la
+        tendre pudeur qui est une des proprietez de leur sexe; et ils
+        s'en prevaloient pour leur faire de plus sensibles outrages. On
+        leur levoit quelquefois leurs juppes par dessus la tete, et on
+        leur jetoit des seaux d'eau sur le corps. Il y en eut plusieurs
+        que les soldats mirent en chemise, et qu'ils forcerent de danser
+        avec eux dans cet etat.... Deux filles de Calais, nommees le
+        Noble, furent mises toutes nues sur le pave, et furent ainsi
+        exposees a la mocquerie et aux outrages des passans.... Des
+        dragons ayant lie la dame de Vezencai a la quenouille de son lit,
+        lui crachoient dans la bouche quand elle l'ouvroit pour parler ou
+        pour soupirer.' pp. 891, 892. At p. 917 are other details, far
+        more horrible, respecting the treatment of women, and which
+        indignation rather than shame prevents me from transcribing.
+        Indeed, the shame can only light on the church and the government
+        under whose united authority such scandalous outrages could be
+        openly perpetrated, merely for the sake of compelling men to
+        change their religious opinions.
+
+  [439] M. Blanqui (_Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii. p. 10) says,
+        that the revocation of the Edict of Nantes cost France 'cinq cent
+        mille de ses enfants les plus industrieux,' who carried into
+        other countries 'les habitudes d'ordre et de travail dont ils
+        etaient imbus.' See also _Siecle de Louis XIV_, chap. xxxvi., in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xx. pp. 380, 381. Several of them
+        emigrated to North America. Compare _Godwin on Population_, pp.
+        388, 389, with _Benoist_, _l'Edit de Nantes_, vol. v. pp. 973,
+        974, and _Lyell's Second Visit to the United States_, edit. 1849,
+        vol. ii. p. 159. See also, on the effects of the Revocation,
+        _Lettres inedites de Voltaire_, vol. ii. p. 473.
+
+This method of estimating the merits of a sovereign is, indeed, so
+rapidly dying away, that I shall not spend any words in refuting it.
+But it is connected with a more widely diffused error respecting the
+influence of royal patronage upon national literature. This is a
+delusion which men of letters have themselves been the first to
+propagate. From the language too many of them are in the habit of
+employing, we might be led to believe that there is some magical power
+in the smiles of a king which stimulates the intellect of the fortunate
+individual whose heart they are permitted to gladden. Nor must this be
+despised as one of those harmless prejudices that still linger round the
+person of the sovereign. It is not only founded on a misconception of
+the nature of things, but it is in its practical consequences very
+injurious. It is injurious to the independent spirit which literature
+should always possess; and it is injurious to princes themselves,
+because it strengthens that vanity of which they generally have too
+large a share. Indeed, if we consider the position they now occupy in
+the most civilized countries, we shall at once see the absurdity of an
+opinion which, in the present state of knowledge, is unfit to be held by
+educated men.
+
+From the moment that there was finally abandoned the theological fiction
+of the divine right of kings, it necessarily followed that the respect
+felt for them should suffer a corresponding diminution.[440] The
+superstitious reverence with which they were formerly regarded is
+extinct, and at the present day we are no longer awed by that divinity
+with which their persons were once supposed to be hedged.[441] The
+standard, therefore, by which we should measure them is obvious. We
+should applaud their conduct in proportion as they contribute towards
+the happiness of the nation over which they are intrusted with power;
+but we ought to remember that, from the manner in which they are
+educated, and from the childish homage always paid to them, their
+information must be very inaccurate, and their prejudices very
+numerous.[442] On this account, so far from expecting that they should
+be judicious patrons of literature, or should in any way head their age,
+we ought to be satisfied if they do not obstinately oppose the spirit of
+their time, and if they do not attempt to stop the march of society.
+For, unless the sovereign, in spite of the intellectual disadvantages of
+his position, is a man of very enlarged mind, it must usually happen
+that he will reward, not those who are most able, but those who are most
+compliant; and that while he refuses his patronage to a profound and
+independent thinker, he will grant it to an author who cherishes ancient
+prejudices and defends ancient abuses. In this way, the practice of
+conferring on men of letters either honorary or pecuniary rewards, is
+agreeable, no doubt, to those who receive them; but has a manifest
+tendency to weaken the boldness and energy of their sentiments, and
+therefore to impair the value of their works. This might be made evident
+by publishing a list of those literary pensions which have been granted
+by European princes. If this were done, the mischief produced by these
+and similar rewards would be clearly seen. After a careful study of the
+history of literature, I think myself authorised to say, that for one
+instance in which a sovereign has recompensed a man who is before his
+age, there are at least twenty instances of his recompensing one who is
+behind his age. The result is, that in every country where royal
+patronage has been long and generally bestowed, the spirit of
+literature, instead of being progressive, has become reactionary. An
+alliance has been struck up between those who give and those who
+receive. By a system of bounties, there has been artificially engendered
+a greedy and necessitous class; who, eager for pensions, and offices,
+and titles, have made the pursuit of truth subordinate to the desire of
+gain, and have infused into their writings the prejudices of the court
+to which they cling. Hence it is, that the marks of favour have become
+the badge of servitude. Hence it is, that the acquisition of knowledge,
+by far the noblest of all occupations, an occupation which of all others
+raises the dignity of man, has been debased to the level of a common
+profession, where the chances of success are measured by the number of
+rewards, and where the highest honours are in the gift of whoever
+happens to be the minister or sovereign of the day.
+
+  [440] On the diminished respect for kings, caused by the abandonment of
+        divine right, see _Spencer's Social Statics_, pp. 423, 424; and
+        on the influence of the clergy in propagating the old doctrine,
+        see Allen's learned work on the _Royal Prerogative_, edit. 1849,
+        p. 156. See also some striking remarks by Locke, in _King's Life
+        of Locke_, vol ii. p. 90.
+
+  [441] 'Qu'est devenu, en effet, le droit divin, cette pensee, autrefois
+        acceptee par les masses, que les rois etaient les representants
+        de Dieu sur la terre, que la racine de leur pouvoir etait dans le
+        ciel? Elle s'est evanouie devant cette autre pensee, qu'aucun
+        nuage, aucun mysticisme n'obscurcit; devant cette pensee si
+        naturelle et brillant d'une clarte si nette et si vive, que la
+        souveraine puissance, sur la terre, appartient au peuple entier,
+        et non a une fraction, et moins encore a un seul homme.' _Rey_,
+        _Science Sociale_, vol. iii. p. 308. Compare _Manning on the Law
+        of Nations_, p. 101; _Laing's Sweden_, p. 408; _Laing's Denmark_,
+        p. 196; _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 391.
+
+  [442] In this, as in all instances, the language of respect long
+        survives the feeling to which the language owed its origin. Lord
+        Brougham (_Political Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 42, Lond. 1849)
+        observes, that 'all their titles are derived from a divine
+        original--all refer to them as representing the Deity on earth.
+        They are called "_Grace_," "_Majesty_." They are termed "_The
+        Lord's anointed_," "_The Vicegerent of God upon earth_;" with
+        many other names which are either nonsensical or blasphemous, but
+        which are outdone in absurdity by the kings of the East.' True
+        enough: but if Lord Brougham had written thus three centuries
+        ago, he would have had his ears cut off for his pains.
+
+This tendency forms of itself a decisive objection to the views of those
+who wish to entrust the executive government with the means of rewarding
+literary men. But there is also another objection, in some respects
+still more serious. Every nation which is allowed to pursue its course
+uncontrolled, will easily satisfy the wants of its own intellect, and
+will produce such a literature as is best suited to its actual
+condition. And it is evidently for the interest of all classes that the
+production shall not be greater than the want; that the supply shall not
+exceed the demand. It is, moreover, necessary to the well-being of
+society that a healthy proportion should be kept up between the
+intellectual classes and the practical classes. It is necessary that
+there should be a certain ratio between those who are most inclined to
+think, and those who are most inclined to act. If we were all authors,
+our material interests would suffer; if we were all men of business, our
+mental pleasures would be abridged. In the first case, we should be
+famished philosophers; in the other case, we should be wealthy fools.
+Now, it is obvious that, according to the commonest principles of human
+action the relative numbers of these two classes will be adjusted,
+without effort, by the natural, or, as we call it, the spontaneous
+movement of society. But if a government takes upon itself to pension
+literary men, it disturbs this movement; it troubles the harmony of
+things. This is the unavoidable result of that spirit of interference,
+or, as it is termed, protection, by which every country has been greatly
+injured. If, for instance, a fund were set apart by the state for
+rewarding butchers and tailors, it is certain that the number of those
+useful men would be needlessly augmented. If another fund is
+appropriated for the literary classes, it is as certain that men of
+letters will increase more rapidly than the exigencies of the country
+require. In both cases, an artificial stimulus will produce an unhealthy
+action. Surely, food and clothes are as necessary for the body as
+literature is for the mind. Why, then, should we call upon government to
+encourage those who write our books, any more than to encourage those
+who kill our mutton and mend our garments? The truth is, that the
+intellectual march of society is, in this respect, exactly analogous to
+its physical march. In some instances a forced supply may, indeed,
+create an unnatural want. But this is an artificial state of things,
+which indicates a diseased action. In a healthy condition, it is not the
+supply which causes the want, but it is the want which gives rise to the
+supply. To suppose, therefore, that an increase of authors would
+necessarily be followed by a diffusion of knowledge, is as if we were to
+suppose that an increase of butchers must be followed by a diffusion of
+food. This is not the way in which things are ordered. Men must have
+appetite before they will eat; they must have money before they can buy;
+they must be inquisitive before they will read. The two great principles
+which move the world are, the love of wealth and the love of knowledge.
+These two principles respectively represent and govern the two most
+important classes into which every civilized country is divided. What a
+government gives to one of these classes, it must take from the other.
+What it gives to literature, it must take from wealth. This can never be
+done to any great extent, without entailing the most ruinous
+consequences. For, the natural proportions of society being destroyed,
+society itself will be thrown into confusion. While men of letters are
+protected, men of industry will be depressed. The lower classes can
+count for little in the eyes of those to whom literature is the first
+consideration. The idea of the liberty of the people will be
+discouraged; their persons will be oppressed; their labour will be
+taxed. The arts necessary to life will be despised, in order that those
+which embellish life may be favoured. The many will be ruined, that the
+few may be pleased. While every thing is splendid above, all will be
+rotten below. Fine pictures, noble palaces, touching dramas--these may
+for a time be produced in profusion, but it will be at the cost of the
+heart and strength of the nation. Even the class for whom the sacrifice
+has been made, will soon decay. Poets may continue to sing the praises
+of the prince who has bought them with his gold. It is, however, certain
+that men who begin by losing their independence, will end by losing
+their energy. Their intellect must be robust indeed, if it does not
+wither in the sickly atmosphere of a court. Their attention being
+concentrated on their master, they insensibly contract those habits of
+servility which are suited to their position; and, as the range of their
+sympathies is diminished, the use and action of their genius become
+impaired. To them submission is a custom, and servitude a pleasure. In
+their hands, literature soon loses its boldness, tradition is appealed
+to as the ground of truth, and the spirit of inquiry is extinguished.
+Then it is, that there comes one of those sad moments in which, no
+outlet being left for public opinion, the minds of men are unable to
+find a vent; their discontents, having no voice, slowly rankle into a
+deadly hatred; their passions accumulate in silence, until at length,
+losing all patience, they are goaded into one of those terrible
+revolutions, by which they humble the pride of their rulers, and carry
+retribution even into the heart of the palace.
+
+The truth of this picture is well known to those who have studied the
+history of Louis XIV., and the connection between it and the French
+Revolution. That prince adopted, during his long reign, the mischievous
+practice of rewarding literary men with large sums of money, and of
+conferring on them numerous marks of personal favour. As this was done
+for more than half a century; and as the wealth which he thus
+unscrupulously employed was of course taken from his other subjects, we
+can find no better illustration of the results which such patronage is
+likely to produce. He, indeed, has the merit of organizing into a system
+that protection of literature which some are so anxious to restore. What
+the effect of this was upon the general interests of knowledge, we shall
+presently see. But its effect upon authors themselves should be
+particularly attended to by those men of letters who, with little regard
+to their own dignity, are constantly reproaching the English government
+for neglecting the profession of which they themselves are members. In
+no age have literary men been awarded with such profuseness as in the
+reign of Louis XIV.; and in no age have they been so mean-spirited, so
+servile, so utterly unfit to fulfil their great vocation as the apostles
+of knowledge and the missionaries of truth. The history of the most
+celebrated authors of that time proves that, notwithstanding their
+acquirements, and the power of their minds, they were unable to resist
+the surrounding corruption. To gain the favour of the king, they
+sacrificed that independent spirit which should have been dearer to them
+than life. They gave away the inheritance of genius; they sold their
+birthright for a mess of pottage. What happened then, would under the
+same circumstances happen now. A few eminent thinkers may be able for a
+certain time to resist the pressure of their age. But, looking at
+mankind generally, society can have no hold on any class except through
+the medium of their interests. It behoves, therefore, every people to
+take heed, that the interests of literary men are on their side rather
+than on the side of their rulers. For, literature is the representative
+of intellect, which is progressive; government is the representative of
+order, which is stationary. As long as these two great powers are
+separate, they will correct and react upon each other, and the people
+may hold the balance. If, however, these powers coalesce, if the
+government can corrupt the intellect, and if the intellect will yield to
+the government, the inevitable result must be, despotism in politics,
+and servility in literature. This was the history of France under Louis
+XIV.: and this, we may rest assured, will be the history of every
+country that shall be tempted to follow so attractive but so fatal an
+example.
+
+The reputation of Louis XIV. originated in the gratitude of men of
+letters; but it is now supported by a popular notion that the celebrated
+literature of his age is mainly to be ascribed to his fostering care.
+If, however, we examine this opinion, we shall find that, like many of
+the traditions of which history is full, it is entirely devoid of truth.
+We shall find two leading circumstances, which will prove that the
+literary splendour of his reign was not the result of his efforts, but
+was the work of that great generation which preceded him; and that the
+intellect of France, so far from being benefited by his munificence, was
+hampered by his protection.
+
+I. The first circumstance is, that the immense impulse which, during the
+administrations of Richelieu and of Mazarin, had been given to the
+highest branches of knowledge, was suddenly stopped. In 1661 Louis XIV.
+assumed the government;[443] and from that moment until his death, in
+1715, the history of France, so far as great discoveries are concerned,
+is a blank in the annals of Europe. If, putting aside all preconceived
+notions respecting the supposed glory of that age, we examine the matter
+fairly, it will be seen that in every department there was a manifest
+dearth of original thinkers. There was much that was elegant, much that
+was attractive. The senses of men were soothed and flattered by the
+creations of art, by paintings, by palaces, by poems; but scarcely any
+thing of moment was added to the sum of human knowledge. If we take the
+mathematics, and those mixed sciences to which they are applicable, it
+will be universally admitted that their most successful cultivators in
+France during the seventeenth century were Descartes, Pascal, Fermat,
+Gassendi, and Mersenne. But, so far from Louis XIV. having any share in
+the honour due to them, these eminent men were engaged in their
+investigations while the king was still in his cradle, and completed
+them before he assumed the government, and therefore before his system
+of protection came into play. Descartes died in 1650,[444] when the king
+was twelve years old. Pascal, whose name, like that of Descartes, is
+commonly associated with the age of Louis XIV., had gained an European
+reputation while Louis, occupied in the nursery with his toys, was not
+aware that any such man existed. His treatise on conic sections was
+written in 1639;[445] his decisive experiments on the weight of air were
+made in 1648;[446] and his researches on the cycloid, the last great
+inquiry he ever undertook, were in 1658,[447] when Louis, still under
+the tutelage of Mazarin, had no sort of authority. Fermat was one of the
+most profound thinkers of the seventeenth century, particularly as a
+geometrician, in which respect he was second only to Descartes.[448] The
+most important steps he took are those concerning the geometry of
+infinites, applied to the ordinates and tangents of curves; which,
+however, he completed in or before 1636.[449] As to Gassendi and
+Mersenne, it is enough to say that Gassendi died in 1655,[450] six years
+before Louis was at the head of affairs; while Mersenne died in
+1648,[451] when the great king was ten years old.
+
+  [443] 'La premiere periode du gouvernement de Louis XIV commence donc en
+        1661.' _Capefigue's Louis XIV._, vol. i. p. 4.
+
+  [444] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 157.
+
+  [445] In _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiii. p. 50, he is said to have composed
+        it 'a l'age de seize ans;' and at p. 46, to have been born
+        in 1623.
+
+  [446] _Leslie's Natural Philosophy_, p. 201; _Bordas Demoulin_, _Le
+        Cartesianisme_, vol. i. p. 310. Sir John Herschel (_Disc. on Nat.
+        Philos._ pp. 229, 230) calls this 'one of the first, if not the
+        very first,' crucial instance recorded in physics; and he thinks
+        that it 'tended, more powerfully than any thing which had
+        previously been done in science, to confirm in the minds of men
+        that disposition to experimental verification which had scarcely
+        yet taken full and secure root.' In this point of view, the
+        addition it actually made to knowledge is the smallest part of
+        its merit.
+
+  [447] Montucla (_Hist. des Mathematiques_, vol. ii. p. 61) says, 'vers
+        1658;' and at p. 65, 'il se mit, vers le commencement de 1658, a
+        considerer plus profondement les proprietes de cette courbe.'
+
+  [448] Montucla (_Hist. des Mathemat._ vol. ii. p. 136) enthusiastically
+        declares that 'si Descartes eut manque a l'esprit humain, Fermat
+        l'eut remplace en geometrie.' Simson, the celebrated restorer of
+        Greek geometry, said that Fermat was the only modern who
+        understood porisms. See _Trail's Account of Simson_, 1812, 4to.
+        pp. 18, 41. On the connexion between his views and the subsequent
+        discovery of the differential calculus, see _Brewster's Life of
+        Newton_, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8; and compare _Comte_, _Philosophie
+        Positive_, vol. i. pp. 228, 229, 726, 727.
+
+  [449] See extracts from two letters written by Fermat to Roberval, in
+        1636, in _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathematiques_, vol. ii. pp. 136,
+        137; respecting which there is no notice in the meagre article on
+        Fermat, in _Hutton's Mathematical Dictionary_, vol. i. p. 510,
+        4to. 1815. It is a disgrace to English mathematicians that this
+        unsatisfactory work of Hutton's should still remain the best they
+        have produced on the history of their own science. The same
+        disregard of dates is shown in the hasty remarks on Fermat by
+        Playfair. See _Playfair's Dissertation on the Progress of
+        Mathematical Science_, _Encyclop. Brit._ vol. i. p. 440, 7th
+        edition.
+
+  [450] _Hutton's Mathemat. Dict._ vol. i. p. 572.
+
+  [451] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 46.
+
+These were the men who flourished in France just before the system of
+Louis XIV. came into operation. Shortly after their death the patronage
+of the king began to tell upon the national intellect; and during the
+next fifty years no addition of importance was made to either branch of
+the mathematics, or, with the single exception of acoustics,[452] to any
+of the sciences to which the mathematics are applied.[453] The further
+the seventeenth century advanced, the more evident did the decline
+become, and the more clearly can we trace the connexion between the
+waning powers of the French, and that protective spirit which enfeebled
+the energies it wished to strengthen. Louis had heard that astronomy is
+a noble study; he was therefore anxious, by encouraging its cultivation
+in France, to add to the glories of his own name.[454] With this view,
+he rewarded its professors with unexampled profusion; he built the
+splendid Observatory of Paris; he invited to his court the most eminent
+foreign astronomers, Cassini from Italy, Roemer from Denmark, Huygens
+from Holland. But, as to native ability, France did not produce a single
+man who made even one of those various discoveries which mark the epochs
+of astronomical science. In other countries vast progress was made; and
+Newton in particular, by his immense generalizations, reformed nearly
+every branch of physics, and remodelled astronomy by carrying the laws
+of gravitation to the extremity of the solar system. On the other hand,
+France had fallen into such a torpor, that these wonderful discoveries,
+which changed the face of knowledge, were entirely neglected, there
+being no instance of any French astronomer adopting them until 1732,
+that is, forty-five years after they had been published by their
+immortal author.[455] Even in matters of detail, the most valuable
+improvement made by French astronomers during the power of Louis XIV.
+was not original. They laid claim to the invention of the micrometer; an
+admirable resource, which, as they supposed, was first contrived by
+Picard and Auzout.[456] The truth, however, is, that here again they
+were anticipated by the activity of a freer and less protected people;
+since the micrometer was invented by Gascoigne in or just before 1639,
+when the English monarch, so far from having leisure to patronize
+science, was about to embark in that struggle which, ten years later,
+cost him his crown and his life.[457]
+
+  [452] Of which Sauveur may be considered the creator. Compare _Eloge de
+        Sauveur_, in _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p.
+        435, with _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. ii. p.
+        334; _Comte_, _Philos. Pos._ vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.
+
+  [453] In the report presented to Napoleon by the French Institute, it is
+        said of the reign of Louis XIV., 'les sciences exactes et les
+        sciences physiques peu cultivees en France dans un siecle qui
+        paroissoit ne trouver de charmes que dans la litterature.'
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport Historique_, p. 24. Or, as Lacretelle
+        expresses it (_Dix-huitieme Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 10), 'La France,
+        apres avoir fourni Descartes et Pascal, eut pendant quelque temps
+        a envier aux nations etrangeres la gloire de produire des genies
+        createurs dans les sciences.'
+
+  [454] A writer late in the seventeenth century says, with some
+        simplicity, 'the present king of France is reputed an encourager
+        of choice and able men, in all faculties, who can attribute to
+        his greatness.' _Aubrey's Letters_, vol. ii. p. 624.
+
+  [455] The _Principia_ of Newton appeared in 1687; and Maupertuis, in
+        1732, 'was the first astronomer of France who undertook a
+        critical defence of the theory of gravitation.' _Grant's Hist. of
+        Physical Astronomy_, pp. 31, 43. In 1738, Voltaire writes, 'La
+        France est jusqu'a present le seul pays ou les theories de Newton
+        en physique, et de Boerhaave en medecine, soient combattues. Nous
+        n'avons pas encore de bons elements de physique; nous avons pour
+        toute astronomie le livre de Bion, qui n'est qu'un ramas informe
+        de quelques memoires de l'academie.' _Correspond._ in _[OE]uvres
+        de Voltaire_, vol. xlvii. p. 340. On the tardy reception of
+        Newton's discoveries in France, compare _Eloge de Lacaille_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Bailly_, Paris, 1790, vol. i. pp. 175, 176. All
+        this is the more remarkable, because several of the conclusions
+        at which Newton had arrived were divulged before they were
+        embodied in the _Principia_; and it appears from _Brewster's Life
+        of Newton_ (vol. i. pp. 25, 26, 290), that his speculations
+        concerning gravity began in 1666, or perhaps in the autumn of
+        1665.
+
+  [456] 'L'abbe Picard fut en societe avec Auzout, l'inventeur du
+        micrometre.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiv. p. 253. See also _Preface
+        de l'Hist. de l'Acad. des Sciences_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Fontenelle_, Paris, 1766, vol. x. p. 20.
+
+  [457] The best account I have seen of the invention of the micrometer,
+        is in Mr. Grant's recent work, _History of Physical Astronomy_,
+        pp. 428, 450-453, where it is proved that Gascoigne invented it
+        in 1639, or possibly a year or two earlier. Compare _Humboldt's
+        Cosmos_, vol. iii. p. 52; who also ascribes it to Gascoigne, but
+        erroneously dates it in 1640. Montucla (_Hist. des Mathemat._
+        vol. ii. pp. 570, 571) admits the priority of Gascoigne; but
+        underrates his merit, being apparently unacquainted with the
+        evidence which Mr. Grant subsequently adduced.
+
+The absence in France, during this period, not only of great
+discoveries, but also of mere practical ingenuity, is certainly very
+striking. In investigations requiring minute accuracy, the necessary
+tools, if at all complicated, were made by foreigners, the native
+workmen being too unskilled to construct them; and Dr. Lister, who was a
+very competent judge,[458] and who was in Paris at the end of the
+seventeenth century, supplies evidence that the best mathematical
+instruments sold in that city were made, not by a Frenchman, but by
+Butterfield, an Englishman residing there.[459] Nor did they succeed
+better in matters of immediate and obvious utility. The improvements
+effected in manufactures were few and insignificant, and were
+calculated, not for the comfort of the people, but for the luxury of the
+idle classes.[460] What was really valuable was neglected; no great
+invention was made; and by the end of the reign of Louis XIV. scarcely
+anything had been done in machinery, or in those other contrivances
+which, by economising national labour, increase national wealth.[461]
+
+  [458] For a short account of this able man, see _Lankester's Mem. of
+        Ray_, p. 17.
+
+  [459] Notwithstanding the strong prejudice then existing against
+        Englishmen, Butterfield was employed by 'the king and all the
+        princes.' _Lister's Account of Paris at the close of the
+        Seventeenth Century, edited by Dr. Henning_, p. 85. Fontenelle
+        mentions 'M. Hubin,' as one of the most celebrated makers in
+        Paris in 1687 (_Eloge d'Amoltons_, in _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_,
+        Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 113); but has forgotten to state that he
+        too was an Englishman. 'Lutetiae sedem posuerat ante aliquod
+        tempus _Anglus quidam nomine Hubinus_, vir ingeniosus, atque
+        hujusmodi machinationum peritus opifex et industrius. Hominem
+        adii,' &c. _Huetii Commentarius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus_,
+        p. 346. Thus, again, in regard to time-keepers, the vast
+        superiority of the English makers, late in the reign of Louis
+        XIV., was equally incontestable. Compare _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv.
+        pp. 242, 243, with _Brewster's Life of Newton_, vol. ii. p. 262;
+        and as to the middle of the reign of Louis XIV., see _Eloge de
+        Sebastien_, in _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, vol. vi. pp. 332, 333.
+
+  [460] 'Les manufactures etaient plutot dirigees vers le brillant que
+        vers l'utile. On s'efforca, par un arret du mois de mars 1700,
+        d'extirper, ou du moins de reduire beaucoup les fabriques de bas
+        au metier. Malgre cette fausse direction, les objets d'un luxe
+        tres-recherche faisaient des progres bien lents. En 1687, apres
+        la mort de Colbert, la cour soldait encore l'industrie des
+        barbares, et faisait fabriquer et broder ses plus beaux habits a
+        Constantinople.' _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de Louis XIV_, p.
+        364. Lacretelle (_Dix-huitieme Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 5) says, that
+        during the last thirty years of the reign of Louis XIV. 'les
+        manufactures tombaient.'
+
+  [461] Cuvier (_Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxvii. p. 199) thus describes the
+        condition of France only seven years after the death of Louis
+        XIV.: 'Nos forges etaient alors presque dans l'enfance; et nous
+        ne faisions point d'acier: tout celui qu'exigeaient les
+        differents metiers nous venait de l'etranger.... Nous ne
+        faisions point non plus alors de fer-blanc, et il ne nous venait
+        que de l'Allemagne.'
+
+While such was the state, not only of mathematical and astronomical
+science, but also of mechanical and inventive arts, corresponding
+symptoms of declining power were seen in other departments. In
+physiology, in anatomy and in medicine, we look in vain for any men
+equal to those by whom France had once been honoured. The greatest
+discovery of this kind ever made by a Frenchman, was that of the
+receptacle of the chyle; a discovery which, in the opinion of a high
+authority, is not inferior to that of the circulation of the blood by
+Harvey.[462] This important step in our knowledge is constantly assigned
+to the age of Louis XIV., as if it were one of the results of his
+gracious bounty; but it would be difficult to tell what Louis had to do
+with it, since the discovery was made by Pecquet in 1647,[463] when the
+great king was nine years old. After Pecquet, the most eminent of the
+French anatomists in the seventeenth century was Riolan; and his name we
+also find among the illustrious men who adorned the reign of Louis XIV.
+But the principal works of Riolan were written before Louis XIV. was
+born; his last work was published in 1652; and he himself died in
+1657.[464] Then there came a pause, and, during three generations, the
+French did nothing for these great subjects: they wrote no work upon
+them which is now read, they made no discoveries, and they seemed to
+have lost all heart, until that revival of knowledge, which, as we shall
+presently see, took place in France about the middle of the eighteenth
+century. In the practical parts of medicine, in its speculative parts,
+and in the arts connected with surgery, the same law prevails. The
+French, in these, as in other matters, had formerly produced men of
+great eminence, who had won for themselves an European reputation, and
+whose works are still remembered. Thus, only to mention two or three
+instances, they had a long line of illustrious physicians, among whom
+Fernel and Joubert were the earliest;[465] they had, in surgery,
+Ambroise Pare, who not only introduced important practical
+improvements,[466] but who has the still rarer merit of being one of the
+founders of comparative osteology;[467] and they had Baillou, who late
+in the sixteenth and early in the seventeenth century, advanced
+pathology, by connecting it with the study of morbid anatomy.[468] Under
+Louis XIV. all this was changed. Under him, surgery was neglected,
+though in other countries its progress was rapid.[469] The English, by
+the middle of the seventeenth century, had taken considerable steps in
+medicine: its therapeutical branch being reformed chiefly by Sydenham,
+its physiological branch by Glisson.[470] But the age of Louis XIV.
+cannot boast of a single medical writer who can be compared to these;
+not even one whose name is now known as having made any specific
+addition to our knowledge. In Paris, the practice of medicine was
+notoriously inferior to that in the capitals of Germany, Italy, and
+England; while in the French provinces, the ignorance, even of the best
+physicians, was scandalous.[471] Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say
+that, during the whole of this long period, the French in these matters
+effected comparatively nothing; they made no contributions to clinical
+literature,[472] and scarcely any to therapeutics, to pathology, to
+physiology, or to anatomy.[473]
+
+  [462] 'Certainement la decouverte de Pecquet ne brille pas moins dans
+        l'histoire de notre art que la verite demontree pour la premiere
+        fois par Harvey.' _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. iv. p.
+        208.
+
+  [463] Henle (_Anatomie Generale_, vol. ii. p. 106) says, that the
+        discovery was made in 1649; but the historians of medicine assign
+        it to 1647. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. iv. pp. 207,
+        405; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 173.
+
+  [464] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxviii. pp. 123, 124.
+
+  [465] Some of the great steps taken by Joubert are concisely stated in
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. i. pp. 293,
+        294, vol. iii. p. 361. Compare _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Medecine_, vol. iii. p. 210. Fernel, though enthusiastically
+        praised by Patin, was probably hardly equal to Joubert. _Lettres
+        de Patin_, vol. iii. pp. 59, 199, 648. At p. 106, Patin calls
+        Fernel 'le premier medecin de son temps, et peut-etre le plus
+        grand qui sera jamais.'
+
+  [466] See a summary of them in _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 405, 406, vol. vii. pp. 14, 15. Sir Benjamin Brodie
+        (_Lectures on Surgery_, p. 21) says, 'Few greater benefits have
+        been conferred on mankind than that for which we are indebted to
+        Ambrose Parey--the application of a ligature to a bleeding
+        artery.'
+
+  [467] 'C'etait la une vue tres-ingenieuse et tres-juste qu'Ambroise Pare
+        donnait pour la premiere fois. C'etait un commencement
+        d'osteologie comparee.' _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part. ii.
+        p. 42. To this I may add, that he is the first French writer on
+        medical jurisprudence. See _Paris and Fonblanque's Medical
+        Jurisprudence_, 1823, vol. i. p. xviii.
+
+  [468] 'L'un des premiers auteurs a qui l'on doit des observations
+        cadaveriques sur les maladies, est le fameux Baillou.'
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. ii. p. 218.
+        See also vol. iii. p. 362; and _Renouard_, _Hist. de la
+        Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 89. The value of his services is
+        recognized in a recent able work, _Phillips on Scrofula_, 1846,
+        p. 16.
+
+  [469] 'The most celebrated surgeon of the sixteenth century was Ambroise
+        Pare.... From the time of Pare until the commencement of the
+        eighteenth century, surgery was but little cultivated in France.
+        Mauriceau, Saviard, and Belloste, were the only French surgeons
+        of note who could be contrasted with so many eminent men of other
+        nations. During the eighteenth century, France produced two
+        surgeons of extraordinary genius; these are Petit and Desault.'
+        _Bowman's Surgery_, in _Encyclop. of Medical Sciences_, 1847,
+        4to. pp. 829, 830.
+
+  [470] It is unnecessary to adduce evidence respecting the services
+        rendered by Sydenham, as they are universally admitted; but what,
+        perhaps, is less generally known, is, that Glisson anticipated
+        those important views concerning irritability, which were
+        afterwards developed by Haller and Gorter. Compare _Renouard_,
+        _Hist. de le Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 192; _Elliotson's Human
+        Physiol_. p. 471; _Bordas Demoulin_, _Cartesianisme_, vol. i. p.
+        170; In _Wagner's Physiol._ 1841, p. 655, the theory is too
+        exclusively ascribed to Haller.
+
+  [471] Of this we have numerous complaints from foreigners who visited
+        France. I will quote the testimony of one celebrated man. In
+        1699, Addison writes from Blois: 'I made use of one of the
+        physicians of this place, who are as cheap as our English
+        farriers, and generally as ignorant.' _Aikin's Life of Addison_,
+        vol. i. p. 74.
+
+  [472] Indeed, France was the last great country in Europe in which a
+        chair of clinical medicine was established. See _Renouard_,
+        _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 312; and _Bouillaud_,
+        _Philos. Medicale_, p. 114.
+
+  [473] M. Bouillaud, in his account of the state of medicine in the
+        seventeenth century, does not mention a single Frenchman during
+        this period. See _Bouillaud_, _Philosophie Medicale_, pp. 13 seq.
+        During many years of the power of Louis XIV., the French Academy
+        only possessed one anatomist; and of him, few students of
+        physiology have ever heard: 'M. du Verney fut assez long-temps le
+        seul anatomiste de l'academie, et ce ne fut qu'en 1684 qu'on lui
+        joignit M. Mery.' _Eloge de Du Verney_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Fontenelle_, vol. vi. p. 392.
+
+In what are called the natural sciences, we also find the French now
+brought to a stand. In zoology, they had formerly possessed remarkable
+men, among whom Belon and Rondelet were the most conspicuous:[474] but,
+under Louis XIV., they did not produce one original observer in this
+great field of inquiry.[475] In chemistry, again, Rey had, in the reign
+of Louis XIII., struck out views of such vast importance, that he
+anticipated some of those generalizations which formed the glory of the
+French intellect in the eighteenth century.[476] During the corrupt and
+frivolous age of Louis XIV., all this was forgotten; the labours of Rey
+were neglected; and so complete was the indifference, that even the
+celebrated experiments of Boyle remained unknown in France for more than
+forty years after they were published.[477]
+
+  [474] _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. pp. 64-73, 76-80.
+
+  [475] After Belon, nothing was done in France for the natural history of
+        animals until 1734, when there appeared the first volume of
+        Reaumur's great work. See _Swainson on the Study of Nat. Hist._
+        pp. 24, 43.
+
+  [476] On this remarkable man, who was the first philosophic chemist
+        Europe produced, and who, so early as 1630, anticipated some of
+        the generalizations made a hundred and fifty years later by
+        Lavoisier, see _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, pp. 46, 47;
+        _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 95, 96; _Humboldt's
+        Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 729; _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences_,
+        vol. i. p. 30.
+
+  [477] Cuvier (_Progres des Sciences_, vol. i. p. 30) says of Rey, 'son
+        ecrit etait tombe dans l'oubli le plus profond;' and, in another
+        work, the same great authority writes (_Hist. des Sciences_, part
+        ii. p. 333): 'Il y avait plus de quarante ans que Becker avait
+        presente sa nouvelle theorie, developpee par Stahl; il y avait
+        encore plus long-temps que les experiences de Boyle sur la chimie
+        pneumatique avaient ete publiees, et cependant, rien de tout cela
+        n'entrait encore dans l'enseignement general de la chimie, du
+        moins en France.'
+
+Connected with zoology, and, to a philosophic mind, inseparable from it,
+is botany: which, occupying a middle place between the animal and
+mineral world, indicates their relation to each other, and at different
+points touches the confines of both. It also throws great light on the
+functions of nutrition,[478] and on the laws of development; while, from
+the marked analogy between animals and vegetables, we have every reason
+to hope that its further progress, assisted by that of electricity, will
+prepare the way for a comprehensive theory of life, to which the
+resources of our knowledge are still unequal, but towards which the
+movements of modern science are manifestly tending. On these grounds,
+far more than for the sake of practical advantages, botany will always
+attract the attention of thinking men; who, neglecting views of
+immediate utility, look to large and ultimate results, and only value
+particular facts in so far as they facilitate the discovery of general
+truths. The first step in this noble study was taken towards the middle
+of the sixteenth century, when authors, instead of copying what previous
+writers had said, began to observe nature for themselves.[479] The next
+step was, to add experiment to observation: but it required another
+hundred years before this could be done with accuracy; because the
+microscope, which is essential to such inquiries, was only invented
+about 1620, and the labour of a whole generation was needed to make it
+available for minute investigations.[480] So soon, however, as this
+resource was sufficiently matured to be applied to plants, the march of
+botany became rapid, at least as far as details are concerned; for it
+was not until the eighteenth century that the facts were actually
+generalized. But, in the preliminary work of accumulating the facts,
+great energy was shown; and, for reasons stated in an earlier part of
+the Introduction, this, like other studies relating to the external
+world, advanced with peculiar speed during the reign of Charles II. The
+tracheae of plants were discovered by Henshaw in 1661;[481] and their
+cellular tissue by Hooke in 1667.[482] These were considerable
+approaches towards establishing the analogy between plants and animals;
+and, within a few years, Grew effected still more of the same kind. He
+made such minute and extensive dissections, as to raise the anatomy of
+vegetables to a separate study, and prove that their organization is
+scarcely less complicated than that possessed by animals.[483] His first
+work was written in 1670;[484] and, in 1676, another Englishman,
+Millington, ascertained the existence of a distinction of sexes;[485]
+thus supplying further evidence of the harmony between the animal and
+vegetable kingdoms, and of the unity of idea which regulates their
+composition.
+
+  [478] The highest present generalizations of the laws of nutrition are
+        those by M. Chevreul; which are thus summed up by MM. Robin et
+        Verdeil, in their admirable work, _Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. p.
+        203, Paris, 1853: 'En passant des plantes aux animaux, nous
+        voyons que plus l'organisation de ces derniers est compliquee,
+        plus les aliments dont ils se nourrissent sont complexes et
+        analogues par leurs principes immediats aux principes des organes
+        qu'ils doivent entretenir.
+
+        'En definitive, on voit que les vegetaux se nourrissent d'eau,
+        d'acide carbonique, d'autres gaz et de matieres organiques a
+        l'etat d'engrais, ou en d'autres termes alterees, c'est-a-dire
+        ramenees a l'etat de principes plus simples, plus solubles. Au
+        contraire, les animaux plus eleves dans l'echelle organique ont
+        besoin de matieres bien plus complexes quant aux principes
+        immediats qui les composent, et plus variees dans leurs
+        proprietes.'
+
+  [479] Brunfels in 1530, and Fuchs in 1542, were the two first writers
+        who observed the vegetable kingdom for themselves, instead of
+        copying what the ancients had said. Compare _Whewell's Hist. of
+        the Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 305, 306, with _Pulteney's Hist. of
+        Botany_, vol. i. p. 38.
+
+  [480] The microscope was exhibited in London, by Drebbel, about 1620;
+        and this appears to be the earliest unquestionable notice of its
+        use, though some writers assert that it was invented at the
+        beginning of the seventeenth century, or even in 1590. Compare
+        the different statements, in _Pouillet_, _Elemens de Physique_,
+        vol. ii. p. 357; _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. pp. 699, 700;
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. iv. p. 337; _Winckler_,
+        _Gesch. der Botanik_, p. 136; _Quekett's Treatise on the
+        Microscope_, 1848, p. 2; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii.
+        p. 470; _Hallam's Lit. of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 202; _Leslie's
+        Nat. Philos._ p. 52. On the subsequent improvement of the
+        microscope during the seventeenth century, see _Brewster's Life
+        of Newton_, vol. i. pp. 29, 242, 243.
+
+  [481] See _Balfour's Botany_, p. 15. In Pulteney's _Progress of Botany
+        in England_, this beautiful discovery is, if I rightly remember,
+        not even alluded to; but it appears, from a letter written in
+        1672, that it was then becoming generally known, and had been
+        confirmed by Grew and Malpighi. _Ray's Correspond._ edit. 1848,
+        p. 98. Compare _Richard_, _Elements de Botanique_, p. 46; where,
+        however, M. Richard erroneously supposes that Grew did not know
+        of the tracheae till 1682.
+
+  [482] Compare _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 471, with
+        _Thomson's Vegetable Chemistry_, p. 950.
+
+  [483] Dr. Thomson (_Vegetable Chemistry_, p. 950) says: 'But the person
+        to whom we are indebted for the first attempt to ascertain the
+        structure of plants by dissection and microscopical observations,
+        was Dr. Nathaniel Grew.' The character of Grew's inquiries, as
+        'viewing the internal, as well as external parts of plants,' is
+        also noticed in _Ray's Correspond._ p. 188; and M. Winckler
+        (_Gesch. der Botanik_, p. 382) ascribes to him and Malpighi the
+        'neuen Aufschwung' taken by vegetable physiology late in the
+        seventeenth century. See also, on Grew, _Lindley's Botany_, vol.
+        i. p. 93; and _Third Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 27.
+
+  [484] The first book of his Anatomy of Plants was laid before the Royal
+        Society in 1670, and printed in 1671. _Hallam's Lit. of Europe_,
+        vol. iii. p. 580; and _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p.
+        44.
+
+  [485] 'The presence of sexual organs in plants was first shown in 1676,
+        by Sir Thomas Millington; and it was afterwards confirmed by
+        Grew, Malpighi, and Ray.' _Balfour's Botany_, p. 236. See also
+        _Pulteney's Progress of Botany_, vol. i. pp. 336, 337; and
+        _Lindley's Botany_, vol. ii. p. 217: and, as to Ray, who was
+        rather slow in admitting the discovery, see _Lankester's Mem. of
+        Ray_, p. 100. Before this, the sexual system of vegetables had
+        been empirically known to several of the ancients, but never
+        raised to a scientific truth. Compare _Richard_, _Elements de
+        Botanique_, pp. 353, 427, 428, with _Matter_, _Hist. de l'Ecole
+        d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+This is what was effected in England during the reign of Charles II.;
+and we now ask what was done in France, during the same period, under
+the munificent patronage of Louis XIV. The answer is, nothing; no
+discovery, no idea, which forms an epoch in this important department of
+natural science. The son of the celebrated Sir Thomas Brown visited
+Paris in the hope of making some additions to his knowledge of botany,
+which he thought he could not fail to do in a country where science was
+held in such honour, its professors so caressed by the court, and its
+researches so bountifully encouraged. To his surprise, he, in 1665,
+found in that great city no one capable of teaching his favourite
+pursuit, and even the public lectures on it miserably meagre and
+unsatisfactory.[486] Neither then, nor at a much later period, did the
+French possess a good popular treatise on botany: still less did they
+make any improvement in it. Indeed, so completely was the philosophy of
+the subject misunderstood, that Tournefort, the only French botanist of
+repute in the reign of Louis, actually rejected that discovery of the
+sexes of plants, which had been made before he began to write, and which
+afterwards became the corner-stone of the Linnaean system.[487] This
+showed his incapacity for those large views respecting the unity of the
+organic world, which alone give to botany a scientific value; and we
+find, accordingly, that he did nothing for the physiology of plants, and
+that his only merit was as a collector and classifier of them.[488] And
+even in his classification he was guided, not by a comprehensive
+comparison of their various parts, but by considerations drawn from the
+mere appearance of the flower:[489] thus depriving botany of its real
+grandeur, degrading it into an arrangement of beautiful objects, and
+supplying another instance of the way in which the Frenchmen of that
+generation impoverished what they sought to enrich, and dwarfed every
+topic, until they suited the intellect and pleased the eye of that
+ignorant and luxurious court, to whose favour they looked for reward,
+and whose applause it was the business of their life to gain.
+
+  [486] In July 1665 he writes from Paris to his father, 'The lecture of
+        plants here is only the naming of them, their degrees in heat and
+        cold, and sometimes their use in physick; scarce a word more than
+        may be seen in every herball.' _Browne's Works_, vol. i. p. 108.
+
+  [487] Cuvier mentioning the inferiority of Tournefort's views to those
+        of his predecessors, gives as an instance, 'puisqu'il a rejete
+        les sexes des plantes.' _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 496.
+        Hence he held that the farina was ex-crementitious. _Pulteney's
+        Progress of Botany_, vol. i. p. 340.
+
+  [488] This is admitted even by his eulogist Duvau. _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xlvi. p. 363.
+
+  [489] On the method of Tournefort, which was that of a corrollist,
+        compare _Richard_, _Elements de Botanique_, p. 547; _Jussieu's
+        Botany_, edit. Wilson, 1849, p. 516; _Ray's Correspond._ pp. 381,
+        382; _Lankester's Mem. of Ray_, p. 49; _Winckler_, _Gesch. der
+        Botanik_, p. 142. Cuvier (_Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 496),
+        with quiet irony, says of it, 'vous voyez, messieurs, que cette
+        methode a le merite d'une grande clarte; qu'elle est fondee sur
+        la forme de la fleur, et par consequent sur des considerations
+        agreables a saisir.... Ce qui en fit le succes, c'est que
+        Tournefort joignit a son ouvrage une figure de fleur et de fruit
+        appartenant a chacun de ses genres.' Even in this, he appears to
+        have been careless, and is said to have described 'a great many
+        plants he never examined nor saw.' _Letter from Dr. Sherard_, in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. i.
+        p. 356.
+
+The truth is, that in these, as in all matters of real importance, in
+questions requiring independent thought, and in questions of practical
+utility, the age of Louis XIV. was an age of decay: it was an age of
+misery, of intolerance, and oppression; it was an age of bondage, of
+ignominy, of incompetence. This would long since have been universally
+admitted, if those who have written the history of that period had taken
+the trouble to study subjects without which no history can be
+understood; or, I should rather say, without which no history can exist.
+If this had been done, the reputation of Louis XIV. would at once have
+shrunk to its natural size. Even at the risk of exposing myself to the
+charge of unduly estimating my own labours, I cannot avoid saying, that
+the facts which I have just pointed out have never before been
+collected, but have remained isolated in the text-books and repertories
+of the sciences to which they belong. Yet without them it is impossible
+to study the age of Louis XIV. It is impossible to estimate the
+character of any period except by tracing its development; in other
+words, by measuring the extent of its knowledge. Therefore it is, that
+to write the history of a country without regard to its intellectual
+progress, is as if an astronomer should compose a planetary system
+without regard to the sun, by whose light alone the planets can be seen,
+and by whose attraction they are held in their course, and compelled to
+run in the path of their appointed orbits. For the great luminary, even
+as it shines in the heaven, is not a more noble or a more powerful
+object than is the intellect of man in this nether world. It is to the
+human intellect, and to that alone, that every country owes its
+knowledge. And what is it but the progress and diffusion of knowledge
+which has given us our arts, our sciences, our manufactures, our laws,
+our opinions, our manners, our comforts, our luxuries, our civilization;
+in short, everything that raises us above the savages, who by their
+ignorance are degraded to the level of the brutes with which they herd?
+Surely, then, the time has now arrived when they who undertake to write
+the history of a great nation should occupy themselves with those
+matters by which alone the destiny of men is regulated, and should
+abandon the petty and insignificant details by which we have too long
+been wearied; details respecting the lives of kings, the intrigues of
+ministers, the vices and the gossip of courts.
+
+It is precisely these higher considerations which furnish the key to the
+history of the reign of Louis XIV. In that time, as in all others, the
+misery of the people and the degradation of the country followed the
+decline of the national intellect; while this last was, in its turn, the
+result of the protective spirit--that mischievous spirit which weakens
+whatever it touches. If in the long course and compass of history there
+is one thing more clear than another, it is, that whenever a government
+undertakes to protect intellectual pursuits, it will almost always
+protect them in the wrong place, and reward the wrong men. Nor is it
+surprising that this should be the case. What can kings and ministers
+know about those immense branches of knowledge, to cultivate which with
+success is often the business of an entire life? How can they,
+constantly occupied with their lofty pursuits, have leisure for such
+inferior matters? Is it to be supposed that such acquirements will be
+found among statesmen, who are always engaged in the most weighty
+concerns; sometimes writing despatches, sometimes making speeches,
+sometimes organising a party in the parliament, sometimes baffling an
+intrigue in the privy-chamber? Or if the sovereign should graciously
+bestow his patronage according to his own judgment, are we to expect
+that mere philosophy and science should be familiar to high and mighty
+princes, who have their own peculiar and arduous studies, and who have
+to learn the mysteries of heraldry, the nature and dignities of rank,
+the comparative value of the different orders, decorations, and titles,
+the laws of precedence, the prerogatives of noble birth, the names and
+powers of ribbons, stars, and garters, the various modes of conferring
+an honour or installing into an office, the adjustment of ceremonies,
+the subtleties of etiquette, and all those other courtly accomplishments
+necessary to the exalted functions which they perform?
+
+The mere statement of such questions proves the absurdity of the
+principle which they involve. For, unless we believe that kings are
+omniscient as well as immaculate, it is evident that in the bestowal of
+rewards they must be guided either by personal caprice or by the
+testimony of competent judges. And since no one is a competent judge of
+scientific excellence unless he is himself scientific, we are driven to
+this monstrous alternative, that the rewards of intellectual labour must
+be conferred injudiciously, or else that they must be given according to
+the verdict of that very class by whom they are received. In the first
+case, the reward will be ridiculous; in the latter case, it will be
+disgraceful. In the former case, weak men will be benefited by wealth
+which is taken from industry to be lavished on idleness. But in the
+latter case, those men of real genius, those great and illustrious
+thinkers, who are the masters and teachers of the human race, are to be
+tricked out with trumpery titles; and after scrambling in miserable
+rivalry for the sordid favours of a court, they are then to be turned
+into beggars of the state, who not only clamour for their share of the
+spoil, but even regulate the proportions into which the shares are to be
+divided.
+
+Under such a system, the natural results are, first, the impoverishment
+and servility of genius: then the decay of knowledge; then the decline
+of the country. Three times in the history of the world has this
+experiment been tried. In the ages of Augustus, of Leo X., and of Louis
+XIV., the same method was adopted, and the same result ensued. In each
+of these ages, there was much apparent splendour, immediately succeeded
+by sudden ruin. In each instance, the brilliancy survived the
+independence; and in each instance, the national spirit sank under that
+pernicious alliance between government and literature, by virtue of
+which the political classes become very powerful, and the intellectual
+classes very weak, simply because they who dispense the patronage will,
+of course, receive the homage; and if, on the one hand, government is
+always ready to reward literature, so on the other hand, will literature
+be always ready to succumb to government.
+
+Of these three ages, that of Louis XIV. was incomparably the worst; and
+nothing but the amazing energy of the French people could have enabled
+them to rally, as they afterwards did, from the effects of so enfeebling
+a system. But though they rallied, the effort cost them dear. The
+struggle, as we shall presently see, lasted two generations, and was
+only ended by that frightful Revolution which formed its natural climax.
+What the real history of that struggle was, I shall endeavour to
+ascertain towards the conclusion of this volume. Without, however,
+anticipating the course of affairs, we will now proceed to what I have
+already mentioned as the second great characteristic of the reign of
+Louis XIV.
+
+II. The second intellectual characteristic of the reign of Louis XIV.
+is, in importance, hardly inferior to the first. We have already seen
+that the national intellect, stunted by the protection of the court, was
+so diverted from the noblest branches of knowledge, that in none of them
+did it produce anything worthy of being recorded. As a natural
+consequence, the minds of men, driven from the higher departments, took
+refuge in the lower, and concentrated themselves upon those inferior
+subjects, where the discovery of truth is not the main object, but where
+beauty of form and expression are the things chiefly pursued. Thus, the
+first consequence of the patronage of Louis XIV. was, to diminish the
+field for genius, and to sacrifice science to art. The second
+consequence was, that, even in art itself, there was soon seen a marked
+decay. For a short time, the stimulus produced its effect; but was
+followed by that collapse which is its natural result. So essentially
+vicious is the whole system of patronage and reward, that after the
+death of those writers and artists, whose works form the only redeeming
+point in the reign of Louis, there was found no one capable of even
+imitating their excellences. The poets, dramatists, painters, musicians,
+sculptors, architects, were, with hardly an exception, not only born,
+but educated under that freer policy, which existed before his time.
+When they began their labours, they benefited by a munificence which
+encouraged the activity of their genius. But in a few years, that
+generation having died off, the hollowness of the whole system was
+clearly exposed. More than a quarter of a century before the death of
+Louis XIV., most of these eminent men had ceased to live; and then it
+was seen to how miserable a plight the country was reduced under the
+boasted patronage of the great king. At the moment when Louis XIV. died,
+there was scarcely a writer or an artist in France who enjoyed an
+European reputation. This is a circumstance well worth our notice. If we
+compare the different classes of literature, we shall find that sacred
+oratory, being the least influenced by the king, was able the longest to
+bear up against his system. Massillon belongs partly to the subsequent
+reign; but even of the other great divines, Bossuet and Bourdaloue both
+lived to 1704,[490] Mascaron to 1703,[491] and Flechier to 1710.[492]
+As, however, the king, particularly in his latter years, was very
+fearful of meddling with the church, it is in profane matters that we
+can best trace the workings of his policy, because it is there that his
+interference was most active. With a view to this, the simplest plan
+will be, to look, in the first place, into the history of the fine arts;
+and after ascertaining who the greatest artists were, observe the year
+in which they died, remembering that the government of Louis XIV. began
+in 1661, and ended in 1715.
+
+  [490] _Biog. Univ._ vol. v. pp. 236, 358.
+
+  [491] _Ibid._ xxvii. p. 351.
+
+  [492] _Ibid._ xv. p. 35.
+
+If, now, we examine this period of fifty-four years, we shall be struck
+by the remarkable fact, that everything which is celebrated was effected
+in the first half of it; while more than twenty years before its close,
+the most eminent masters all died without leaving any successors. The
+six greatest painters in the reign of Louis XIV. were Poussin, Lesueur,
+Claude Lorraine, Le Brun, and the two Mignards. Of these, Le Brun died
+in 1690;[493] the elder Mignard in 1668;[494] the younger in 1695;[495]
+Claude Lorraine in 1682;[496] Lesueur in 1655;[497] and Poussin, perhaps
+the most distinguished of all the French school, died in 1665.[498] The
+two greatest architects were, Claude Perrault and Francis Mansart; but
+Perrault died in 1688;[499] Mansart in 1666;[500] and Blondel, the next
+in fame, died in 1686.[501] The greatest of all the sculptors was Puget,
+who died in 1694.[502] Lulli, the founder of French music, died in
+1687.[503] Quinault, the greatest poet of French music, died in
+1688.[504] Under these eminent men, the fine arts, in the reign of
+Louis XIV., reached their zenith; and during the last thirty years of
+his life, their decline was portentously rapid. This was the case, not
+only in architecture and music, but even in painting, which, being more
+subservient than they are to personal vanity, is more likely to flourish
+under a rich and despotic government. The genius, however, of painters
+fell so low, that long before the death of Louis XIV., France ceased to
+possess one of any merit; and when his successor came to the throne,
+this beautiful art was, in that great country, almost extinct.[505]
+
+  [493] _Ibid._ xxiii. p. 496.
+
+  [494] _Ibid._ xxix. p. 17.
+
+  [495] _Ibid._ xxix. p. 19.
+
+  [496] 'His best pictures were painted from about 1640 to 1660; he died
+        in 1682.' _Wornum's Epochs of Painting_, Lond. 1847. p. 399.
+        Voltaire (_Siecle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xix. p.
+        205) says that he died in 1678.
+
+  [497] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 327; _Works of Sir Joshua Reynolds_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 454, 455.
+
+  [498] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxv. p. 579. Poussin was Barry's 'favourite'
+        painter. _Letter from Barry_, in _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p.
+        88. Compare _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. ii. p. 55. Sir Joshua
+        Reynolds (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 97, 351, 376) appears to have
+        preferred him to any of the French school; and in the report
+        presented to Napoleon by the Institute, he is the only French
+        painter mentioned by the side of the Greek and Italian artists.
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport Historique_, p. 23.
+
+  [499] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiii. p. 411; _Siecle de Louis XIV_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 158.
+
+  [500] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 503.
+
+  [501] _Ibid._ vol. iv. p. 593.
+
+  [502] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvi. p. 300. Respecting him, see _Lady Morgan's
+        France_, vol. ii. pp. 30, 31.
+
+  [503] M. Capefigue (_Louis XIV_, vol. ii. p. 79) says, 'Lulli mourut en
+        1689;' but 1687 is the date assigned in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxv.
+        p. 425; in _Chalmer's Biog. Dict._ vol. xx. p. 483; in _Rose's
+        Biog. Dict._ vol. ix. p. 350; and in _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_,
+        vol. vii p. 63. In _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 200, he
+        is called 'le pere de la vraie musique en France.' He was admired
+        by Louis XIV. _Lettres de Sevigne_, vol. ii. pp. 162, 163.
+
+  [504] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxvi. p. 42. Voltaire (_[OE]uvres_, vol. xix.
+        p. 162) says, 'personne n'a jamais egale Quinault;' and Mr.
+        Hallam (_Lit. of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 507), 'the unrivalled poet
+        of French music.' See also _Lettres de Dudeffand a Walpole_, vol.
+        ii. p. 432.
+
+  [505] When Louis XV. ascended the throne, painting in France was in the
+        lowest state of degradation. _Lady Morgan's France_, vol. ii. p.
+        31. Lacretelle (_Dix-huitieme Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 11) says 'Les
+        beaux arts degenererent plus sensiblement que les lettres pendant
+        la seconde partie du siecle de Louis XIV.... Il est certain que
+        les vingt-cinq dernieres annees du regne de Louis XIV n'offrirent
+        que des productions tres-inferieures,' &c. Thus too Barrington
+        (_Observations on the Statutes_, p. 377), 'It is very remarkable
+        that the French school hath not produced any very capital
+        painters since the expensive establishment by Louis XIV. of the
+        academies at Rome and Paris.'
+
+These are startling facts; not matters of opinion, which may be
+disputed, but stubborn dates, supported by irrefragable testimony. And
+if we examine in the same manner the literature of the age of Louis
+XIV., we shall arrive at similar conclusions. If we ascertain the dates
+of those masterpieces which adorn his reign, we shall find that during
+the last five-and-twenty years of his life, when his patronage had been
+the longest in operation, it was entirely barren of results; in other
+words, that when the French had been most habituated to his protection,
+they were least able to effect great things. Louis XIV. died in 1715.
+Racine produced _Phedre_ in 1677; _Andromaque_ in 1667; _Athelie_ in
+1691.[506] Moliere published the _Misanthrope_ in 1666; _Tartuffe_ in
+1667; the _Avare_ in 1668.[507] The _Lutrin_ of Boileau was written in
+1674; his best Satires in 1666.[508] The last Fables of La Fontaine
+appeared in 1678, and his last Tales in 1671.[509] The _Inquiry
+respecting Truth_, by Malebranche, was published in 1674;[510] the
+_Caracteres_ of La Bruyere in 1687;[511] the Maximes of Rochefoucauld in
+1665.[512] The _Provincial Letters_ of Pascal were written 1656, and he
+himself died in 1662.[513] As to Corneille, his great Tragedies were
+composed, some while Louis was still a boy, and the others before the
+king was born.[514] Such were the dates of the masterpieces of the age
+of Louis XIV. The authors of these immortal works all ceased to write,
+and nearly all ceased to live, before the close of the seventeenth
+century; and we may fairly ask the admirers of Louis XIV. who those men
+were that succeeded them. Where have their names been registered? Where
+are their works to be found? Who is there that now reads the books of
+those obscure hirelings, who for so many years thronged the court of the
+great king? Who has heard anything of Campistron, La Chapelle, Genest,
+Ducerceau, Dancourt, Danchet, Vergier, Catrou, Chaulieu, Legendre,
+Valincour, Lamotte, and the other ignoble compilers, who long remained
+the brightest ornaments of France? Was this, then, the consequence of
+the royal bounty? Was this the fruit of the royal patronage? If the
+system of reward and protection is really advantageous to literature and
+to art, how is it that it should have produced the meanest results when
+it had been the longest in operation? If the favour of kings is, as
+their flatterers tell us, of such importance, how comes it that the more
+the favour was displayed, the more the effects were contemptible?
+
+  [506] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxvi. pp. 499, 502; _Hallam's Lit._ vol. iii.
+        p. 493.
+
+  [507] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxix. pp. 306, 308.
+
+  [508] _Rose's Biog. Dict._ vol. iv. p. 376; and _Biog. Univ._ vol. v.
+        pp. 7, 8, where it is said that 'ses meilleures satires' were
+        those published in 1666.
+
+  [509] _Ibid._ vol. xxiii. p. 127.
+
+  [510] _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. p. 322.
+
+  [511] _Biog. Univ._ vol. vi. p. 175.
+
+  [512] _Brunet_, _Manuel du Libraire_, vol. iv. p. 105, Paris 1843; and
+        note in _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 421.
+
+  [513] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxiii. pp. 64, 71; _Palissot_, _Mem. pour
+        l'Hist. de Lit._ vol. ii. pp. 239, 241.
+
+  [514] _Polyeucte_, which is probably his greatest work, appeared in
+        1640; _Medee_ in 1635; _The Cid_ in 1636; _Horace and Cinna_ both
+        in 1639. _Biog. Univ._ vol. ix. pp. 609-613.
+
+Nor was this almost inconceivable penury compensated by superiority in
+any other department. The simple fact is that Louis XIV. survived the
+entire intellect of the French nation, except that small part of it
+which grew up in opposition to his principles, and afterwards shook the
+throne of his successor.[515] Several years before his death, and when
+his protective system had been in full force for nearly half a century,
+there was not to be found in the whole of France a statesman who could
+develop the resources of the country, or a general who could defend it
+against its enemies. Both in the civil service and in the military
+service, every thing had fallen into disorder. At home there was nothing
+but confusion; abroad there was nothing but disaster. The spirit of
+France succumbed, and was laid prostrate. The men of letters, pensioned
+and decorated by the court, had degenerated into a fawning and
+hypocritical race, who, to meet the wishes of their masters, opposed all
+improvement, and exerted themselves in support of every old abuse. The
+end of all this was, a corruption, a servility, and a loss of power more
+complete than has ever been witnessed in any of the great countries of
+Europe. There was no popular liberty; there were no great men; there was
+no science; there was no literature; there were no arts. Within, there
+was a discontented people, a rapacious government, and a beggared
+exchequer. Without, there were foreign armies, which pressed upon all
+the frontiers, and which nothing but their mutual jealousies, and a
+change in the English cabinet, prevented from dismembering the monarchy
+of France.[516]
+
+  [515] Voltaire (_Siecle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp.
+        319-322) reluctantly confesses the decline of the French
+        intellect in the latter part of the reign of Louis; and Flassan
+        (_Diplomat. Franc._ vol. iv. p. 400) calls it 'remarquable.' See
+        also _Barante_, _Litterature Francaise_, p. 28; _Sismondi_,
+        _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxvi. p. 217.
+
+  [516] Oppressed by defeats abroad, and by famine and misery at home,
+        Louis was laid at the mercy of his enemies; and 'was only saved by
+        a party revolution in the English ministry.' _Arnold's Lectures
+        on Modern History_, p. 137. Compare _Fragments sur l'Histoire_,
+        article xxiii. in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxvii. p. 345,
+        with _De Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol. i. p. 86.
+
+Such was the forlorn position of that noble country towards the close of
+the reign of Louis XIV.[517] The misfortunes which embittered the
+declining years of the king were, indeed, so serious, that they could
+not fail to excite our sympathy, if we did not know that they were the
+result of his own turbulent ambition, of his insufferable arrogance,
+but, above all, of a grasping and restless vanity, which, making him
+eager to concentrate on his single person all the glory of France, gave
+rise to that insidious policy, which, with gifts, with honours, and with
+honied words, began by gaining the admiration of the intellectual
+classes, then made them courtly and time-serving, and ended by
+destroying all their boldness, stifling every effort of original
+thought, and thus postponing for an indefinite period the progress of
+national civilization.
+
+  [517] For evidence of the depression and, indeed, utter exhaustion of
+        France during the latter years of Louis XIV., compare _Duclos_,
+        _Memoires_, vol. i. pp. 11-18, with _Marmontel_, _Hist. de la
+        Regence_, Paris, 1826, pp. 79-97. The _Lettres inedites de Madame
+        de Maintenon_ (vol. i. pp. 263, 284, 358, 389, 393, 408, 414,
+        422, 426, 447, 457, 463, vol. ii. pp. 19, 23, 33, 46, 56, and
+        numerous other passages) fully confirm this, and, moreover, prove
+        that in Paris, early in the eighteenth century, the resources,
+        even of the wealthy classes, were beginning to fail; while both
+        public and private credit were so shaken, that it was hardly
+        possible to obtain money on any terms. In 1710, she, the wife of
+        Louis XIV., complains of her inability to borrow 500 livres:
+        'Tout mon credit echoue souvent aupres de M. Desmaretz pour une
+        somme de cinq cents livres.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 33. In 1709, she
+        writes (vol. i. p. 447): 'Le jeu devient insipide, parce qu'il
+        n'y a presque plus d'argent.' See also vol. ii. p. 112; and in
+        February 1711 (p. 151): 'Ce n'est pas l'abondance mais l'avarice
+        qui fait jouer nos courtisans; on met le tout pour le tout pour
+        avoir quelque argent, et les tables de lansquenet ont plus l'air
+        d'un triste commerce que d'un divertissement.'
+
+        In regard to the people generally, the French writers supply us
+        with little information, because in that age they were too much
+        occupied with their great king and their showy literature, to pay
+        attention to mere popular interests. But I have collected from
+        other sources some information which I will now put together, and
+        which I recommend to the notice of the next French author who
+        undertakes to compose a history of Louis XIV.
+
+        Locke, who was travelling in France in 1676 and 1677, writes in
+        his journal, 'The rent of land in France fallen one-half in these
+        few years, by reason of the poverty of the people.' _King's Life
+        of Locke_, vol. i. p. 139. About the same time, Sir William
+        Temple says (_Works_, vol. ii. p. 268), 'The French peasantry are
+        wholly dispirited by labour and want.' In 1691, another observer,
+        proceeding from Calais, writes, 'From hence, travelling to Paris,
+        there was opportunity enough to observe what a prodigious state
+        of poverty the ambition and absoluteness of a tyrant can reduce
+        an opulent and fertile country to. There were visible all the
+        marks and signs of a growing misfortune; all the dismal
+        indications of an overwhelming calamity. The fields were
+        uncultivated, the villages unpeopled, the houses dropping to
+        decay.' _Burton's Diary_, note by Rutt, vol. iv. p. 79. In a
+        tract published in 1689, the author says (_Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        x. p. 264), 'I have known in France poor people sell their beds,
+        and lie upon straw; sell their pots, kettles, and all their
+        necessary household goods, to content the unmerciful collectors
+        of the king's taxes.' Dr. Lister, who visited Paris in 1698,
+        says, 'Such is the vast multitude of poor wretches in all parts
+        of this city, that whether a person is in a carriage or on foot,
+        in the street, or even in a shop, he is alike unable to transact
+        business, on account of the importunities of mendicants.'
+        _Lister's Account of Paris_, p. 46. Compare a _Letter from
+        Prior_, in _Ellis's Letters of Literary Men_, p. 213. In 1708,
+        Addison, who, from personal observation, was well acquainted with
+        France, writes: 'We think here as you do in the country, that
+        France is on her last legs.' _Aikin's Life of Addison_, vol. i.
+        p. 233. Finally, in 1718--that is, three years after the death of
+        Louis--Lady Mary Montagu gives the following account of the
+        result of his reign, in a letter to Lady Rich, dated Paris, 10th
+        October, 1718: 'I think nothing so terrible as objects of misery,
+        except one had the god-like attribute of being able to redress
+        them; and all the country villages of France show nothing else.
+        While the post-horses are changed, the whole town comes out to
+        beg, with such miserable starved faces, and thin, tattered
+        clothes, they need no other eloquence to persuade one of the
+        wretchedness of their condition.' _Works of Lady Mary Wortley
+        Montague_, vol. iii. p. 74, edit. 1803.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+     DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND
+                 PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
+
+
+At length Louis XIV. died. When it was positively known that the old
+king had ceased to breathe, the people went almost mad with joy.[518]
+The tyranny which had weighed them down was removed; and there at once
+followed a reaction which, for sudden violence, has no parallel in
+modern history.[519] The great majority indemnified themselves for their
+forced hypocrisy by indulging in the grossest licentiousness. But among
+the generation then forming, there were some high-spirited youths, who
+had far higher views, and whose notions of liberty were not confined to
+the license of the gaming-house and the brothel. Devoted to the great
+idea of restoring to France that freedom of utterance which it had lost,
+they naturally turned their eyes towards the only country where the
+freedom was practised. Their determination to search for liberty in the
+place where alone it could be found, gave rise to that junction of the
+French and English intellects, which, looking at the immense chain of
+its effects, is by far the most important fact in the history of the
+eighteenth century.
+
+  [518] 'L'annonce de la mort du grand roi ne produisit chez le peuple
+        francais qu'une explosion de joie.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. xxvii. p. 220. 'Le jour des obseques de Louis
+        XIV, on etablit des guinguettes sur le chemin de Saint-Denis.
+        Voltaire, que la curiosite avoit mene aux funerailles du
+        souverain, vit dans ces guinguettes le peuple ivre de vin et de
+        joie de la mort de Louis XIV.' _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p.
+        29: see also _Condorcet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 118; _De
+        Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol. i. p. 18; _Duclos_,
+        _Memoires_, vol. i. p. 221; _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de Louis
+        XIV_, pp. 311, 388.
+
+  [519] 'Kaum hatte er aber die Augen geschlossen, als alles umschlug. Der
+        reprimirte Geist warf sich in eine zuegellose Bewegung.' _Ranke_,
+        _die Paepste_, vol. iii. p. 192.
+
+During the reign of Louis XIV., the French, puffed up by national
+vanity, despised the barbarism of a people who were so uncivilized as to
+be always turning on their rulers, and who, within the space of forty
+years, had executed one king, and deposed another.[520] They could not
+believe that such a restless horde possessed anything worthy the
+attention of enlightened men. Our laws, our literature, and our manners,
+were perfectly unknown to them; and I doubt if at the end of the
+seventeenth century there were, either in literature or in science, five
+persons in France acquainted with the English language.[521] But a long
+experience of the reign of Louis XIV. induced the French to reconsider
+many of their opinions. It induced them to suspect that despotism may
+have its disadvantages, and that a government composed of princes and
+bishops is not necessarily the best for a civilized country. They began
+to look, first with complacency, and then with respect, upon that
+strange and outlandish people, who, though only separated from
+themselves by a narrow sea, appeared to be of an altogether different
+kind; and who, having punished their oppressors, had carried their
+liberties and their prosperity to a height of which the world had seen
+no example. These feelings, which before the Revolution broke out, were
+entertained by the whole of the educated classes in France, were in the
+beginning, confined to those men whose intellects placed them at the
+head of their age. During the two generations which elapsed between the
+death of Louis XIV. and the outbreak of the Revolution, there was hardly
+a Frenchman of eminence who did not either visit England or learn
+English; while many of them did both. Buffon, Brissot, Broussonnet,
+Condamine, Delisle, Elie de Beaumont, Gournay, Helvetius, Jussieu,
+Lalande, Lafayette, Larcher, L'Heritier, Montesquieu, Maupertuis,
+Morellet, Mirabeau, Nollet, Raynal, the celebrated Roland, and his still
+more celebrated wife, Rousseau, Segur, Suard, Voltaire--all these
+remarkable persons flocked to London, as also did others of inferior
+ability, but of considerable influence, such as Brequiny, Bordes,
+Calonne, Coyer, Cormatin, Dufay, Dumarest, Dezallier, Favier, Girod,
+Grosley, Godin, D'Hancarville, Hunauld, Jars, Le Blanc, Ledru,
+Lescallier, Linguet, Lesuire, Lemonnier, Levesque de Pouilly,
+Montgolfier, Morand, Patu, Poissonier, Reveillon, Septchenes,
+Silhouette, Siret, Soulavie, Soules, and Valmont de Brienne.
+
+  [520] The shock which these events gave to the delicacy of the French
+        mind was very serious. The learned Saumaise declared that the
+        English are 'more savage than their own mastiffs.' _Carlyle's
+        Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 444. Another writer said that we were
+        'barbares revoltes;' and 'les barbares sujets du roi.' _Mem. de
+        Motteville_, vol. ii. pp. 105, 362. Patin likened us to the
+        Turks; and said, that having executed one king, we should
+        probably hang the next. _Lettres de Patin_, vol. i. p. 261, vol.
+        ii. p. 518, vol. iii. p. 148. Compare _Mem. de Campion_, p. 213.
+        After we had sent away James II., the indignation of the French
+        rose still higher, and even the amiable Madame Sevigne, having
+        occasion to mention Mary the wife of William III., could find no
+        better name for her than Tullia: 'la joie est universelle de la
+        deroute de ce prince, dont la femme est une Tullie.' _Lettres de
+        Sevigne_, vol. v. p. 179. Another influential French lady
+        mentions 'la ferocite des anglais.' _Lettres inedites de
+        Maintenon_, vol. i. p. 303; and elsewhere (p. 109), 'je hais les
+        anglais comme le peuple.... Veritablement je ne les puis
+        souffrir.'
+
+        I will only give two more illustrations of the wide diffusion of
+        such feelings. In 1679, an attempt was made to bring bark into
+        discredit as a 'remede anglais' (_Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Medecine_, vol. v. p. 430): and at the end of the seventeenth
+        century, one of the arguments in Paris against coffee was that
+        the English liked it. _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_, vol. vii.
+        p. 216.
+
+  [521] 'Au temps de Boileau, personne en France n'apprenait l'anglais.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxxviii. p. 337, and see vol. xix.
+        p. 159. 'Parmi nos grands ecrivains du xvii^e siecle, il n'en est
+        aucun, je crois, ou l'on puisse reconnaitre un souvenir, une
+        impression de l'esprit anglais.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e
+        Siecle_, vol. iii. p. 324. Compare _Barante_, _XVIII^e Siecle_,
+        p. 47, _Grimm_, and _Correspond._ vol. v. p. 135, vol. xvii.
+        p. 2.
+
+        The French, during the reign of Louis XIV., principally knew us
+        from the accounts given by two of their countrymen, Monconys and
+        Sorbiere; both of whom published their travels in England, but
+        neither of whom were acquainted with the English language. For
+        proof of this, see _Monconys_, _Voyages_, vol. iii. pp. 34, 69,
+        70, 96; and _Sorbiere_, _Voyage_, pp. 45, 70.
+
+        When Prior arrived at the court of Louis XIV. as plenipotentiary,
+        no one in Paris was aware that he had written poetry (_Lettres
+        sur les Anglais_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxvi. p. 130);
+        and when Addison, being in Paris, presented Boileau with a copy
+        of the _Musae Anglicanae_, the Frenchman learnt for the first time
+        that we had any good poets: 'first conceived an opinion of the
+        English genius for poetry.' Tickell's statement, in _Aikin's Life
+        of Addison_, vol. i. p. 65. Finally, it is said that Milton's
+        _Paradise Lost_ was not even by report in France until after the
+        death of Louis XIV., though the poem was published in 1667, and
+        the king died in 1715; 'Nous n'avions jamais entendu parler de ce
+        poeme en France, avant que l'auteur de la Henriade nous en eut
+        donne une idee dans le neuvieme chapitre de son Essai sur la
+        poesie epique. _Dict. Philos._ article _Epopee_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xxxix. p. 175; see also vol. lxvi. p. 249.
+
+Nearly all of these carefully studied our language, and most of them
+seized the spirit of our literature. Voltaire, in particular, devoted
+himself with his usual ardour to the new pursuit, and acquired in
+England a knowledge of those doctrines, the promulgation of which,
+afterwards won for him so great a reputation.[522] He was the first who
+popularized in France the philosophy of Newton, where it rapidly
+superseded that of Descartes.[523] He recommended to his countrymen the
+writings of Locke;[524] which soon gained immense popularity, and which
+supplied materials to Condillac for his system of metaphysics,[525] and
+to Rousseau for his theory of education.[526] Besides this, Voltaire was
+the first Frenchman who studied Shakespeare; to whose works he was
+greatly indebted, though he afterwards wished to lessen what he
+considered the exorbitant respect paid to them in France.[527] Indeed,
+so intimate was his knowledge of the English language,[528] that we can
+trace his obligations to Butler,[529] one of the most difficult of our
+poets, and to Tillotson,[530] one of the dullest of our theologians. He
+was acquainted with the speculations of Berkeley,[531] the most subtle
+metaphysician who has ever written in English; and he had read the
+works, not only of Shaftesbury,[532] but even of Chubb,[533]
+Garth,[534] Mandeville,[535] and Woolston.[536] Montesquieu imbibed in
+our country many of his principles; he studied our language; and he
+always expressed admiration for England, not only in his writings, but
+also in his private conversation.[537] Buffon learnt English, and his
+first appearance as an author was as the translator of Newton and of
+Hales.[538] Diderot, following in the same course, was an enthusiastic
+admirer of the novels of Richardson;[539] he took the idea of several of
+his plays from the English dramatists, particularly from Lillo; he
+borrowed many of his arguments from Shaftesbury and Collins, and his
+earliest publication was a translation of Stanyan's _History of
+Greece_.[540] Helvetius, who visited London, was never weary of praising
+the people; many of the views in his great work on the Mind are drawn
+from Mandeville; and he constantly refers to the authority of Locke,
+whose principles hardly any Frenchman would at an earlier period have
+dared to recommend.[541] The works of Bacon, previously little known,
+were now translated into French; and his classification of the human
+faculties was made the basis of that celebrated Encyclopaedia, which is
+justly regarded as one of the greatest productions of the eighteenth
+century.[542] The _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, by Adam Smith, was
+during thirty-four years translated three different times, by three
+different French authors.[543] And such was the general eagerness, that
+directly the _Wealth of Nations_, by the same great writer, appeared,
+Morellet, who was then high in reputation, began to turn it into French;
+and was only prevented from printing his translation by the
+circumstance, that before it could be completed, another version of it
+was published in a French periodical.[544] Coyer, who is still
+remembered for his _Life of Sobieski_, visited England; and after
+returning to his own country, showed the direction of his studies by
+rendering into French the Commentaries of Blackstone.[545] Le Blanc
+travelled in England, wrote a work expressly upon the English, and
+translated into French the Political Discourses of Hume.[546] Holbach
+was certainly one of the most active leaders of the liberal party in
+Paris; but a large part of his very numerous writings consists solely in
+translations of English authors.[547] Indeed, it may be broadly stated,
+that while, at the end of the seventeenth century, it would have been
+difficult to find, even among the most educated Frenchmen, a single
+person acquainted with English, it would, in the eighteenth century,
+have been nearly as difficult to find in the same class one who was
+ignorant of it. Men of all tastes, and of the most opposite pursuits,
+were on this point united as by a common bond. Poets, geometricians,
+historians, naturalists, all seemed to agree as to the necessity of
+studying a literature on which no one before had wasted a thought. In
+the course of general reading, I have met with proofs that the English
+language was known, not only to those eminent Frenchmen whom I have
+already mentioned, but also to mathematicians, as D'Alembert,[548]
+Darquier,[549] Du Val le Roy,[550] Jurain,[551] Lachapelle,[552]
+Lalande,[553] Le Cozic,[554] Montucla,[555] Pezenas,[556] Prony,[557]
+Romme,[558] and Roger Martin;[559] to anatomists, physiologists, and
+writers on medicine, as Barthez,[560] Bichat,[561] Bordeu,[562] Barbeu
+Dubourg,[563] Bosquillon,[564] Bourru,[565] Begue de Presle,[566]
+Cabanis,[567] Demours,[568] Duplanil,[569] Fouquet,[570] Goulin,[571]
+Lavirotte,[572] Lassus,[573] Petit Radel,[574] Pinel,[575] Roux,[576]
+Sauvages,[577] and Sue;[578] to naturalists, as Alyon,[579]
+Bremond,[580] Brisson,[581] Broussonnet,[582] Dalibard,[583] Hauey,[584]
+Latapie,[585] Richard,[586] Rigaud,[587] and Rome de Lisle;[588] to
+historians, philologists, and antiquaries, as Barthelemy,[589] Butel
+Dumont,[590] De Brosses,[591] Foucher,[592] Freret,[593] Larcher,[594]
+Le Coc de Villeray,[595] Millot,[596] Targe,[597] Velly,[598]
+Volney,[599] and Wailly;[600] to poets and dramatists, as Cheron,[601]
+Colardeau,[602] Delille,[603] Desforges,[604] Ducis,[605] Florian,[606]
+Laborde,[607] Lefevre de Beauvray,[608] Mercier,[609] Patu,[610]
+Pompignan,[611] Quetant,[612] Roucher,[613] and Saint Ange;[614] to
+miscellaneous writers, as Bassinet,[615] Baudeau,[616] Beaulaton,[617]
+Benoist,[618] Bergier,[619] Blavet,[620] Bouchaud,[621]
+Bougainville,[622] Brute,[623] Castera,[624] Chantreau,[625]
+Charpentier,[626] Chastellux,[627] Contant d'Orville,[628] De
+Bissy,[629] Demeunier,[630] Desfontaines,[631] Devienne,[632]
+Dubocage,[633] Dupre,[634] Duresnel,[635] Eidous,[636] Estienne,[637]
+Favier,[638] Flavigny,[639] Fontanelle,[640] Fontenay,[641]
+Framery,[642] Fresnais,[643] Freville,[644] Frossard,[645] Galtier,[646]
+Garsault,[647] Goddard,[648] Goudar,[649] Guenee,[650] Guillemard,[651]
+Guyard,[652] Jault,[653] Imbert,[654] Joncourt,[655] Keralio,[656]
+Laboreau,[657] Lacombe,[658] Lafargue,[659] La Montagne,[660]
+Lanjuinais,[661] Lasalle,[662] Lasteyrie,[663] Le Breton,[664]
+Lecuy,[665] Leonard des Malpeines,[666] Letourneur,[667] Linguet,[668]
+Lottin,[669] Luneau,[670] Maillet Duclairon,[671] Mandrillon,[672]
+Marsy,[673] Moet,[674] Monod,[675] Mosneron,[676] Nagot,[677]
+Peyron,[678] Prevost,[679] Puisieux,[680] Rivoire,[681] Robinet,[682]
+Roger,[683] Roubaud,[684] Salaville,[685] Sauseuil,[686] Secondat,[687]
+Septchenes,[688] Simon,[689] Soules,[690] Suard,[691] Tannevot,[692]
+Thurot,[693] Toussaint,[694] Tressan,[695] Trochereau,[696] Turpin,[697]
+Ussieux,[698] Vaugeois,[699] Verlac,[700] and Virloys.[701] Indeed, Le
+Blanc, who wrote shortly before the middle of the eighteenth century,
+says: 'We have placed English in the rank of the learned languages; our
+women study it, and have abandoned Italian in order to study the
+language of this philosophic people; nor is there to be found among us
+any one who does not desire to learn it.'[702]
+
+  [522] 'Le vrai roi du xviii^e siecle, c'est Voltaire; mais Voltaire a
+        son tour est un ecolier de l'Angleterre. Avant que Voltaire eut
+        connu l'Angleterre, soit par ses voyages, soit part ses amities,
+        il n'etait pas Voltaire, et le xviii^e siecle se cherchait
+        encore.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._ I^{re} serie, vol. iii.
+        pp. 38, 39. Compare _Damiron_, _Hist. de la Philos. en France_,
+        Paris, 1828, vol. i. p. 34.
+
+  [523] 'J'avais ete le premier qui eut ose developper a ma nation les
+        decouvertes de Newton, en langage intelligible.' _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 315; see also vol. xix. p. 87, vol. xxvi.
+        p. 71; _Whewell's Hist. of Induc. Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 206;
+        _Weld's Hist. of the Royal Society_, vol. i. p. 441. After this,
+        the Cartesian physics lost ground every day; and in _Grimm's
+        Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 148, there is a letter, dated Paris,
+        1757, which says, 'Il n'y a guere plus ici de partisans de
+        Descartes que M. de Mairan.' Compare _Observations et Pensees_,
+        in _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii. p. 298.
+
+  [524] Which he was never weary of praising; so that, as M. Cousin says
+        (_Hist. de la Philos._ II. serie, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312), 'Locke
+        est le vrai maitre de Voltaire.' Locke was one of the authors he
+        put into the hands of Madame du Chatelet. _Condorcet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, p. 296.
+
+  [525] _Morell's Hist. of Philos._ 1846, vol. i. p. 134; _Hamilton's
+        Discuss._ p. 3.
+
+  [526] 'Rousseau tira des ouvrages de Locke une grande partie de ses
+        idees sur la politique et l'education; Condillac toute sa
+        philosophie.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. i. p.
+        83. See also, on the obligations of Rousseau to Locke, _Grimm_,
+        _Correspond._ vol. v. p. 97; _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_,
+        vol. i. p. 38, vol. ii. p. 394; _Mem. de Morellet_, vol. i. p.
+        113; _Romilly's Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 211, 212.
+
+  [527] In 1768, Voltaire (_[OE]uvres_, vol. lxvi. p. 249) writes to
+        Horace Walpole, 'Je suie le premier qui ait fait connaitre
+        Shakespeare aux francais.' See also his _Lettres inedites_, vol.
+        ii. p. 500; _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. iii. p.
+        325; and _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xii. pp. 124, 125, 133.
+
+  [528] There are extant many English letters written by Voltaire, which,
+        though of course containing several errors, also contain abundant
+        evidence of the spirit with which he seized our idiomatic
+        expressions. In addition to his _Lettres inedites_, published at
+        Paris in the present year (1856), see _Chatham Correspond._ vol.
+        ii. pp. 131-133; and _Phillimore's Mem. of Lyttelton_, vol. i.
+        pp. 323-325, vol. ii. pp. 555, 556, 558.
+
+  [529] _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. i. p. 332; _Voltaire_, _Lettres
+        inedites_, vol. ii. p. 258; and the account of Hudibras, with
+        translations from it, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxvi. pp. 132-137;
+        also a conversation between Voltaire and Townley, in _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. p. 722.
+
+  [530] Compare _Mackintosh's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 341, with _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xxxix. p. 259, vol. xlvii. p. 85.
+
+  [531] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxxviii. pp. 216-218, vol. xlvi.
+        p. 282, vol. xlvii. p. 439, vol. lvii. p. 178.
+
+  [532] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvii. p. 353, vol. lvii. p. 66; _Correspond.
+        inedite de Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 230.
+
+  [533] _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxxiv. p. 294, vol. lvii. p. 121.
+
+  [534] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvii. pp. 407, 441.
+
+  [535] _Ibid._ vol. xxxvi. p. 46.
+
+  [536] _Ibid._ vol. xxxiv. p. 288, vol. xli. pp. 212-217; _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. li. pp. 199, 200.
+
+  [537] _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 221; _Klimrath_,
+        _Hist. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 502; _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_,
+        vol. ii. p. 398, vol. iii. pp. 432-434; _Mem. de Diderot_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 193, 194; _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 24.
+
+  [538] _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 182; _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. vi. p. 235; _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. i. p. 93,
+        vol. ii. pp. 159, 160.
+
+  [539] 'Admirateur passionne du romancier anglais.' _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xxxvii. p. 581. Compare _Diderot_, _Corresp._ vol. i. p.
+        352, vol. ii. pp. 44, 52, 53; _Mercier sur Rousseau_, vol. i.
+        p. 44.
+
+  [540] _Villemain_, _Lit._ vol. ii. p. 115; _Schlosser's Eighteenth
+        Century_, vol. i. pp. 34, 42; _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._
+        vol. xi. p. 314; _Biog. Univ._ vol. xi. p. 314; _Grimm_,
+        _Correspond._ vol. xv. p. 81. Stanyan's _History of Greece_ was
+        once famous, and even so late as 1804, I find Dr. Parr
+        recommending it. Parr's _Works_, vol. viii. p. 422. Diderot told
+        Sir Samuel Romilly that he had collected materials for a history
+        of the trial of Charles I. _Life of Romilly_, vol. i. p. 46.
+
+  [541] _Diderot_, _Mem._ vol. ii. p. 286; _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._
+        II^e serie, vol. ii. p. 331; _Helvetius de l'Esprit_, vol. i. pp.
+        31, 38, 46, 65, 114, 169, 193, 266, 268, vol. ii. pp. 144, 163,
+        165, 195, 212; _Letters addressed to Hume_, Edinb. 1849, pp. 9,
+        10.
+
+  [542] This is the arrangement of our knowledge under the heads of
+        Memory, Reason, and Imagination, which D'Alembert took from
+        Bacon. Compare _Whewell's Philos. of the Sciences_, vol. ii. p.
+        306; _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 276; _Georgel_,
+        _Mem._ vol. ii. p. 241; _Bordas Demoulin_, _Cartesianisme_,
+        vol. i. p. 18.
+
+  [543] _Querard_, _France Lit._ ix. 193.
+
+  [544] _Mem de. Morellet_, i. 236, 237.
+
+  [545] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, lxv. 161, 190, 212; _Biog. Univ._ x. 158,
+        159.
+
+  [546] _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. i. pp. 365, 366, 406.
+
+  [547] See the list, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx. pp. 463-466; and compare
+        _Mem. de Diderot_, vol. iii. p. 49, from which it seems that
+        Holbach was indebted to Toland, though Diderot speaks rather
+        doubtingly. In _Almon's Mem. of Wilkes_ 1805, vol. iv. pp. 176,
+        177, there is an English letter, tolerably well written, from
+        Holbach to Wilkes.
+
+  [548] _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, ii. 10, 175; _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, liv. 207.
+
+  [549] _Biog. Univ._ x. 556.
+
+  [550] _Ibid._ xii. 418.
+
+  [551] _Querard_, _France Lit._ iv. 34, 272.
+
+  [552] _Ibid._ iv. 361.
+
+  [553] _Biog. Univ._ xxiii. 226.
+
+  [554] _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathem._ ii. 170.
+
+  [555] _Montucla_, ii. 120, iv. 662, 665, 670.
+
+  [556] _Biog. Univ._ iii. 253, xxxiii. 564.
+
+  [557] _Querard_, _France Lit._ vii. 353.
+
+  [558] _Biog. Univ._ xxxviii. 530.
+
+  [559] _Ibid._ xxxviii. 411.
+
+  [560] _Ibid._ iii. 450.
+
+  [561] _Bichat sur la Vie_, 244.
+
+  [562] _Querard_, i. 416.
+
+  [563] _Biog. Univ._ iii. 345.
+
+  [564] _Querard_, i. 260, 425, ii. 354.
+
+  [565] _Ibid._ i. 476.
+
+  [566] _Biog. Univ._ iv. 55, 56.
+
+  [567] _Notice sur Cabanis_, p. viii. in his _Physique et Moral._
+
+  [568] _Biog. Univ._ xi. 65, 66.
+
+  [569] _Ibid._ xii. 276.
+
+  [570] _Ibid._ xv. 359.
+
+  [571] _Ibid._ xviii. 187.
+
+  [572] _Querard_, iv. 641, vi. 9, 398.
+
+  [573] _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, i. 354.
+
+  [574] _Querard_, vii. 95.
+
+  [575] _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, iii. 382.
+
+  [576] _Biog. Univ._ xxxix. 174.
+
+  [577] _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, i. 93.
+
+  [578] _Querard_, ix. 286.
+
+  [579] _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chim. Anat._ ii. 416.
+
+  [580] _Biog. Univ._ v. 530, 531.
+
+  [581] _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, i. 196.
+
+  [582] _Biog. Univ._ vi. 47.
+
+  [583] _Querard_, ii. 372.
+
+  [584] _Hauey_, _Mineralogie_, ii. 247, 267, 295, 327, 529, 609, iii. 75,
+        293, 307, 447, 575, iv. 45, 280, 292, 362.
+
+  [585] _Querard_, iv. 598.
+
+  [586] _Ibid._ viii. 22.
+
+  [587] _Swainson_, _Disc. on Nat. Hist._ 52; _Cuvier_, _Regne Animal_,
+        iii. 415.
+
+  [588] _De Lisle_, _Cristallographie_, 1772, xviii. xx. xxiii. xxv.
+        xxvii. 78, 206, 254.
+
+  [589] _Albemarle's Rockingham_, ii. 156; _Campbell's Chancellors_,
+        v. 365.
+
+  [590] _Biog. Univ._ vi. 386.
+
+  [591] _Letters to Hume_, Edin. 1849, 276, 278.
+
+  [592] _Biog. Univ._ xv. 332.
+
+  [593] _Brewster's Life of Newton_, ii. 302.
+
+  [594] _Palissot_, _Mem._ ii. 56.
+
+  [595] _Biog. Univ._ ix. 549.
+
+  [596] _Ibid._ xxix. 51, 53.
+
+  [597] _Ibid._ xliv. 534.
+
+  [598] _Ibid._ xlviii. 93.
+
+  [599] _Volney_, _Syrie et Egypte_, ii. 100, 157; _Querard_, x. 271, 273.
+
+  [600] _Biog. Univ._ i. 42.
+
+  [601] _Ibid._ viii. 340, 341.
+
+  [602] _Mem. de Genlis_, i. 276.
+
+  [603] _Palissot_, _Mem._ i. 243.
+
+  [604] _Biog. Univ._ xi. 281, xi. 172, 173.
+
+  [605] _Querard_, ii. 626, 627.
+
+  [606] _Ibid._ iii. 141.
+
+  [607] _Querard_, iv. 342.
+
+  [608] _Ibid._ v. 83.
+
+  [609] _Ibid._ vi. 62.
+
+  [610] _Garrick Correspond._ 4to, 1832, ii. 385, 395, 416.
+
+  [611] _Biog. Univ._ xxxv. 314.
+
+  [612] _Querard_, vii. 399.
+
+  [613] _Biog. Univ._ xxxix. 93.
+
+  [614] _Ibid._ xxxix. 530.
+
+  [615] _Querard_, i. 209.
+
+  [616] _Biog. Univ._ iii. 533.
+
+  [617] _Ibid._ iii. 631.
+
+  [618] _Cuvier_, _Regne Animal_, iii. 334.
+
+  [619] _Querard_, i. 284, vii. 287.
+
+  [620] _Mem. de Morellet_, i. 237.
+
+  [621] _Biog. Univ._ v. 264.
+
+  [622] _Dutens_, _Mem._ iii. 32.
+
+  [623] _Biog. Univ._ vi. 165.
+
+  [624] _Murray's Life of Bruce_, 121; _Biog. Univ._ vi. 79.
+
+  [625] _Ibid._ viii. 46.
+
+  [626] _Ibid._ viii. 246.
+
+  [627] _Ibid._ viii. 266.
+
+  [628] _Ibid._ ix. 497.
+
+  [629] _Ibid._ xlv. 394.
+
+  [630] _Lettres de Dudeffand a Walpole_, iii. 184.
+
+  [631] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire._ lvi. 527.
+
+  [632] _Biog. Univ._ xi. 264.
+
+  [633] _Querard_, ii. 598.
+
+  [634] _Biog. Univ._ xii. 313, 314.
+
+  [635] _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ ii. 154; _Palissot_, _Mem._ ii. 311.
+
+  [636] _Biog. Univ._ iv. 547, xii. 595.
+
+  [637] _Ibid._ xiii. 399.
+
+  [638] _Querard_, iii. 79.
+
+  [639] _Biog. Univ._ xv. 29.
+
+  [640] _Ibid._ xv. 203.
+
+  [641] _Ibid._ 218.
+
+  [642] _Querard_, i. 525.
+
+  [643] _Biog. Univ._ xvi. 48.
+
+  [644] _Ibid._ li. 508.
+
+  [645] _Smith's Tour on the Continent in 1786_, i. 143.
+
+  [646] _Biog. Univ._ xvi. 388.
+
+  [647] _Ibid._ xvi. 502.
+
+  [648] _Sinclair's Correspond._ i. 157.
+
+  [649] _Querard_, iii. 418.
+
+  [650] _Biog. Univ._ xix. 13.
+
+  [651] _Querard_, i. 10, iii. 536.
+
+  [652] _Ibid._ iii. 469.
+
+  [653] _Biog. Univ._ xxi. 419.
+
+  [654] _Ibid._ xxi. 200.
+
+  [655] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, xxxviii. 244.
+
+  [656] _Palissot_, _Mem._ i. 425.
+
+  [657] _Biog. Univ._ xxiii. 34.
+
+  [658] _Ibid._ xxiii. 56.
+
+  [659] _Ibid._ xxiii. 111.
+
+  [660] _Querard_, iv. 503.
+
+  [661] _Biog. Univ._ xxiii. 373.
+
+  [662] _Querard_, iv. 579.
+
+  [663] _Sinclair's Correspond._ ii. 139.
+
+  [664] _Mem. and Correspond. of Sir. J. E. Smith_, i. 163.
+
+  [665] _Biog. des Hommes Vivants_, iv. 164.
+
+  [666] _Querard_, v. 177.
+
+  [667] _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ iv. 583; _Longchamp et Wagniere_, _Mem._
+        i. 395.
+
+  [668] _Querard_, v. 316.
+
+  [669] _Biog. Univ._ xxv. 87.
+
+  [670] _Ibid._ xxv. 432.
+
+  [671] _Ibid._ xxvi. 244.
+
+  [672] _Ibid._ xxvi. 468.
+
+  [673] _Ibid._ xxvii. 269.
+
+  [674] _Ibid._ xxix. 208.
+
+  [675] _Lettres de Dudeffand a Walpole_, i. 222.
+
+  [676] _Querard_, vi. 330.
+
+  [677] _Biog. Univ._ xxx. 539.
+
+  [678] _Ibid._ xxxiii. 553.
+
+  [679] _Lettres de Dudeffand a Walpole_, i. 22, iii. 307, iv. 207.
+
+  [680] _Biog. Univ._ xxxvi. 305, 306.
+
+  [681] _Ibid._ xxxviii. 174.
+
+  [682] _Peignot_, _Dict. des Livres_, ii. 233.
+
+  [683] _Querard_, viii. 111.
+
+  [684] _Biog. Univ._ xxxix. 84.
+
+  [685] _Biog. des Hommes Vivants_, v. 294.
+
+  [686] _Querard_, viii. 474.
+
+  [687] _Biog. Univ._ xli. 426.
+
+  [688] _Ibid._ xlii. 45, 46.
+
+  [689] _Ibid._ xlii. 389.
+
+  [690] _Ibid._ xliii. 181.
+
+  [691] _Garrick Correspond._ ii. 604; _Mem. de Genlis_, vi. 205.
+
+  [692] _Biog. Univ._ xliv. 512.
+
+  [693] _Life of Roscoe_, _by his Son_, i. 200.
+
+  [694] _Biog. Univ._ xlvi. 398, 399.
+
+  [695] _Ibid._ xlvi. 497.
+
+  [696] _Querard_, iv. 45, ix. 558.
+
+  [697] _Biog. Univ._ xlvii. 98.
+
+  [698] _Ibid._ xlvii. 232.
+
+  [699] _Mem. de Brissot_, i. 78.
+
+  [700] _Biog. Univ._ xlviii. 217, 218.
+
+  [701] _Ibid._ xlix. 223.
+
+  [702] 'Nous avons mis depuis peu leur langue au rang des langues
+        savantes; les femmes meme l'apprennent, et ont renonce a
+        l'italien pour etudier celle de ce peuple philosophe. Il n'est
+        point dans la province d'Armande et de Belise qui ne veuille
+        savoir l'anglois.' _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. ii. p. 465.
+        Compare _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. xiv. p. 484; and _Nichols's Lit.
+        Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 460, 461.
+
+Such was the eagerness with which the French imbibed the literature of a
+people whom but a few years before they had heartily despised. The truth
+is, that in this new state of things they had no alternative. For where
+but in England was a literature to be found that could satisfy those
+bold and inquisitive thinkers who arose in France after the death of
+Louis XIV.? In their own country there had no doubt been great displays
+of eloquence, of fine dramas, and of poetry, which, though never
+reaching the highest point of excellence, is of finished and admirable
+beauty. But it is an unquestionable fact, and one melancholy to
+contemplate, that during the sixty years which succeeded the death of
+Descartes, France had not possessed a single man who dared to think for
+himself. Metaphysicians, moralists, historians, all had become tainted
+by the servility of that bad age. During two generations, no Frenchman
+had been allowed to discuss with freedom any question, either of
+politics or of religion. The consequence was, that the largest
+intellects, excluded from their legitimate field, lost their energy; the
+national spirit died away; the very materials and nutriment of thought
+seemed to be wanting. No wonder then, if the great Frenchmen of the
+eighteenth century sought that aliment abroad which they were unable to
+find at home. No wonder if they turned from their own land, and gazed
+with admiration at the only people who, pushing their inquiries into the
+highest departments, had shown the same fearlessness in politics as in
+religion; a people who, having punished their kings and controlled their
+clergy, were storing the treasures of their experience in that noble
+literature which never can perish, and of which it may be said in sober
+truth, that it has stimulated the intellect of the most distant races,
+and that, planted in America and in India, it has already fertilized the
+two extremities of the world.
+
+There are, in fact, few things in history so instructive as the extent
+to which France was influenced by this new pursuit. Even those who took
+part in actually consummating the Revolution, were moved by the
+prevailing spirit. The English language was familiar to Carra,[703]
+Dumouriez,[704] Lafayette,[705] and Lanthenas.[706] Camille Desmoulins
+had cultivated his mind from the same source.[707] Marat travelled in
+Scotland as well as in England, and was so profoundly versed in our
+language that he wrote two works in it; one of which, called _The Chains
+of Slavery_, was afterwards translated into French.[708] Mirabeau is
+declared by a high authority to have owed part of his power to a careful
+study of the English constitution;[709] he translated not only Watson's
+_History of Philip II._, but also some parts of Milton;[710] and it is
+said that when he was in the National Assembly, he delivered, as his
+own, passages from the speeches of Burke.[711] Mounier was well
+acquainted with our language, and with our political institutions both
+in theory and in practice;[712] and in a work, which exercised
+considerable influence, he proposed for his own country the
+establishment of two chambers, to form that balance of power of which
+England supplied the example.[713] The same idea, derived from the same
+source, was advocated by Le Brun, who was a friend of Mounier's, and
+who, like him, had paid attention to the literature and government of
+the English people.[714] Brissot knew English; he had studied in London
+the working of the English institutions, and he himself mentions that,
+in his treatise on criminal law, he was mainly guided by the course of
+English legislation.[715] Condorcet also proposed as a model our system
+of criminal jurisprudence,[716] which, bad as it was, certainly
+surpassed that possessed by France. Madame Roland, whose position, as
+well as ability, made her one of the leaders of the democratic party,
+was an ardent student of the language and literature of the English
+people.[717] She too, moved by the universal curiosity, came to our
+country; and, as if to show that persons of every shade and of every
+rank were actuated by the same spirit, the Duke of Orleans likewise
+visited England; nor did his visit fail to produce its natural results.
+'It was,' says a celebrated writer, 'in the society of London that he
+acquired a taste for liberty; and it was on his return from there that
+he brought into France a love of popular agitation, a contempt for his
+own rank, and a familiarity with those beneath him.'[718]
+
+  [703] _Williams's Letters from France_, vol. iii. p. 68, 2nd edit. 1796;
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. vii. p. 192.
+
+  [704] _Adolphus's Biog. Mem._ 1799, vol. i. p. 352.
+
+  [705] _Lady Morgan's France_, vol. ii. p. 304; _Mem. de Lafayette_,
+        vol. i. pp. 41, 49, 70, vol. ii. pp. 26, 74, 83, 89.
+
+  [706] _Querard_, _France Litteraire_, vol. iv. p. 540.
+
+  [707] The last authors he read, shortly before his execution, were Young
+        and Hervey. _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. viii. p. 45.
+        In 1769 Madame Riccoboni writes from Paris, that Young's _Night
+        Thoughts_ had become very popular there; and she justly adds,
+        'c'est une preuve sans replique du changement de l'esprit
+        francais.' _Garrick Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 566, 4to. 1832.
+
+  [708] _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. iv. p. 119; _Mem. de
+        Brissot_, vol. i. pp. 336, 337, vol. ii. p. 3.
+
+  [709] 'Une des superiorites secondaires, une des superiorites d'etude
+        qui appartenaient a Mirabeau, c'etait la profonde connaissance,
+        la vive intelligence de la constitution anglaise, de ses ressorts
+        publics et de ses ressorts caches.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e
+        Siecle_, vol. iv. p. 153.
+
+  [710] Particularly the democratic passages, 'un corps de doctrine de
+        tous ses ecrits republicains.' _Dumont_, _Souvenirs sur
+        Mirabeau_, p. 119. As to his translation of Watson, see _Alison's
+        Europe_, vol. i. p. 452. He also intended to translate Sinclair's
+        History of the Revenue. _Correspond. of Sir J. Sinclair_,
+        vol. ii. p. 119.
+
+  [711] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 546, 3rd edit. 1839.
+
+  [712] 'Il etudiait leur langue, la theorie et plus encore la pratique de
+        leurs institutions.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxx. p. 310.
+
+  [713] _Continuation de Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxx.
+        p. 434. Montlosier (_Monarchie Francaise_, vol. ii. p. 340) says
+        that this idea was borrowed from England; but he does not mention
+        who suggested it.
+
+  [714] _Du Mesnil_, _Mem. sur Le Brun_, pp. 10, 14, 29, 82, 180, 182.
+
+  [715] _Mem. de Brissot_, vol. i. pp. 63, 64, vol. ii. pp. 25, 40, 188,
+        206, 260, 313.
+
+  [716] Dupont de Nemours (_Mem. sur Turgot_, p. 117) says of criminal
+        jurisprudence, 'M. de Condorcet proposait en modele celle des
+        Anglais.'
+
+  [717] _Mem. de Roland_, vol. i. pp. 27, 55, 89, 136, vol. ii. pp. 99,
+        135, 253.
+
+  [718] 'Le duc d'Orleans puisa ainsi le gout de la liberte dans la vie de
+        Londres. Il en rapporta en France les habitudes d'insolence
+        contre la cour, l'appetit des agitations populaires, le mepris
+        pour son propre rang, la familiarite avec la foule,' &c.
+        _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. ii. p. 102.
+
+This language, strong as it is, will not appear exaggerated to any one
+who has carefully studied the history of the eighteenth century. It is
+no doubt certain, that the French Revolution was essentially a reaction
+against that protective and interfering spirit which reached its zenith
+under Louis XIV., but which, centuries before his reign, had exercised a
+most injurious influence over the national prosperity. While, however,
+this must be fully conceded, it is equally certain that the impetus to
+which the reaction owed its strength, proceeded from England; and that
+it was English literature which taught the lessons of political liberty,
+first to France, and through France to the rest of Europe.[719] On this
+account, and not at all from mere literary curiosity, I have traced with
+some minuteness that union between the French and English minds, which,
+though often noticed, has never been examined with the care its
+importance deserves. The circumstances which reinforced this vast
+movement will be related towards the end of the volume; at present I
+will confine myself to its first great consequence, namely, the
+establishment of a complete schism between the literary men of France,
+and the classes who exclusively governed the country.
+
+  [719] M. Lerminier (_Philos. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 19) says of England,
+        'cette ile celebre donne a l'Europe l'enseignement de la liberte
+        politique; elle en fut l'ecole au dix-huitieme siecle pour tout
+        ce que l'Europe eut de penseurs.' See also _Soulavie_, _Regne de
+        Louis XVI_, vol. iii. p. 161; _Mem. de Marmontel_, vol. iv. pp.
+        38, 39; _Staeudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_,
+        vol. ii. p. 291.
+
+Those eminent Frenchmen who now turned their attention to England, found
+in its literature, in the structure of its society, and in its
+government, many peculiarities of which their own country furnished no
+example. They heard political and religious questions of the greatest
+moment debated with a boldness unknown in any other part of Europe. They
+heard dissenters and churchmen, whigs and tories, handling the most
+dangerous topics, and treating them with unlimited freedom. They heard
+public disputes respecting matters which no one in France dared to
+discuss; mysteries of state and mysteries of creed unfolded and rudely
+exposed to the popular gaze. And, what to Frenchmen of that age must
+have been equally amazing, they not only found a public press possessing
+some degree of freedom, but they found that within the very walls of
+parliament the administration of the crown was assailed with complete
+impunity, the character of its chosen servants constantly aspersed, and,
+strange to say, even the management of its revenues effectually
+controlled.[720]
+
+  [720] Hume, who was acquainted with several eminent Frenchmen who
+        visited England, says (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 8),
+        'nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner than the extreme
+        liberty which we enjoy in this country, of communicating whatever
+        we please to the public, and of openly censuring every measure
+        entered into by the king or his ministers.'
+
+The successors of the age of Louis XIV., seeing these things, and
+seeing, moreover, that the civilization of the country increased as the
+authority of the upper classes and of the crown diminished, were unable
+to restrain their wonder at so novel and exciting a spectacle. 'The
+English nation,' says Voltaire, 'is the only one on the earth, which, by
+resisting its kings, has succeeded in lessening their power.[721] How I
+love the boldness of the English! how I love men who say what they
+think!'[722] The English, says Le Blanc, are willing to have a king,
+provided they are not obliged to obey him.[723] The immediate object of
+their government, says Montesquieu, is political liberty;[724] they
+possess more freedom than any republic;[725] and their system is in fact
+a republic disguised as a monarchy.[726] Grosley, struck with amazement,
+exclaims, 'Property is in England a thing sacred, which the laws protect
+from all encroachment, not only from engineers, inspectors, and other
+people of that stamp, but even from the king himself.'[727] Mably, in the
+most celebrated of all his works, says, 'The Hanoverians are only able
+to reign in England because the people are free, and believe they have a
+right to dispose of the crown. But if the kings were to claim the same
+powers as the Stuarts, if they were to believe that the crown belonged
+to them by divine right, they would be condemning themselves and
+confessing that they were occupying a place which is not their
+own.'[728] In England, says Helvetius, the people are respected; every
+citizen can take some part in the management of affairs; and authors are
+allowed to enlighten the public respecting its own interests.[729] And
+Brissot, who had made these matters his especial study, cries out,
+'Admirable constitution! which can only be disparaged either by men who
+know it not, or else by those whose tongues are bridled by
+slavery.'[730]
+
+  [721] 'La nation anglaise est la seule de la terre qui soit parvenue a
+        regler le pouvoir des rois en leur resistant.' _Lettre VIII sur
+        les Anglais_, in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxvi. p. 37.
+
+  [722] 'Que j'aime la hardiesse anglaise! que j'aime les gens qui disent
+        ce qu'ils pensent!' _Letter from Voltaire_, in _Correspond. de
+        Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 263. For other instances of his
+        admiration of England, see _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xl. pp.
+        105-109; vol. li. pp. 137, 390; vol. liv. pp. 298, 392; vol. lvi.
+        pp. 162, 163, 195, 196, 270; vol. lvii. p. 500; vol. lviii. pp.
+        128, 267; vol. lix. pp. 265, 361; vol. lx. p. 501; vol. lxi. pp.
+        43, 73, 129, 140, 474, 475; vol. lxii. pp. 343, 379, 392; vol.
+        lxiii. pp. 128, 146, 190, 196, 226, 237, 415; vol. lxiv. pp. 36,
+        96, 269; vol. lxvi. pp. 93, 159; vol. lxvii. pp. 353, 484.
+
+  [723] 'Ils veulent un roi, aux conditions, pour ainsi dire, de ne lui
+        point obeir.' _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Francois_, vol. i.
+        p. 210.
+
+  [724] 'Il y a aussi une nation dans le monde qui a pour objet direct de
+        sa constitution la liberte politique.' _Esprit des Lois_, livre
+        xi. chap. v. in _[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, p. 264. Conversely De
+        Stael (_Consid. sur la Rev._ vol. iii. p. 261), 'la liberte
+        politique est le moyen supreme.'
+
+  [725] 'L'Angleterre est a present le plus libre pays qui soit au monde,
+        je n'en excepte aucune republique.' _Notes sur l'Angleterre_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, p. 632.
+
+  [726] 'Une nation ou la republique se cache sous la forme de la
+        monarchie.' _Esprit des Lois_, livre v. chap. xix. in _[OE]uvres
+        de Montesquieu_, page 225; also quoted in _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 36.
+
+  [727] _Grosley's Tour to London_, vol. i. pp. 16, 17.
+
+  [728] _Mably_, _Observ. sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. ii. p. 185.
+
+  [729] _Helvetius de l'Esprit._ vol. i. pp. 102, 199: 'un pays ou le
+        peuple est respecte comme en Angleterre; ... un pays ou chaque
+        citoyen a part au maniement des affaires generales, ou tout homme
+        d'esprit peut eclairer le public sur ses veritables interets.'
+
+  [730] _Mem. de Brissot_, vol. ii. p. 25.
+
+Such were the opinions of some of the most celebrated Frenchmen of that
+time; and it would be easy to fill a volume with similar extracts. But,
+what I now rather wish to do, is, to point out the first great
+consequence of this new and sudden admiration for a country which, in
+the preceding age, had been held in profound contempt. The events which
+followed are, indeed, of an importance impossible to exaggerate; since
+they brought about that rupture between the intellectual and governing
+classes, of which the revolution itself was but a temporary episode.
+
+The great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century being stimulated by the
+example of England into a love of progress, naturally came into
+collision with the governing classes, among whom the old stationary
+spirit still prevailed. This opposition was a wholesome reaction against
+that disgraceful servility for which, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
+literary men had been remarkable; and if the contest which ensued had
+been conducted with anything approaching to moderation, the ultimate
+result would have been highly beneficial; since it would have secured
+that divergence between the speculative and practical classes which, as
+we have already seen, is essential to maintain the balance of
+civilization, and to prevent either side from acquiring a dangerous
+predominance. But, unfortunately, the nobles and clergy had been so long
+accustomed to power, that they could not brook the slightest
+contradiction from those great writers, whom they ignorantly despised as
+their inferiors. Hence it was, that when the most illustrious Frenchmen
+of the eighteenth century attempted to infuse into the literature of
+their country a spirit of inquiry similar to that which existed in
+England, the ruling classes became roused into a hatred and jealousy
+which broke all bounds, and gave rise to that crusade against knowledge
+which forms the second principal precursor of the French Revolution.
+
+The extent of that cruel persecution to which literature was now
+exposed, can only be fully appreciated by those who have minutely
+studied the history of France in the eighteenth century. For it was not
+a stray case of oppression, which occurred here and there; but it was a
+prolonged and systematic attempt to stifle all inquiry, and punish all
+inquirers. If a list were drawn up of all the literary men who wrote
+during the seventy years succeeding the death of Louis XIV., it would be
+found, that at least nine out of every ten had suffered from the
+government some grievous injury; and that a majority of them had been
+actually thrown into prison. Indeed, in saying thus much, I am
+understating the real facts of the case; for I question if one literary
+man out of fifty escaped with entire impunity. Certainly, my own
+knowledge of those times, though carefully collected, is not so complete
+as I could have wished; but, among those authors who were punished, I
+find the name of nearly every Frenchman whose writings have survived the
+age in which they were produced. Among those who suffered either
+confiscation, or imprisonment, or exile, or fines, or the suppression of
+their works, or the ignominy of being forced to recant what they had
+written, I find, besides a host of inferior writers, the names of
+Beaumarchais, Berruyer, Bougeant, Buffon, D'Alembert, Diderot, Duclos,
+Freret, Helvetius, La Harpe, Linguet, Mably, Marmontel, Montesquieu,
+Mercier, Morellet, Raynal, Rousseau, Suard, Thomas, and Voltaire.
+
+The mere recital of this list is pregnant with instruction. To suppose
+that all these eminent men deserved the treatment they received, would,
+even in the absence of direct evidence, be a manifest absurdity; since
+it would involve the supposition, that a schism having taken place
+between two classes, the weaker class was altogether wrong, and the
+stronger altogether right. Fortunately, however, there is no necessity
+for resorting to any merely speculative argument respecting the probable
+merits of the two parties. The accusations brought against these great
+men are before the world; the penalties inflicted are equally well
+known; and, by putting these together, we may form some idea of the
+state of society, in which such things could be openly practised.
+
+Voltaire, almost immediately after the death of Louis XIV., was falsely
+charged with having composed a libel on that prince; and, for this
+imaginary offence, he, without the pretence of a trial, and without even
+the shadow of a proof, was thrown into the Bastille, where he was
+confined more than twelve months.[731] Shortly after he was released,
+there was put upon him a still more grievous insult; the occurrence,
+and, above all, the impunity of which, supply striking evidence as to
+the state of society in which such things were permitted. Voltaire, at
+the table of the Duke de Sully, was deliberately insulted by the
+Chevalier de Rohan Chabot, one of those impudent and dissolute nobles
+who then abounded in Paris. The duke, though the outrage was committed
+in his own house, in his own presence, and upon his own guest, would not
+interfere; but seemed to consider that a poor poet was honoured by being
+in any way noticed by a man of rank. But, as Voltaire, in the heat of
+the moment, let fall one of those stinging retorts which were the terror
+of his enemies, the chevalier determined to visit him with further
+punishment. The course he adopted was characteristic of the man, and of
+the class to which he belonged. He caused Voltaire to be seized in the
+streets of Paris, and in his presence ignominiously beaten, he himself
+regulating the number of blows of which the chastisement was to consist.
+Voltaire, smarting under the insult, demanded that satisfaction which it
+was customary to give. This, however, did not enter into the plan of his
+noble assailer, who not only refused to meet him in the field, but
+actually obtained an order, by which he was confined in the Bastille for
+six months, and at the end of that time was directed to quit the
+country.[732]
+
+  [731] _Condorcet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 118, 119; _Duvernet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, pp. 30, 32; _Longchamp et Wagniere_, _Mem. sur
+        Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 22.
+
+  [732] _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 46-48; _Condorcet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, pp. 125, 126. Compare vol. lvi. p. 162; _Lepan_, _Vie
+        de Voltaire_, 1837, pp. 70, 71; and _Biog. Univ._ vol. xlix. p.
+        468. Duvernet, who, writing from materials supplied by Voltaire,
+        had the best means of information, gives a specimen of the fine
+        feeling of a French duke in the eighteenth century. He says,
+        that, directly after Rohan had inflicted this public
+        chastisement, 'Voltaire rentre dans l'hotel, demande au duc de
+        Sully de regarder cet outrage fait a l'un de ses convives, comme
+        fait a lui-meme: il le sollicite de se joindre a lui pour en
+        poursuivre la vengeance, et de venir chez un commissaire en
+        certifier la deposition. _Le duc de Sully se refuse a tout._'
+
+Thus it was that Voltaire, having first been imprisoned for a libel
+which he never wrote, and having then been publicly beaten because he
+retorted an insult wantonly put upon him, was now sentenced to another
+imprisonment, through the influence of the very man by whom he had been
+attacked. The exile which followed the imprisonment seems to have been
+soon remitted; as, shortly after these events, we find Voltaire again in
+France, preparing for publication his first historical work, a life of
+Charles XII. In this, there are none of those attacks on Christianity
+which gave offence in his subsequent writings; nor does it contain the
+least reflection upon the arbitrary government under which he had
+suffered. The French authorities at first granted that permission,
+without which no book could then be published; but as soon as it was
+actually printed, the license was withdrawn, and the history forbidden
+to be circulated.[733] The next attempt of Voltaire was one of much
+greater value: it was therefore repulsed still more sharply. During his
+residence in England, his inquisitive mind had been deeply interested by
+a state of things so different from any he had hitherto seen; and he now
+published an account of that remarkable people, from whose literature he
+had learned many important truths. His work, which he called
+_Philosophic Letters_, was received with general applause; but,
+unfortunately for himself, he adopted in it the arguments of Locke
+against innate ideas. The rulers of France, though not likely to know
+much about innate ideas, had a suspicion that the doctrine of Locke was
+in some way dangerous; and, as they were told that it was a novelty,
+they felt themselves bound to prevent its promulgation. Their remedy was
+very simple. They ordered that Voltaire should be again arrested and
+that his work should be burned by the common hangman.[734]
+
+  [733] 'L'Histoire de Charles XII, dont on avait arrete une premiere
+        edition apres l'avoir autorisee.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xlix. p.
+        470. Comp. _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p. 388.
+
+  [734] _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 63-65; _Condorcet_, _Vie de
+        Voltaire_, pp. 138-140; _Lepan_,_ Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 93, 381.
+
+These repeated injuries might well have moved a more patient spirit than
+that of Voltaire.[735] Certainly, those who reproach this illustrious
+man, as if he were the instigator of unprovoked attacks upon the
+existing state of things, must know very little of the age in which it
+was his misfortune to live. Even on what has been always considered the
+neutral ground of physical science, there was displayed the same
+despotic and persecuting spirit. Voltaire, among other schemes for
+benefiting France, wished to make known to his countrymen the wonderful
+discoveries of Newton, of which they were completely ignorant. With this
+view, he drew up an account of the labours of that extraordinary
+thinker; but here again the authorities interposed, and forbade the work
+to be printed.[736] Indeed, the rulers of France, as if sensible that
+their only security was the ignorance of the people, obstinately set
+their face against every description of knowledge. Several eminent
+authors had undertaken to execute, on a magnificent scale, an
+Encyclopaedia, which should contain a summary of all the branches of
+science and of art. This, undoubtedly the most splendid enterprise ever
+started by a body of literary men, was at first discouraged by the
+government, and afterwards entirely prohibited.[737] On other occasions,
+the same tendency was shown in matters so trifling that nothing but the
+gravity of their ultimate results prevents them from being ridiculous.
+In 1770, Imbert translated Clarke's _Letters on Spain_: one of the best
+works then existing on that country. This book, however, was suppressed
+as soon as it appeared; and the only reason assigned for such a stretch
+of power is, that it contained some remarks respecting the passion of
+Charles III. for hunting, which were considered disrespectful to the
+French crown, because Louis XV. was himself a great hunter.[738] Several
+years before this, La Bletterie, who was favourably known in France by
+his works, was elected a member of the French Academy. But he, it seems,
+was a Jansenist, and had, moreover, ventured to assert that the Emperor
+Julian, notwithstanding his apostacy, was not entirely devoid of good
+qualities. Such offences could not be overlooked in so pure an age; and
+the king obliged the Academy to exclude La Bletterie from their
+society.[739] That the punishment extended no further, was an instance
+of remarkable leniency; for Freret, an eminent critic and scholar,[740]
+was confined in the Bastille, because he stated in one of his memoirs,
+that the earliest Frankish chiefs had received their titles from the
+Romans.[741] The same penalty was inflicted four different times upon
+Lenglet du Fresnoy.[742] In the case of this amiable and accomplished
+man, there seems to have been hardly the shadow of a pretext for the
+cruelty with which he was treated; though, on one occasion, the alleged
+offence was, that he had published a supplement to the History of De
+Thou.[743]
+
+  [735] The indignation of Voltaire appears in many of his letters; and he
+        often announced to his friends his intention of quitting for ever
+        a country where he was liable to such treatment. See _[OE]uvres
+        de Voltaire_, vol. liv. pp. 58, 335, 336, vol. lv. p. 229, vol.
+        lvi. pp. 162, 163, 358, 447, 464, 465, vol. lvii. pp. 144, 145,
+        155, 156, vol. lviii. pp. 36, 222, 223, 516, 517, 519, 520, 525,
+        526, 563, vol. lix. pp. 107, 116, 188, 208.
+
+  [736] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. i. pp. 147, 315, vol. lvii. pp. 211,
+        215, 219, 247, 295; _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siecle_,
+        vol. i. p. 14; _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol. i. pp. 53, 60.
+
+  [737] _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. i. pp. 90-95, vol. ii. p. 399; _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. xi. p. 316; _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol. ii.
+        p. 439.
+
+  [738] _Boucher de la Richarderie_, _Bibliotheque des Voyages_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 390-393, Paris, 1808: 'La distribution en France de la
+        traduction de ce voyage fut arretee pendant quelque temps par des
+        ordres superieurs du gouvernement.... Il y a tout lieu de croire
+        que les ministres de France crurent, ou feignirent de croire, que
+        le passage en question pouvoit donner lieu a des applications sur
+        le gout effrene de Louis XV pour la chasse, et inspirerent
+        aisement cette prevention a un prince tres-sensible, comme on
+        sait, aux censures les plus indirectes de sa passion pour ce
+        genre d'amusement.' See also the account of Imbert, the
+        translator, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxi. p. 200.
+
+  [739] _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. vi. pp. 161, 162; the crime being,
+        'qu'un janseniste avait ose imprimer que Julien, apostat
+        execrable aux yeux d'un bon chretien, n'etait pourtant pas un
+        homme sans quelques bonnes qualites a en juger mondainement.'
+
+  [740] M. Bunsen (_Egypt_, vol. i. p. 14) refers to Freret's 'acute
+        treatise on the Babylonian year;' and Turgot, in his
+        _Etymologie_, says (_[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii. p. 83),
+        'l'illustre Freret, un des savans qui ont su le mieux appliquer
+        la philosophie a l'erudition.'
+
+  [741] This was at the very outset of his career: 'En 1715, l'homme qui
+        devait illustrer l'erudition francaise au xviii^e siecle, Freret,
+        etait mis a la Bastille pour avoir avance, dans un memoire sur
+        l'origine des Francais, que les Francs ne formaient pas une
+        nation a part, et que leurs premiers chefs avaient recu de
+        l'empire romain le titre de _patrices_.' _Villemain_, _Lit. au
+        XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 30: see also _Nichols's Lit. Anec._
+        vol. ii. p. 510.
+
+  [742] He was imprisoned in the Bastille, for the first time, in 1725;
+        then in 1743, in 1750, and finally in 1751. _Biographie
+        Universelle_, vol. xxiv. p. 85.
+
+  [743] In 1743, Voltaire writes: 'On vient de mettre a la Bastille l'abbe
+        Lenglet, pour avoir publie des memoires deja tres-connus, qui
+        servent de supplement a l'histoire de notre celebre De Thou.
+        L'infatigable et malheureux Lenglet rendait un signale service
+        aux bons citoyens, et aux amateurs des recherches historiques. Il
+        meritait des recompenses; on l'emprisonne cruellement a l'age de
+        soixante-huit ans.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. i. pp. 400,
+        401, vol. lviii. pp. 207, 208.
+
+Indeed, we have only to open the biographies and correspondence of that
+time, to find instances crowding upon us from all quarters. Rousseau was
+threatened with imprisonment, was driven from France, and his works were
+publicly burned.[744] The celebrated treatise of Helvetius on the mind
+was suppressed by an order from the royal council: it was burned by the
+common hangman, and the author was compelled to write two letters,
+retracting his opinions.[745] Some of the geological views of Buffon
+having offended the clergy, that illustrious naturalist was obliged to
+publish a formal recantation of doctrines which are now known to be
+perfectly accurate.[746] The learned Observations on the History of
+France, by Mably, were suppressed as soon as they appeared;[747] for
+what reason it would be hard to say, since M. Guizot, certainly no
+friend either to anarchy or to irreligion, has thought it worth while to
+republish them, and thus stamp them with the authority of his own great
+name. The History of the Indies, by Raynal, was condemned to the flames,
+and the author ordered to be arrested.[748] Lanjuinais, in his
+well-known work on Joseph II., advocated not only religious toleration,
+but even the abolition of slavery; his book, therefore, was declared to
+be 'seditious;' it was pronounced 'destructive of all subordination,'
+and was sentenced to be burned.[749] The Analysis of Bayle, by Marsy,
+was suppressed, and the author was imprisoned.[750] The History of the
+Jesuits, by Linguet, was delivered to the flames; eight years later his
+_Journal_ was suppressed; and, three years after that, as he still
+persisted in writing, his Political Annals were suppressed, and he
+himself was thrown into the Bastille.[751] Delisle de Sales was
+sentenced to perpetual exile, and confiscation of all his property, on
+account of his work on the Philosophy of Nature.[752] The treatise by
+Mey, on French Law, was suppressed;[753] that by Boncerf, on Feudal Law,
+was burned.[754] The Memoirs of Beaumarchais were likewise burned;[755]
+the Eloge on Fenelon by La Harpe was merely suppressed.[756] Duvernet
+having written a History of the Sorbonne, which was still unpublished,
+was seized and thrown into the Bastille, while the manuscript was yet in
+his own possession.[757] The celebrated work of De Lolme on the English
+constitution was suppressed by edict directly it appeared.[758] The fate
+of being suppressed, or prohibited, also awaited the Letters of
+Gervaise, in 1724;[759] the Dissertations of Courayer, in 1727;[760] the
+Letters of Montgon, in 1732;[761] the History of Tamerlane, by Margat,
+also in 1732;[762] the Essay on Taste, by Cartaud, in 1736;[763] the
+Life of Domat, by Prevost de la Jannes, in 1742;[764] the History of
+Louis XI., by Duclos, in 1745;[765] the Letters of Bargeton, in
+1750;[766] the Memoirs on Troyes, by Grosley, in the same year;[767] the
+History of Clement XI., by Reboulet, in 1752;[768] the School of Man, by
+Genard, also in 1752;[769] the Therapeutics of Garlon, in 1756;[770] the
+celebrated thesis of Louis, on Generation, in 1754;[771] the Treatise on
+Presidial Jurisdiction, by Jousse, in 1755;[772] the Ericie of
+Fontanelle, in 1768;[773] the Thoughts of Jamin, in 1769;[774] the
+History of Siam, by Turpin, and the Eloge of Marcus Aurelius, by Thomas,
+both in 1770;[775] the works on Finance by Darigrand in 1764; and by Le
+Trosne, in 1779;[776] the Essay on Military Tactics, by Guibert, in
+1772; the Letters of Boucquet, in the same year;[777] and the Memoirs of
+Terrai, by Coquereau, in 1776.[778] Such wanton destruction of property
+was, however, mercy itself, compared to the treatment experienced by
+other literary men in France. Desforges, for example, having written
+against the arrest of the Pretender to the English throne, was, solely
+on that account, buried in a dungeon eight feet square, and confined
+there for three years.[779] This happened in 1749; and in 1770, Audra,
+professor at the college of Toulouse, and a man of some reputation,
+published the first volume of his Abridgment of General History. Beyond
+this, the work never proceeded; it was at once condemned by the
+archbishop of the diocese, and the author was deprived of his office.
+Audra, held up to public opprobrium, the whole of his labours rendered
+useless, and the prospects of his life suddenly blighted, was unable to
+survive the shock. He was struck with apoplexy, and within twenty-four
+hours was lying a corpse in his own house.[780]
+
+  [744] _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. i. pp. 68, 99, 296, 377,
+        vol. ii. pp. 111, 385, 390; _Mercier sur Rousseau_, vol. i. p.
+        14, vol. ii. pp. 179, 314.
+
+  [745] _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. ii. p. 349; _Walpole's Letters_, 1840,
+        vol. iii. p. 418.
+
+  [746] _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, pp. 39, 40; _Mem. of Mallet du
+        Pan_, vol. i. p. 125.
+
+  [747] _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. ii. p. 214; _Williams's
+        Letters from France_, vol. ii. p. 86, 3rd edit. 1796.
+
+  [748] _Mem. de Segur_, vol. i. p. 253; _Mem. de Lafayette_, vol. ii.
+        p. 34 note; _Lettres de Dudeffand a Walpole_, vol. ii. p. 365. On
+        Raynal's flight, compare a letter from Marseilles, written in
+        1786, and printed in _Mem. and Correspond. of Sir J. E. Smith_,
+        vol. i. p. 194.
+
+  [749] See the proceedings of the avocat-general, in _Peignot_, _Livres
+        condamnes_, vol. i. pp. 230, 231; and in _Soulavie_, _Regne de
+        Louis XVI_, vol. iii. pp. 93-97.
+
+  [750] _Querard_, _France Lit._ vol. v. p. 565.
+
+  [751] _Peignot_, _Livres condamnes_, vol. i. pp. 241, 242.
+
+  [752] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 561; _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lxix. pp. 374, 375; _Lettres inedites de Voltaire_, vol. ii.
+        p. 528; _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, pp. 202, 203. According to
+        some of these authorities, parliament afterwards revoked this
+        sentence; but there is no doubt that the sentence was passed, and
+        De Sales imprisoned, if not banished.
+
+  [753] _Peignot_, _Livres condamnes_, vol. i. pp. 314, 316.
+
+  [754] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lxix. p. 204;_ Lettres de Dudeffand
+        a Walpole_, vol. iii. p. 260.
+
+  [755] 'Quatre memoires ... condamnes a etre laceres et brules par la
+        main du bourreau.' _Peignot_, vol. i. p. 24.
+
+  [756] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiii. p. 187.
+
+  [757] _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la Sorbonne_, vol. i. p. vi.
+
+  [758] 'Supprimee par arret du conseil' in 1771, which was the year of
+        its publication. Compare _Cassagnac's Revolution_, vol. i. p. 33;
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxiv. p. 634.
+
+  [759] _Querard_, _France Lit._ vol. iii. p. 337.
+
+  [760] _Biog. Univ._ vol. x. p. 97.
+
+  [761] _Peignot_, vol. i. p. 328.
+
+  [762] _ibid._ vol. i. p. 289.
+
+  [763] _Biog. Univ._ vol. vii. p. 227.
+
+  [764] _Lettres d'Aguesseau_, vol. ii. pp. 320, 321.
+
+  [765] _Cassagnac_, _Causes de la Rev._ vol. i. p. 32.
+
+  [766] _Biog. Univ._ vol. iii. p. 375.
+
+  [767] _Querard_, vol. iii. p. 489.
+
+  [768] _Ibid._ vol. vii. pp. 483, 484.
+
+  [769] _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 302.
+
+  [770] _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 261.
+
+  [771] On the importance of this remarkable thesis, and on its
+        prohibition, see _Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de l'Organisation_,
+        vol. i. p. 355.
+
+  [772] _Querard_, vol. iv. p. 255.
+
+  [773] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xv. p. 203.
+
+  [774] _Ibid._ vol. xxi. p. 391.
+
+  [775] _Ibid._ vol. xlv. p. 462, vol. xlvii. p. 98.
+
+  [776] _Peignot_, vol. i. pp. 90, 91, vol. ii. p. 164.
+
+  [777] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 170, vol. ii. p. 57.
+
+  [778] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 214.
+
+  [779] 'Il resta trois ans dans la cage; c'est un caveau creuse dans le
+        roc, de huit pieds en carre, ou le prisonnier ne recoit le jour
+        que par les crevasses des marches de l'eglise.' _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xi. p. 171.
+
+  [780] _Peignot_, _Livres condamnes_, vol. i. pp. 14, 15.
+
+It will probably be allowed that I have collected sufficient evidence to
+substantiate my assertion respecting the persecutions directed against
+every description of literature; but the carelessness with which the
+antecedents of the French Revolution have been studied, has given rise
+to such erroneous opinions on this subject, that I am anxious to add a
+few more instances, so as to put beyond the possibility of doubt the
+nature of the provocations habitually received by the most eminent
+Frenchmen of the eighteenth century.
+
+Among the many celebrated authors who, though, inferior to Voltaire,
+Montesquieu, Buffon, and Rousseau, were second only to them, three of
+the most remarkable were Diderot, Marmontel, and Morellet. The first two
+are known to every reader; while Morellet, though comparatively
+forgotten, had in his own time considerable influence, and had,
+moreover, the distinguished merit of being the first who popularized in
+France those great truths which had been recently discovered in
+political economy by Adam Smith, and in jurisprudence by Beccaria.
+
+A certain M. Cury wrote a satire upon the Duke d'Aumont, which he showed
+to his friend Marmontel, who, struck by its power, repeated it to a
+small circle of his acquaintance. The duke, hearing of this, was full of
+indignation, and insisted upon the name of the author being given up.
+This, of course, was impossible without a gross breach of confidence;
+but Marmontel, to do everything in his power, wrote to the duke,
+stating, what was really the fact, that the lines in question had not
+been printed, that there was no intention of making them public, and
+that they had only been communicated to a few of his own particular
+friends. It might have been supposed that this would have satisfied even
+a French noble; but Marmontel, still doubting the result, sought an
+audience of the minister, in the hope of procuring the protection of the
+crown. All, however, was in vain. It will hardly be believed, that
+Marmontel, who was then at the height of his reputation, was seized in
+the middle of Paris, and because he refused to betray his friend, was
+thrown into the Bastille. Nay, so implacable were his persecutors, that
+after his liberation from prison they, in the hope of reducing him to
+beggary, deprived him of the right of publishing the _Mercure_, upon
+which nearly the whole of his income depended.[781]
+
+  [781] _Memoires de Marmontel_, vol. ii. pp. 143-176; and see vol. iii.
+        pp. 30-46, 95, for the treatment he afterwards received from the
+        Sorbonne, because he advocated religious toleration. See also
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. liv. p. 258; and _Letters of
+        Eminent Persons addressed to Hume_, pp. 207, 212, 213.
+
+To the Abbe Morellet a somewhat similar circumstance occurred. A
+miserable scribbler, named Palissot, had written a comedy ridiculing
+some of the ablest Frenchmen then living. To this Morellet replied by a
+pleasant little satire, in which he made a very harmless allusion to the
+Princess de Robeck, one of Palissot's patrons. She, amazed at such
+presumption, complained to the minister, who immediately ordered the
+abbe to be confined in the Bastille, where he remained for some months,
+although he had not only been guilty of no scandal, but had not even
+mentioned the name of the princess.[782]
+
+  [782] _Mem. de Morellet_, vol. i. pp. 86-89; _Melanges par Morellet_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 3-12; _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. liv. pp. 106,
+        111, 114, 122, 183.
+
+The treatment of Diderot was still more severe. This remarkable man owed
+his influence chiefly to his immense correspondence, and to the
+brilliancy of a conversation for which, even in Paris, he was
+unrivalled, and which he used to display with considerable effect at
+those celebrated dinners where, during a quarter of a century, Holbach
+assembled the most illustrious thinkers in France.[783] Besides this, he
+is the author of several works of interest, most of which are well
+known to the students of French literature.[784] His independent spirit,
+and the reputation he obtained, earned for him a share in the general
+persecution. The first work he wrote was ordered to be publicly burned
+by the common hangman.[785] This, indeed, was the fate of nearly all the
+best literary productions of that time; and Diderot might esteem himself
+fortunate in merely losing his property, provided he saved himself from
+imprisonment. But, a few years later, he wrote another work, in which he
+said that people who are born blind have some ideas different from those
+who are possessed of their eyesight. This assertion is by no means
+improbable,[786] and it contains nothing by which any one need be
+startled. The men, however, who then governed France discovered in it
+some hidden danger. Whether they suspected that the mention of blindness
+was an allusion to themselves, or whether they were merely instigated by
+the perversity of their temper, is uncertain; at all events, the
+unfortunate Diderot, for having hazarded this opinion, was arrested, and
+without even the form of a trial, was confined in the dungeon of
+Vincennes.[787] The natural results followed. The works of Diderot rose
+in popularity;[788] and he, burning with hatred against his persecutors,
+redoubled his efforts to overthrow those institutions, under shelter of
+which such monstrous tyranny could be safely practised.
+
+  [783] Marmontel (_Mem._ vol. ii. p. 313) says, 'qui n'a connu Diderot
+        que dans ses ecrits ne l'a point connu:' meaning that his works
+        were inferior to his talk. His conversational powers are noticed
+        by Segur, who disliked him, and by Georgel, who hated him.
+        _Segur_, _Souvenirs_, vol. iii. p. 34; _Georgel_, _Mem._ vol. ii.
+        p. 246. Compare _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 69;
+        _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. i. p. 95, vol. ii. p.
+        227; _Memoires d'Epinay_, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, 88; _Grimm_,
+        _Corresp._ vol. xv. pp. 79-90; _Morellet_, _Mem._ vol. i. p. 28;
+        _Villemain_, _Lit. au XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. i. p. 82.
+
+        As to Holbach's dinners, on which Madame de Genlis wrote a
+        well-known libel, see _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. i.
+        p. 166; _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx. p. 462; _Jesse's Selwyn_, vol. ii.
+        p. 9; _Walpole's Letters to Mann_, vol. iv. p. 283; _Gibbon's
+        Miscellaneous Works_, p. 73.
+
+  [784] It is also stated by the editor of his correspondence, that he
+        wrote a great deal for authors, which they published under their
+        name. _Mem. et Corresp. de Diderot_, vol. iii. p. 102.
+
+  [785] This was the _Pensees Philosophiques_, in 1746, his first original
+        work; the previous ones being translations from English. _Biog.
+        Univ._ xi. p. 314. Duvernet (_Vie de Voltaire_, p. 240) says,
+        that he was imprisoned for writing it, but this I believe is a
+        mistake; at least I do not remember to have met with the
+        statement elsewhere, and Duvernet is frequently careless.
+
+  [786] Dugald Stewart, who has collected some important evidence on this
+        subject, has confirmed several of the views put forward by
+        Diderot. _Philos. of the Mind_, vol. iii. pp. 401 seq.; comp. pp.
+        57, 407, 435. Since then still greater attention has been paid to
+        the education of the blind, and it has been remarked that 'it is
+        an exceedingly difficult task to teach them to think accurately.'
+        _M. Alister's Essay on the Blind_, in _Jour. of Stat. Soc._ vol.
+        i. p. 378: see also Dr. Fowler, in _Report of Brit. Assoc._ for
+        1847; _Transac. of Sec._ pp. 92, 93, and for 1848, p. 88. These
+        passages unconsciously testify to the sagacity of Diderot; and
+        they also testify to the stupid ignorance of a government, which
+        sought to put an end to such inquiries by punishing their author.
+
+  [787] _Mem. et Corresp. de Diderot_, vol. i. pp. 26-29; _Musset Pathay_,
+        _Vie de Rousseu_, vol. i. p. 47, vol. ii. p. 276; _Letter to
+        d'Argental_ in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lviii. p. 454;
+        _Lacretelle_, _Dix-huitieme Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 54.
+
+  [788] A happy arrangement, by which curiosity baffles despotism. In
+        1767, an acute observer wrote, 'Il n'y a plus de livres qu'on
+        imprime plusieurs fois, que les livres condamnes. Il faut
+        aujourd'hui qu'un libraire prie les magistrate de bruler son
+        livre pour le faire vendre.' _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. v. p. 498.
+        To the same effect, _Mem. de Segur_, vol. i. pp. 15, 16; _Mem. de
+        Georgel_, vol. ii. p. 256.
+
+It seems hardly necessary to say more respecting the incredible folly
+with which the rulers of France, by turning every able man into a
+personal enemy,[789] at length arrayed against the government all the
+intellect of the country, and made the Revolution a matter not of choice
+but of necessity. I will, however, as a fitting sequel to the preceding
+facts, give one instance of the way in which, to gratify the caprice of
+the higher classes, even the most private affections of domestic life,
+could be publicly outraged. In the middle of the eighteenth century,
+there was an actress on the French stage of the name of Chantilly. She,
+though beloved by Maurice de Saxe, preferred a more honourable
+attachment, and married Favart, the well-known writer of songs and of
+comic operas. Maurice, amazed at her boldness, applied for aid to the
+French crown. That he should have made such an application is
+sufficiently strange; but the result of it is hardly to be paralleled
+except in some Eastern despotism. The government of France, on hearing
+the circumstance, had the inconceivable baseness to issue an order
+directing Favart to abandon his wife, and intrust her to the charge of
+Maurice, to whose embraces she was compelled to submit.[790]
+
+  [789] 'Quel est aujourd'hui parmi nous l'homme de lettres de quelque
+        merite qui n'ait eprouve plus ou moins les fureurs de la calomnie
+        et de la persecution?' etc. _Grimm_, _Corresp._ vol. v. p. 451.
+        This was written in 1767, and during more than forty years
+        previously we find similar expressions; the earliest I have met
+        with being in a letter to Thiriot, in 1723, in which Voltaire
+        says _([OE]uvres_, vol. lvi. p. 94), 'la severite devient plus
+        grande de jour en jour dans l'inquisition de la librairie.' For
+        other instances, see his letter to De Formont, pp. 423-425, also
+        vol. lvii. pp. 144, 351, vol. lviii. p. 222; his _Lettres
+        inedites_, vol. i. p. 547; _Mem. de Diderot_, vol. ii. p. 215;
+        _Letters of Eminent Persons to Hume_, pp. 14, 15.
+
+  [790] Part of this is related, rather inaccurately, in _Schlosser's
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. p. 483. The fullest account is in
+        _Grimm_, _Corresp. Lit._ vol. viii. pp. 231-233: 'Le grand
+        Maurice, irrite d'une resistance qu'il n'avait jamais eprouvee
+        nulle part, eut la faiblesse de demander une lettre de cachet
+        pour enlever a un mari sa femme, et pour la contraindre d'etre sa
+        concubine; et, chose remarquable, cette lettre de cachet fut
+        accordee et executee. Les deux epoux plierent sous le joug de la
+        necessite, et la petite Chantilly fut a la fois femme de Favart
+        et maitresse de Maurice de Saxe.'
+
+These are among the insufferable provocations, by which the blood of men
+is made to boil in their veins. Who can wonder that the greatest and
+noblest minds in France were filled with loathing at the government by
+whom such things were done? If we, notwithstanding the distance of time
+and country, are moved to indignation by the mere mention of them, what
+must have been felt by those before whose eyes they actually occurred?
+And when, to the horror they naturally inspired, there was added that
+apprehension of being the next victim which every one might personally
+feel; when, moreover, we remember that the authors of these persecutions
+had none of the abilities by which even vice itself is sometimes
+ennobled;--when we thus contrast the poverty of their understandings
+with the greatness of their crimes, we, instead of being astonished that
+there was a revolution, by which all the machinery of the state was
+swept away, should rather be amazed at that unexampled patience by which
+alone the revolution was so long deferred.
+
+To me, indeed, it has always appeared, that the delay of the Revolution
+is one of the most striking proofs history affords of the force of
+established habits, and of the tenacity with which the human mind clings
+to old associations. For, if ever there existed a government inherently
+and radically bad, it was the government of France in the eighteenth
+century. If ever there existed a state of society likely, by its crying
+and accumulated evils, to madden men to desperation, France was in that
+state. The people, despised and enslaved, were sunk in abject poverty,
+and were curbed by laws of stringent cruelty, enforced with merciless
+barbarism. A supreme and irresponsible control was exercised over the
+whole country by the clergy, the nobles, and the crown. The intellect of
+France was placed under the ban of a ruthless proscription, its
+literature prohibited and burned, its authors plundered and imprisoned.
+Nor was there the least symptom that these evils were likely to be
+remedied. The upper classes, whose arrogance was increased by the long
+tenure of their power, only thought of present enjoyment: they took no
+heed of the future: they saw not that day of reckoning, the bitterness
+of which they were soon to experience. The people remained in slavery
+until the Revolution actually occurred; while as to the literature,
+nearly every year witnessed some new effort to deprive it of that share
+of liberty which it still retained. Having, in 1764, issued a decree
+forbidding any work to be published in which questions of government
+were discussed;[791] having, in 1767, made it a capital offence to
+write a book likely to excite the public mind;[792] and having,
+moreover, denounced the same penalty of death against any one who
+attacked religion,[793] as also against any one who spoke of matters of
+finance;[794]--having taken these steps, the rulers of France, very
+shortly before their final fall, contemplated another measure still more
+comprehensive. It is, indeed, a singular fact, that only nine years
+before the Revolution, and when no power on earth could have saved the
+institutions of the country, the government was so ignorant of the real
+state of affairs, and so confident that it could quell the spirit which
+its own despotism had raised, that a proposal was made by an officer of
+the crown to do away with all the publishers, and not allow any books to
+be printed except those which were issued from a press paid, appointed,
+and controlled by the executive magistrate.[795] This monstrous
+proposition, if carried into effect, would of course have invested the
+king with all the influence which literature can command; it would have
+been as fatal to the national intellect as the other measures were to
+national liberty; and it would have consummated the ruin of France,
+either by reducing its greatest men to complete silence, or else by
+degrading them into mere advocates of those opinions which the
+government might wish to propagate.
+
+  [791] 'L'Averdy was no sooner named controller of finance than he
+        published a decree, in 1764 (_arret du conseil_),--which,
+        according to the state of the then existing constitution, had the
+        force of a law,--by which every man was forbidden to print, or
+        cause to be printed, anything whatever upon administrative
+        affairs, or government regulations in general, under the penalty
+        of a breach of the police laws; by which the man was liable to be
+        punished without defence, and not as was the case before the law
+        courts, where he might defend himself, and could only be judged
+        according to law.' _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p.
+        166: see also _Mem. de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 141, vol. ii. p. 75,
+        'un arret du conseil, qui defendait d'imprimer sur les matieres
+        d'administration.'
+
+  [792] 'L'ordonnance de 1767, rendue sous le ministere du chancelier
+        Maupeou, portait la peine de mort contre tout auteur d'ecrits
+        tendant a emouvoir les esprits.' _Cassagnac_, _Causes de la
+        Revolution_, vol. i. p. 313.
+
+  [793] In April 1757, D'Alembert writes from Paris, 'on vient de publier
+        une declaration qui inflige la peine de mort a tous ceux qui
+        auront publie des ecrits tendants a attaquer la religion.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. liv. p. 34. This, I suppose, is the
+        same edict as that mentioned by M. Amedee Renee, in his
+        continuation of _Sismondi_, _Histoire des Francais_, vol. xxx. p.
+        247.
+
+  [794] 'Il avait ete defendu, sous peine de mort, aux ecrivains de parler
+        de finances.' _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 490.
+
+  [795] This was the suggestion of the avocat-general in 1780. See the
+        proposal, in his own words, in _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xi.
+        pp. 143, 144. On the important functions of the avocats-generaux
+        in the eighteenth century, see a note in _Lettres d'Aguesseau_,
+        vol. i. p. 264.
+
+For these are by no means to be considered as trifling matters, merely
+interesting to men of letters. In France, in the eighteenth century,
+literature was the last resource of liberty. In England, if our great
+authors should prostitute their abilities by inculcating servile
+opinions, the danger would no doubt be considerable, because other parts
+of society might find it difficult to escape the contagion. Still,
+before the corruption had spread, there would be time to stop its
+course, so long as we possessed those free political institutions, by
+the mere mention of which the generous imagination of a bold people is
+easily fired. And although such institutions are the consequence, not
+the cause, of liberty, they do unquestionably react upon it, and from
+the force of habit they could for a while survive that from which they
+originally sprung. So long as a country retains its political freedom,
+there will always remain associations by which, even in the midst of
+mental degradation, and out of the depths of the lowest superstition,
+the minds of men may be recalled to better things. But in France such
+associations had no existence. In France everything was for the
+governors and nothing for the governed. There was neither free press,
+nor free parliament, nor free debates. There were no public meetings;
+there was no popular suffrage; there was no discussion on the hustings;
+there was no habeas-corpus act; there was no trial by jury. The voice of
+liberty, thus silenced in every department of the state, could only be
+heard in the appeals of those great men, who, by their writings,
+inspirited the people to resistance. This is the point of view from
+which we ought to estimate the character of those who are often accused
+of having wantonly disturbed the ancient fabric.[796] They, as well as
+the people at large, were cruelly oppressed by the crown, the nobles,
+and the church; and they used their abilities to retaliate the injury.
+There can be no doubt that this was the best course open to them. There
+can be no doubt that rebellion is the last remedy against tyranny, and
+that a despotic system should be encountered by a revolutionary
+literature. The upper classes were to blame, because they struck the
+first blow; but we must by no means censure those great men, who, having
+defended themselves from aggression, eventually succeeded in smiting the
+government by whom the aggression was originally made.
+
+  [796] And we should also remember what the circumstances were under
+        which the accusation was first heard in France. 'Les reproches
+        d'avoir tout detruit, adresses aux philosophes du dix-huitieme
+        siecle, ont commence le jour ou il s'est trouve en France un
+        gouvernement qui a voulu retablir les abus dont les ecrivains de
+        cette epoque avaient accelere la destruction.' _Comte_, _Traite
+        de Legislation_, vol. i. p. 72.
+
+Without, however, stopping to vindicate their conduct, we have now to
+consider what is much more important, namely, the origin of that crusade
+against Christianity, in which, unhappily for France, they were
+compelled to embark, and the occurrence of which forms the third great
+antecedent of the French Revolution. A knowledge of the causes of this
+hostility against Christianity is essential to a right understanding of
+the philosophy of the eighteenth century, and it will throw some light
+on the general theory of ecclesiastical power.
+
+It is a circumstance well worthy of remark, that the revolutionary
+literature which eventually overturned all the institutions of France,
+was at first directed against those which were religious, rather than
+against those which were political. The great writers who rose into
+notice soon after the death of Louis XIV., exerted themselves against
+spiritual despotism; while the overthrow of secular despotism was left
+to their immediate successors.[797] This is not the course which would
+be pursued in a healthy state of society; and there is no doubt, that
+to this peculiarity the crimes and the lawless violence of the French
+Revolution are in no small degree to be ascribed. It is evident, that in
+the legitimate progress of a nation, political innovations should keep
+pace with religious innovations, so that the people may increase their
+liberty while they diminish their superstition. In France, on the
+contrary, during nearly forty years, the church was attacked, and the
+government was spared. The consequence was, that the order and balance
+of the country were destroyed; the minds of men became habituated to the
+most daring speculations, while their acts were controlled by the most
+oppressive despotism; and they felt themselves possessed of capacities
+which their rulers would not allow them to employ. When, therefore, the
+French Revolution broke out, it was not a mere rising of ignorant slaves
+against educated masters, but it was a rising of men in whom the despair
+caused by slavery was quickened by the resources of advancing knowledge;
+men who were in that frightful condition when the progress of intellect
+outstrips the progress of liberty, and when a desire is felt, not only
+to remove a tyranny, but also to avenge an insult.
+
+  [797] The nature of this change, and the circumstances under which it
+        happened, will be examined in the last chapter of the present
+        volume; but that the revolutionary movement, while headed by
+        Voltaire and his coadjutors, was directed against the church, and
+        not against the state, is noticed by many writers; some of whom
+        have also observed, that soon after the middle of the reign of
+        Louis XV. the ground began to be shifted, and a disposition was
+        first shown to attack political abuses. On this remarkable fact,
+        indicated by several authors, but explained by none, compare
+        _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 305; _Barruel_, _Mem.
+        pour l'Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. p. xviii., vol. ii. p. 113;
+        _Tocqueville_, _L'Ancien Regime_, p. 241; _Alison's Europe_, vol.
+        i. p. 165, vol. xiv. p. 286; _Mem. de Rivarol_, p. 35;
+        _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. iv. p. 397; _Lamartine_,
+        _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i. p. 183; _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lx. p. 307, vol. lxvi. p. 34.
+
+There can be no doubt that to this we must ascribe some of the most
+hideous peculiarities of the French Revolution. It, therefore, becomes a
+matter of great interest to inquire how it was, that while in England
+political freedom and religious sceptism have accompanied and aided each
+other, there should, on the other hand, have taken place in France a
+vast movement, in which, during nearly forty years, the ablest men
+neglected the freedom, while they encouraged the scepticism, and
+diminished the power of the church, without increasing the liberties of
+the people.
+
+The first reason of this appears to be, the nature of those ideas out
+of which the French had long constructed the traditions of their glory.
+A train of circumstances which, when treating of the protective spirit,
+I attempted to indicate, had secured to the French kings an authority
+which, by making all classes subordinate to the crown, flattered the
+popular vanity.[798] Hence it was, that in France the feelings of
+loyalty worked into the national mind deeper than in any other country
+of Europe, Spain alone excepted.[799] The difference between this spirit
+and that observable in England has been already noticed, and may be
+still further illustrated by the different ways in which the two nations
+have dealt with the posthumous reputation of their sovereigns. With the
+exception of Alfred, who is sometimes called the Great,[800] we in
+England have not sufficiently loved any of our princes to bestow upon
+them titles expressive of personal admiration. But the French have
+decorated their kings with every variety of panegyric. Thus, to take
+only a single name, one king is Louis the Mild, another is Louis the
+Saint, another is Louis the Just, another is Louis the Great, and the
+most hopelessly vicious of all was called Louis the Beloved.
+
+  [798] See some striking remarks in M. Tocqueville's great work, _De la
+        Democratie_, vol. i. p. 5; which should be compared with the
+        observation of Horace Walpole, who was well acquainted with
+        French society, and who says, happily enough, that the French
+        'love themselves in their kings.' _Walpole's Mem. of George III_,
+        vol. ii. p. 240.
+
+  [799] Not only the political history of Spain, but also its literature,
+        contains melancholy evidence of the extraordinary loyalty of the
+        Spaniards, and of the injurious results produced by it. See, on
+        this, some useful reflections in _Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish
+        Literature_, vol. i. pp. 95, 96, 133, vol. iii. pp. 191-193.
+
+  [800] Our admiration of Alfred is greatly increased by the fact, that we
+        know very little about him. The principal authority referred to
+        for his reign is Asser, whose work, there is reason to believe,
+        is not genuine. See the arguments in _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._
+        vol. i. pp. 408-412. It moreover appears, that some of the
+        institutions popularly ascribed to him, existed before his time.
+        _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol. i. pp. 247, 248.
+
+These are facts which, insignificant as they seem, form most important
+materials for real history, since they are unequivocal symptoms of the
+state of the country in which they exist.[801] Their relation to the
+subject before us is obvious. For, by them, and by the circumstances
+from which they sprung, an intimate and hereditary association was
+engendered in the minds of Frenchmen, between the glory of their nation
+and the personal reputation of their sovereign. The consequence was,
+that the political conduct of the rulers of France was protected against
+censure by a fence far more impassable than any that could be erected by
+the most stringent laws. It was protected by those prejudices which each
+generation bequeathed to its successor. It was protected by that halo
+which time had thrown round the oldest monarchy in Europe.[802] And
+above all, it was protected by that miserable national vanity, which
+made men submit to taxation and to slavery, in order that foreign
+princes might be dazzled by the splendour of their sovereign, and
+foreign countries intimidated by the greatness of his victories.
+
+  [801] The French writers, under the old regime, constantly boast that
+        loyalty was the characteristic of their nation, and taunt the
+        English with their opposite and insubordinate spirit. 'Il n'est
+        pas ici question des Francois, qui se sont toujours distingues
+        des autres nations par leur amour pour leurs rois.' _Le Blanc_,
+        _Lettres d'un Francois_, vol. iii. p. 523. 'The English do not
+        love their sovereigns as much as could be desired.' _Sorbiere's
+        Voyage to England_, p. 58. 'Le respect de la majeste royale,
+        caractere distinctif des Francais.' _Mem. de Montbarey_, vol. ii.
+        p. 54. 'L'amour et la fidelite que les Francais ont naturellement
+        pour leurs princes.' _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 3. 'Les
+        Francais, qui aiment leurs princes.' _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+        vol. iii. p. 381; and see vol. xi. p. 729. For further evidence,
+        see _Sully_, _[OE]conomies_, vol. iv. p. 346; _Monteil_, _Divers
+        Etats_, vol. vii. p. 105; _Segur_, _Memoires_, vol. i. p. 32;
+        _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. iv. p. 58.
+
+        Now, contrast with all this the sentiments contained in one of
+        the most celebrated histories in the English language: 'There is
+        not any one thing more certain and more evident, than that
+        princes are made for the people, and not the people for them; and
+        perhaps there is no nation under heaven that is more entirely
+        possessed with this notion of princes than the English nation is
+        in this age; so that they will soon be uneasy to a prince who
+        does not govern himself by this maxim, and in time grow very
+        unkind to him.' _Burnet's History of his Own Time_, vol. vi. p.
+        223. This manly and wholesome passage was written while the
+        French were licking the dust from the feet of Louis XIV.
+
+  [802] 'La race des rois la plus ancienne.' _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. ix.
+        p. 281. 'Nos rois, issus de la plus grande race du monde, et
+        devant qui les Cesars, et la plus grande partie des princes qui
+        jadis ont commande tant de nations, ne sont que des roturiers.'
+        _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. ii. p. 417. And a Venetian ambassador,
+        in the sixteenth century, says, that France is 'il regno piu
+        antico d'ogn' altro che sia in essere al presente.' _Relat. des
+        Ambassad._ vol. i. p. 470. Compare _Boullier_, _Maison Militaire
+        des Rois de France_, p. 360.
+
+The upshot of all this was, that when, early in the eighteenth century,
+the intellect of France began to be roused into action, the idea of
+attacking the abuses of the monarchy never occurred even to the boldest
+thinker. But, under the protection of the crown, there had grown up
+another institution, about which less delicacy was felt. The clergy, who
+for so long a period had been allowed to oppress the consciences of men,
+were not sheltered by those national associations which surrounded the
+person of the sovereign; nor had any of them, with the single exception
+of Bossuet, done much to increase the general reputation of France.
+Indeed, the French church, though during the reign of Louis XIV. it
+possessed immense authority, had always exercised it in subordination to
+the crown, at whose bidding it had not feared to oppose even the pope
+himself.[803] It was, therefore, natural, that in France the
+ecclesiastical power should be attacked before the temporal power;
+because, while it was as despotic, it was less influential, and because
+it was unprotected by those popular traditions which form the principal
+support of every ancient institution.
+
+  [803] _Capefigue's Louis XIV_, vol. i. pp. 204, 301; _Koch_, _Tableau
+        des Revolutions_, vol. ii. p. 16. M. Ranke (_Die Paepste_, vol.
+        ii. p. 257) ascribes this to the circumstances attending the
+        apostasy of Henry IV.; but the cause lies much deeper, being
+        connected with that triumph of the secular interests over the
+        spiritual, of which the policy of Henry IV. was itself a
+        consequence.
+
+These considerations are sufficient to explain why it was that, in this
+respect, the French and English intellects adopted courses so entirely
+different. In England, the minds of men, being less hampered with the
+prejudices of an indiscriminate loyalty, have been able at each
+successive step in the great progress to direct their doubts and
+inquiries on politics as well as on religion; and thus establishing
+their freedom as they diminished their superstition, they have
+maintained the balance of the national intellect, without allowing to
+either of its divisions an excessive preponderance. But in France the
+admiration for royalty had become so great, that this balance was
+disturbed; the inquiries of men not daring to settle on politics, were
+fixed on religion, and gave rise to the singular phenomenon of a rich
+and powerful literature, in which unanimous hostility to the church was
+unaccompanied by a single voice against the enormous abuses of the
+state.
+
+There was likewise another circumstance which increased this peculiar
+tendency. During the reign of Louis XIV. the personal character of the
+hierarchy had done much to secure their dominion. All the leaders of the
+church were men of virtue, and many were men of ability. Their conduct,
+tyrannical as it was, seems to have been conscientious; and the evils
+which it produced are merely to be ascribed to the gross impolicy of
+entrusting ecclesiastics with power. But after the death of Louis XIV. a
+great change took place. The Clergy, from causes which it would be
+tedious to investigate, became extremely dissolute, and often very
+ignorant. This made their tyranny more oppressive, because to submit to
+it was more disgraceful. The great abilities and unblemished morals of
+men like Bossuet, Fenelon, Bourdaloue, Flechier, and Mascaron,
+diminished in some degree the ignominy which is always connected with
+blind obedience. But when they were succeeded by such bishops and
+cardinals as Dubois, Lafiteau, Tencin, and others who flourished under
+the regency, it became difficult to respect the heads of the church,
+tainted as they were with open and notorious depravity.[804] At the same
+time that there occurred this unfavourable change among the
+ecclesiastical rulers, there also occurred that immense reaction of
+which I have endeavoured to trace the early workings. It was therefore,
+at the very moment when the spirit of inquiry became stronger that the
+character of the Clergy became more contemptible.[805] The great writers
+who were now rising in France, were moved to indignation when they saw
+that those who usurped unlimited power over consciences had themselves
+no consciences at all. It is evident, that every argument which they
+borrowed from England against ecclesiastical power, would gain
+additional force when directed against men whose personal unfitness was
+universally acknowledged.[806]
+
+  [804] _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 408; _Flassan_,
+        _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. v. p. 3; _Tocqueville_, _Regne de
+        Louis XV_, vol. i. pp. 35, 347; _Duclos_, _Memoires_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 42, 43, 154, 155, 223, 224. What was, if possible, still more
+        scandalous, was, that in 1723 the assembly of the clergy elected
+        as their president, unanimously ('d'une voix unanime'), the
+        infamous Dubois, the most notoriously immoral man of his time.
+        _Duclos_, _Mem._ vol. ii. p. 262.
+
+  [805] On this decline of the French clergy, see _Villemain_, _XVIII^e
+        Siecle_, vol. iii. pp. 178, 179; _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._
+        II^e serie, vol. i. p. 301. _Tocqueville_ (_Regne de Louis XV_,
+        vol. i. pp. 35-38, 365) says, 'le clerge prechait une morale
+        qu'il compromettait par sa conduite;' a noticeable remark, when
+        made by an opponent of the sceptical philosophy, like the elder
+        M. Tocqueville. Among this profligate crew, Massillon stood
+        alone; he being the last French bishop who was remarkable for
+        virtue as well as for ability.
+
+  [806] Voltaire says of the English, 'quand ils apprennent qu'en France
+        de jeunes gens connus par leurs debauches, et eleves a la
+        prelature par des intrigues de femmes, font publiquement l'amour,
+        s'egaient a composer des chansons tendres, donnent tous les jours
+        des soupers delicats et longs, et de la vont implorer les
+        lumieres du Saint-Esprit, et se nomment hardiment les
+        successeures des apotres ils remercient Dieu d'etre protestants.'
+        _Lettres sur les Anglais_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxvi. p. 29.
+
+Such was the position of the rival parties, when, almost immediately
+after the death of Louis XIV., there began that great struggle between
+authority and reason, which is still unfinished, although in the present
+state of knowledge its result is no longer doubtful. On the one side
+there was a compact and numerous priesthood, supported by the
+prescription of centuries and by the authority of the crown. On the
+other side there was a small body of men, without rank, without wealth,
+and as yet without reputation, but animated by a love of liberty, and by
+a just confidence in their own abilities. Unfortunately, they at the
+very outset committed a serious error. In attacking the clergy, they
+lost their respect for religion. In their determination to weaken
+ecclesiastical power, they attempted to undermine the foundations of
+Christianity. This is deeply to be regretted for their own sake, as well
+as for its ultimate effects in France; but it must not be imputed to
+them as a crime, since it was forced on them by the exigencies of their
+position. They saw the frightful evils which their country was suffering
+from the institution of priesthood as it then existed; and yet they were
+told that the preservation of that institution in its actual form was
+essential to the very being of Christianity. They had always been taught
+that the interests of the clergy were identical with the interests of
+religion; how then could they avoid including both clergy and religion
+in the same hostility? The alternative was cruel; but it was one from
+which, in common honesty, they had no escape. We, judging these things
+by another standard, possess a measure which they could not possibly
+have. We should not now commit such an error, because we know that there
+is no connexion between any one particular form of priesthood and the
+interests of Christianity. We know that the clergy are made for the
+people, and not the people for the clergy. We know that all questions of
+church government are matters, not of religion, but of policy, and
+should be settled, not according to traditional dogmas, but according to
+large views of general expediency. It is because these propositions are
+now admitted by all enlightened men, that in our country the truths of
+religion are rarely attacked except by superficial thinkers. If, for
+instance, we were to find that the existence of our bishops, with their
+privileges and their wealth, is unfavourable to the progress of society,
+we should not on that account feel enmity against Christianity; because
+we should remember that episcopacy is its accident, and not its
+essential, and that we could do away with the institution and yet retain
+the religion. In the same way, if we should ever find, what was formerly
+found in France, that the clergy were tyrannical, this would excite in
+us an opposition, not to Christianity, but merely to the external form
+which Christianity assumed. So long as our clergy confine themselves to
+the beneficent duties of their calling, to the alleviation of pain and
+distress, either bodily or mental, so long will we respect them as the
+ministers of peace and of charity. But if they should ever again
+entrench on the rights of the laity,--if they should ever again
+interfere with an authoritative voice in the government of the
+state,--it will then be for the people to inquire, whether the time has
+not come to effect a revision of the ecclesiastical constitution of the
+country. This, therefore, is the manner in which we now view these
+things. What we think of the clergy will depend upon themselves; but
+will have no connection with what we think of Christianity. We look on
+the clergy as a body of men who, notwithstanding their disposition to
+intolerance, and notwithstanding a certain narrowness incidental to
+their profession, do undoubtedly form part of a vast and noble
+institution, by which the manners of men have been softened, their
+sufferings assuaged, their distresses relieved. As long as this
+institution performs its functions, we are well content to let it stand.
+If, however, it should be out of repair, or if it should be found
+inadequate to the shifting circumstances of an advancing society, we
+retain both the power and the right of remedying its faults; we may, if
+need be, remove some of its parts; but we would not, we dare not, tamper
+with those great religious truths which are altogether independent of
+it; truths which comfort the mind of man, raise him above the instincts
+of the hour, and infuse into him those lofty aspirations which,
+revealing to him his own immortality, are the measure and the symptom of
+a future life.
+
+Unfortunately, this was not the way in which these matters were
+considered in France. The government of that country, by investing the
+clergy with great immunities, by treating them as if there were
+something sacred about their persons, and by punishing as heresy the
+attacks which were made on them, had established in the national mind an
+indissoluble connexion between their interests and the interests of
+Christianity. The consequence was, that when the struggle began, the
+ministers of religion, and religion itself, were both assailed with
+equal zeal. The ridicule, and even the abuse, heaped on the clergy, will
+surprise no one who is acquainted with the provocation that had been
+received. And although, in the indiscriminate onslaught which soon
+followed, Christianity was, for a time, subjected to a fate which ought
+to have been reserved for those who called themselves her ministers;
+this, while it moves us to regret, ought by no means to excite our
+astonishment. The destruction of Christianity in France was the
+necessary result of those opinions which bound up the destiny of the
+national priesthood with the destiny of the national religion. If both
+were connected by the same origin, both should fall in the same ruin. If
+that which is the tree of life, were, in reality, so corrupt that it
+could only bear poisonous fruits, then it availed little to lop off the
+boughs and cut down the branches; but it were better, by one mighty
+effort, to root it up from the ground, and secure the health of society
+by stopping the very source of the contagion.
+
+These are reflections which must make us pause before we censure the
+deistical writers of the eighteenth century. So perverted, however, are
+the reasonings to which some minds are accustomed, that those who judge
+them most uncharitably are precisely those whose conduct forms their
+best excuse. Such are the men who, by putting forth the most extravagant
+claims in favour of the clergy, are seeking to establish the principle,
+by the operation of which the clergy were destroyed. Their scheme for
+restoring the old system of ecclesiastical authority depends on the
+supposition of its divine origin: a supposition which, if inseparable
+from Christianity, will at once justify the infidelity which they hotly
+attack. The increase of the power of the clergy is incompatible with the
+interests of civilization. If, therefore, any religion adopts as its
+creed the necessity of such an increase, it becomes the bounden duty of
+every friend to humanity to do his utmost, either to destroy the creed,
+or failing in that, to overturn the religion. If pretensions of this
+sort are an essential part of Christianity, it behoves us at once to
+make our choice; since the only option can be, between abjuring our
+faith or sacrificing our liberty. Fortunately, we are not driven to so
+hard a strait; and we know that these claims are as false in theory, as
+they would be pernicious in practice. It is, indeed, certain, that if
+they were put into execution, the clergy, though they might enjoy a
+momentary triumph, would have consummated their own ruin, by preparing
+the way among us for scenes as disastrous as those which occurred in
+France.
+
+The truth is, that what is most blamed in the great French writers, was
+the natural consequence of the development of their age. Never was there
+a more striking illustration of the social law already noticed, that, if
+government will allow religious scepticism to run its course, it will
+issue in great things, and will hasten the march of civilization; but
+that, if an attempt is made to put it down with a strong hand, it may,
+no doubt, be repressed for a time, but eventually will rise with such
+force as to endanger the foundation of society. In England, we adopted
+the first of these courses; in France, they adopted the second. In
+England, men were allowed to exercise their own judgment on the most
+sacred subjects; and, as soon as the diminution of their credulity had
+made them set bounds to the power of the clergy, toleration immediately
+followed, and the national prosperity has never been disturbed. In
+France, the authority of the clergy was increased by a superstitious
+king; faith usurped the place of reason, not a whisper of doubt was
+allowed to be heard, and the spirit of inquiry was stifled, until the
+country fell to the brink of ruin. If Louis XIV. had not interfered with
+the natural progress, France, like England, would have continued to
+advance. After his death, it was, indeed, too late to save the clergy,
+against whom all the intellect of the nation was soon arrayed. But the
+force of the storm might still have been broken, if the government of
+Louis XV. had conciliated what it was impossible to resist; and,
+instead of madly attempting to restrain opinions by laws, had altered
+the laws to suit the opinions. If the rulers of France, instead of
+exerting themselves to silence the national literature, had yielded to
+its suggestions, and had receded before the pressure of advancing
+knowledge, the fatal collision would have been avoided; because the
+passions which caused the collision would have been appeased. In such
+case, the church would have fallen somewhat earlier; but the state
+itself would have been saved. In such case, France would, in all
+probability, have secured her liberties, without increasing her crimes;
+and that great country, which, from her position and resources, ought to
+be the pattern of European civilization, might have escaped the ordeal
+of those terrible atrocities, through which she was compelled to pass,
+and from the effects of which she has not yet recovered.
+
+It must, I think, be admitted that, during, at all events, the first
+half of the reign of Louis XV., it was possible, by timely concessions,
+still to preserve the political institutions of France. Reforms there
+must have been; and reforms too of a large and uncompromising character.
+So far, however, as I am able to understand the real history of that
+period, I make no doubt that, if these had been granted in a frank and
+ungrudging spirit, everything could have been retained necessary for the
+only two objects at which government ought to aim, namely, the
+preservation of order, and the prevention of crime. But, by the middle
+of the reign of Louis XV., or, at all events, immediately afterwards,
+the state of affairs began to alter; and, in the course of a few years,
+the spirit of France became so democratic, that it was impossible even
+to delay a revolution, which, in the preceding generation, might have
+been altogether averted. This remarkable change is connected with that
+other change already noticed, by virtue of which, the French intellect
+began, about the same period, to direct its hostility against the state,
+rather than, as heretofore, against the church. As soon as this, which
+may be called the second epoch of the eighteenth century, had been
+fairly entered, the movement became irresistible. Event after event
+followed each other in rapid succession; each one linked to its
+antecedent, and the whole forming a tendency impossible to withstand. It
+was in vain that the government, yielding some points of real
+importance, adopted measures by which the church was controlled, the
+power of the clergy diminished, and even the order of the jesuits
+suppressed. It was in vain that the crown now called to its councils,
+for the first time, men imbued with the spirit of reform; men, like
+Turgot and Necker, whose wise and liberal proposals would, in calmer
+days, have stilled the agitation of the popular mind. It was in vain
+that promises were made to equalize the taxes, to redress some of the
+most crying grievances, to repeal some of the most obnoxious laws. It
+was even in vain that the states-general were summoned; and that thus,
+after the lapse of a hundred and seventy years, the people were again
+admitted to take part in the management of their own affairs. All these
+things were in vain; because the time for treaty had gone by, and the
+time for battle had come. The most liberal concessions that could
+possibly have been devised would have failed to avert that deadly
+struggle, which the course of preceding events made inevitable. For the
+measure of that age was now full. The upper classes, intoxicated by the
+long possession of power, had provoked the crisis; and it was needful
+that they should abide the issue. There was no time for mercy; there was
+no pause, no compassion, no sympathy. The only question that remained
+was, to see whether they who had raised the storm could ride the
+whirlwind; or, whether it was not rather likely that they should be the
+first victims of that frightful hurricane, in which, for a moment, laws,
+religion, morals, all perished, the lowest vestiges of humanity were
+effaced, and the civilization of France not only submerged, but, as it
+then appeared, irretrievably ruined.
+
+To ascertain the successive changes of this, the second epoch of the
+eighteenth century, is an undertaking full of difficulty; not only on
+account of the rapidity with which the events occurred, but also on
+account of their extreme complication, and of the way in which they
+acted and reacted upon each other. The materials, however, for such an
+inquiry are very numerous; and, as they consist of evidence supplied by
+all classes and all interests, it has appeared to me possible to
+reconstruct the history of that time, according to the only manner in
+which history deserves to be studied; that is to say, according to the
+order of its social and intellectual development. In the seventh chapter
+of the present volume, I shall, therefore, attempt to trace the
+antecedents of the French Revolution during that remarkable period, in
+which the hostility of men, slackening in regard to the abuses of the
+church, was, for the first time, turned against the abuses of the state.
+But, before entering into this, which may be distinguished as the
+political epoch of the eighteenth century, it will be necessary,
+according to the plan which I have sketched, to examine the changes that
+occurred in the method of writing history, and to indicate the way in
+which those changes were affected by the tendencies of the earlier, or,
+as it may be termed, the ecclesiastical epoch. In this manner, we shall
+the more easily understand the activity of that prodigious movement
+which led to the French Revolution; because we shall see that it not
+only affected the opinions of men in regard to what was passing under
+their eyes, but that it also biased their speculative views in regard to
+the events of preceding ages; and thus gave rise to that new school of
+historical literature, the formation of which is by no means the least
+of the many benefits which we owe to the great thinkers of the
+eighteenth century.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI.
+
+  STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH
+                  TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+It may be easily supposed, that those vast movements in the intellect of
+France, which I have just traced, could not fail to produce a great
+change in the method of writing history. That bold spirit with which men
+were beginning to estimate the transactions of their own time, was sure
+to influence their opinions respecting those of a former age. In this,
+as in every branch of knowledge, the first innovation consisted in
+recognizing the necessity of doubting what had hitherto been believed;
+and this feeling, when once established, went on increasing, destroying
+at each step some of those monstrous absurdities by which, as we have
+seen, even the best histories were disfigured. The germs of the reform
+may be discerned in the fourteenth century, though the reform itself did
+not begin until late in the sixteenth century. During the seventeenth
+century, it advanced somewhat slowly; but in the eighteenth century it
+received a sudden accession of strength, and, in France in particular,
+it was hastened by that fearless and inquisitive spirit which
+characterized the age, and which, purging history of innumerable
+follies, raised its standard, and conferred on it a dignity hitherto
+unknown. The rise of historical scepticism, and the extent to which it
+spread, do indeed form such curious features in the annals of the
+European intellect, as to make it surprising that no one should have
+attempted to examine a movement to which a great department of modern
+literature owes its most valuable peculiarities. In the present chapter,
+I hope to supply this deficiency so far as France is concerned; and I
+shall endeavour to mark the different steps by which the progress was
+effected, in order that, by knowing the circumstances most favourable to
+the study of history, we may with the greater ease inquire into the
+probability of its future improvement.
+
+There is, in reference to this subject, a preliminary consideration well
+worthy of notice. This is, that men seem always to have begun to doubt
+in matters of religion, before they ventured to do so in matters of
+history. It might have been expected that the reproaches, and, in a
+superstitious age, the dangers, to which heresy is exposed, would have
+intimidated inquirers, and would have induced them to prefer the safer
+path of directing their scepticism upon questions of literary
+speculation. Such, however, is by no means the course which the human
+mind has adopted. In an early stage of society, when the clergy had
+universal influence, a belief in the unpardonable criminality of
+religious error is so deeply rooted, that it engrosses the attention of
+all; it forces every one who thinks, to concentrate upon theology his
+reflections and his doubts, and it leaves no leisure for topics which
+are conceived to be of inferior importance.[807] Hence, during many
+centuries, the subtlest intellects of Europe exhausted their strength on
+the rights and dogmas of Christianity; and while upon these matters they
+often showed the greatest ability, they, upon other subjects, and
+especially upon history, displayed that infantine credulity, of which I
+have already given several examples.
+
+  [807] See some very just remarks in _Whewell's Philos. of the Induc.
+        Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 143. In _Neander's Hist. of the Church_,
+        vol. iv. pp. 41, 128, there are two curious illustrations of the
+        universal interest which theological discussions once inspired in
+        Europe; and on the former subservience of philosophy to theology,
+        compare _Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy_, p. 197. But no
+        one has treated this subject so ably as M. Auguste Comte, in his
+        great work, _Philosophie Positive_. The service which the
+        metaphysicians rendered to the church by their development of the
+        doctrine of transubstantiation (_Blanco White's Evidence against
+        Catholicism_, pp. 256-258) is a striking instance of this
+        subordination of the intellect to ecclesiastical dogmas.
+
+But when, in the progress of society, its theological element begins to
+decay, the ardour with which religious disputes were once conducted
+becomes sensibly weakened. The most advanced intellects are the first to
+feel the growing indifference, and, therefore, they are also the first
+to scrutinize real events with that inquisitive eye which their
+predecessors had reserved for religious speculations. This is a great
+turning-point in the history of every civilized nation. From this moment
+theological heresies become less frequent,[808] and literary heresies
+become more common. From this moment the spirit of inquiry and of doubt
+fastens itself upon every department of knowledge, and begins that great
+career of conquest, in which by every succeeding discovery the power and
+dignity of man are increased, while at the same time most of his
+opinions are disturbed, and many of them are destroyed: until, in the
+march of this vast but noiseless revolution, the stream of tradition is,
+as it were, interrupted, the influence of ancient authority is
+subverted, and the human mind, waxing in strength, learns to rely upon
+its own resources, and to throw off incumbrances by which the freedom of
+its movements had long been impaired.
+
+  [808] M. Tocqueville says, what I am inclined to think is true, that an
+        increasing spirit of equality lessens the disposition to form new
+        religious creeds. _Democratie en Amerique_, vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.
+        At all events, it is certain that increasing knowledge has this
+        effect; for those great men whose turn of mind would formerly
+        have made them heretics, are now content to confine their
+        innovations to other fields of thought. If St. Augustin had lived
+        in the seventeenth century, he would have reformed or created the
+        physical sciences. If Sir Isaac Newton had lived in the fourth
+        century, he would have organized a new sect, and have troubled
+        the church with his originality.
+
+The application of these remarks to the history of France, will enable
+us to explain some interesting phenomena in the literature of that
+country. During the whole of the Middle Ages, and I may say till the end
+of the sixteenth century, France, though fertile in annalists and
+chroniclers, had not produced a single historian, because she had not
+produced a single man who presumed to doubt what was generally believed.
+Indeed, until the publication of Du Haillan's history of the kings of
+France, no one had even attempted a critical digest of the materials
+which were known to be extant. This work appeared in 1576;[809] and the
+author, at the conclusion of his labours, could not disguise the pride
+which he felt at having accomplished so great an undertaking. In his
+dedication to the king he says, 'I am, sire, the first of all the French
+who have written the history of France, and, in a polite language, shown
+the grandeur and dignity of our kings; for before there was nothing but
+the old rubbish of chronicles which spoke of them.' He adds in the
+preface: 'Only I will say, without presumption and boasting, that I have
+done a thing which had not been done before, or seen by any of our
+nation, and have given to the history of France a dress it never
+appeared in before.'[810] Nor were these the idle boasts of an obscure
+man. His work went through numerous editions; was translated into Latin,
+and was reprinted in foreign countries. He himself was looked upon as
+one of the glories of the French nation, and was rewarded by the favour
+of the king, who conferred on him the office of secretary of
+finance.[811] From his work, we may, therefore, gain some notion of what
+was then the received standard of historical literature; and with this
+view, it is natural to inquire what the materials were which he chiefly
+employed. About sixty years earlier, an Italian named Paulus Emilius had
+published a gossiping compilation on the 'Actions of the French.'[812]
+This book, which is full of extravagant fables, was taken by Du Haillan
+as the basis of his famous history of the kings of France; and from it
+he unhesitatingly copies those idle stories which Emilius loved to
+relate. This will give us some idea of the credulity of a writer, who
+was reckoned by his contemporaries to be, beyond all comparison, the
+greatest historian France had produced. But this is not all. Du Haillan,
+not content with borrowing from his predecessor everything that was most
+incredible, gratifies his passion for the marvellous by some
+circumstances of his own invention. He begins his history with a long
+account of a council which, he says, was held by the celebrated
+Pharamond, in order to determine whether the French should be governed
+by a monarchy or by an aristocracy. It is, indeed, doubtful if any such
+person as Pharamond ever existed; and it is certain that, if he did
+exist, all the materials had long perished from which an opinion could
+be formed respecting him.[813] But Du Haillan, regardless of these
+little difficulties, gives us the fullest information touching the great
+chieftain; and, as if determined to tax to the utmost the credulity of
+his readers, mentions, as members of the council of Pharamond, two
+persons, Charamond and Quadrek, whose very names are invented by the
+historian.[814]
+
+  [809] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xix. pp. 315, 316; where it is said, 'l'ouvrage
+        de Du Haillan est remarquable en ce que c'est le premier corps
+        d'histoire de France qui ait paru dans notre langue.' See also
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport sur les Progres de l'Histoire_, p. 170; and
+        _Des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. x. p. 185.
+
+  [810] _Bayle_, article _Haillan_, note L.
+
+  [811] _Mercure Francois_, in _Bayle_, article _Haillan_, note D.
+
+  [812] _De Rebus gestis Francorum_, which appeared about 1516. _Biog.
+        Univ._ vol. xiii. p. 119. Compare, respecting the author,
+        _Mezeray_, _Hist. de France_, vol. ii. p. 363, with _Audigier_,
+        _l'Origine des Francois_, vol. ii. p. 118, who complains of his
+        opinion about Clovis, 'quoy qu'il fasse profession de relever la
+        gloire des Francois.' Even the superficial Boulainvilliers
+        (_Hist. de l'Ancien Gouvernement_, vol. ii. p. 166)
+        contemptuously notices 'les retoriciens posterieurs, tels que
+        Paul Emile.'
+
+  [813] Compare _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. i. pp. 176, 177,
+        with _Montlosier_, _Monarchie Francaise_, vol. i. pp. 43, 44.
+        Philippe de Comines, though superior to Sismondi and Montlosier
+        in point of ability, lived in the middle ages, and therefore had
+        no idea of doubting, but simply says, 'Pharamond fut esleu roy,
+        l'an 420, et regna dix ans,' _Mem. de Comines_, livre viii. chap.
+        xxvii. vol. iii. p. 232. But De Thou, coming a hundred years
+        after Comines, evidently suspected that it was not all quite
+        right, and therefore puts it on the authority of others.
+        'Pharamond, qui _selon nos historiens_ a porte le premier la
+        couronne des Francois.' _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. x. p. 530.
+        See a singular passage on Pharamond in _Mem. de Duplessis
+        Mornay_, vol. ii. p. 405.
+
+  [814] Sorel (_La Bibliotheque Francoise_, Paris, 1667, p. 373) says of
+        Du Haillan, 'On lui peut reprocher d'avoir donne un commencement
+        fabuleux a son histoire, qui est entierement de son invention,
+        ayant fait tenir un conseil entre Pharamond et ses plus fidelles
+        conseillers, pour scavoir si ayant la puissance en main il deuoit
+        reduire les Francois au gouvernement aristocratique ou
+        monarchique, et faisant faire une harangue a chacun d'eux pour
+        soustenir son opinion. On y voit les noms de Charamond et de
+        Quadrek, personnages imaginaires.' Sorel, who had a glimmering
+        notion that this was not exactly the way to write history, adds,
+        'C'est une chose fort surprenante. On est fort peu asseure si
+        Pharamond fut jamais au monde, et quoy qu'on scache qu'il y ait
+        este, c'est une terrible hardiesse d'en raconter des choses qui
+        n'ont aucun appuy.'
+
+Such was the state of historical literature in France early in the reign
+of Henry III. A great change was, however, at hand. The remarkable
+intellectual progress made by the French towards the close of the
+sixteenth century was, as I have shown, preceded by that scepticism
+which appears to be its necessary precursor. The spirit of doubt, which
+had begun with religion, was communicated to literature. The impulse was
+immediately felt in every department of knowledge, and now it was that
+history first emerged from a debasement in which it had for centuries
+been sunk. On this subject a mere statement of dates may be of service
+to those persons who, from a dislike to general reasoning, would
+otherwise deny the connexion which I wish to establish. In 1588 was
+published the first sceptical book ever written in the French
+language.[815] In 1598, the French government, for the first time,
+ventured upon a great public act of religious toleration. In 1604, De
+Thou published that celebrated work, which is allowed by all critics to
+be the first great history composed by a Frenchman.[816] And at the very
+moment when these things were passing, another eminent Frenchman, the
+illustrious Sully,[817] was collecting the materials for his historical
+work, which, though hardly equal to that of De Thou, comes immediately
+after it in ability, in importance, and in reputation. Nor can we fail
+to remark, that both these great historians, who left all their
+predecessors immeasurably behind them, were the confidential ministers
+and intimate friends of Henry IV., the first king of France whose memory
+is stained by the imputation of heresy, and the first who dared to
+change his religion, not in consequence of any theological arguments,
+but on the broad and notorious ground of political expediency.[818]
+
+  [815] 'Die erste Regung des skeptischen Geistes finden wir in den
+        Versuchen des Michael von Montaigne.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der
+        Philos._ vol. ix. p. 443.
+
+  [816] The first volume appeared in 1604. See _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque
+        Historique de la France_, vol. ii. p. 375; and preface to _De
+        Thou_, _Hist. Univ._ vol. i. p. iv.
+
+  [817] Sismondi has scarcely done justice to Sully; but the reader will
+        find a fuller account of him in _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la
+        Reforme_, vol. viii. pp. 101-117; and a still better one in
+        _Blanqui_, _Histoire de l'Economie Politique_, vol. i. pp.
+        347-361.
+
+  [818] According to D'Aubigne, the king, on his conversion, said, 'Je
+        ferai voir a tout le monde que je n'ai este persuade par autre
+        theologie que la necessite de l'estat.' _Smedley's Reformed
+        Religion in France_, vol. ii. p. 362. That Henry felt this is
+        certain; and that he expressed it to his friends is probable; but
+        he had a difficult game to play with the Catholic church; and in
+        one of his edicts we find 'une grande joye de son retour a
+        l'eglise, dont il attribuoit la cause a la grace du
+        Tout-Puissant, et aux prieres de ses fideles sujets.' _De Thou_,
+        _Hist. Univ._ vol. xii. pp. 105, 106. Compare, at pp. 468, 469,
+        the message he sent to the pope.
+
+But it was not merely over such eminent historians as these that the
+sceptical spirit displayed its influence. The movement was now becoming
+sufficiently active to leave its marks in the writings of far inferior
+men. There were two particulars in which the credulity of the earlier
+historians was very striking. These consisted in the uncritical manner
+in which, by blindly copying their predecessors, they confused the dates
+of different events; and in the readiness with which they believed the
+most improbable statements, upon imperfect evidence, and often upon no
+evidence at all. It is surely a singular proof of that intellectual
+progress which I am endeavouring to trace, that, within a very few
+years, both these sources of error were removed. In 1597, Serres was
+appointed historiographer of France; and, in the same year, he published
+his history of that country.[819] In this work, he insists upon the
+necessity of carefully recording the date of each event; and the
+example, which he first set, has, since his time, been generally
+followed.[820] The importance of this change will be willingly
+acknowledged by those who are aware of the confusion into which history
+has been thrown by the earlier writers having neglected, what now seems,
+so obvious a precaution. Scarcely had this innovation been established,
+when it was followed, in the same country, by another of still greater
+moment. This was the appearance, in 1621, of a history of France, by
+Scipio Dupleix; in which, for the first time, the evidence for
+historical facts was published with the facts themselves.[821] It is
+needless to insist upon the utility of a step which, more than any
+other, has taught historians to be industrious in collecting their
+authorities, and careful in scrutinizing them.[822] To this may be
+added, that Dupleix was also the first Frenchman who ventured to
+publish a system of philosophy in his own language.[823] It is true,
+that the system itself is intrinsically of little value;[824] but, at
+the time it appeared, it was an unprecedented, and, on that account, a
+profane attempt, to unfold the mysteries of philosophy in the vulgar
+speech; and, in this point of view, supplies evidence of the increasing
+diffusion of a spirit bolder and more inquisitive than any formerly
+known. It is not, therefore, surprising, that, almost at the same
+moment, there should be made, in the same country, the first systematic
+attempt at historical scepticism. The system of philosophy by Dupleix
+appeared in 1602; and in 1599, La Popeliniere published at Paris what he
+calls the _History of Histories_, in which he criticizes historians
+themselves, and examines their works with that sceptical spirit, to
+which his own age was deeply indebted.[825] This able man was also the
+author of a _Sketch of the New History of the French_; containing a
+formal refutation of that fable, so dear to the early historians,
+according to which the monarchy of France was founded by Francus, who
+arrived in Gaul after the conclusion of the siege of Troy.[826]
+
+  [819] _Marchand_, _Dictionnaire Historique_, vol. ii. pp. 205, 209, La
+        Haye, 1758, folio. This curious and learned work, which is much
+        less read than it deserves, contains the only good account of
+        Serres I have been able to meet with; vol. ii. pp. 197-213.
+
+  [820] 'On ne prenoit presque aucun soin de marquer les dates des
+        evenemens dans les ouvrages historiques.... De Serres reconnut ce
+        defaut; et pour y remedier, il rechercha avec beaucoup de soin
+        les dates des evenemens qu'il avoit a employer, et les marqua
+        dans son histoire le plus exactement qu'il lui fut possible. Cet
+        exemple a ete imite depuis par la plupart de ceux qui l'ont
+        suivi; et c'est a lui qu'on est redevable de l'avantage qu'on
+        tire d'une pratique si necessaire et si utile.' _Marchand_,
+        _Dict. Historique_, vol. ii. p. 206.
+
+  [821] 'Il est le premier historien qui ait cite en marge ses autorites;
+        precaution absolument necessaire quand on n'ecrit pas l'histoire
+        de son temps, a moins qu'on ne s'en tienne aux faits connus.'
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 95. And the _Biog. Univ._
+        vol. xii. p. 277, says, 'On doit lui faire honneur d'avoir cite
+        en marge les auteurs dont il s'est servi; precaution
+        indispensable, que l'on connaissait peu avant lui, et que les
+        historiens modernes negligent trop aujourd'hui.' Bassompierre,
+        who had a quarrel with Dupleix, has given some curious details
+        respecting him and his History; but they are, of course, not to
+        be relied on. _Mem. de Bassompierre_, vol. iii. pp. 356, 357.
+        Patin speaks favourably of his history of Henry IV. _Lettres de
+        Patin_, vol. i. p. 17: but compare _Sully_, _[OE]conomies
+        Royales_, vol. ix. pp. 121, 249.
+
+  [822] The ancients, as is well known, rarely took this trouble. _Mure's
+        Hist. of Greek Literature_, vol. iv. pp. 197, 306, 307. But what
+        is much more curious is, that, even in scientific works, there
+        was an equal looseness; and Cuvier says, that, in the sixteenth
+        century, 'on se bornait a dire, d'une maniere generale, Aristote
+        a dit telle chose, sans indiquer ni le passage ni le livre dans
+        lequel la citation se trouvait.' _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_,
+        part ii. p. 63; and at p. 88, 'suivant l'usage de son temps,
+        Gessner n'indique pas avec precision les endroits d'ou il a tire
+        ses citations:' see also p. 214.
+
+  [823] 'Le premier ouvrage de philosophie publie dans cette langue.'
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. xii. p. 277.
+
+  [824] So it seemed to me, when I turned over its leaves a few years ago.
+        However, Patin says, 'sa philosophie francoise n'est pas
+        mauvaise.' _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 357. On the dialectic
+        powers of Dupleix, see a favourable judgment in _Hamilton's
+        Discuss. on Philos._ p. 119.
+
+  [825] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxv. p. 402. Sorel (_Bibliotheque Francoise_,
+        p. 165), who is evidently displeased at the unprecedented
+        boldness of La Popeliniere, says, 'il dit ses sentimens en bref
+        des historiens de toutes les nations, et de plusieurs langues, et
+        particulierement des historiens francois, dont il parle avec
+        beaucoup d'asseurance.'
+
+  [826] 'Il refute l'opinion, alors fort accreditee, de l'arrivee dans les
+        Gaules de Francus et des Troyens.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxxv. p.
+        402. Compare _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque Historique de la France_,
+        vol. ii. p. 39. Patin says that De Thou was much indebted to him:
+        'M. de Thou a pris hardiment de la Popeliniere.' _Lettres de
+        Patin_, vol. i. p. 222. There is a notice of Popeliniere, in
+        connexion with Richer, in _Mem. de Richelieu_, vol. v. p. 349.
+
+It would be useless to collect all the instances in which this advancing
+spirit of scepticism now began to purge history of its falsehoods. I
+will only mention two or three more of those which have occurred in my
+reading. In 1614, De Rubis published at Lyons a work on the European
+monarchies; in which he not only attacks the long-established belief
+respecting the descent from Francus, but boldly asserts, that the Franks
+owe their name to their ancient liberties.[827] In 1620, Gomberville, in
+a dissertation on history, refutes many of those idle stories respecting
+the antiquity of the French, which had been universally received until
+his time.[828] And, in 1630, Berthault published at Paris the 'French
+Floras,' in which he completely upsets the old method; since he lays it
+down as a fundamental principle, that the origin of the French must only
+be sought for in those countries where they were found by the
+Romans.[829]
+
+  [827] 'Il refute les fables qu'on avancoit sur l'origine des Francois,
+        appuyees sur le temoignage au faux Berose. Il dit que leur nom
+        vient de leur ancienne franchise.' _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque
+        Historique_, vol. ii. p. 750.
+
+  [828] Compare _Sorel_, _Bibliotheque Francoise_, p. 298, with _Du
+        Fresnoy_, _Methode pour etudier l'Histoire_, vol. x. p. 4, Parie,
+        1772. There is an account of Gomberville in _Les Historiettes de
+        Tallemant des Reaux_, vol. viii. pp. 15-19; a singularly curious
+        book, which is, for the seventeenth century, what Brantome is for
+        the sixteenth. I ought to have mentioned earlier the inimitable
+        ridicule with which Rabelais treats the habit historians had of
+        tracing the genealogies of their heroes back to Noah. _[OE]uvres
+        de Rabelais_, vol. i. pp. 1-3, and vol. ii. pp. 10-17: see also,
+        at vol. v. pp. 171, 172, his defence of the antiquity of Chinon.
+
+  [829] 'L'auteur croit qu'il ne faut pas la chercher ailleurs que dans le
+        pays ou ils out ete connus des Romains, c'est-a-dire entre l'Elbe
+        et le Rhin,' _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque Historique_, vol. ii. p.
+        56. This work of Berthault's was, for many years, a text-book in
+        the French colleges. _Biog. Univ._ vol. iv. p. 347.
+
+All these, and similar productions, were, however, entirely eclipsed by
+Mezeray's History of France; the first volume of which was published in
+1643, and the last in 1651.[830] It is, perhaps, hardly fair to his
+predecessors, to call him the first general historian of France;[831]
+but there can be no doubt that his work is greatly superior to any that
+had yet been seen. The style of Mezeray is admirably clear and vigorous,
+rising, at times, to considerable eloquence. Besides this, he has two
+other merits much more important. These are, an indisposition to believe
+strange things, merely because they have hitherto been believed; and an
+inclination to take the side of the people, rather than that of their
+rulers.[832] Of these principles, the first was too common among the
+ablest Frenchmen of that time to excite much attention.[833] But the
+other principle enabled Mezeray to advance an important step before all
+his contemporaries. He was the first Frenchman who, in a great
+historical work, threw off that superstitious reverence for royalty
+which had long troubled the minds of his countrymen, and which, indeed,
+continued to haunt them for another century. As a necessary consequence,
+he was also the first who saw that a history, to be of real value, must
+be a history, not only of kings, but of nations. A steady perception of
+this principle led him to incorporate into his book matters which,
+before his time, no one cared to study. He communicates all the
+information he could collect respecting the taxes which the people had
+paid; the sufferings they had undergone from the gripping hands of their
+governors; their manners, their comforts, even the state of the towns
+which they inhabited; in a word, what affected the interests of the
+French people, as well as what affected the interests of the French
+monarchy.[834] These were the subjects which Mezeray preferred to
+insignificant details respecting the pomp of courts and the lives of
+kings. These were the large and comprehensive matters on which he loved
+to dwell, and on which he expatiated; not, indeed, with so much fulness
+as we could desire, but still with a spirit and an accuracy which
+entitles him to the honour of being the greatest historian France
+produced before the eighteenth century.
+
+  [830] The first volume in 1643; the second in 1646; and the last in
+        1651. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxviii. p. 510.
+
+  [831] 'The French have now their first general historian, Mezeray.'
+        _Hallam's Literature of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 228; and see
+        _Stephen's Lectures on the History of France_, 1851, vol. i. p.
+        10.
+
+  [832] Bayle says, that Mezeray is, 'de tous les historiens celui qui
+        favorise le plus les peuples contre la cour.' _Le Long_,
+        _Bibliotheque Historique_, vol. iii. p. lxxxvi.
+
+  [833] Though it did not prevent him from believing that sudden tempests,
+        and unusual appearances in the heavens, were aberrations, due to
+        supernatural interference, and, as such, were the prognosticators
+        of political change. _Mezeray_, _Hist. de France_, vol. i. pp.
+        202, 228, 238, 241, 317, 792, vol. ii. pp. 485, 573, 1120, vol.
+        iii. pp. 31, 167, 894; instructive passages, as proving that,
+        even in powerful minds, the scientific and secular method was
+        still feeble.
+
+  [834] What he did on these subjects is most remarkable, considering that
+        some of the best materials were unknown, and in manuscript, and
+        that even De Thou gives scarcely any information respecting them;
+        so that Mezeray had no model. See, among other passages which
+        have struck me in the first volume, pp. 145-147, 204, 353, 356,
+        362-365, 530, 531, 581, 812, 946, 1039. Compare his indignant
+        expressions at vol. ii. p. 721.
+
+This was, in many respects, the most important change which had yet been
+effected in the manner of writing history. If the plan begun by Mezeray
+had been completed by his successors, we should possess materials, the
+absence of which no modern researches can possibly compensate. Some
+things, indeed, we should, in that case, have lost. We should know less
+than we now know of courts and of camps. We should have heard less of
+the peerless beauty of French queens, and of the dignified presence of
+French kings. We might even have missed some of the links of that
+evidence by which the genealogies of princes and nobles are ascertained,
+and the study of which delights the curiosity of antiquaries and
+heralds. But, on the other hand, we should have been able to examine the
+state of the French people during the latter half of the seventeenth
+century; while, as things now stand, our knowledge of them, in that most
+important period, is inferior in accuracy and in extent to the knowledge
+we possess of some of the most barbarous tribes of the earth.[835] If
+the example of Mezeray had been followed, with such additional resources
+as the progress of affairs would have supplied, we should not only have
+the means of minutely tracing the growth of a great and civilised
+nation, but we should have materials that would suggest or verify those
+original principles, the discovery of which constitutes the real use of
+history.
+
+  [835] Those who have studied the French memoirs of the seventeenth
+        century, know how little can be found in them respecting the
+        condition of the people; while the fullest private
+        correspondence, such as the letters of Sevigne and De Maintenon,
+        are equally unsatisfactory. The greater part of the evidence now
+        extant has been collected by M. Monteil, in his valuable work,
+        _Histoire des divers Etats_: but whoever will put all this
+        together must admit, that we are better informed as to the
+        condition of many savage tribes than we are concerning the lower
+        classes of France during the reign of Louis XIV.
+
+But this was not to be. Unhappily for the interests of knowledge, the
+march of French civilization was, at this period, suddenly checked. Soon
+after the middle of the seventeenth century, that lamentable change took
+place in France, which gave a new turn to the destinies of the nation.
+The reaction which the spirit of inquiry underwent, and the social and
+intellectual circumstances which, by bringing the Fronde to a premature
+close, prepared the way for Louis XIV., have been described in a former
+part of this volume, where I have attempted to indicate the general
+effects of the disastrous movement. It now remains for me to point out
+how this retrogressive tendency opposed obstacles to the improvement of
+historical literature, and prevented authors, not only from relating
+with honesty what was passing around them, but also from understanding
+events which had occurred before their time.
+
+The most superficial students of French literature must be struck by the
+dearth of historians during that long period in which Louis XIV. held
+the reins of government.[836] To this, the personal peculiarities of the
+king greatly contributed. His education had been shamefully neglected;
+and as he never had the energy to repair its deficiencies, he all his
+life remained ignorant of many things with which even princes are
+usually familiar.[837] Of the course of past events he knew literally
+nothing, and he took no interest in any history except the history of
+his own exploits. Among a free people, this indifference on the part of
+the sovereign could never have produced injurious results; indeed, as we
+have already seen, the absence of royal patronage is, in a highly
+civilized country, the most favourable condition of literature. But at
+the accession of Louis XIV. the liberties of the French were still too
+young, and the habits of independent thought too recent, to enable them
+to bear up against that combination of the crown and the church, which
+was directed against them. The French, becoming every day more servile,
+at length sunk so low, that, by the end of the seventeenth century, they
+seemed to have lost even the wish of resistance. The king, meeting no
+opposition, endeavoured to exercise over the intellect of the country an
+authority equal to that with which he conducted its government.[838] In
+all the great questions of religion and of politics, the spirit of
+inquiry was stifled, and no man was allowed to express an opinion
+unfavourable to the existing state of things. As the king was willing to
+endow literature, he naturally thought that he had a right to its
+services. Authors, who were fed by his hand, were not to raise their
+voices against his policy. They received his wages, and they were bound
+to do the bidding of him who paid them. When Louis assumed the
+government, Mezeray was still living; though I need hardly say that his
+great work was published before this system of protection and patronage
+came into play. The treatment to which he, the great historian of
+France, was now subjected, was a specimen of the new arrangement. He
+received from the crown a pension of four thousand francs; but when he,
+in 1668, published an abridgment of his History,[839] it was intimated
+to him that some remarks upon the tendency of taxation were likely to
+cause offence in high quarters. As, however, it was soon found that
+Mezeray was too honest and too fearless to retract what he had written,
+it was determined to have recourse to intimidation, and half of his
+pension was taken from him.[840] But as this did not produce a proper
+effect, another order was issued, which deprived him of the remaining
+half; and thus early, in this bad reign, there was set an example of
+punishing a man for writing with honesty upon a subject in which, of all
+others, honesty is the first essential.[841]
+
+  [836] This is noticed in _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxvii.
+        pp. 181, 182; also in _Villemain_, _Litterature Francaise_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 29, 30. Compare _D'Argenson_, _Reflexions sur les
+        Historiens Francois_, in _Memoires de l'Academie des
+        Inscriptions_, vol. xxviii. p. 627, with _Boulainvilliers_,
+        _Ancien Gouvernement de la France_, vol. i. p. 174.
+
+  [837] 'Le jeune Louis XIV n'avait recu aucune education intellectuelle.'
+        _Capefigue's Richelieu, Mazarin et la Fronde_, vol. ii. p. 245.
+        On the education of Louis XIV., which was as shamefully neglected
+        as that of our George III., see _Lettres inedites de Maintenon_,
+        vol. ii. p. 369; _Duclos_, _Mem. Secrets_, vol. i. pp. 167, 168;
+        _Mem. de Brienne_, vol. i. pp. 391-393.
+
+  [838] On his political maxims, see _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de
+        Louis XIV_, pp. 325-327, 407, 408. The eloquent remarks made by
+        M. Ranke upon an Italian despotism, are admirably applicable to
+        his whole system: 'Sonderbare Gestalt menschlichen Dinge! Die
+        Kraefte des Landes bringen den Hof hervor, der Mittelpunkt des
+        Hofes ist der Fuerst, das letzte Product des gesammten Lebens ist
+        zuletzt das Selbstgefuehl des Fuersten.' _Die Paepste_, vol. ii. p.
+        266.
+
+  [839] His _Abrege Chronologique_ was published in 1668, in three volumes
+        quarto. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxviii. p. 510. Le Long (_Bibliotheque
+        Historique_, vol. iii. p. lxxxv.) says, that it was only allowed
+        to be published in consequence of a 'privilege' which Mezeray had
+        formerly obtained. But there seems to have been some difficulty,
+        of which these writers are not aware: for Patin, in a letter
+        dated Paris, 23 December 1664, speaks of it as being then in the
+        press: 'on imprime ici en _grand-in-quarto_ un Abrege de
+        l'Histoire de France, par M. Mezeray.' _Lettres de Patin_, vol.
+        iii. p. 503: compare p. 665. It long remained an established
+        school-book: see D'Argenson's Essay, in _Mem. de l'Academie_,
+        vol. xxviii. p. 635; and _Works of Sir William Temple_, vol. iii.
+        p. 70.
+
+  [840] _Barriere_, _Essai sur les M[oe]urs du Dix-septieme Siecle_,
+        prefixed to _Mem. de Brienne_, vol. i. pp. 129, 130, where
+        reference is made to his original correspondence with Colbert.
+        This treatment of Mezeray is noticed, but imperfectly, in
+        _Boulainvilliers_, _Hist. de l'Ancien Gouvernement_, vol. i. p.
+        196; in _Lemontey_, _Etablissement de Louis XIV_, p. 331; and in
+        _Palissot_, _Mem. pour l'Hist. de Lit._ vol. ii. p. 161.
+
+  [841] In 1685 was published at Paris what was called an improved edition
+        of Mezeray's History; that is, an edition from which the honest
+        remarks were expunged. See _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque Historique_,
+        vol. ii. p. 53, vol. iv. p. 381; and _Brunet_, _Manuel du
+        Libraire_, vol. iii. p. 383, Paris, 1843. Hampden, who knew
+        Mezeray, has recorded an interesting interview he had with him in
+        Paris, when the great historian lamented the loss of the
+        liberties of France. See _Calamy's Life of Himself_, vol. i. pp.
+        392, 393.
+
+Such conduct as this showed what historians were to expect from the
+government of Louis XIV. Several years later, the king took another
+opportunity of displaying the same spirit. Fenelon had been appointed
+preceptor to the grandson of Louis, whose early vices his firmness and
+judgment did much to repress.[842] But a single circumstance was thought
+sufficient to outweigh the immense service which Fenelon thus rendered
+to the royal family, and, if his pupil had come to the throne, would
+have rendered prospectively to the whole of France. His celebrated
+romance, _Telemachus_, was published in 1699, as it appears, without his
+consent.[843] The king suspected that, under the guise of a fiction,
+Fenelon intended to reflect on the conduct of government. It was in vain
+that the author denied so dangerous an imputation. The indignation of
+the king was not to be appeased. He banished Fenelon from the court; and
+would never again admit to his presence a man whom he suspected of even
+insinuating a criticism upon the measures adopted by the administration
+of the country.[844]
+
+  [842] _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. xxvi. pp. 240, 241.
+
+  [843] 'Par l'infidelite d'un domestique charge de transcrire le
+        manuscrit.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xiv. p. 289; and see _Peignot_,
+        _Dict. des Livres condamnes_, vol. i. pp. 134, 135. It was
+        suppressed in France, and appeared in Holland in the same year,
+        1699. _Lettres de Sevigne_, vol. vi. pp. 434, 435 note.
+
+  [844] 'Louis XIV prit le Telemaque pour une personnalite.... Comme il
+        (Fenelon) avait deplu au roi, il mourut dans l'exil.'
+        _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol. ii. pp. 219, 220; and see
+        _Siecle de Louis XIV_, chap. xxxii., in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. xx. p. 307.
+
+If the king could, on mere suspicion, thus treat a great writer, who had
+the rank of an archbishop and the reputation of a saint, it was not
+likely that he would deal more tenderly with inferior men. In 1681, the
+Abbe Primi, an Italian, then residing at Paris, was induced to write a
+history of Louis XIV. The king, delighted with the idea of perpetuating
+his own fame, conferred several rewards upon the author: and
+arrangements were made that the work should be composed in Italian, and
+immediately translated into French. But when the history appeared, there
+were found in it some circumstances which it was thought ought not to
+have been disclosed. On this account, Louis caused the book to be
+suppressed, the papers of the author to be seized, and the author
+himself to be thrown into the Bastille.[845]
+
+  [845] These circumstances are related in a letter from Lord Preston,
+        dated Paris, 22 July 1682, and printed in _Dalrymple's Memoirs_,
+        pp. 141, 142, appendix to vol. i. The account given by M. Peignot
+        (_Livres condamnes_, vol. ii. pp. 52, 53) is incomplete, he being
+        evidently ignorant of the existence of Lord Preston's letter.
+
+Those, indeed, were dangerous times for independent men; times when no
+writer on politics or religion was safe, unless he followed the fashion
+of the day, and defended the opinions of the court and the church. The
+king, who had an insatiable thirst for what he called glory,[846]
+laboured to degrade contemporary historians into mere chroniclers of his
+own achievements. He ordered Racine and Boileau to write an account of
+his reign; he settled a pension upon them, and he promised to supply
+them with the necessary materials.[847] But even Racine and Boileau,
+poets though they were, knew that they would fail in satisfying his
+morbid vanity; they, therefore, received the pension, but omitted to
+compose the work for which the pension was conferred. So notorious was
+the unwillingness of able men to meddle with history, that it was
+thought advisable to beat up literary recruits from foreign countries.
+The case of the Abbe Primi has just been mentioned; he was an Italian,
+and only one year later a similar offer was made to an Englishman. In
+1683, Burnet visited France, and was given to understand that he might
+receive a pension, and that he might even enjoy the honour of conversing
+with Louis himself, provided he would write a history of the royal
+affairs; such history, it was carefully added, being on the 'side' of
+the French king.[848]
+
+  [846] An able writer has well called him 'glorieux plutot
+        qu'appreciateur de la vraie gloire.' _Flassan_, _Histoire de la
+        Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. iv. p. 399.
+
+  [847] In 1677, Madame de Sevigne writes from Paris respecting the king:
+        'Vous savez bien qu'il a donne deux mille ecus de pension a
+        Racine et a Despreaux, en leur commandant de travailler a son
+        histoire, dont il aura soin de donner des Memoires.' _Lettres de
+        Sevigne_, vol. iii. p. 362. Compare _Eloge de Valincourt_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, vol. vi. p. 383; and _Hughes's
+        Letters_, edit. 1773, vol. ii. pp. 74, 75.
+
+  [848] Burnet relates this with delightful simplicity: 'Others more
+        probably thought that the king, hearing I was a writer of
+        history, had a mind to engage me to write on his side. I was told
+        a pension would be offered me. But I made no steps towards it;
+        for though I was offered an audience of the king, I excused it,
+        since I could not have the honour to be presented to that king by
+        the minister of England.' _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. ii. p. 385.
+
+Under such circumstances as these, it is no wonder that history, so far
+as its great essentials are concerned, should have rapidly declined
+during the power of Louis XIV. It became, as some think, more elegant;
+but it certainly became more feeble. The language in which it was
+composed was worked with great care, the periods neatly arranged, the
+epithets soft and harmonious. For that was a polite and obsequious age,
+full of reverence, of duty, and of admiration. In history, as it was
+then written, every king was a hero, and every bishop was a saint. All
+unpleasant truths were suppressed; nothing harsh or unkind was to be
+told. These docile and submissive sentiments being expressed in an easy
+and flowing style, gave to history that air of refinement, that gentle,
+unobtrusive gait, which made it popular with the classes that it
+flattered. But even so, while its form was polished, its life was
+extinct. All its independence was gone, all its honesty, all its
+boldness. The noblest and the most difficult department of knowledge,
+the study of the movements of the human race, was abandoned to every
+timid and creeping intellect that cared to cultivate it. There was
+Boulainvilliers, and Daniel, and Maimburg, and Varillas, and Vertot, and
+numerous others, who in the reign of Louis XIV. were believed to be
+historians; but whose histories have scarcely any merit, except that of
+enabling us to appreciate the period in which such productions were
+admired, and the system of which they were the representatives.
+
+To give a complete view of the decline of historical literature in
+France, from the time of Mezeray until early in the eighteenth century,
+would require a summary of every history which was written; for all of
+them were pervaded by the same spirit. But, as this would occupy much
+too large a space, it will probably be thought sufficient if I confine
+myself to such illustrations as will bring the tendency of the age most
+clearly before the reader; and for this purpose, I will notice the works
+of two historians I have not yet mentioned; one of whom was celebrated
+as an antiquary, the other as a theologian. Both possessed considerable
+learning, and one was a man of undoubted genius; their works are,
+therefore, worth attention, as symptoms of the state of the French
+intellect late in the seventeenth century. The name of the antiquary was
+Audigier; the name of the theologian was Bossuet: and from them we may
+learn something respecting the way in which, during the reign of Louis
+XIV., it was usual to contemplate the transactions of past ages.
+
+The celebrated work of Audigier, on the Origin of the French, was
+published at Paris in 1676.[849] It would be unjust to deny that the
+author was a man of great and careful reading. But his credulity, his
+prejudices, his reverence for antiquity, and his dutiful admiration for
+everything established by the church and the court, warped his judgment
+to an extent which, in our time, seems incredible; and, as there are
+probably few persons in England who have read his once famous book, I
+will give an outline of its leading views.
+
+  [849] During many years it enjoyed great reputation; and there is no
+        history written in that period respecting which Le Long gives so
+        many details. See his _Bibliotheque Historique de la France_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 13, 14. Compare _La Bibliotheque de Leber_, vol. ii.
+        p. 110, Paris, 1839.
+
+In this great history we are told, that 3464 years after the creation of
+the world, and 590 years before the birth of Christ, was the exact
+period at which Sigovese, nephew to the king of the Celts, was first
+sent into Germany.[850] Those who accompanied him were necessarily
+travellers; and as, in the German language, _wandeln_ means _to go_, we
+have here the origin of the Vandals.[851] But the antiquity of the
+Vandals is far surpassed by that of the French. Jupiter, Pluto, and
+Neptune, who are sometimes supposed to be gods, were in reality kings of
+Gaul.[852] And, if we look back a little further, it becomes certain
+that Gallus, the founder of Gaul, was no other than Noah himself; for in
+those days the same man frequently had two names.[853] As to the
+subsequent history of the French, it was fully equal to the dignity of
+their origin. Alexander the Great, even in all the pride of his
+victories, never dared to attack the Scythians, who were a colony sent
+from France.[854] It is from these great occupiers of France that there
+have proceeded all the gods of Europe, all the fine arts, and all the
+sciences.[855] The English themselves are merely a colony of the French,
+as must be evident to whoever considers the similarity of the words
+Angles and Anjou;[856] and to this fortunate descent the natives of the
+British islands are indebted for such bravery and politeness as they
+still possess.[857] Several other points are cleared up by this great
+critic with equal faculty. The Salian Franks were so called from the
+rapidity of their flight;[858] the Bretons were evidently Saxons;[859]
+and even the Scotch, about whose independence so much has been said,
+were vassals to the kings of France.[860] Indeed, it is impossible to
+exaggerate the dignity of the crown of France; it is difficult even to
+conceive its splendour. Some have supposed that the emperors are
+superior to the kings of France, but this is the mistake of ignorant
+men; for an emperor means a mere military ruler, while the title of king
+includes all the functions of supreme power.[861] To put the question,
+therefore, on its real footing, the great king Louis XIV. is an emperor,
+as have been all his predecessors, the illustrious rulers of France, for
+fifteen centuries.[862] And it is an undoubted fact, that Antichrist,
+about whom so much anxiety is felt, will never be allowed to appear in
+the world until the French empire has been destroyed. This, says
+Audigier, it would be idle to deny; for it is asserted by many of the
+saints, and it is distinctly foreshadowed by St. Paul, in his second
+epistle to the Thessalonians.[863]
+
+  [850] _Audigier_, _L'Origine des Francois_, Paris, 1676, vol. i. p. 5.
+        See also p. 45, where he congratulates himself on being the first
+        to clear up the history of Sigovese.
+
+  [851] _Audigier_, vol. i. p. 7. Other antiquaries have adopted the same
+        preposterous etymology. See a note in _Kemble's Saxons in
+        England_, vol. i. p. 41.
+
+  [852] 'Or le plus ancien Jupiter, le plus ancien Neptune, et le plus
+        ancien Pluton, sont ceux de Gaule; ils la diviserent les premiers
+        en Celtique, Aquitaine et Belgique, et obtinrent chacun une de
+        ces parties en partage. Jupiter, qu'on fait regner au ciel, eut
+        la Celtique.... Neptune, qu'on fait regner sur les eaux, et sur
+        les mers, eut l'Aquitaine, qui n'est appelee de la sorte qu'a
+        cause de l'abondance de ses eaux, et de la situation sur
+        l'ocean.' _Audigier_, _L'Origine des Francois_, vol. i. pp. 223,
+        224.
+
+  [853] See his argument, vol. i. pp. 216, 217, beginning, 'le nom de Noe,
+        que porterent les Galates, est Gallus;' and compare vol. ii. p.
+        109, where he expresses surprise that so little should have been
+        done by previous writers towards establishing this obvious origin
+        of the French.
+
+  [854] _Audigier_, vol. i. pp. 196, 197, 255, 256.
+
+  [855] 'Voila donc les anciennes divinitez d'Europe, originaires de
+        Gaule, aussi bien que les beaux arts et les hautes sciences.'
+        _Audigier_, vol. i. p. 234.
+
+  [856] _Ibid._ vol. i. pp. 73, 74. He sums up, 'c'en est assez pour
+        relever l'Anjou, a qui cette gloire appartient legitimement.'
+
+  [857] Vol. i. pp. 265, 266.
+
+  [858] Vol. i. p. 149.
+
+  [859] Vol. ii. pp. 179, 180.
+
+  [860] Vol. ii. p. 269.
+
+  [861] Vol. ii. p. 124.
+
+  [862] Vol. ii. pp. 451-454.
+
+  [863] 'A quoy nous pourrions joindre un autre monument fort authentique,
+        c'est le resultat de certains peres, et de certains docteurs de
+        l'eglise, qui tiennent que l'Ante-christ ne viendra point au
+        monde qu'apres la dissection, c'est-a-dire apres la dissipation
+        de nostre empire. Leur fondement est dans la seconde epistre de
+        saint Paul aux Thessaloniciens.' _Audigier_, vol. ii. p. 462.
+
+Strange as all this appears, there was nothing in it to revolt the
+enlightened age of Louis XIV. Indeed, the French, dazzled by the
+brilliancy of their prince, must have felt great interest in learning
+how superior he was to all other potentates, and how he had not only
+been preceded by a long line of emperors, but was in fact an emperor
+himself. They must have been struck with awe at the information
+communicated by Audigier respecting the arrival of Antichrist, and the
+connexion between that important event and the fate of the French
+monarchy. They must have listened with pious wonder to the illustration
+of these matters from the writings of the fathers, and from the epistle
+to the Thessalonians. All this they would easily receive; because to
+worship the king, and venerate the church, were the two cardinal maxims
+of that age. To obey, and to believe, were the fundamental ideas of a
+period, in which the fine arts did for a time flourish,--in which the
+perception of beauty, though too fastidious, was undoubtedly keen,--in
+which taste and the imagination, in its lower departments, were
+zealously cultivated,--but in which, on the other hand, originality and
+independence of thought were extinguished, the greatest and the largest
+topics were forbidden to be discussed, the sciences were almost
+deserted, reforms and innovations were hated, new opinions were
+despised, and their authors punished, until at length, the exuberance of
+genius being tamed into sterility, the national intellect was reduced to
+that dull and monotonous level which characterizes the last twenty years
+of the reign of Louis XIV.
+
+In no instance can we find a better example of this reactionary
+movement, than in the case of Bossuet, bishop of Meaux. The success, and
+indeed the mere existence, of his work on Universal History, becomes,
+from this point of view, highly instructive. Considered by itself, the
+book is a painful exhibition of a great genius cramped by a
+superstitious age. But considered in reference to the time in which it
+appeared, it is invaluable as a symptom of the French intellect; since
+it proves, that towards the end of the seventeenth century, one of the
+most eminent men, in one of the first countries of Europe, could
+willingly submit to a prostration of judgment, and could display a blind
+credulity, of which, in our day, even the feeblest minds would be
+ashamed; and that this, so far from causing scandal, or bringing a
+rebuke on the head of the author, was received with universal and
+unqualified applause. Bossuet was a great orator, a consummate
+dialectician, and an accomplished master of those vague sublimities by
+which most men are easily affected. All these qualities he, a few years
+later, employed in the production of what is probably the most
+formidable work ever directed against Protestantism.[864] But when he,
+leaving these matters, entered the vast field of history, he could
+think of no better way of treating his new subject, than by following
+the arbitrary rules peculiar to his own profession.[865] His work is an
+audacious attempt to degrade history to a mere handmaid of
+theology.[866] As if, on such matters, doubt were synonymous with crime,
+he, without the slightest hesitation, takes everything for granted which
+the church had been accustomed to believe. This enables him to speak
+with perfect confidence respecting events which are lost in the remotest
+antiquity. He knows the exact number of years which have elapsed since
+the moment when Cain murdered his brother; when the deluge overwhelmed
+the world; and when Abraham was summoned to his mission.[867] The dates
+of these, and similar occurrences, he fixes with a precision, which
+might almost make us believe that they had taken place in his own time,
+if not under his own eyes.[868] It is true, that the Hebrew books on
+which he willingly relied, supply no evidence of the slightest value
+concerning the chronology even of their own people; while the
+information they contain respecting other countries is notoriously
+meagre and unsatisfactory.[869] But so narrow were the views of Bossuet
+upon history, that with all this he, in his own opinion, had no concern.
+The text of the Vulgate declared, that these things had happened at a
+particular time; and a number of holy men, calling themselves the
+council of the church, had, in the middle of the sixteenth century,
+pronounced the Vulgate to be authentic, and had taken upon themselves to
+place it above all other versions.[870] This theological opinion was
+accepted by Bossuet as an historical law; and thus the decision of a
+handful of cardinals and bishops, in a superstitious and uncritical age,
+is the sole authority for that early chronology, the precision of which
+is, to an uninformed reader, a matter of great admiration.[871]
+
+  [864] This is the opinion of Mr. Hallam respecting Bossuet's History of
+        the Variations of Protestant Churches. _Const. Hist._ vol. i. p.
+        486: compare _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 86.
+        Attempts have been made by Protestant theologians to retort
+        against the Catholics the arguments of Bossuet, on the ground
+        that religious variations are a necessary consequence of the
+        honest pursuit of religious truth. See _Blanco White's Evidence
+        against Catholicism_, pp. 109-112; and his _Letters from Spain_,
+        _by Doblado_, p. 127. With this I fully agree; but it would be
+        easy to show that the argument is fatal to all ecclesiastical
+        systems with strictly defined creeds, and, therefore, strikes as
+        heavily against the Protestant churches as against the Catholic.
+        Beausobre, in his acute and learned work on Manichaeism, seems to
+        have felt this; and he makes the dangerous admission, 'que si
+        l'argument de M. de Meaux vaut quelque chose contre la
+        Reformation, il a la meme force contre le Christianisme.' _Hist.
+        de Manichee_, vol. i. p. 526. On Bossuet as a controversialist,
+        see _Staeudlin_, _Geschichte der theologischen Wissenschaften_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 43-45; and for a contemporary opinion of his great
+        work, see a characteristic passage in _Lettres de Sevigne_,
+        vol. v. p. 409.
+
+  [865] His method is fairly stated by _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_,
+        vol. xxv. p. 427.
+
+  [866] See, on this attempt of Bossuet's, some good remarks in
+        _Staeudlin_, _Geschichte der theologischen Wissenschaften_, vol.
+        ii. p. 198: 'Kirche und Christenthum sind fuer diesen Bischoff der
+        Mittelpunct der ganzen Geschichte. Aus diesem Gesichtspuncte
+        betrachtet er nicht nur die Patriarchen und Propheten, das
+        Judenthum und die alten Weissagungen, sondern auch die Reiche der
+        Welt.'
+
+  [867] _Bossuet_, _Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle_, pp. 10, 11, 16,
+        17; see also, at p. 90, a curious specimen of his chronological
+        calculations.
+
+  [868] He says, that if the ordinarily received dates of the Pentateuch
+        and the Prophets are not true, then the miracles must fall, and
+        the writings themselves are not inspired. _Hist. Univ._ p. 360.
+        It would be hard to find, even in the works of Bossuet a more
+        rash assertion than this.
+
+        [869] Indeed the Jews have no consecutive chronology before
+        Solomon. See _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. pp. viii. xxv. 170, 178,
+        185, vol. ii. p. 399.
+
+  [870] Doing this, as they did everything else, on account, not of
+        reason, but of dogma; for, as a learned writer says, 'l'Eglise a
+        bien distingue certains livres en apocryphes et en orthodoxes;
+        elle s'est prononcee d'une maniere formelle sur le choix des
+        ouvrages canoniques; neanmoins sa critique n'a jamais ete fondee
+        sur un examen raisonne, mais seulement sur la question de savoir
+        si tel ou tel ecrit etait d'accord avec les dogmes qu'elle
+        enseignait.' _Maury_, _Legendes Pieuses_, p. 224.
+
+  [871] Theologians have always been remarkable for the exactness of their
+        knowledge on subjects respecting which nothing is known; but none
+        of them have surpassed the learned Dr. Stukeley. In 1730, this
+        eminent divine writes: 'But according to the calculations I have
+        made of this matter, I find God Almighty ordered Noah to get the
+        creatures into the ark on Sunday the 12th of October, the very
+        day of the autumnal equinox that year; and on this present day,
+        on the Sunday se'nnight following (the 19th of October), that
+        terrible catastrophe began, the moon being past her third
+        quarter.' _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_,
+        vol. ii. p. 792.
+
+In the same way, because Bossuet had been taught that the Jews are the
+chosen people of God, he, under the title of Universal History, almost
+confines his attention to them, and treats this obstinate and ignorant
+race as if they formed the pivot upon which the affairs of the universe
+had been made to turn.[872] His idea of an universal history excludes
+those nations who were the first to reach civilization, and to some of
+whom the Hebrews owed the scanty knowledge which they subsequently
+acquired.[873] He says little of the Persians, and less of the
+Egyptians; nor does he even mention that far greater people between the
+Indus and the Ganges, whose philosophy formed one of the elements of the
+school of Alexandria, whose subtle speculations anticipated all the
+efforts of European metaphysics, and whose sublime inquiries, conducted
+in their own exquisite language, date from a period when the Jews,
+stained with every variety of crime, were a plundering and vagabond
+tribe, wandering on the face of the earth, raising their hand against
+every man and every man raising his hand against them.
+
+  [872] 'Premierement, ces empires ont pour la plupart une liaison
+        necessaire avec l'histoire du peuple de Dieu. Dieu s'est servi
+        des Assyriens et des Babyloniens pour chatier ce peuple; des
+        Perses pour le retablir; d'Alexandre et de ses premiers
+        successeurs pour le proteger; d'Antiochus l'Illustre et de ses
+        successeurs pour l'exercer; des Romains pour soutenir sa liberte
+        contre les rois de Syrie, que ne songeaient qu'a le detruire.'
+        _Bossuet_, _Hist. Univ._ p. 382. Well may M. Lerminier say
+        (_Philos. du Droit_, vol. ii. p. 87), that Bossuet 'a sacrifie
+        toutes les nations au peuple juif.'
+
+  [873] On the extraordinary and prolonged ignorance of the Jews, even to
+        the time of the Apostles, see _Mackay's Progress of the
+        Intellect_, vol. i. pp. 13 seq.; a work of profound learning.
+
+When he enters the more modern period, he allows himself to be governed
+by the same theological prejudices. So contracted is his view, that he
+considers the whole history of the church as the history of providential
+interference; and he takes no notice of the manner in which, contrary to
+the original scheme, it has been affected by foreign events.[874] Thus,
+for example, the most important fact relating to the early changes in
+Christianity, is the extent to which its doctrines have been influenced
+by the African form of the Platonic philosophy.[875] But this, Bossuet
+never mentions; nor does he even hint that any such thing had occurred.
+It suited his views to look upon the church as a perpetual miracle, and
+he therefore omits the most important event in its early history.[876]
+To descend a little later: every one acquainted with the progress of
+civilization will allow, that no small share of it is due to those
+gleams of light, which, in the midst of surrounding darkness, shot from
+the great centres of Cordova and Bagdad. These, however, were the work
+of Mohammedanism; and as Bossuet had been taught that Mohammedanism is a
+pestilential heresy, he could not bring himself to believe that
+Christian nations had derived anything from so corrupt a source. The
+consequence is, that he says nothing of that great religion, the noise
+of which has filled the world;[877] and having occasion to mention its
+founder, he treats him with scorn, as an impudent impostor, whose
+pretensions it is hardly fitting to notice.[878] The great apostle, who
+diffused among millions of idolaters the sublime verity of one God, is
+spoken of by Bossuet with supreme contempt; because Bossuet, with the
+true spirit of his profession, could see nothing to admire in those
+whose opinions differed from his own.[879] But when he has occasion to
+mention some obscure member of that class to which he himself belonged,
+then it is that he scatters his praises with boundless profusion. In his
+scheme of universal history, Mohammed is not worthy to play a part. He
+is passed by; but the truly great man, the man to whom the human race is
+really indebted, is--Martin, bishop of Tours. He it is, says Bossuet,
+whose unrivalled actions filled the universe with his fame, both during
+his lifetime and after his death.[880] It is true, that not one educated
+man in fifty has ever heard the name of Martin, bishop of Tours. But
+Martin performed miracles, and the church had made him a saint; his
+claims, therefore, to the attention of historians must be far superior
+to the claims of one who, like Mohammed, was without these advantages.
+Thus it is that, in the opinion of the only eminent writer on history
+during the power of Louis XIV., the greatest man Asia has ever produced,
+and one of the greatest the world has ever seen, is considered in every
+way inferior to a mean and ignorant monk, whose most important
+achievement was the erection of a monastery, and who spent the best part
+of his life in useless solitude, trembling before the superstitious
+fancies of his weak and ignoble nature.[881]
+
+  [874] The original scheme of Christianity, as stated by its Great Author
+        (_Matthew_ x. 6, and xv. 24), was merely to convert the Jews; and
+        if the doctrines of Christ had never extended beyond that
+        ignorant people, they could not have received those modifications
+        which philosophy imposed upon them. The whole of this subject is
+        admirably discussed in _Mackay's Progress of the Intellect in
+        Religious Development_, vol. ii. pp. 382 seq.; and on the
+        'universalism,' first clearly announced 'by the Hellenist
+        Stephen,' see p. 484. Neander makes a noticeable attempt to evade
+        the difficulty caused by the changes in Christianity from
+        'various outward causes:' see his _History of the Church_,
+        vol. iii. p. 125.
+
+  [875] Neander (_Hist. of the Church_, vol. ii. p. 42) even thinks that
+        Cerinthus whose views are remarkable as being the point where
+        Gnosticism and Judaism touch each other, borrowed his system from
+        Alexandria. But this, though not unlikely, seems only to rest on
+        the authority of Theodoret. On the influence of the Platonism of
+        Alexandria in developing the idea of the Logos, see _Neander_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 304, 306-314. Compare _Sharpe's Hist. of Egypt_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 152 seq.
+
+  [876] And having to mention Clemens Alexandrinus, who was more deeply
+        versed in the philosophy of Alexandria than were any of the other
+        fathers, Bossuet merely says, p. 98, 'a peu pres dans le meme
+        temps, le saint pretre Clement Alexandrin deterra les antiquites
+        du paganisme pour le confondre.'
+
+  [877] About the time that Bossuet wrote, a very learned writer
+        calculated that the area of the countries which professed
+        Mohammedanism, exceeded, by one fifth, those where Christianity
+        was believed. See _Brerewood's Inquiries touching the Diversity
+        of Languages and Religions_, Lond. 1674, pp. 144, 145. The
+        estimate of Southey (_Vindiciae Ecclesiae Anglicanae_, London, 1826,
+        p. 48), is very vague; but it is much easier to judge of the
+        extent of Mohammedan countries than of the extent of their
+        population. On this latter point we have the most conflicting
+        statements. In the nineteenth century, there are, according to
+        Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 485, edit. 1839),
+        eighty million Mohammedans; according to Dr. Elliotson (_Human
+        Physiology_, p. 1055, edit. 1840), more than a hundred and
+        twenty-two million; while, according to Mr. Wilkin (note in _Sir
+        Thomas Browne's Works_, vol. ii. p. 37, edit. 1835), there are a
+        hundred and eighty-eight million.
+
+  [878] 'Le faux prophete donna ses victoires pour toute marque de sa
+        mission.' _Bossuet_, p. 125.
+
+  [879] The greatest Mohammedan writers have always expressed ideas
+        regarding the Deity more lofty than those possessed by the
+        majority of Christians. The Koran contains noble passages on the
+        oneness of God; and for the views of their ordinary theologians,
+        I may refer to an interesting Mohammedan sermon, in _Transactions
+        of the Bombay Society_, vol. i. pp. 146-158. See also, in vol.
+        iii. pp. 398-448, an Essay by Vans Kennedy; and compare a
+        remarkable passage, considering the quarter from which it comes,
+        in _Autobiography of the Emperor Jehangueir_, p. 44. Those who
+        are so thoughtless as to believe that Mohammed was a hypocrite,
+        had better study the admirable remarks of M. Comte (_Philos.
+        Pos._ vol. v. pp. 76, 77), who truly says, 'qu'un homme vraiment
+        superieur n'a jamais pu exercer aucune grande action sur ses
+        semblables sans etre d'abord lui-meme intimement convaincu.'
+
+  [880] 'Saint Martin fut fait eveque de Tours, et remplit tout l'univers
+        du bruit de sa saintete et de ses miracles, durant sa vie, et
+        apres sa mort.' _Bossuet_, _Hist. Univ._ p. 111.
+
+  [881] The Benedictines have written the life of Martin in their _Hist.
+        Lit. de la France_, vol. i. part ii. pp. 413-417, Paris, 1733,
+        4to. They say that he erected the first monastery in Gaul:
+        'Martin, toujours passionne pour la solitude, erigea un monastere
+        qui fut le premier que l'on eut encore vu dans les Gaules,' p.
+        414. At p. 415, they make the unnecessary admission, that the
+        saint 'n'avoit point etudie les sciences profanes.' I may add,
+        that the miracles of Martin are related by Fleury, who evidently
+        believes that they were really performed. _Fleury_, _Hist.
+        Ecclesiastique_, livre xvi. no. 31, vol. iv. pp. 215-217, Paris,
+        1758, 12mo. Neander, having the advantage of living a hundred
+        years later than Fleury, is content to say, 'the veneration of
+        his period denominated him a worker of miracles.' _Hist. of the
+        Church_, vol. iv. p. 494. There is a characteristic anecdote of
+        him, from Sulpitius Severus, in _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. i.
+        p. 123.
+
+Such was the narrow spirit with which the great facts of history were
+contemplated by a writer, who, when he was confined to his own
+department, displayed the most towering genius. This contracted view was
+the inevitable consequence of his attempt to explain the complicated
+movements of the human race by principles which he had generalized from
+his own inferior studies.[882] Nor need any one be offended, that, from
+a scientific point of view, I assign to the pursuits of Bossuet a rank
+lower than that in which they are sometimes placed. It is certain that
+religious dogmas do, in many cases, influence the affairs of men. But it
+is equally certain, that as civilization advances, such influence
+decreases, and that even when the power of those dogmas was at its
+height, there were many other motives by which the actions of mankind
+were also governed. And since the study of history is the study of the
+aggregate of these motives, it is evident that history must be superior
+to theology; just as the whole is superior to a part. A neglect of this
+simple consideration has, with a few eminent exceptions, led all
+ecclesiastical authors into serious errors. It has induced in them a
+disposition to disregard the immense variety of external events, and to
+suppose that the course of affairs is regulated by some principles which
+theology alone can detect. This, indeed, is only the result of a general
+law of the mind, by which those who have any favourite profession, are
+apt to exaggerate its capacity; to explain events by its maxims, and as
+it were, to refract through its medium the occurrences of life.[883]
+Among theologians, however, such prejudices are more dangerous than in
+any other profession, because among them alone are they fortified by
+that bold assumption of supernatural authority on which many of the
+clergy willingly rely.
+
+  [882] At pp. 479, 480, Bossuet gives a sort of summary of his historical
+        principles; and if they are true, history is evidently impossible
+        to be written. On this account, though fully recognizing the
+        genius of Bossuet, I cannot agree with the remarks made upon him
+        by M. Comte, _Philos. Pos._ vol. iv. p. 280, vol. vi. pp. 316,
+        317.
+
+  [883] And then, as M. Charles Comte well says, they call this prejudice
+        their moral sense, or their moral instinct. _Comte_, _Traite de
+        Legislation_, vol. i. p. 116.
+
+These professional prejudices, when supported by theological dogmas, in
+a reign like that of Louis XIV.,[884] are sufficient to account for the
+peculiarities which mark the historical work of Bossuet. Besides this,
+in his case, the general tendency was aggravated by personal
+characteristics. His mind was remarkable for a haughtiness, which we
+find constantly breaking out into a general contempt for mankind.[885]
+At the same time his amazing eloquence, and the effects which it never
+failed to produce, seemed to justify the overweening confidence that he
+felt in his own powers. There is, indeed, in some of his greatest
+efforts, so much of the fire and majesty of genius, that we are reminded
+of those lofty and burning words with which the prophets of antiquity
+thrilled their hearers. Bossuet, thus standing, as he supposed, on an
+eminence which raised him above the ordinary weaknesses of men, loved to
+taunt them with their follies, and to deride every aspiration of their
+genius. Every thing like intellectual boldness seemed to gall his own
+superiority.[886] It was this boundless arrogance with which he was
+filled, which gives to his works some of their most marked
+peculiarities. It was this, that made him strain every nerve to abase
+and vilify those prodigious resources of the human understanding, which
+are often despised by men who are ignorant of them; but which in reality
+are so great, that no one has yet arisen able to scan them in the whole
+of their gigantic dimensions. It was this same contempt for the human
+intellect, that made him deny its capacity to work out for itself the
+epochs through which it has passed; and, consequently, made him recur to
+the dogma of supernatural interference. It was this, again, that, in
+those magnificent orations which are among the greatest wonders of
+modern art, caused him to exhaust the language of eulogy, not upon
+intellectual eminence, but upon mere military achievements, upon great
+conquerors, those pests and destroyers of men, who pass their lives in
+discovering new ways of slaying their enemies, and in devising new means
+of aggravating the miseries of the world. And, to descend still lower,
+it was this same contempt for the dearest interests of mankind, which
+made him look with reverence upon a king, who considered all those
+interests as nothing; but who had the merit of enslaving the mind of
+France, and of increasing the power of that body of men, among whom
+Bossuet himself was the most distinguished.
+
+  [884] The connection between the opinions of Bossuet and the despotism
+        of Louis XIV. is touched on by Montlosier, who, however, has
+        probably laid too much stress on the influence which the civil
+        law exercised over both. _Montlosier_, _Monarchie Francaise_,
+        vol. ii. p. 90.
+
+  [885] He belonged to a class of historians, described by a celebrated
+        writer in a single sentence: 'dans leurs ecrits l'auteur parait
+        souvent grand, mais l'humanite est toujours petite.'
+        _Tocqueville_, _Democratie_, vol. iv. p. 139.
+
+  [886] Hardly any one acquainted with the writings and the history of
+        Bossuet will require evidence of his singular arrogance. But the
+        reader may consult _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Franc._ vol. xxvi. p.
+        247; and on his treatment of Fenelon, which was the most shameful
+        transaction of his life, compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iv. p.
+        384, with _Capefigue's Louis XIV_, vol. ii. p. 58; where there is
+        printed one of the many epigrams to which the conduct of Bossuet
+        gave rise.
+
+In the absence of sufficient evidence respecting the general state of
+the French at the end of the seventeenth century, it is impossible to
+ascertain to what extent such notions as these had penetrated the
+popular mind. But, looking at the manner in which government had broken
+the spirit of the country, I should be inclined to suppose that the
+opinions of Bossuet were very acceptable to his own generation. This,
+however, is a question rather of curiosity than of importance; for only
+a few years later there appeared the first symptoms of that
+unprecedented movement, which not merely destroyed the political
+institutions of France, but effected a greater and more permanent
+revolution in every department of the national intellect. At the death
+of Louis XIV., in literature, as well as in politics, in religion, and
+in morals, everything was ripe for reaction. The materials still
+existing are so ample, that it would be possible to trace with
+considerable minuteness the steps of this great process; but it will, I
+think, be more agreeable to the general scheme of this Introduction, if
+I pass over some of the intermediate links, and confine myself to those
+salient instances in which the spirit of the age is most strikingly
+portrayed.
+
+There is, indeed, something extraordinary in the change which, in
+France, one generation was able to effect in the method of writing
+history. The best way, perhaps, to form an idea of this, will be to
+compare the works of Voltaire with those of Bossuet; because these
+great authors were probably the most able, and were certainly the most
+influential, Frenchmen during the period they respectively represented.
+The first great improvement which we find in Voltaire, as compared with
+Bossuet, is an increased perception of the dignity of the human
+intellect. In addition to the circumstances already noticed, we must
+remember that the reading of Bossuet lay in a direction which prevented
+him from feeling this. He had not studied those branches of knowledge
+where great things have been achieved; but he was very conversant with
+the writings of the saints and fathers, whose speculations are by no
+means calculated to give us a high opinion of the resources of their own
+understanding. Thus accustomed to contemplate the workings of the mind
+in what is, on the whole, the most puerile literature Europe has ever
+produced, the contempt which Bossuet felt for mankind went on
+increasing; until it reached that inordinate degree which, in his later
+works, is painfully conspicuous. But Voltaire, who paid no attention to
+such things as these, passed his long life in the constant accumulation
+of real and available knowledge. His mind was essentially modern.
+Despising unsupported authority, and heedless of tradition, he devoted
+himself to subjects in which the triumph of the human reason is too
+apparent to be mistaken. The more his knowledge advanced, the more he
+admired those vast powers by which the knowledge had been created. Hence
+his admiration for the intellect of man, so far from diminishing, grew
+with his growth; and, just in the same proportion, there was
+strengthened his love of humanity, and his dislike to the prejudices
+which had long obscured its history. That this, in the march of his
+mind, was the course it actually followed, will be evident to any one
+who considers the different spirit of his works, in reference to the
+different periods of life in which they were produced.
+
+The first historical work of Voltaire was a life of Charles XII., in
+1728.[887] At this time his knowledge was still scanty, and he was
+still influenced by the servile traditions of the preceding generation.
+It is not, therefore, wonderful, that he should express the greatest
+respect for Charles, who, among the admirers of military fame, will
+always preserve a certain reputation; though his only merits are, that
+he ravaged many countries and killed many men. But we find little
+sympathy with his unfortunate subjects, the accumulations of whose
+industry supported the royal armies;[888] nor is there much pity for
+those nations who were oppressed by this great robber in the immense
+line of his conquests from Sweden to Turkey. Indeed, the admiration of
+Voltaire for Charles is unbounded. He calls him the most extraordinary
+man the world had ever seen;[889] he declares him to be a prince full of
+honour;[890] and while he scarcely blames his infamous murder of
+Patkul,[891] he relates with evident emotion how the royal lunatic, at
+the head of forty servants, resisted an entire army.[892] In the same
+way, he says, that after the battle of Narva, all the attempts of
+Charles were unable to prevent medals from being struck at Stockholm in
+celebration of that event;[893] although Voltaire well knew that a man
+of such extravagant vanity must have been pleased by so durable a
+homage, and although it is quite certain that if he had not been
+pleased, the medals would never have been struck: for who would venture,
+without an object, to offend, in his own capital, one of the most
+arbitrary and revengeful of princes?
+
+  [887] He says that he wrote it in 1728. _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. xxii. p. 5, but, according to M. Lepan (_Vie de Voltaire_,
+        p. 382), 'il parut en 1731.' Both statements may be accurate, as
+        Voltaire frequently kept his works for some time in manuscript.
+
+  [888] Sir A. Alison, who certainly cannot be accused of want of respect
+        for military conquerors, says of Sweden, 'the attempt which
+        Charles XII. made to engage her in long and arduous wars, so
+        completely drained the resources of the country, that they did
+        not recover the loss for half a century.' _Hist. of Europe_, vol.
+        x. p. 504. See also, on the effects produced by the conscriptions
+        of Charles XII., _Laing's Sweden_, p. 59; _Koch_, _Tableau des
+        Revolutions_, vol. ii. p. 63; and above all, a curious passage in
+        _Duclos_, _Mem. Secrets_, vol. i. p. 448. Several of the soldiers
+        of Charles XII. who were taken prisoners, were sent into Siberia,
+        where Bell fell in with them early in the eighteenth century.
+        _Bell's Travels in Asia_, edit. Edinb. 1788, vol. i. pp. 223-224.
+
+  [889] 'Charles XII, l'homme le plus extraordinaire peut-etre qui ait
+        jamais ete sur la terre, qui a reuni en lui toutes les grandes
+        qualites de ses aieux, et qui n'a eu d'autre defaut ni d'autre
+        malheur que de les avoir toutes outrees.' _Hist. de Charles XII_,
+        livre i., in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxii. p. 30.
+
+  [890] 'Plein d'honneur.' _Ibid._ in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxii. p. 63.
+
+  [891] Which Burke, not without justice, compares to the murder of
+        Monaldeschi by Christina. _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 412. See
+        some remarks on the murder of Patkul, in _Vattel_, _Droit des
+        Gens_, vol. i. p. 230; and an account of it, from Swedish
+        authorities, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. xiii. pp. 879-881. For
+        Voltaire's version see his _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxii. pp. 136, 137;
+        which may be contrasted with _Crichton and Wheaton's History of
+        Scandinavia_, Edinb. 1838, vol. ii. p. 127.
+
+  [892] _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxii. pp. 250-260. It may interest
+        some persons to hear, that the litter in which this madman 'was
+        borne from the battle of Pultava' is still preserved at Moscow.
+        _Kohl's Russia_, p. 220. It was also seen by M. Custine.
+        _Custine's Russia_, vol. iii. p. 263.
+
+  [893] 'Sa modestie ne put empecher qu'on ne frappat a Stockholm
+        plusieurs medailles pour perpetuer la memoire de ces evenements.'
+        _Charles XII_, livre ii., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxii. p. 70.
+
+So far, it might appear that little had been gained in the method of
+writing history.[894] But, even thus early, we find one vast
+improvement. In Voltaire's Life of Charles XII., faulty as it is, there
+are none of those assumptions of supernatural interference in which
+Bossuet delighted, and which were natural to the reign of Louis XIV. The
+absence of this marks the first great stage in the French school of
+history in the eighteenth century; and we find the same peculiarity in
+all the subsequent historians, none of whom recurred to a method, which,
+though suitable for the purposes of theologians, is fatal to all
+independent inquiries, since it not only prescribes the course the
+inquirer is bound to take, but actually sets up a limit beyond which he
+is forbidden to proceed.
+
+  [894] Even some of its geographical details are said to be inaccurate.
+        Compare _Villemain_, _Litterature au XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p.
+        33, with _Kohl's Russia_, p. 505. However, as M. Villemain says,
+        this must always be the case, when writers, who only know a
+        country from maps, attempt to enter into details respecting
+        military geography. In regard to style, it cannot be too highly
+        praised; and a well-known critic, Lacratelle, calls it 'le modele
+        le plus accompli de narration qui existe dans notre langue.'
+        _Lacretelle_, _Dix-huitieme Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 42. In 1843 it
+        was still used as a text book in the French royal colleges. See
+        _Report on Education in France_, in _Journal of Stat. Soc._ vol.
+        vi. p. 308. Further information respecting this work may be found
+        in _Longchamp et Wagniere_, _Mem. sur Voltaire_, vol. ii. p. 494;
+        and in _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. viii. p. 224, vol. x. p. 304.
+
+That Voltaire should have infringed upon this ancient method only
+thirteen years after the death of Louis XIV., and that he should have
+done this in a popular work, abounding with such dangerous adventures as
+are always found to tempt the mind to an opposite course, is a step of
+no common merit, and becomes still more worthy of remark, if taken in
+connexion with another fact of considerable interest. This is, that the
+life of Charles XII. represents the first epoch, not only in the
+eighteenth century, but also in the intellect of Voltaire himself.[895]
+After it was published, this great man turned awhile from history, and
+directed his attention to some of the noblest subjects: to mathematics,
+to physics, to jurisprudence, to the discoveries of Newton, and to the
+speculations of Locke. In these things he perceived those capabilities
+of the human mind, which his own country had formerly witnessed, but of
+which during the authority of Louis XIV. the memory had been almost
+lost. Then it was that, with extended knowledge and sharpened intellect,
+he returned to the great field of history.[896] The manner in which he
+now treated his old subject, showed the change that had come over him.
+In 1752, appeared his celebrated work on Louis XIV.,[897] the very title
+of which is suggestive of the process through which his mind had passed.
+His former history was an account of a king; this is an account of an
+age. To the production of his youth he gave the title of a _History of
+Charles XII._; this he called the _Age of Louis XIV._ Before, he had
+detailed the peculiarities of a prince; now, he considered the movements
+of a people. Indeed, in the introduction to the work, he announces his
+intention to describe, 'not the actions of a single man, but the
+character of men.'[898] Nor, in this point of view, is the execution
+inferior to the design. While he is contented with giving a summary of
+military achievements, on which Bossuet hung with delight, he enters at
+great length into those really important matters which, before his time,
+found no place in the history of France. He has one chapter on commerce
+and internal government;[899] another chapter on finances;[900] another
+on the history of science;[901] and three chapters on the progress of
+the fine arts.[902] And though Voltaire did not attach much value to
+theological disputes, still he knew that they have often played a great
+part in the affairs of men; he therefore gives several distinct
+chapters to a relation of ecclesiastical matters during the reign of
+Louis.[903] It is hardly necessary to observe the immense superiority
+which a scheme like this possessed, not only over the narrow views of
+Bossuet, but even over his own earlier history. Still it cannot be
+denied, that we find in it prejudices from which it was difficult for a
+Frenchman, educated in the reign of Louis XIV., to be entirely free. Not
+only does Voltaire dwell at needless length upon those amusements and
+debaucheries of Louis, with which history can have little concern, but
+he displays an evident disposition to favour the king himself, and to
+protect his name from the infamy with which it ought to be covered.[904]
+
+  [895] It is evident, from Voltaire's correspondence, that he afterwards
+        became somewhat ashamed of the praises he had bestowed on Charles
+        XII. In 1735, he writes to De Formont, 'si Charles XII n'avait
+        pas ete excessivement grand, malheureux, et fou, je me serais
+        bien donne de garde de parler de lui.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lvi. p. 462. In 1758, advancing still further, he says of
+        Charles, 'voila, monsieur, ce que les hommes de tous les temps et
+        de tous les pays appellent un heros; mais c'est le vulgaire de
+        tous les temps et de tous les pays qui donne ce nom a la soif du
+        carnage.' _Ibid._ vol. lx. p. 411. In 1759, he writes, that he
+        was then engaged on the history of Peter the Great: 'mais je
+        doute que cela soit aussi amusant que la vie de Charles XII; car
+        ce Pierre n'etait qu'un sage extraordinaire, et Charles un fou
+        extraordinaire, qui se battait, comme Don Quichotte, contre des
+        moulins a vent.' Vol. lxi. p. 23: see also p. 350. These passages
+        prove the constant progress Voltaire was making in his conception
+        of what history ought to be, and what its uses were.
+
+  [896] In 1741, he mentions his increasing love of history. _Corresp._ in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. li. p. 96.
+
+  [897] Lord Brougham, in his life of Voltaire, says that it appeared in
+        1751. _Lives of Men of Letters_, vol. i p. 106. But 1752 is the
+        date given in _Biog. Univ._ xlix. 478; in _Querard_, _France
+        Lit._ vol. x. p. 355; and in _Lepan_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 382.
+
+  [898] 'On veut essayer de peindre a la posterite, non les actions d'un
+        seul homme, mais l'esprit des hommes dans le siecle le plus
+        eclaire qui fut jamais.' _Siecle de Louis XIV_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xix. p. 213. And in his correspondence respecting
+        his work on Louis XIV., he carefully makes the same distinction.
+        See vol. lvi. pp. 453, 488, 489, 500, vol. lvii. pp. 337,
+        342-344, vol. lix. p. 103.
+
+  [899] Chap. xxix., in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xx. pp. 234-267.
+
+  [900] Chap. xxx., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 267-291. This chapter is
+        praised in _Sinclair's History of the Public Revenue_, vol. iii.
+        appendix, p. 77; an indifferent work, but the best we have on the
+        important subject to which it refers.
+
+  [901] Chap. xxxi., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 291-299; necessarily a
+        very short chapter, because of the paucity of materials.
+
+  [902] Chapters xxxii. to xxxiv., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 299-338.
+
+  [903] _[OE]uvres_, vol. xx. pp. 338-464.
+
+  [904] This disposition to favour Louis XIV. is noticed by Condorcet, who
+        says it was the only early prejudice which Voltaire was unable to
+        shake off: 'c'est le seul prejuge de sa jeunesse qu'il ait
+        conserve.' _Condorcet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 286. See also, on this defect, _Grimm et
+        Diderot_, _Corresp. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 182; _Lemontey_,
+        _Etablissement Monarchique_, pp. 451, 452; _Mem. de Brissot_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 88, 89. It is interesting to observe, that
+        Voltaire's earlier opinions were still more favourable to Louis
+        XIV. than those which he afterwards expressed in his history. See
+        a letter which he wrote in 1740 to Lord Harvey, printed in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lviii. pp. 57-63.
+
+But the next work of Voltaire showed that this was a mere personal
+feeling, and did not affect his general views as to the part which the
+acts of princes ought to occupy in history. Four years after the
+appearance of the _Age of Louis XIV._, he published his important
+treatise on the _Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations_.[905] This
+is not only one of the greatest books which appeared during the
+eighteenth century, but it still remains the best on the subject to
+which it refers. The mere reading it displays is immense;[906] what,
+however, is far more admirable, is the skill with which the author
+connects the various facts, and makes them illustrate each other,
+sometimes by a single remark, sometimes only by the order and position
+in which they are placed. Indeed, considered solely as a work of art, it
+would be difficult to praise it too highly; while, as a symptom of the
+times, it is important to observe, that it contains no traces of that
+adulation of royalty which characterized Voltaire in the period of his
+youth, and which is found in all the best writers during the power of
+Louis XIV. In the whole of this long and important work, the great
+historian takes little notice of the intrigues of courts, or of the
+changes of ministers, or of the fate of kings; but he endeavours to
+discover and develop the different epochs through which Man has
+successively passed. 'I wish,' he says, 'to write a history, not of
+wars, but of society; and to ascertain how men lived in the interior of
+their families, and what were the arts which they commonly
+cultivated.'[907] For, he adds, 'my object is the history of the human
+mind, and not a mere detail of petty facts; nor am I concerned with the
+history of great lords, who made war upon French kings; but I want to
+know what were the steps by which men passed from barbarism to
+civilization.'[908]
+
+  [905] Mr. Burton, in his interesting work, _Life and Correspondence of
+        Hume_, vol. ii. p. 129, says it was 'first published in 1756;'
+        and the same date is given by Querard (_France Litteraire_, vol.
+        x. p. 359), who is a very accurate bibliographer; so that
+        Condorcet (_Vie de Voltaire_, p. 199) and Lord Brougham (_Men of
+        Letters_, vol. i. p. 98) are probably in error in assigning it to
+        1757. In regard to its title, I translate 'M[oe]urs' as 'morals
+        and manners;' for M. Tocqueville uses 'm[oe]urs' as equivalent to
+        the Latin word 'mores.' _Tocqueville_, _Democratie en Amerique_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 50, 84.
+
+  [906] Superficial writers are so much in the habit of calling Voltaire
+        superficial, that it may be well to observe, that his accuracy
+        has been praised, not only by his own countrymen, but by several
+        English authors of admitted learning. For three remarkable
+        instances of this, from men whom no one will accuse of leaning
+        towards his other opinions, see _notes to Charles V._, in
+        _Robertson's Works_, pp. 431, 432; _Barrington's Observations on
+        the Statutes_, p. 293; and _Warton's History of English Poetry_,
+        vol. i. p. xvi. Even Sir W. Jones, in his preface to the _Life of
+        Nader Shah_, says, that Voltaire is 'the best historian' the
+        French have produced. _Works of Sir William Jones_, vol. v. p.
+        542; and compare the preface to his _Persian Grammar_, in
+        _Works_, vol. ii. p. 123.
+
+  [907] 'Je voudrais decouvrir quelle etait alors la societe des hommes,
+        comment on vivait dans l'interieur des familles, quels arts
+        etaient cultives, plutot que de repeter tant de malheurs et tant
+        de combats, funestes objets de l'histoire, et lieux communs de la
+        mechancete humaine.' _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chap. lxxxi., in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. xvi. p. 381.
+
+  [908] 'L'objet etait l'histoire de l'esprit humain, et non pas le detail
+        des faits presque toujours defigures; il ne s'agissait pas de
+        rechercher, par exemple, de quelle famille etait le seigneur de
+        Puiset, ou le seigneur de Montlheri, qui firent la guerre a des
+        rois de France; mais de voir par quels degres on est parvenu de
+        la rusticite barbare de ces temps a la politesse du notre.'
+        Supplement to _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol.
+        xviii. p. 435. Compare _Fragments sur l'Histoire_, vol. xxvii. p.
+        214, with two letters in vol. lx. pp. 153, 154, vol. lxv. p. 370.
+
+It was in this way that Voltaire taught historians to concentrate their
+attention on matters of real importance, and to neglect those idle
+details with which history had formerly been filled. But what proves
+this to be a movement arising as much from the spirit of the age as from
+the individual author, is, that we find precisely the same tendency in
+the works of Montesquieu and Turgot, who were certainly the two most
+eminent of the contemporaries of Voltaire; and both of whom followed a
+method similar to his, in so far as, omitting descriptions of kings,
+courts, and battles, they confined themselves to points which illustrate
+the character of mankind, and the general march of civilization. And
+such was the popularity of this change in the old routine, that its
+influence was felt by other historians of inferior, but still of
+considerable, ability. In 1755, Mallet[909] published his interesting,
+and, at the time it was written, most valuable work, on the history of
+Denmark;[910] in which he professes himself a pupil of the new school.
+'For why,' he says, 'should history be only a recital of battles,
+sieges, intrigues, and negotiations? And why should it contain merely a
+heap of petty facts and dates, rather than a great picture of the
+opinions, customs, and even inclinations of a people?'[911] Thus too, in
+1765, Mably published the first part of his celebrated work on the
+history of France;[912] in the preface to which, he complains that
+historians 'have neglected the origin of laws and customs, in favour of
+sieges and battles.'[913] In the same spirit, Velly and Villaret, in
+their voluminous history of France, express regret that historians
+should usually relate what happens to the sovereign, in preference to
+what happens to the people, and should omit the manners and
+characteristics of a nation, in order to study the acts of a single
+man.[914] Duclos, again, announces that his history is not of war, nor
+of politics, but of men and manners:[915] while, strange to say, even
+the courtly Henault declares that his object was to describe laws and
+manners, which he calls the soul of history, or rather history
+itself.[916]
+
+  [909] Mallet, though born in Geneva, was a Frenchman in the habits of
+        his mind: he wrote in French, and is classed among French
+        historians, in the report presented to Napoleon by the Institut.
+        _Dacier_, _Rapport sur les Progres de l'Histoire_, p. 173.
+
+  [910] Goethe, in his Autobiography, mentions his obligations to this
+        work, which, I suspect, exercised considerable influence over the
+        early associations of his mind: 'Ich hatte die Fabeln der Edda
+        schon laengst aus der Vorrede zu Mallet's Daenischer Geschichte
+        kennen gelernt, und mich derselben sogleich bemaechtigt; sie
+        gehoerten unter diejenigen Maehrchen, die ich, von einer
+        Gesellschaft aufgefordert, am liebsten erzaehlte.' _Wahrheit u.
+        Dichtung_, in _Goethe's Werke_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 169. Percy,
+        a very fair judge, thought highly of Mallet's history, part of
+        which, indeed, he translated. See a letter from him, in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. vii.
+        p. 719.
+
+  [911] _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, edit. Blackell, 1847, p. 78.
+
+  [912] The first two volumes were published in 1765; the other two in
+        1790. _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. pp. 9, 12.
+
+  [913] _Mably_, _Observ. sur l'Hist. de France_, vol. i. p. ii.; and
+        compare vol. iii. p. 289: but this latter passage was written
+        several years later.
+
+  [914] 'Bornes a nous apprendre les victoires ou les defaites du
+        souverain, ils ne nous disent rien ou presque rien des peuples
+        qu'il a rendus heureux ou malheureux. On ne trouve dans leurs
+        ecrits que longues descriptions de sieges et de batailles; nulle
+        mention des m[oe]urs et de l'esprit de la nation. Elle y est
+        presque toujours sacrifiee a un seul homme.' _Histoire de France
+        par Velly_, Paris, 1770, 4to, vol. i. p. 6; and see, to the same
+        effect, the _Continuation by Villaret_, vol. v. p. vi.
+
+ [915] 'Si l'histoire que j'ecris n'est ni militaire, ni politique, ni
+        economique, du moins dans le sens que je concois pour ces
+        differentes parties, on me demandera quelle est donc celle que je
+        me propose d'ecrire. C'est l'histoire des hommes et des
+        m[oe]urs.' _Duclos_, _Louis XIV et Louis XV_, vol. i. p. xxv.
+
+  [916] 'Je voulois connoitre nos loix, nos m[oe]urs, et tout ce qui est
+        l'ame de l'histoire, ou plutot l'histoire meme.' _Henault_,
+        _Nouvel Abrege chronologique de l'Histoire de France_, edit.
+        Paris, 1775, vol. i. p. i.
+
+Thus it was, that historians began to shift, as it were, the scene of
+their labours, and to study subjects connected with those popular
+interests, on which the great writers under Louis XIV. disdained to
+waste a thought. I need hardly observe, how agreeable such views were
+to the general spirit of the eighteenth century, and how well they
+harmonized with the temper of men who were striving to lay aside their
+former prejudices, and despise what had once been universally admired.
+All this was but part of that vast movement, which prepared the way for
+the Revolution, by unsettling ancient opinions, by encouraging a certain
+mobility and restlessness of mind, and, above all, by the disrespect it
+showed for those powerful individuals, hitherto regarded as gods rather
+than as men, but who now, for the first time, were neglected by the
+greatest and most popular historians, who passed over even their
+prominent actions, in order to dwell upon the welfare of nations, and
+the interests of the people at large.
+
+To return, however, to what was actually effected by Voltaire, there is
+no doubt that, in his case, this tendency of the time was strengthened
+by a natural comprehensiveness of mind, which predisposed him to large
+views, and made him dissatisfied with that narrow range to which history
+had been hitherto confined.[917] Whatever may be thought of the other
+qualities of Voltaire, it must be allowed that, in his intellect,
+everything was on a great scale.[918] Always prepared for thought, and
+always ready to generalize, he was averse to the study of individual
+actions, unless they could be made available for the establishment of
+some broad and permanent principle. Hence his habit of looking at
+history with a view to the stages through which the country had passed,
+rather than with a view to the character of the men by whom the country
+had been governed. The same tendency appears in his lighter works; and
+it has been well observed,[919] that, even in his dramas, he endeavours
+to portray, not so much the passions of individuals, as the spirit of
+epochs. In _Mahomet_, his subject is a great religion; in _Alzire_, the
+conquest of America; in _Brutus_, the formation of the Roman power; in
+the _Death of Caesar_, the rise of the empire upon the ruins of that
+power.[920]
+
+  [917] In 1763, he writes to D'Argental: 'il y a environ douze batailles
+        dont je n'ai point parle, Dieu merci, parceque j'ecris l'histoire
+        de l'esprit humain, et non une gazette.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lxiii. p. 51. See also his letter to Tabareau (_Lettres
+        inedites de Voltaire_, vol. ii. p. 585): 'Personne ne lit les
+        details des combats et des sieges; rien n'est plus ennuyeux que
+        la droite et la gauche, les bastions et la contrescarpe.'
+
+  [918] M. Lamartine characterizes him as 'ce genie non pas le plus haut,
+        mais le plus vaste de la France.' _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i.
+        p. 180.
+
+  [919] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xlix. p. 493. His _Orphelin de la Chine_ is
+        taken from Chinese sources: see _Davis's China_, vol. ii. p. 258.
+
+  [920] The surprising versatility of Voltaire's mind is shown by the
+        fact, unparalleled in literature, that he was equally great as a
+        dramatic writer and as an historian. Mr. Forster, in his
+        admirable _Life of Goldsmith_, 1854, says (vol. i. p. 119),
+        'Gray's high opinion of Voltaire's tragedies is shared by one of
+        our greatest authorities on such a matter now living, Sir Edward
+        Bulwer Lytton, whom I have often heard maintain the marked
+        superiority of Voltaire over all his countrymen in the knowledge
+        of dramatic art, and the power of producing theatrical effects.'
+        Compare _Correspondence of Gray and Mason_, edit. Mitford, 1855,
+        p. 44.
+
+By this determination to look upon the course of events as a great and
+connected whole, Voltaire was led to several results, which have been
+complacently adopted by many authors, who, even while using them, revile
+him from whom they were taken. He was the first historian who, rejecting
+the ordinary method of investigation, endeavoured, by large general
+views, to explain the origin of feudality; and, by indicating some of
+the causes of its decline in the fourteenth century,[921] he laid the
+foundation for a philosophic estimate of that important
+institution.[922] He was the author of a profound remark, afterwards
+adopted by Constant, to the effect, that licentious religious
+ceremonies have no connexion with licentious national morals.[923]
+Another observation of his, which has been only partly used by writers
+on ecclesiastical history, is pregnant with instruction. He says, that
+one of the reasons why the bishops of Rome acquired an authority so
+superior to that of the eastern patriarchs, was the greater subtlety of
+the Greek mind. Nearly all the heresies proceeded from the east; and,
+with the exception of Honorius I., not a single pope adopted a system
+condemned by the church. This gave to the papal power an unity and
+consolidation, which the patriarchal power was unable to reach; and thus
+the Holy See owes part of its authority to the early dulness of the
+European fancy.[924]
+
+  [921] _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chap. lxxxv., in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xvi.
+        p. 412, and elsewhere.
+
+  [922] During the eighteenth century, and, I may say, until the
+        publication in 1818 of Hallam's Middle Ages, there was in the
+        English language no comprehensive account of the feudal system;
+        unless, perhaps, we except that given by Robertson, who in this,
+        as in many other matters of history, was a pupil of Voltaire. Not
+        only Dalrymple, and writers of his kind, but even Blackstone,
+        took so narrow a view of this great institution, that they were
+        unable to connect it with the general state of society to which
+        it belonged. Some of our historians gravely traced it back to
+        Moses, in whose laws they found the origin of allodial lands. See
+        a charming passage in _Barry's History of the Orkney Islands_, p.
+        219. On the spirit of feudality, there are some remarks well
+        worth reading in _Comtes Philos. Posit._ vol. v. pp. 393-413.
+
+  [923] Constant, in his work on Roman polytheism, says, 'des rites
+        indecens peuvent etre pratiques par un peuple religieux avec une
+        grande purete de c[oe]ur. Mais quand l'incredulite atteint ces
+        peuples, ces rites sont pour lui la cause et le pretexte de la
+        plus revoltante corruption.' This passage is quoted by Mr.
+        Milman, who calls it 'extremely profound and just.' _Milman's
+        History of Christianity_, 1840, vol. i. p. 28. And so it
+        is--extremely profound and just. But it happens that precisely
+        the same remark was made by Voltaire, just about the time that
+        Constant was born. Speaking of the worship of Priapus, he says
+        (_Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chap. cxliii. in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xvii. p. 341), 'nos idees de bienseance nous
+        portent a croire qu'un ceremonie qui nous parait si infame n'a
+        ete inventee que par la debauche; mais il n'est guere croyable
+        que la depravation des m[oe]urs ait jamais chez aucun peuple
+        etabli des ceremonies religieuses. Il est probable, au contraire,
+        que cette coutume fut d'abord introduite dans les temps de
+        simplicite, et qu'on ne pensa d'abord qu'a honorer la Divinite
+        dans le symbole de la vie qu'elle nous a donnee. Une telle
+        ceremonie a du inspirer la licence a la jeunesse, et paraitre
+        ridicule aux esprits sages, dans les temps plus raffines, plus
+        corrompus, et plus eclaires.' Compare the remarks on the
+        indecency of the Spartan customs, in _Thirlwall's Hist. of
+        Greece_, vol. i. pp. 326, 327.
+
+ [924] _Essai sur les M[oe]urs_, chaps. xiv. and xxxi., in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. xv. pp. 391, 514. Neander observes, that in the Greek church
+        there were more heresies than in the Latin church, because the
+        Greeks thought more; but he has failed to perceive how this
+        favoured the authority of the popes. _Neander's History of the
+        Church_, vol. ii. pp. 198, 199, vol. iii. pp. 191, 492, vol. iv.
+        p. 90, vol. vi. p. 293, vol. viii. p. 257.
+
+It would be impossible to relate all the original remarks of Voltaire,
+which, when he made them, were attacked as dangerous paradoxes, and are
+now valued as sober truths. He was the first historian who recommended
+universal freedom of trade; and, although he expresses himself with
+great caution,[925] still the mere announcement of the idea in a popular
+history forms an epoch in the progress of the French mind. He is the
+originator of that important distinction between the increase of
+population and the increase of food, to which political economy has been
+greatly indebted;[926] a principle adopted several years later by
+Townsend, and then used by Malthus as the basis of his celebrated
+work.[927] He has, moreover, the merit of being the first who dispelled
+the childish admiration with which the Middle Ages had been hitherto
+regarded, and which they owed to those dull and learned writers, who, in
+the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were the principal
+investigators of the early history of Europe. These industrious
+compilers had collected extensive materials, which Voltaire turned to
+good account, and by their aid overthrew the conclusions at which the
+authors had themselves arrived. In his works, the Middle Ages are, for
+the first time, represented as what they really were,--a period of
+ignorance, ferocity, and licentiousness; a period when injuries were
+unredressed, crime unpunished, and superstition unrebuked. It may be
+said, with some show of justice, that Voltaire, in the picture he drew,
+fell into the opposite extreme, and did not sufficiently recognize the
+merit of those truly great men, who, at long intervals, stood here and
+there, like solitary beacons, whose light only made the surrounding
+darkness more visible. Still, after every allowance for that
+exaggeration which a reaction of opinions always causes, it is certain
+that his view of the Middle Ages is not only far more accurate than that
+of any preceding writer, but conveys a much juster idea of the time than
+can be found in those subsequent compilations which we owe to the
+industry of modern antiquaries; a simple and plodding race, who admire
+the past because they are ignorant of the present, and who, spending
+their lives amid the dust of forgotten manuscripts, think themselves
+able, with the resources of their little learning, to speculate on the
+affairs of men, to trace the history of different periods, and even to
+assign to each the praise it ought to receive.
+
+  [925] In his account of the trade of Archangel, he says, 'les Anglais
+        obtinrent le privilege d'y commercer sans payer aucun droit; et
+        c'est ainsi que toutes les nations devraient peut-etre negocier
+        ensemble.' _Hist. de Russie_, part i. chap. i., in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. xxiii. p. 35. Remarkable words to have been written by a
+        Frenchman, born at the end of the seventeenth century; and yet
+        they have, so far as I am aware, escaped the attention of all the
+        historians of political economy. Indeed, on this, as on most
+        matters, sufficient justice has not been done to Voltaire, whose
+        opinions were more accurate than those of Quesnay and his
+        followers. However, Mr. M'Culloch, in noticing one of the
+        economical errors of Voltaire, honestly admits that his 'opinions
+        on such subjects are, for the most part, very correct.'
+        _M'Culloch's Principles of Political Economy_, p. 530. For proof
+        of his sympathy with Turgot's efforts to establish free trade,
+        compare _Lettres inedites de Voltaire_, vol. ii. pp. 367, 403,
+        423, with _Longchamp_, _Mem. sur Voltaire_, vol. i. pp. 376, 378.
+
+  [926] 'The idea of the different ratios by which population and food
+        increase, was originally thrown out by Voltaire; and was picked
+        up and expanded into many a goodly volume by our English
+        political economists in the present century.' _Laing's Notes_,
+        second series, p. 42.
+
+  [927] It is often said that Malthus was indebted to Townsend's writings
+        for his views on population; but this obligation has been too
+        strongly stated, as, indeed, is always the case when charges of
+        plagiarism are brought against great works. Still, Townsend is to
+        be considered as the precursor of Malthus; and if the reader is
+        interested in tracing the paternity of ideas, he will find some
+        interesting economical remarks in _Townsend's Journey through
+        Spain_, vol. i. pp. 379, 383, vol. ii. pp. 85, 337, 387-393;
+        which must be compared with _M'Culloch's Literature of Political
+        Economy_, pp. 259, 281-3. Voltaire having preceded these authors,
+        has, of course, fallen into errors which they avoided; but
+        nothing can be better than the way in which he opposes the
+        ignorant belief of his own time, that every thing should be done
+        to increase population. 'Le point principal n'est pas d'avoir du
+        superflu en hommes, mais de rendre ce que nous en avons le moins
+        malheureux qu'il est possible,' is the summing-up of his able
+        remarks, in _Dict. Philos._, article _Population_, sect. 2, in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. xli. p. 466. Godwin, in his notice of the
+        history of these opinions, is evidently ignorant of what was done
+        by Voltaire. _Sinclair's Corresp._ vol. i. p. 396.
+
+With such writers as these, Voltaire was always at war; and no one has
+done so much to lessen the influence they once exercised over even the
+highest branches of knowledge. There was also another class of
+dictators, whose authority this great man was equally successful in
+reducing, namely, the old class of classical scholars and commentators,
+who, from the middle of the fourteenth till early in the eighteenth
+century, were the chief dispensers of fame, and were respected as being
+by far the most distinguished men Europe had ever produced. The first
+great assaults made upon them were late in the seventeenth century, when
+two controversies sprung up, of which I shall hereafter give an
+account,--one in France, and one in England,--by both of which their
+power was considerably damaged. But their two most formidable opponents
+were, undoubtedly, Locke and Voltaire. The immense services rendered by
+Locke in lessening the reputation of the old classical school, will be
+examined in another part of this work; at present we are only concerned
+with the steps taken by Voltaire.
+
+The authority wielded by the great classical scholars rested not only on
+their abilities, which are undeniable, but also on the supposed dignity
+of their pursuits. It was generally believed that ancient history
+possessed some inherent superiority over modern history; and this being
+taken for granted, the inference naturally followed, that the
+cultivators of the one were more praiseworthy than the cultivators of
+the other; and that a Frenchman, for instance, who should write the
+history of some Greek republic, displayed a nobler turn of mind than if
+he had written the history of his own country. This singular prejudice
+had for centuries been a traditional notion; which men accepted, because
+they had received it from their fathers, and which it would have been
+almost an impiety to dispute. The result was, that the few really able
+writers on history devoted themselves chiefly to that of the ancients;
+or, if they published an account of modern times, they handled their
+theme, not according to modern ideas, but according to ideas gathered
+from their more favourite pursuit. This confusion of the standard of
+one age with the standard of another, caused a double evil. Historians,
+by adopting this plan, injured the originality of their own minds; and,
+what was far worse, they set a bad example to the literature of their
+country. For every great nation has a mode of expression, and of
+thought, peculiar to itself, and with which its sympathies are
+intimately connected. To introduce any foreign model, however admirable
+it may be, is to violate this connexion, and to impair the value of
+literature by limiting the scope of its action. By such a course, the
+taste may possibly be refined, but the vigour will certainly be
+weakened. Indeed, the refinement of the taste may well be doubted, when
+we see what has taken place in our country, where our great scholars
+have corrupted the English language by a jargon so uncouth, that a plain
+man can hardly discern the real lack of ideas which their barbarous and
+mottled dialect strives to hide.[928] At all events, it is certain, that
+every people worthy of being called a nation, possess in their own
+language ample resources for expressing the highest ideas they are able
+to form; and although, in matters of science, it may be convenient to
+coin such words as are more easily understood in foreign countries, it
+is a grave offence to depart on other subjects from the vernacular
+speech; and it is a still graver one, to introduce notions and
+standards for action, suited perhaps to former times, but which the
+march of society has left far behind, and with which we have no real
+sympathy, though they may excite that sickly and artificial interest
+which the classical prejudices of early education still contrive to
+create.
+
+  [928] With the single exception of Porson, not one of the great English
+        scholars has shown an appreciation of the beauties of his native
+        language; and many of them, such as Parr (in all his works) and
+        Bentley (in his mad edition of Milton), have done every thing in
+        their power to corrupt it. And there can be little doubt, that
+        the principal reason why well-educated women write and converse
+        in a purer style than well-educated men, is because they have not
+        formed their taste according to those ancient classical
+        standards, which, admirable as they are in themselves, should
+        never be introduced into a state of society unfitted for them. To
+        this may be added, that Cobbett, the most racy and idiomatic of
+        all our writers, and Erskine, by far the greatest of our forensic
+        orators, knew little or nothing of any ancient language; and the
+        same observation applies to Shakespeare. On the supposed
+        connexion between the improvement of taste and the study of
+        classical models, there are some remarks worth attending to in
+        _Rey's Theorie et Pratique de la Science Sociale_, vol. i.
+        pp. 98-101.
+
+It was against these evils that Voltaire entered the field. The wit and
+the ridicule with which he attacked the dreaming scholars of his own
+time, can only be appreciated by those who have studied his works. Not,
+as some have supposed, that he used these weapons as a substitute for
+argument, still less that he fell into the error of making ridicule a
+test for truth. No one could reason more closely than Voltaire, when
+reasoning suited his purpose. But he had to deal with men impervious to
+argument; men whose inordinate reverence for antiquity had only left
+them two ideas, namely, that every thing old is right, and that every
+thing new is wrong. To argue against these opinions would be idle
+indeed; the only other resource was, to make them ridiculous, and weaken
+their influence, by holding up their authors to contempt. This was one
+of the tasks Voltaire set himself to perform; and he did it well.[929]
+He, therefore, used ridicule, not as the test of truth, but as the
+scourge of folly. And with such effect was the punishment administered,
+that not only did the pedants and theologians of his own time wince
+under the lash, but even their successors feel their ears tingle when
+they read his biting words; and they revenge themselves by reviling the
+memory of that great writer, whose works are as a thorn in their side,
+and whose very name they hold in undisguised abhorrence.
+
+  [929] 'We can best judge, from the Jesuitical rage with which he was
+        persecuted, how admirably he had delineated the weaknesses and
+        presumption of the interpreters of the ancients, who shone in the
+        schools and academies, and had acquired great reputation by their
+        various and copiously exhibited learning.' _Schlosser's
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. i. p. 120. At p. 270, M. Schlosser
+        says, 'And it was only a man of Voltaire's wit and talents, who
+        could throw the light of an entirely new criticism upon the
+        darkness of those grabbing and collecting pedants.'
+
+These two classes have, indeed, reasons enough for the hatred with
+which they still regard the greatest Frenchman of the eighteenth
+century. For, Voltaire did more than any other man to sap the foundation
+of ecclesiastical power, and to destroy the supremacy of classical
+studies. This is not the place for discussing the theological opinions
+which he attacked; but of the state of classical opinions an idea may be
+formed, by considering some of those circumstances which were recorded
+by the ancients respecting their history, and which, until the
+appearance of Voltaire, were implicitly believed by modern scholars, and
+through them by the people at large.
+
+It was believed that, in ancient times, Mars ravished a virgin, and that
+the offspring of the intrigue were no other than Romulus and Remus, both
+of whom it was intended to put to death; but they were fortunately saved
+by the attentions of a she-wolf and a woodpecker; the wolf giving them
+suck, and the woodpecker protecting them from insects. It was, moreover,
+believed that Romulus and Remus, when grown up to man's estate,
+determined to build a city, and that, being joined by the descendants of
+the Trojan warriors, they succeeded in erecting Rome. It was believed
+that both brothers came to an untimely end; Remus being murdered, and
+Romulus being taken up to heaven by his father, who descended for that
+purpose in the midst of a tempest. The great scholars then proceeded to
+relate the succession of several other kings; the most remarkable of
+whom was Numa, whose only communications with his wife were carried on
+in a sacred grove. Another of the sovereigns of Rome was Tullus
+Hostilius, who, having offended the clergy, perished from the effects of
+their anger; his death being caused by lightning, and preceded by
+pestilence. Then again, there was one Servius Tullius, who was also a
+king, and whose greatness was prognosticated by the appearance of flames
+round his head as he was sleeping in his cradle. After this, it was but
+a slight matter that the ordinary laws of mortality should be suspended;
+we were, therefore, assured that those ignorant barbarians, the early
+Romans, passed two hundred and forty-five years under the government of
+only seven kings, all of whom were elected in the prime of life, one of
+whom was expelled the city, and three of whom were put to death.
+
+These are a few of the idle stories in which the great scholars took
+intense delight, and which, during many centuries, were supposed to form
+a necessary part of the annals of the Latin empire. Indeed, so universal
+was the credulity, that, until they were destroyed by Voltaire, there
+were only four writers who had ventured openly to attack them.
+Cluverius, Perizonius, Pouilly, and Beaufort were the names of these
+bold innovators; but by none of them was any impression made on the
+public mind. The works of Cluverius and Perizonius, being composed in
+Latin, were addressed entirely to a class of readers who, infatuated
+with a love of antiquity, would listen to nothing that diminished the
+reputation of its history. Pouilly and Beaufort wrote in French; both of
+them, and especially Beaufort, were men of considerable ability; but
+their powers were not versatile enough to enable them to extirpate
+prejudices which were so strongly protected, and which had been fostered
+by the education of many successive generations.
+
+The service, therefore, rendered by Voltaire in purging history of these
+foolish conceits, is, not that he was the first by whom they were
+attacked, but that he was the first to attack them with success; and
+this because he was also the first who mingled ridicule with argument,
+thus not only assailing the system, but also weakening the authority of
+those by whom the system was supported. His irony, his wit, his pungent
+and telling sarcasms, produced more effect than the gravest arguments
+could have done; and there can be no doubt that he was fully justified
+in using those great resources with which nature had endowed him, since
+by their aid he advanced the interests of truth, and relieved men from
+some of their most inveterate prejudices.
+
+It is not, however, to be supposed that ridicule was the only means
+employed by Voltaire in effecting this important object. So far from
+that, I can say with confidence, after a careful comparison of both
+writers, that the most decisive arguments advanced by Niebuhr against
+the early history of Rome, had all been anticipated by Voltaire; in
+whose works they may be found, by whoever will take the trouble of
+reading what this great man has written, instead of ignorantly railing
+against him. Without entering into needless detail, it is enough to
+mention that, amidst a great variety of very ingenious and very learned
+discussion, Niebuhr has put forward several views with which later
+critics have been dissatisfied; but that there are three, and only
+three, principles which are fundamental to his history, and which it is
+impossible to refute. These are:--I. That, on account of the inevitable
+intermixture of fable essential to a rude people, no nation can possess
+trustworthy details respecting its own origin. II. That even such early
+documents as the Romans might have possessed, had been destroyed before
+they were incorporated into a regular history. III. That ceremonies
+established in honour of certain events alleged to have taken place in
+former times, were a proof, not that the events had happened, but that
+they were believed to have happened. The whole fabric of the early
+history of Rome at once fell to pieces, as soon as these three
+principles were applied to it. What, however, is most remarkable, is,
+that not only are all three laid down by Voltaire, but their bearing
+upon Roman history is distinctly shown. He says that no nation is
+acquainted with its own origin; so that all primitive history is
+necessarily an invention.[930] He remarks, that since even such
+historical works as the Romans once possessed, were all destroyed when
+their city was burned, no confidence can be placed in the accounts
+which, at a much later period, are given by Livy and other
+compilers.[931] And, as innumerable scholars busied themselves in
+collecting evidence respecting ceremonies instituted in celebration of
+certain events, and then appealed to the evidence in order to prove the
+events, Voltaire makes a reflection which now seems very obvious, but
+which these learned men had entirely overlooked. He notices, that their
+labour is bootless, because the date of the evidence is, with extremely
+few exceptions, much later than the date of the event to which it
+refers. In such cases, the existence of a festival, or of a monument,
+proves, indeed, the belief which men entertain, but by no means proves
+the reality of the occurrence concerning which the belief is held.[932]
+This simple, but important maxim, is, even in our own days, constantly
+lost sight of, while before the eighteenth century it was universally
+neglected. Hence it was that historians were able to accumulate fables
+which were believed without examination;[933] it being altogether
+forgotten, that fables, as Voltaire says, begin to be current in one
+generation, are established in the second, become respectable in the
+third, while in the fourth generation temples are raised in honour of
+them.[934]
+
+  [930] 'C'est l'imagination seule qui a ecrit les premieres histoires.
+        Non seulement chaque peuple inventa son origine, mais il inventa
+        aussi l'origine du monde entier.' _Dict. Philos._ article
+        _Histoire_, sec. 2, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xl. p. 195. See also his
+        article on Chronology, vol. xxxviii. p. 77, for the application
+        of this to the history of Rome, where he says, 'Tite Live n'a
+        garde de dire en quelle annee Romulus commenca son pretendu
+        regne.' And at vol. xxxvi. p. 86, 'tous les peuples se sont
+        attribues des origines imaginaires; et aucun n'a touche a la
+        veritable.'
+
+  [931] 'Qu'on fasse attention que la republique romaine a ete cinq cents
+        ans sans historiens; que Tite Live lui-meme deplore la perte des
+        autres monuments qui perirent presque tous dans l'incendie de
+        Rome,' &c. _Dict. Philos._ in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xl. p. 202. At p.
+        188, 'ce peuple, si recent en comparaison des nations asiatiques,
+        a ete cinq cents annees sans historiens. Ainsi, il n'est pas
+        surprenant que Romulus ait ete le fils de Mars, qu'une louve ait
+        ete sa nourrice, qu'il ait marche avec mille hommes de son
+        village de Rome contre vingt-cinq mille combattants du village
+        des Sabins.'
+
+  [932] 'Par quel exces de demence, par quel opiniatrete absurde, tant de
+        compilateurs ont-ils voulu prouver dans tant de volumes enormes,
+        qu'une fete publique etablie en memoire d'un evenement etait une
+        demonstration de la verite de cet evenement?' _Essai sur les
+        M[oe]urs_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xv. p. 109. See also the same
+        remark applied to monuments, in chap. cxcvii., _[OE]uvres_, vol.
+        xviii. pp. 412-414; and again, in vol. xl. pp. 203, 204.
+
+  [933] 'La plupart des histoires out ete crues sans examen, et cette
+        creance est un prejuge. Fabius Pictor raconte que, plusieurs
+        siecles avant lui, une vestale de la ville d'Albe, allant puiser
+        de l'eau dans sa cruche, fut violee, qu'elle accoucha de Romulus
+        et de Remus, qu'ils furent nourris par une louve, etc. Le peuple
+        romain crut cette fable; il n'examina point si dans ce temps-la
+        il y avait des vestales dans le Latium, s'il etait vraisemblable
+        que la fille d'un roi sortit de son couvent avec sa cruche, s'il
+        etait probable qu'une louve allaitat deux enfants au lieu de les
+        manger; le prejuge s'etablit.' _Dict. Philos._ article
+        _Prejuges_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xli. pp. 488, 489.
+
+  [934] 'Les amateurs du merveilleux disaient: Il faut bien que ces faits
+        soient vrais, puisque tant de monuments en sont la preuve. Et
+        nous disions: Il faut bien qu'ils soient faux, puisque le
+        vulgaire les a crus. Une fable a quelque cours dans une
+        generation; elle s'etablit dans la seconde; elle devient
+        respectable dans la troisieme; la quatrieme lui eleve des
+        temples.' _Fragments sur l'Histoire_, article i. in _[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. xxvii. pp. 158, 159.
+
+I have been the more particular in stating the immense obligations
+history is under to Voltaire, because in England there exists against
+him a prejudice, which nothing but ignorance, or something worse than
+ignorance, can excuse;[935] and because, taking him on the whole, he is
+probably the greatest historian Europe has yet produced. In reference,
+however, to the mental habits of the eighteenth century, it is important
+to show, that in the same period similar comprehensiveness was being
+displayed by other French historians; so that in this case, as in all
+others, we shall find that a large share of what is effected, even by
+the most eminent men, is due to the character of the age in which they
+live.
+
+  [935] In this case, as in many others, ignorance has been fortified by
+        bigotry; for, as Lord Campbell truly says of Voltaire, 'since the
+        French Revolution, an indiscriminate abuse of this author has
+        been in England the test of orthodoxy and loyalty.' _Campbell's
+        Chief Justices_, vol. ii. p. 335. Indeed, so extensively has the
+        public mind been prejudiced against this great man, that, until a
+        very few years ago, when Lord Brougham published a life of him,
+        there was no book in the English language containing even a
+        tolerable account of one of the most influential writers France
+        has produced. This work of Lord Brougham's, though a middling
+        performance, is at least an honest one, and, as it harmonizes
+        with the general spirit of our time, it has probably had
+        considerable weight. In it he says of Voltaire, 'nor can any one
+        since the days of Luther be named, to whom the spirit of free
+        inquiry, nay, the emancipation of the human mind from spiritual
+        tyranny, owes a more lasting debt of gratitude.' _Brougham's Life
+        of Voltaire_, p. 132. It is certain, that the better the history
+        of the eighteenth century is understood, the more the reputation
+        of Voltaire will increase; as was clearly foreseen by a
+        celebrated writer nearly a generation ago. In 1831, Lerminier
+        wrote these remarkable, and, as the result has proved, prophetic
+        words: 'Il est temps de revenir a des sentimens plus respectueux
+        pour la memoire de Voltaire.... Voltaire a fait pour la France ce
+        que Leibnitz a fait pour l'Allemagne; pendant trois-quarts de
+        siecle il a represente son pays, puissant a la maniere de Luther
+        et de Napoleon; il est destine a survivre a bien des gloires, et
+        je plains ceux qui se sont oublies jusqu'a laisser tomber des
+        paroles dedaigneuses sur le genie de cet homme.' _Lerminier_,
+        _Philosophie du Droit_, vol. i. p. 199. Compare the glowing
+        eulogy in _Longchamp et Wagniere_, _Memoires sur Voltaire_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 388, 389, with the remarks of Saint-Lambert, in _Mem.
+        d'Epinay_, vol. i. p. 263.
+
+The vast labours of Voltaire towards reforming the old method of writing
+history, were greatly aided by those important works which Montesquieu
+put forward during the same period. In 1734,[936] this remarkable man
+published what may be truly called the first book in which there can be
+found any information concerning the real history of Rome; because it is
+also the first in which the affairs of the ancient world are treated in
+a large and comprehensive spirit.[937] Fourteen years later, there
+appeared, by the same author, the _Spirit of Laws_; a more famous
+production, but, as it seems to me, not a greater one. The immense merit
+of the _Spirit of Laws_ is, indeed, incontestable, and cannot be
+affected by the captious attempts made to diminish it by those minute
+critics, who seem to think that when they detect the occasional errors
+of a great man, they in some degree reduce him to their own level. It is
+not such petty cavilling which can destroy an European reputation; and
+the noble work of Montesquieu will long survive all attacks of this
+kind, because its large and suggestive generalizations would retain
+their value even if the particular facts of which the illustrations
+consist were all unfounded.[938] Still, I am inclined to believe, that
+in point of original thought it is barely equal to his earlier work,
+though it is unquestionably the fruit of much greater reading. Without,
+however, instituting a comparison between them, our present object is
+merely to consider the contributions they jointly contain towards a
+right understanding of history, and the way in which those contributions
+are connected with the general spirit of the eighteenth century.
+
+  [936] _Vie de Montesquieu_, p. xiv., prefixed to his works.
+
+  [937] Before Montesquieu, the only two great thinkers who had really
+        studied Roman history were Macchiavelli and Vico: but
+        Macchiavelli did not attempt any thing approaching the
+        generalizations of Montesquieu, and he suffered, moreover, from
+        the serious deficiency of being too much occupied with the
+        practical utility of his subject. Vico, whose genius was perhaps
+        even more vast than that of Montesquieu, can hardly be considered
+        his rival; for, though his _Scienza Nova_ contains the most
+        profound views on ancient history, they are rather glimpses of
+        truth, than a systematic investigation of any one period.
+
+  [938] Which M. Guizot (_Civilisation en France_, vol. iv. p. 36), in
+        his remarks on the _Esprit des Lois_, does not take sufficiently
+        into consideration. A juster appreciation of Montesquieu will be
+        found in _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, part ii. vol. i. p.
+        182; and in _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iv. pp.
+        243-252, 261. Compare _Charles Comte_, _Traite de Legislation_,
+        vol. i. p. 125, with _Meyer_, _Esprit des Institutions
+        Judiciaires_, vol. i. p. lxi., respecting the vast innovations he
+        introduced.
+
+In this point of view, there are, in the works of Montesquieu, two
+leading peculiarities. The first is, the complete rejection of those
+personal anecdotes, and those trivial details respecting individuals,
+which belong to biography, but with which, as Montesquieu clearly saw,
+history has no concern. The other peculiarity is, the very remarkable
+attempt which he first made to effect an union between the history of
+man and those sciences which deal with the external world. As these are
+the two great characteristics of the method adopted by Montesquieu, it
+will be necessary to give some account of them, before we can understand
+the place he really occupies, as one of the founders of the philosophy
+of history.
+
+We have already seen that Voltaire had strongly insisted on the
+necessity of reforming history, by paying more attention to the history
+of the people, and less attention to that of their political and
+military rulers. We have also seen, that this great improvement was so
+agreeable to the spirit of the time, that it was generally and quickly
+adopted, and thus became an indication of those democratic tendencies,
+of which it was in reality a result. It is not, therefore, surprising
+that Montesquieu should have taken the same course, even before the
+movement had been clearly declared; since he, like most great thinkers,
+was a representative of the intellectual condition, and a satisfier of
+the intellectual wants, of the age in which he lived.
+
+But, what constitutes the peculiarity of Montesquieu in this matter, is,
+that with him a contempt for those details respecting courts, ministers,
+and princes, in which ordinary compilers take great delight, was
+accompanied by an equal contempt for other details which are really
+interesting, because they concern the mental habits of the few truly
+eminent men who, from time to time, have appeared on the stage of public
+life. This was because Montesquieu perceived that, though these things
+are very interesting, they are also very unimportant. He knew, what no
+historian before him had even suspected, that in the great march of
+human affairs, individual peculiarities count for nothing; and that,
+therefore, the historian has no business with them, but should leave
+them to the biographer, to whose province they properly belong. The
+consequence is, that not only does he treat the most powerful princes
+with such disregard as to relate the reigns of six emperors in two
+lines,[939] but he constantly enforces the necessity, even in the case
+of eminent men, of subordinating their special influence to the more
+general influence of the surrounding society. Thus, many writers had
+ascribed the ruin of the Roman Republic to the ambition of Caesar and
+Pompey, and particularly to the deep schemes of Caesar. This, Montesquieu
+totally denies. According to his view of history, no great alteration
+can be effected, except by virtue of a long train of antecedents, where
+alone we are to seek the cause of what to a superficial eye is the work
+of individuals. The republic, therefore, was overthrown, not by Caesar
+and Pompey, but by that state of things which made the success of Caesar
+and Pompey possible.[940] It is thus that the events which ordinary
+historians relate are utterly valueless. Such events, instead of being
+causes, are merely the occasions on which the real causes act.[941] They
+may be called the accidents of history; and they must be treated as
+subservient to those vast and comprehensive conditions, by which alone
+the rise and fall of nations are ultimately governed.[942]
+
+  [939] He says of the emperor Maximin, 'il fut tue avec son fils par ses
+        soldats. Les deux premiers Gordiens perirent en Afrique. Maxime,
+        Balbin, et le troisieme Gordien furent massacres.' _Grandeur et
+        Decadence des Romains_, chap. xvi., in _[OE]uvres de
+        Montesquieu_, p. 167.
+
+  [940] _Ibid._ chap. xi., in _[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, pp. 149-153.
+        Compare a similar remark, respecting Charles XII., in _Esprit des
+        Lois_, livre x. chap. xiii. _[OE]uvres_, p. 260.
+
+  [941] On the difference between cause and occasion, see _Grandeur et
+        Decad._ chap. i. p. 126.
+
+  [942] 'Il y a des causes generales, soit morales, soit physiques, qui
+        agissent dans chaque monarchie, l'elevent, la maintiennent, ou la
+        precipitent; tous les accidents sont soumis a ces causes; et si
+        le hasard d'une bataille, c'est-a-dire une cause particuliere, a
+        ruine un etat, il y avoit une cause generale qui faisoit que cet
+        etat devoit perir par une seule bataille. En un mot, l'allure
+        principale entraine avec elle tous les accidente particuliers.'
+        _Grand. et Decad. des Romains_, chap. xviii. p. 172.
+
+This, then, was the first great merit of Montesquieu, that he effected a
+complete separation between biography and history, and taught historians
+to study, not the pecularities of individual character, but the general
+aspect of the society in which the peculiarities appeared. If this
+remarkable man had accomplished nothing further, he would have rendered
+an incalculable service to history, by pointing out how one of its most
+fertile sources of error might be safely removed. And although,
+unhappily, we have not yet reaped the full benefit of his example, this
+is because his successors have really had the capacity of rising to so
+high a generalization: it is, however, certain, that since his time, an
+approximation towards such elevated views may be noticed, even among
+those inferior writers who, for want of sufficient grasp, are unable to
+adopt them to their full extent.
+
+In addition to this, Montesquieu made another great advance in the
+method of treating history. He was the first who, in an inquiry into the
+relations between the social conditions of a country and its
+jurisprudence, called in the aid of physical knowledge, in order to
+ascertain how the character of any given civilization is modified by the
+action of the external world. In his work on the _Spirit of Laws_, he
+studies the way in which both the civil and political legislation of a
+people are naturally connected with their climate, soil, and food.[943]
+It is true, that in this vast enterprise he almost entirely failed; but
+this was because meteorology, chemistry, and physiology, were still too
+backward to admit of such an undertaking. This, however, affects the
+value only of his conclusions, not of his method; and here, as
+elsewhere, we see the great thinker tracing the outline of a plan,
+which, in the then state of knowledge, it was impossible to fill up, and
+the completion of which he was obliged to leave to the riper experience
+and more powerful resources of a later age. Thus to anticipate the march
+of the human intellect, and, as it were, forestal its subsequent
+acquisitions, is the peculiar prerogative of minds of the highest order;
+and it is this which gives to the writings of Montesquieu a certain
+fragmentary and provisional appearance, which was the necessary
+consequence of a profoundly speculative genius dealing with materials
+that were intractable, simply because science had not yet reduced them
+to order by generalizing the laws of their phenomena. Hence it is, that
+many of the inferences drawn by Montesquieu are untenable; such, for
+instance, as those regarding the effect of diet in stimulating
+population by increasing the fecundity of women,[944] and the effect of
+climate in altering the proportion between the births of the sexes.[945]
+In other cases, an increased acquaintance with barbarous nations has
+sufficed to correct his conclusions, particularly those concerning the
+effect which he supposed climate to produce on individual character; for
+we have now the most decisive evidence, that he was wrong in
+asserting[946] that hot climates make people unchaste and cowardly,
+while cold climates make them virtuous and brave.
+
+  [943] _De l'Esprit des Lois_, books xiv. to xviii. inclusive; in
+        _[OE]uvres_, pp. 300-336.
+
+  [944] _Ibid._ livre xxiii. chap. xiii. p. 395. Compare _Burdach_,
+        _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 116.
+
+  [945] _Ibid._ livre xvi. chap. iv., and livre xxiii. chap. xii.
+        pp. 317, 395.
+
+  [946] _Ibid._ livre xiv. chap. ii., livre xvii. chap. ii., and
+        elsewhere.
+
+These, indeed, are comparatively trifling objections, because, in all
+the highest branches of knowledge, the main difficulty is, not to
+discover facts, but to discover the true method according to which the
+laws of the facts may be ascertained.[947] In this, Montesquieu
+performed a double service, since he not only enriched history, but also
+strengthened its foundation. He enriched history by incorporating with
+it physical inquiries; and he strengthened history by separating it from
+biography, and thus freeing it from details which are always
+unimportant, and often unauthentic. And although he committed the error
+of studying the influence of nature over men considered as
+individuals,[948] rather than over men considered as an aggregate
+society, this arose principally from the fact that, in his time, the
+resources necessary for the more complicated study had not yet been
+created. Those resources, as I have shown, are political economy and
+statistics; political economy supplying the means of connecting the laws
+of physical agents with the laws of the inequality of wealth, and,
+therefore, with a great variety of social disturbances; while statistics
+enable us to verify those laws in their widest extent, and to prove how
+completely the volition of individual men is controlled by their
+antecedents, and by the circumstances in which they are placed. It was,
+therefore, not only natural, but inevitable, that Montesquieu should
+fail in his magnificent attempt to unite the laws of the human mind with
+the laws of external nature. He failed, partly because the sciences of
+external nature were too backward, and partly because those other
+branches of knowledge which connect nature with men were still unformed.
+For, as to political economy, it had no existence as a science until the
+publication of the _Wealth of Nations_ in 1776, twenty-one years after
+the death of Montesquieu. As to statistics, their philosophy is a still
+more recent creation, since it is only during the last thirty years
+that they have been systematically applied to social phenomena; the
+earlier statisticians being merely a body of industrious collectors,
+groping in the dark, bringing together facts of every kind without
+selection or method, and whose labours were consequently unavailable for
+those important purposes to which they have been successfully applied
+during the present generation.
+
+  [947] On the supreme importance of method, see my defence of Bichat in
+        the next chapter.
+
+  [948] How completely futile this was, as regards results, is evident
+        from the fact, that a hundred years after he wrote, we, with all
+        our increased knowledge, can affirm nothing positively respecting
+        the direct action of climate, food, and soil, in modifying
+        individual character; though it has, I trust, appeared in the
+        second chapter of this Introduction, that something can be
+        ascertained respecting their indirect action, that is, their
+        action on individual minds through the medium of social and
+        economical organisation.
+
+Only two years after the publication of the _Spirit of Laws_, Turgot
+delivered those celebrated lectures, of which it has been said, that in
+them he created the philosophy of history.[949] This praise is somewhat
+exaggerated; for in the most important matters relating to the
+philosophy of his subject, he takes the same view as Montesquieu; and
+Montesquieu, besides preceding him in point of time, was his superior
+certainly in learning, perhaps in genius. Still, the merit of Turgot is
+immense; and he belongs to that extremely small class of men who have
+looked at history comprehensively, and have recognized the almost
+boundless knowledge needed for its investigation. In this respect, his
+method is identical with that of Montesquieu, since both of these great
+men excluded from their scheme the personal details which ordinary
+historians accumulate, and concentrated their attention upon those large
+general causes, by the operation of which the destinies of nations are
+permanently affected. Turgot clearly perceived, that, notwithstanding
+the variety of events produced by the play of human passions, there is
+amid this apparent confusion a principle of order, and a regularity of
+march, not to be mistaken by those whose grasp is firm enough to seize
+the history of man as a complete and single whole.[950] It is true that
+Turgot, subsequently engaged in political life, never possessed
+sufficient leisure to fill up the splendid outline of what he so
+successfully sketched: but though in the execution of his plan he fell
+short of Montesquieu, still the analogy between the two men is obvious,
+as also is their relation to the age in which they lived. They, as well
+as Voltaire, were the unconscious advocates of the democratic movement,
+inasmuch as they discountenanced the homage which historians had
+formerly paid to individuals, and rescued history from being a mere
+recital of the deeds of political and ecclesiastical rulers. At the same
+time, Turgot, by the captivating prospects which he held out of future
+progress,[951] and by the picture which he drew of the capacity of
+society to improve itself, increased the impatience which his countrymen
+were beginning to feel against that despotic government, in whose
+presence amelioration seemed to be hopeless. These, and similar
+speculations, which now for the first time appeared in French
+literature, stimulated the activity of the intellectual classes, cheered
+them under the persecutions to which they were exposed, and emboldened
+them to the arduous enterprise of leading on the people to attack the
+institutions of their native land. Thus it was, that in France every
+thing tended to the same result. Every thing indicated the approach of
+some sharp and terrible struggle, in which the spirit of the present
+should war with the spirit of the past; and in which it should be
+finally settled, whether the people of France could free themselves from
+the chains in which they had long been held, or whether, missing their
+aim, they were doomed to sink still lower in that ignominious vassalage,
+which makes even the most splendid periods of their political history a
+warning and a lesson to the civilized world.
+
+  [949] 'Il a cree en 1750 la philosophie de l'histoire dans ses deux
+        discours prononces en Sorbonne.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+        Philosophie_, I. serie, vol. i. p. 147. There is a short notice
+        of these striking productions in _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_,
+        pp. 11-16.
+
+  [950] Nothing can be better than his summary of this vast conception:
+        'Tous les ages sont enchaines par une suite de causes et d'effets
+        qui lient l'etat du monde a tous ceux qui l'ont precede.' _Second
+        Discours en Sorbonne_, in _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 52.
+        Every thing Turgot wrote on history is a development of this
+        pregnant sentence. That he understood the necessity of an
+        historian being acquainted with physical science, and with the
+        laws of the configuration of the earth, climate, soil, and the
+        like, is evident in his fragment, _La Geographie Politique_, in
+        _[OE]uvres_, vol. ii. pp. 166-208. It is no slight proof of his
+        political sagacity, that in 1750 he distinctly foretold the
+        freedom of the American colonies. Compare _[OE]uvres de Turgot_,
+        vol. ii. p. 66, with _Mem. sur Turgot_, vol. i. p. 139.
+
+  [951] A confidence which is apparent in his economical as well as in his
+        historical works. In 1811, Sir James Mackintosh writes, that
+        Turgot 'had more comprehensive views of the progress of society
+        than any man since Bacon:' _Mem. of Mackintosh_, vol. ii. p. 133;
+        and see a similar remark by Dugald Stewart, in his _Philos. of
+        the Mind_, vol. i. p. 246.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+    PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE MIDDLE OF THE
+                           EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+In the last chapter but one, I have attempted to ascertain what those
+circumstances were which, almost immediately after the death of Louis
+XIV., prepared the way for the French Revolution. The result of the
+inquiry has been, that the French intellect was stimulated into activity
+by the examples and teachings of England; and that this stimulus caused,
+or at all events encouraged, a great breach between the government of
+France and its literature;--a breach the more remarkable, because during
+the reign of Louis XIV. the literature, notwithstanding its temporary
+brilliancy, had been invariably submissive, and had intimately allied
+itself with the government, which was always ready to reward its
+services. We have also seen that, this rupture having arisen between the
+governing classes and the intellectual classes, it followed, that the
+former, true to their ancient instincts, began to chastise that spirit
+of inquiry to which they were unaccustomed: hence those persecutions
+which, with hardly a single exception, were directed against every man
+of letters, and hence too those systematic attempts to reduce literature
+to a subserviency similar to that in which it had been held under Louis
+XIV. It has, moreover, appeared, that the great Frenchmen of the
+eighteenth century, though smarting from the injuries constantly
+inflicted on them by the government and the church, abstained from
+attacking the government, but directed all their hostility against the
+church. This apparent anomaly, of the religious institutions being
+assailed, and the political institutions being spared, has been shown to
+be a perfectly natural circumstance, arising out of the antecedents of
+the French nation; and an attempt has been made to explain what those
+antecedents were, and how they acted. In the present chapter, I purpose
+to complete this inquiry by examining the next great stage in the
+history of the French mind. It was needful that, before both church and
+state could fall, men should change the ground of their hostility, and
+should attack political abuses with the zeal they had hitherto reserved
+for religious ones. The question, therefore, now arises, as to the
+circumstances under which this change took place, and the period when it
+actually occurred.
+
+The circumstances which accompanied this great change are, as we shall
+presently see, very complicated; and, as they have never yet been
+studied in connexion with each other, I shall, in the remaining part of
+this volume, examine them at considerable length. On this point it will,
+I think, be practicable to arrive at some precise and well-defined
+results respecting the history of the French Revolution. But the other
+point, namely, the time at which the change took place, is not only much
+more obscure, but by its nature will never admit of complete precision.
+This, however, is a deficiency it possesses in common with every other
+change in the history of man. The circumstances of each change may
+always be known, provided the evidence is ample and authentic. But no
+amount of evidence can enable us to fix the date of the change itself.
+That to which attention is usually drawn by the compilers of history is,
+not the change, but is merely the external result which follows the
+change. The real history of the human race is the history of tendencies
+which are perceived by the mind, and not of events which are discerned
+by the senses. It is on this account that no historical epoch will ever
+admit of that chronological precision familiar to antiquaries and
+genealogists. The death of a prince, the loss of a battle, and the
+change of a dynasty, are matters which fall entirely within the province
+of the senses; and the moment in which they happen can be recorded by
+the most ordinary observers. But those great intellectual revolutions
+upon which all other revolutions are based, cannot be measured by so
+simple a standard. To trace the movements of the human mind, it is
+necessary to contemplate it under several aspects, and then cooerdinate
+the results of what we have separately studied. By this means we arrive
+at certain general conclusions, which, like the ordinary estimate of
+averages, increase in value in proportion as we increase the number of
+instances from which they are collected. That this is a safe and
+available method, appears not only from the history of physical
+knowledge,[952] but also from the fact, that it is the basis of the
+empirical maxims by which all men of sound understanding are guided in
+those ordinary transactions of life to which the generalizations of
+science have not yet been applied. Indeed such maxims, which are highly
+valuable, and which in their aggregate form what is called common sense,
+are never collected with any thing like the precautions that the
+philosophic historian ought to feel himself bound to employ.
+
+  [952] For a popular but able view of the value of averages in scientific
+        inquiries, see _Herschel's Disc. on Nat. Philos._ pp. 215-219.
+
+The real objection, therefore, to generalizations respecting the
+development of the intellect of a nation is, not that they want
+certainty, but that they lack precision. This is just the point at which
+the historian diverges from the annalist. That the English intellect,
+for example, is gradually becoming more democratic, or, as it is termed,
+more liberal, is as certain as that the crown of this country is worn by
+Queen Victoria. But though both these statements are equally certain,
+the latter statement is more precise. We can tell the very day on which
+the Queen ascended the throne; the moment of her death will be known
+with equal precision; and there can be no doubt that many other
+particulars respecting her will be minutely and accurately preserved. In
+tracing, however, the growth of English liberalism, all such exactness
+deserts us. We can point out the year in which the Reform Bill was
+passed; but who can point out the year in which the Reform Bill first
+became necessary? In the same way, that the Jews will be admitted into
+parliament, is as certain as that the Catholics have been admitted. Both
+these measures are the inevitable result of that increasing indifference
+to theological disputes, which must now be obvious to every man who does
+not wilfully shut his eyes. But while we know the hour in which the bill
+for Catholic emancipation received the assent of the crown, there is no
+one now living who can tell even the year in which similar justice will
+be granted to the Jews. Both events are equally certain, but both events
+are not equally precise.
+
+This distinction between certainty and precision I have stated at some
+length, because it seems to be little understood,[953] and because it is
+intimately connected with the subject now before us. The fact of the
+French intellect having, during the eighteenth century, passed through
+two totally distinct epochs, can be proved by every description of
+evidence; but it is impossible to ascertain the precise time when one
+epoch succeeded the other. All that we can do is, to compare the
+different indications which the history of that age presents, and arrive
+at an approximation which may guide future inquirers. It would perhaps
+be more prudent to avoid making any particular statement; but as the
+employment of dates seems necessary to bring such matters clearly before
+the mind, I will, by way of provisional hypothesis, fix on the year
+1750, as the period when those agitations of society which caused the
+French Revolution entered into their second and political stage.
+
+  [953] As we see in the pretensions set forth by mathematicians, who
+        often suppose that an amount of certainty can be attained in
+        their own pursuits not to be found in any other. This error has
+        probably arisen, as Locke suggests, from confusing clearness with
+        certainty. _Essay on Human Understanding_, book iv. chap. ii.
+        secs. 9 and 10, in _Works_, vol. ii. pp. 73, 74. See also
+        _Comte_, _Philos. Pos._ vol. i. p. 103, where it is justly
+        observed, that all branches of knowledge capable of being
+        generalized into sciences admit of equal certainty, but not of
+        equal precision: 'si d'apres l'explication precedente, les
+        diverses sciences doivent necessairement presenter une precision
+        tres-inegale, il n'en est nullement ainsi de leur certitude.'
+        This is handled unsatisfactorily by Montucla (_Hist. des
+        Mathemat._ vol. i. p. 33), who says, that the principal cause of
+        the peculiar certainty reached by the mathematician is, that
+        'd'une idee claire il ne deduit que des consequences claires et
+        incontestables.' Similarly, Cudworth (_Intellect. System_, vol.
+        iii. p. 377): 'nay the very essence of truth here is this clear
+        perceptibility, or intelligibility.' On the other hand, Kant, a
+        far deeper thinker, avoided this confusion, by making
+        mathematical clearness the mark of a _kind_ of certainty rather
+        than of a _degree_ of it: 'Die mathematische Gewissheit heisst
+        auch Evidenz, weil ein intuitives Erkenntniss klarer ist, als ein
+        discursives. Obgleich also beides, das mathematische und das
+        philosophische Vernunfterkenntniss an sich gleich gewiss ist, so
+        ist doch die Art der Gewissheit in beiden verschieden.' _Logik_,
+        _Einleitung_, sec. 9, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. i. p. 399. On the
+        opinions of the ancients respecting certainty, compare _Matter_,
+        _Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 195, with _Ritter's
+        Hist. of Ancient Philos._ vol. ii. p. 46, vol. iii. pp. 74, 426,
+        427, 484, 614.
+
+That this was about the period when the great movement, hitherto
+directed against the church, began to be turned against the state, is an
+inference which many circumstances seem to warrant. We know on the best
+authority, that towards the year 1750, the French began their celebrated
+inquiries respecting political economy,[954] and that, in their attempt
+to raise it to a science, they were led to perceive the immense injury
+which the interference of government had produced on the material
+interests of the country.[955] Hence a conviction arose that, even in
+regard to the accumulation of wealth, the authority possessed by the
+rulers of France was mischievous, since it enabled them, under the
+notion of protecting commerce, to trouble the freedom of individual
+action, and to prevent trade from running into those profitable channels
+which traders are best able to select for themselves. Scarcely had a
+knowledge of this important truth been diffused, when its consequences
+were quickly seen in the national literature, and in the habits of
+national thought. The sudden increase in France of works relating to
+finance and to other questions of government, is, indeed, one of the
+most remarkable features of that age. With such rapidity did the
+movement spread, that we are told that, soon after 1755, the economists
+effected a schism between the nation and the government;[956] and
+Voltaire, writing in 1759, complains that the charms of lighter
+literature were entirely neglected amidst the general zeal for these new
+studies.[957] It is not necessary to follow the subsequent history of
+this great change; nor need I trace the influence exercised shortly
+before the Revolution by the later economists, and particularly by
+Turgot, the most eminent of their leaders.[958] It is enough to say,
+that within about twenty years after the movement was first clearly
+seen, the taste for economical and financial inquiries became so common,
+that it penetrated those parts of society where habits of thought are
+not very frequent; since we find that, even in fashionable life, the
+conversation no longer turned upon new poems and new plays, but upon
+political questions, and subjects immediately connected with them.[959]
+Indeed, when Necker, in 1781, published his celebrated Report on the
+Finances of France, the eagerness to obtain it was beyond all bounds;
+six thousand copies were sold the first day; and the demand still
+increasing, two presses were kept constantly at work in order to satisfy
+the universal curiosity.[960] And what makes the democratic tendency of
+all this the more obvious is, that Necker was at that time one of the
+servants of the crown; so that his work, looking at its general spirit,
+has been truly called an appeal to the people against the king by one of
+the ministers of the king himself.[961]
+
+  [954] 'Vers 1750, deux hommes de genie, observateurs judicieux et
+        profonds, conduits par une force d'attention tres-soutenue a une
+        logique rigoureuse, animes d'un noble amour pour la patrie et
+        pour l'humanite, M. Quesnay et M. de Gournay, s'occuperent avec
+        suite de savoir si la nature des choses n'indiquerait pas une
+        science de l'economie politique, et quels seraient les principes
+        de cette science.' _Additions aux [OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii.
+        p. 310. M. Blanqui (_Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii. p.
+        78) also says, 'vers l'annee 1750;' and Voltaire (_Dict. Philos._
+        article _Ble_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. xxxvii. p. 384) says, 'vers
+        l'an 1750, la nation, rassasiee de vers, de tragedies, de
+        comedies, d'opera, de romans, d'histoires romanesques, de
+        reflexions morales plus romanesques encore, et de disputes
+        theologiques sur la grace et sur les convulsions, se mit enfin a
+        raisonner sur les bles.'
+
+  [955] The revolutionary tendency of this economical movement is noticed
+        in _Alison's Europe_, vol. i. pp. 184, 185; where, however, its
+        commencement is erroneously assigned to 'about the year 1761.'
+        See also, on the hostility this caused against government, _Mem.
+        de Campan_, vol. i. pp. 7, 8; _Mem. of Mallet du Pan_, vol. i. p.
+        32; and _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. p. 193,
+        vol. ii. p. 152.
+
+  [956] 'D'ailleurs la nation s'etoit accoutumee a se separer toujours de
+        plus en plus de son gouvernement, en raison meme de ce que ses
+        ecrivains avoient commence a aborder les etudes politiques.
+        C'etoit l'epoque ou la secte des economistes se donnoit le plus
+        de mouvement, depuis que le marquis de Mirabeau avoit publie, en
+        1755, son _Ami des Hommes_.' _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Franc._ vol.
+        xxix. p. 269. Compare _Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol.
+        ii. p. 58. In this same year, 1755, Goldsmith was in Paris, and
+        was so struck by the progress of insubordination, that he
+        foretold the freedom of the people; though I need hardly say that
+        he was not a man to understand the movement of the economists.
+        _Prior's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. pp. 198, 199; _Forster's
+        Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 66.
+
+  [957] In February 1759, he writes to Madame du Boccage: 'Il me parait
+        que les graces et le bon gout sont bannis de France, et ont cede
+        la place a la metaphysique embrouillee, a la politique des
+        cerveaux creux, a des discussions enormes sur les finances, sur
+        le commerce, sur la population, qui ne mettront jamais dans
+        l'etat ni un ecu, ni un homme de plus.' _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_,
+        vol. lx. p. 485. In 1763 (vol. lxiii. p. 204): 'Adieu, nos beaux
+        arts, si les choses continuent comme elles sont. La rage des
+        remontrances et des projets sur les finances a saisi la nation.'
+        Many of the ablest men being thus drawn off from mere literary
+        pursuits, there began, about twenty years before the Revolution,
+        a marked deterioration in style, particularly among prose
+        writers. Compare _Lettres de Dudeffand a Walpole_, vol. ii. p.
+        358, vol. iii. pp. 163, 299; _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. ii. p. 374,
+        vol. v. p. 123, vol. viii. pp. 180, 275; _Mercier sur Rousseau_,
+        vol. ii. p. 151.
+
+  [958] Georgel, who hated Turgot, says of him: 'son cabinet et ses
+        bureaux se transformerent en ateliers ou les economistes
+        forgeoient leur systeme et leurs speculations.' _Mem. de
+        Georgel_, vol. i. p. 406: see also _Blanqui_, _Hist. de l'Econ.
+        Politique_, vol. ii. pp. 96-112; _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_,
+        pp. 32-35; _Twiss_, _Progress of Political Econ._ pp. 142 seq.
+
+  [959] Sismondi, under the year 1774, notices 'les ecrits innombrables
+        que chaque jour voyoit eclore sur la politique, et qui avoient
+        desormais remplace dans l'interet des salons ces nouveautes
+        litteraires, ces vers, ces anecdotes galantes, dont peu d'annees
+        auparavant le public etoit uniquement occupe.' _Hist. des
+        Francais_, vol. xxix. p. 495; and a similar remark in
+        _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p. 126.
+
+  [960] See the account, written in Feb. 1781, in _Grimm_, _Corr. Lit._
+        vol. xi. 260, where it is said of Necker's _Compte Rendu_, 'La
+        sensation qu'a faite cet ouvrage est, je crois, sans exemple; il
+        s'en est debite plus de six mille exemplaires le jour meme qu'il
+        a paru, et depuis, le travail continuel de deux imprimeries n'a
+        pu suffire encore aux demandes multipliees de la capitale, des
+        provinces, et des pays etrangers.' Segur (_Souvenirs_, vol. i. p.
+        138) mentions, that Necker's work was 'dans la poche de tous les
+        abbes, et sur la toilette de toutes les dames.' The daughter of
+        Necker, Madame de Stael, says of her father's work,
+        _Administration des Finances_, 'on en vendit quatre-vingt mille
+        exemplaires.' _De Stael sur la Revolution_, vol. i. p. 111.
+
+  [961] The expression of the Baron de Montyon: see _Adolphus's History of
+        George III._ vol. iv. p. 290; and on the revolutionary tendency
+        of Necker's financial works, _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_,
+        vol. ii. pp. xxxvii. xxxviii., vol. iv. pp. 18, 143. Necker
+        published a justification of his book, 'malgre la defense du
+        roi.' _Du Mesnil_, _Mem. sur Le Brun_, p. 108.
+
+This evidence of the remarkable change which, in or about 1750, the
+French mind underwent, and which formed what I term the second epoch of
+the eighteenth century, might be easily strengthened by a wider survey
+of the literature of that time. Immediately after the middle of the
+century, Rousseau published those eloquent works, which exercised
+immense influence, and in which the rise of the new epoch is very
+observable; for this most powerful writer abstained from those attacks
+on Christianity,[962] which unhappily had been too frequent, and exerted
+himself almost exclusively against the civil and political abuses of the
+existing society.[963] To trace the effects which this wonderful, but in
+some instances misguided, man produced on the mind of his own and of the
+succeeding generation, would occupy too large a share of this
+Introduction; though the inquiry is full of interest, and is one which
+it were to be wished some competent historian would undertake.[964]
+Inasmuch, however, as the philosophy of Rousseau was itself only a
+single phase of a far larger movement, I shall at present pass over the
+individual, in order to consider the general spirit of an age in which
+he played a vast, but still a subsidiary part.
+
+  [962] So far as I remember, there is not a single instance in any of
+        his works; and those who assail him on this ground should adduce
+        the passages on which they rely, instead of bringing vague
+        general charges. Compare _Life of Rousseau_, in _Brougham's Men
+        of Letters_, vol. i. p. 189; _Staeudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog.
+        Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. p. 442; _Mercier sur Rousseau_, 1791,
+        vol. i. pp. 27-32, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280.
+
+  [963] 'Rousseau, qui deja en 1753 avoit touche aux bases memes de la
+        societe humaine, dans son _Discours sur l'origine de l'inegalite
+        parmi les hommes_.' _Sismondi_, vol. xxix. p. 270. Schlosser
+        (_Hist. of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. i. p. 138) notices 'the
+        entirely new system of absolute democracy which was brought
+        forward by J. J. Rousseau;' see also p. 289, and _Soulavie_,
+        _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. v. p. 208.
+
+  [964] Napoleon said to Stanislas Girardin respecting Rousseau, 'sans lui
+        la France n'auroit pas eu de revolution.' _Holland's Foreign
+        Reminiscences_, Lond. 1850, p. 261. This is certainly an
+        exaggeration; but the influence of Rousseau was, during the
+        latter half of the eighteenth century, most extraordinary. In
+        1765, Hume writes from Paris: 'It is impossible to express or
+        imagine the enthusiasm of this nation in his favour; ... no
+        person ever so much engaged their attention as Rousseau. Voltaire
+        and every body else are quite eclipsed by him.' _Burton's Life of
+        Hume_, vol. ii. p. 299. A letter written in 1754 (in _Grimm_,
+        _Correspond._ vol. i. p. 122) says that his Dijon Discourse 'fit
+        une espece de revolution a Paris.' The circulation of his works
+        was unprecedented; and when _La Nouvelle Heloise_ appeared, 'les
+        libraires ne pouvaient suffire aux demandes de toutes les
+        classes. On louait l'ouvrage a tant par jour, ou par heure. Quand
+        il parut, on exigeait douze sous par volume, en n'accordant que
+        soixante minutes pour le lire.' _Musset Pathay_, _Vie de
+        Rousseau_, vol. ii. p. 361. For further evidence of the effect
+        produced by his works, see _Lerminier_, _Philos. du Droit_, vol.
+        ii. p. 251; _Mem. de Roland_, vol. i. p. 196, vol. ii. pp. 337,
+        359; _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. v. p. 193, vol. vi. p. 14; _Alison's
+        Europe_, vol. i. p. 170, vol. iii. p. 369, vol. iv. p. 376; _Mem.
+        de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 116; _Longchamp_, _Mem. sur Voltaire_,
+        vol. ii. p. 50; _Life of Romilly_, vol. i. p. 267; _Mem. of
+        Mallet du Pan_, vol. i. p. 127; _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 482;
+        _Cassagnac_, _Causes de la Rev._ vol. iii. p. 549; _Lamartine_,
+        _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. ii. p. 38, vol. iv. p. 93, vol. viii.
+        p. 125; _Wahrheit und Dichtung_, in _Goethe's Werke_, Stuttgart,
+        1837, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 83, 104; _Grimm_, _Correspond. Lit._
+        vol. xii. p. 222; _De Stael_, _Consid. sur la Rev._ vol. ii. p.
+        371.
+
+The formation of a new epoch in France, about the year 1750, may be
+further illustrated by three circumstances of considerable interest, all
+pointing in the same direction. The first circumstance is, that not a
+single great French writer attacked the political institutions of the
+country before the middle of the century; while, after that period, the
+attacks of the ablest men were incessant. The second circumstance is,
+that the only eminent Frenchmen who continued to assail the clergy, and
+yet refused to interfere in politics, were those who, like Voltaire,
+had already reached an advanced age, and had, therefore, drawn their
+ideas from the preceding generation, in which the church had been the
+sole object of hostility. The third circumstance, which is even more
+striking than the other two, is, that almost at the same moment there
+was seen a change in the policy of the government; since, singularly
+enough, the ministers of the crown displayed for the first time an open
+enmity against the church, just as the intellect of the country was
+preparing for its decisive onslaught on the government itself. Of these
+three propositions, the first two will probably be admitted by every
+student of French literature: at all events, if they are false, they are
+so exact and peremptory, that it will be easy to refute them by giving
+examples to the contrary. But the third proposition, being more general,
+is less susceptible of a negative, and will therefore require the
+support of that special evidence which I will now adduce.
+
+The great French writers having by the middle of the eighteenth century
+succeeded in sapping the foundations of the church, it was natural that
+the government should step in and plunder an establishment which the
+course of events had weakened. This, which took place in France under
+Louis XV., was similar to what occurred in England under Henry VIII.;
+for in both cases a remarkable intellectual movement, directed against
+the clergy, preceded and facilitated the attacks made on them by the
+crown. It was in 1749 that the French government took the first decisive
+step against the church. And what proves the hitherto backward state of
+the country in such matters is, that this consisted of an edict against
+mortmain, a simple contrivance for weakening the ecclesiastical power,
+which we in England had adopted long before. Machault, who had recently
+been raised to the office of controller-general, has the glory of being
+the originator of this new policy. In August 1749,[965] he issued that
+celebrated edict which forbade the formation of any religious
+establishment without the consent of the crown, duly expressed in
+letters-patent, and registered in parliament; effective precautions,
+which, says the great historian of France, show that Machault
+'considered not only the increase, but even the existence of these
+ecclesiastical properties, as a mischief to the kingdom.'[966]
+
+  [965] Sismondi (xxix. p. 20), Lacretelle (_XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p.
+        110), and Tocqueville (_Regne de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 103),
+        give the date 1749; so that 1747, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi.
+        p. 46, is apparently a misprint.
+
+  [966] 'Laissant voir dans toute cette loi, qui est assez longue, qu'il
+        regardoit non-seulement l'accroissement, mais l'existence de ces
+        proprietes ecclesiastiques, comme un mal pour le royaume.'
+        _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Franc._ vol. xxix. p. 21. This, I suppose,
+        is the edict mentioned by Turgot, who wished to push the
+        principle still further. _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. iii. pp.
+        254, 255; a bold and striking passage.
+
+This was an extraordinary step on the part of the French government; but
+what followed showed that it was only the beginning of a much larger
+design.[967] Machault, so far from being discountenanced, was, the year
+after he had issued this edict, intrusted with the seals in addition to
+the controllership;[968] for, as Lacretelle observes, the court 'thought
+the time had now come to tax the property of the clergy.'[969] During
+the forty years which elapsed between this period and the beginning of
+the Revolution, the same anti-ecclesiastical policy prevailed. Among the
+successors of Machault, the only three of much ability were Choiseul,
+Necker, and Turgot, all of whom were strenuous opponents of that
+spiritual body, which no minister would have assailed in the preceding
+generation. Not only these eminent statesmen, but even such inferior men
+as Calonne, Malesherbes, and Terray, looked on it as a stroke of policy
+to attack privileges which superstition had consecrated, and which the
+clergy had hitherto reserved, partly to extend their own influence, and
+partly to minister to those luxurious and profligate habits, which in
+the eighteenth century were a scandal to the ecclesiastical order.
+
+  [967] Mably mentions the excitement caused by this proceeding of
+        Machault, _Observations sur l'Histoire de France_, vol. ii. p.
+        415: 'On attaqua alors, dans plusieurs ecrits, les immunites du
+        clerge.' On the dislike felt by the clergy against the minister,
+        see _Segur_, _Souvenirs_, vol. i. p. 35; _Soulavie_, _Regne de
+        Louis XVI_, vol. i. pp. 283, 310, vol. ii. p. 146.
+
+  [968] In 1750, 'Machault obtint les sceaux en conservant le
+        controle-general.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 46.
+
+  [969] 'Croyait surtout que le temps etait venu d'imposer les biens du
+        clerge.' _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 107. Nearly
+        the same words are used in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p. 46.
+
+While these measures were being adopted against the clergy, another
+important step was taken in precisely the same direction. Now it was
+that the government began to favour that great doctrine of religious
+liberty, the mere defence of which it had hitherto punished as a
+dangerous speculation. The connexion between the attacks on the clergy
+and the subsequent progress of toleration, may be illustrated, not only
+by the rapidity with which one event succeeded the other, but also by
+the fact, that both of them emanated from the same quarter. Machault,
+who was the author of the edict of mortmain, was also the first minister
+who showed a wish to protect the Protestants against the persecutions of
+the Catholic priesthood.[970] In this he only partly succeeded; but the
+impetus thus given soon became irresistible. In 1760, that is only nine
+years later, there was seen a marked change in the administration of the
+laws; and the edicts against heresy, though not yet repealed, were
+enforced with unprecedented mildness.[971] The movement quickly spread
+from the capital to the remoter parts of the kingdom; and we are assured
+that, after the year 1762, the reaction was felt even in those
+provinces, which, from their backward condition, had always been most
+remarkable for religious bigotry.[972] At the same time, as we shall
+presently see, a great schism arose in the church itself, which
+lessened the power of the clergy, by dividing them into two hostile
+parties. Of these factions, one made common cause with the state, still
+further aiding the overthrow of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Indeed,
+the dissensions became so violent, that the last great blow dealt to
+spiritual ascendency by the government of Louis XVI. proceeded not from
+the hands of a layman, but from one of the leaders of the church; a man
+who, from his standing, would, under ordinary circumstances, have
+protected the interests which he now eagerly attacked. In 1787, only two
+years before the Revolution, Brienne, archbishop of Toulouse,[973] who
+was then minister, laid before the parliament of Paris a royal edict, by
+which the discouragement hitherto thrown upon heresy was suddenly
+removed. By this law, the Protestants were invested with all those civil
+rights which the Catholic clergy had long held out as the reward of
+adherence to their own opinions.[974] It was, therefore, natural that
+the more orthodox party should condemn, as an impious innovation,[975] a
+measure which, by placing the two sects, in some degree, on the same
+footing, seemed to sanction the progress of error; and which certainly
+deprived the French church of one of the chief attractions by which men
+had hitherto been induced to join her communion. Now, however, all these
+considerations were set at nought. Such was the prevailing temper, that
+the parliament, though then in a mood very refractory to the royal
+authority, did not hesitate to register the edict of the king; and this
+great measure became law; the dominant party being astonished, we are
+told, how any doubt could be entertained as to the wisdom of the
+principles on which it was based.[976]
+
+  [970] On which account, he still further provoked the indignation of the
+        Catholic clergy. See _Felice_, _Hist. of the Protest. of France_,
+        pp. 401, 402; a letter written in 1751.
+
+  [971] 'The approach of the year 1760 witnessed a sensible relaxation of
+        persecution.... The clergy perceived this with dismay; and, in
+        their general assembly of 1760, they addressed urgent
+        remonstrances to the king against this remission of the laws.'
+        _Felice_, _Protest. of France_, p. 422. Comp. an interesting
+        letter from Nismes in 1776, in _Thicknesse's Journey through
+        France_, London, 1777, vol. i. p. 66.
+
+  [972] Sismondi says of 1762, 'Des lors, la reaction de l'opinion
+        publique contre l'intolerance penetra jusque dans les provinces
+        les plus fanatiques.' _Hist. des Franc._ vol. xxix. p. 296. See
+        also a letter to Damilaville, dated 6th of May, 1765, in _Lettres
+        inedites de Voltaire_, vol. i. p. 412; and two other letters in
+        _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. lxiv. p. 225, vol. lxvi. p. 417.
+
+  [973] Of whom Hume, several years before, had formed a very high
+        opinion. See _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 497; a too
+        favourable judgment, which should be contrasted with the opposite
+        exaggerations, in _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. ix. pp. 360-363, and
+        _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. pp. 87, 199.
+
+  [974] _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Franc._ iii. 516; _Biog. Univ._ xxiv.
+        p. 656.
+
+  [975] _Georgel_, _Memoires_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 294; a violent outbreak
+        against 'l'irreligieux edit ... qui autorise tous les cultes.'
+
+  [976] 'Le parlement de Paris discutait l'edit sur les protestans. Vingt
+        ans plus tot, combien une telle resolution n'eut-elle pas agite
+        et divise les esprits? En 1787, on ne s'etonnait que d'une chose:
+        c'etait qu'il put y avoir une discussion sur des principes
+        evidens.' _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. iii. pp. 342, 343.
+        In 1776, Malesherbes, who was then minister, wished to secure
+        nearly the same privileges for the Protestants, but was prevented
+        from doing so. _Dutens_, _Memoires_, vol. ii. pp. 56-58. Dutens
+        was himself concerned in the negotiation.
+
+These were omens of the coming storm; signs of the time, which those who
+run may read. Nor are there wanting other marks, by which the true
+complexion of that age may be clearly seen. In addition to what has been
+just related, the government, soon after the middle of the eighteenth
+century, inflicted a direct and fatal injury upon the spiritual
+authority. This consisted in the expulsion of the Jesuits; which is an
+event, important not only for its ultimate effects, but also as an
+evidence of the feelings of men, and of what could be peaceably
+accomplished by the government of him who was called 'the most Christian
+king.'[977]
+
+  [977] Henry II. used to refer to this title, by way of justifying his
+        persecution of the Protestants (_Ranke's Civil Wars in France_,
+        vol. i. p. 241); and great account was made of it by that
+        exemplary prince, Louis XV. _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_,
+        vol. i. p. 155. The French antiquaries trace it back to Pepin,
+        the father of Charlemagne. _Barrington's Observations on the
+        Statutes_, p. 168.
+
+The Jesuits, for at least fifty years after their institution, rendered
+immense services to civilization, partly by tempering with a secular
+element the more superstitious views of their great predecessors, the
+Dominicans and Franciscans, and partly by organizing a system of
+education far superior to any yet seen in Europe. In no university could
+there be found a scheme of instruction so comprehensive as theirs; and
+certainly no where was displayed such skill in the management of youth,
+or such insight into the general operations of the human mind. It must,
+in justice, be added, that this illustrious society, notwithstanding
+its eager, and often unprincipled, ambition, was, during a considerable
+period, the steady friend of science, as well as of literature; and that
+it allowed to its members a freedom and a boldness of speculation which
+had never been permitted by any other monastic order.
+
+As, however, civilization advanced, the Jesuits, like every spiritual
+hierarchy the world has yet seen, began to lose ground; and this not so
+much from their own decay, as from a change in the spirit of those who
+surrounded them. An institution admirably adapted to an early form of
+society, was ill suited to the same society in its maturer state. In the
+sixteenth century, the Jesuits were before their age; in the eighteenth
+century, they were behind it. In the sixteenth century, they were the
+great missionaries of knowledge; because they believed that, by its aid,
+they could subjugate the consciences of men. But, in the eighteenth
+century, their materials were more refractory; they had to deal with a
+perverse and stiff-necked generation; they saw in every country the
+ecclesiastical authority rapidly declining; and they clearly perceived
+that their only chance of retaining their old dominion was, by checking
+that knowledge, the progress of which they had formerly done much to
+accelerate.[978]
+
+  [978] The Prince de Montbarey, who was educated by the Jesuits about
+        1740, says, that, in their schools, the greatest attention was
+        paid to pupils intended for the church; while the abilities of
+        those destined for secular professions were neglected. See this
+        statement, which, coming from such a quarter, is very remarkable,
+        in _Memoires de Montbarey_, vol. i. pp. 12, 13. Montbarey, so far
+        from being prejudiced against the Jesuits, ascribes the
+        Revolution to their overthrow. _Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 94. For other
+        evidence of the exclusive and unsecular character of their
+        education in the eighteenth century, see _Schlosser's Eighteenth
+        Century_, vol. iv. pp. 29, 30, 245.
+
+Under these circumstances, the statesmen of France, almost immediately
+after the middle of the eighteenth century, determined to ruin an order
+which had long ruled the world, and which was still the greatest bulwark
+of the church. In this design they were aided by a curious movement
+which had taken place in the church itself, and which, being connected
+with views of much wider import, deserves the attention even of those
+for whom theological controversies have no interest.
+
+Among the many points on which metaphysicians have wasted their
+strength, that of free-will has provoked the hottest disputes. And what
+has increased the acerbity of their language, is, that this, which is
+eminently a metaphysical question, has been taken up by theologians, who
+have treated it with that warmth for which they are remarkable.[979]
+From the time of Pelagius, if not earlier,[980] Christianity has been
+divided into two great sects, which, though in some respects uniting by
+insensible shades, have always preserved the broad features of their
+original difference. By one sect, the freedom of the will is virtually,
+and often expressly, denied; for it is asserted, not only that we cannot
+of our own will effect anything meritorious, but that whatever good we
+may do will be useless, since the Deity has predestined some men to
+perdition, others to salvation. By the other sect, the freedom of the
+will is as strongly upheld; good works are declared essential to
+salvation; and the opposite party is accused of exaggerating that state
+of grace of which faith is a necessary accompaniment.[981]
+
+  [979] See some singular observations in Parr's first sermon on faith and
+        morals (_Parr's Works_, vol. vi. p. 598), where we are told that,
+        in the management of the feud between Calvinists and Arminians,
+        'the steadiness of defence should be proportionate to the
+        impetuosity of assault;' unnecessary advice, so far as his own
+        profession is concerned. However, the Mohammedan theologians are
+        said to have been even keener than the Christians on the subject.
+        See _Troyer's Discourse on the Dabistan_, vol. i. p. cxxxv.; an
+        important work on the Asiatic religions.
+
+  [980] Neander (_Hist. of the Church_, vol. iv. p. 105) finds the germ of
+        the Pelagian controversy in the dispute between Athanasius and
+        Apollinaris. Compare, respecting its origin, a note in _Milman's
+        Hist. of Christianity_, 1840, vol. iii. pp. 270, 271.
+
+  [981] No writer I have met with, has stated so fairly and clearly the
+        theological boundaries of these doctrines, as Goethe. _Wahrheit
+        und Dichtung_, in _Werke_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 200, Stuttgart,
+        1837.
+
+These opposite principles, when pushed to their logical consequences,
+must lead the first sect into antinomianism,[982] and the second sect
+into the doctrine of supererogatory works.[983] But since on such
+subjects, men feel far more than they reason, it usually happens that
+they prefer following some common and accredited standard, or appealing
+to some ancient name:[984] and they, therefore, generally class
+themselves on the one side under Augustin, Calvin, and Jansenius; on the
+other side under Pelagius, Arminius, and Molina.
+
+  [982] Compare _Butler's Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. iii. p. 224;
+        _Copleston on Necessity and Predestination_, pp. 25, 26;
+        _Mosheim's Eccles. History_, vol. ii. p. 254.
+
+  [983] Hence the theory of indulgences, constructed by the Church of Rome
+        with perfect consistency, and against which most of the
+        Protestant arguments are illogical.
+
+  [984] This seems to be the natural tendency, and has been observed by
+        Neander in his instructive account of the Gnostics, _History of
+        the Church_, vol. ii. p. 121: 'The custom with such sects to
+        attach themselves to some celebrated name or other of antiquity.'
+
+Now, it is an interesting fact, that the doctrines which in England are
+called Calvinistic, have been always connected with a democratic spirit;
+while those of Arminianism have found most favour among the aristocratic
+or protective party. In the republics of Switzerland, of North America,
+and of Holland, Calvinism was always the popular creed.[985] On the
+other hand, in those evil days, immediately after the death of
+Elizabeth, when our liberties were in imminent peril; when the Church of
+England, aided by the crown, attempted to subjugate the consciences of
+men; and when the monstrous claim of the divine right of episcopacy was
+first put forward;[986]--then it was that Arminianism became the
+cherished doctrine of the ablest and most ambitious of the
+ecclesiastical party.[987] And in that sharp retribution which followed,
+the Puritans and Independents, by whom the punishment was inflicted,
+were, with scarcely an exception, Calvinists:[988] nor should we forget,
+that the first open movement against Charles proceeded from Scotland,
+where the principles of Calvin had long been in the ascendant.
+
+  [985] The Dutch church was the first which adopted, as an article of
+        faith, the doctrine of election held at Geneva. _Mosheim's
+        Eccles. History_, vol. ii. p. 112. See also, on this doctrine in
+        the Netherlands, _Sinclair's Corresp._ vol. ii. p. 199;
+        _Coventry's Speech in_ 1672, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. p. 537;
+        and _Staeudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_, vol. i. p.
+        262: 'In den Niederlanden wurde der Calvinische Lehrbegriff
+        zuerst in eine scholastische Form gebracht.'
+
+        As to the Calvinism of North America, compare _Bancroft's
+        American Revolution_, vol. i. pp. 165, 173, 174, vol. ii. pp.
+        329, 363, vol. iii. p. 213; _Lyell's Second Visit to the United
+        States_, 1849, vol. i. p. 51; and _Combe's Notes on the United
+        States_, vol. i. pp. 35, 99, 223, vol. iii. pp. 88, 118, 210,
+        226.
+
+  [986] It is sometimes said that this was advocated by Bancroft as early
+        as 1588; but this assertion appears to be erroneous, and Mr.
+        Hallam can find no instance before the reign of James I. _Const.
+        Hist._ vol. i. p. 390. The dogma, though new in the Church of
+        England, was of great antiquity. See, on its origin among the
+        early Christians, _Klimrath_, _Hist. du Droit_, vol. i. p. 253.
+
+  [987] The spread of Arminianism was frequently noticed in Parliament
+        during the reign of Charles I. _Parl. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 444,
+        452, 455, 470, 484, 487, 491, 660, 947, 1368. On the decline of
+        Calvinism at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge early in
+        the seventeenth century, see a curious letter from Beale, in
+        _Boyle's Works_, vol. v. p. 483; and on this movement in the
+        church after Elizabeth, compare _Yonge's Diary_, p. 93, edit.
+        Camden Soc. 1848; _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 32; _Harris's Lives
+        of the Stuarts_, vol. i. pp. 154-156, vol. ii. pp. 208, 213, 214;
+        _Hutchinson's Mem._ pp. 66, 77; _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i.
+        p. 466; _Des Maizeaux's Life of Chillingworth_, p. 112.
+
+  [988] Respecting the Calvinism of the opponents of the king, see
+        _Clarendon's Rebellion_, pp. 36, 37; _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, pp.
+        8, 9; _Burton's Diary_, vol. iii. p. 206; _Carlyle's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. 68; and on its influence in the House of Commons in
+        1628, _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii.
+        p. 64.
+
+This different tendency of these two creeds is so clearly marked, that
+an inquiry into its causes becomes a necessary part of general history,
+and as we shall presently see, is intimately connected with the history
+of the French Revolution.
+
+The first circumstance by which we must be struck is, that Calvinism is
+a doctrine for the poor, and Arminianism for the rich. A creed which
+insists upon the necessity of faith, must be less costly than one which
+insists upon the necessity of works. In the former case, the sinner
+seeks salvation by the strength of his belief; in the latter case, he
+seeks it by the fullness of his contributions. And as those
+contributions, wherever the clergy have much power, always flow in the
+same direction, we find that in countries which favour the Arminian
+doctrine of works, the priests are better paid, and the churches more
+richly ornamented, than they are where Calvinism has the upper hand.
+Indeed it is evident to the most vulgar calculation, that a religion
+which concentrates our charity upon ourselves, is less expensive than
+one which directs our charity to others.
+
+This is the first great practical divergence of the two creeds: a
+divergence which may be verified by any one who is acquainted with the
+histories of different Christian nations, or who has even travelled in
+countries where the different tenets are professed. It is also
+observable, that the Church of Rome, whose worship is addressed mainly
+to the senses, and who delights in splendid cathedrals and pompous
+ceremonies, has always displayed against the Calvinists an animosity far
+greater than she has done against any other Protestant sect.[989]
+
+  [989] M Heber (_Life of Jeremy Taylor_, p. cxx.) says, that Calvinism is
+        'a system of all others the least attractive to the feelings of a
+        Roman Catholic.' Philip II., the great Catholic champion,
+        especially hated the Calvinists, and in one of his edicts called
+        their sect 'detestable,' _De Thou_, _Hist._ vol. x. p. 705:
+        compare vol. xi. p. 458. To give an earlier instance; when the
+        Roman inquisition was revived in 1542, it was ordered that
+        heretics, and in particular Calvinists, should not be tolerated:
+        'besonders Calvinisten.' _Ranke_, _Die Paepste_, vol. i. p. 211.
+
+Out of these circumstances, inevitably arose the aristocratic tendency
+of Arminianism, and the democratic tendency of Calvinism. The people
+love pomp and pageantry as much as the nobles do, but they do not love
+to pay for them. Their untutored minds are easily captivated by the
+array of a numerous priesthood, and by the gorgeousness of a
+well-appointed temple. Still, they know full well that these things
+absorb a large part of that wealth which would otherwise flow into their
+own cottages. On the other hand, the aristocracy, by their standing,
+their habits, and the traditions of their education, naturally contract
+a taste for expense, which makes them unite splendour with religion, and
+connect pomp with piety. Besides this, they have an intuitive and
+well-founded belief that their own interests are associated with the
+interests of the priesthood, and that whatever weakens the one will
+hasten the downfall of the other. Hence it is, that every Christian
+democracy has simplified its external worship; every Christian
+aristocracy has embellished it. By a parity of reasoning, the more any
+society tends to equality, the more likely it is that its theological
+opinions will be Calvinistic; while the more a society tends towards
+inequality, the greater the probability of those opinions being
+Arminian.
+
+It would be easy to push this contrast still further, and to show that
+Calvinism is more favourable to the sciences, Arminianism to the
+arts;[990] and that, on the same principle, the first is better suited
+to thinkers, the other to scholars.[991] But without pretending to trace
+the whole of this divergence, it is very important to observe, that the
+professors of the former religion are more likely to acquire habits of
+independent thinking than those of the latter. And this on two distinct
+grounds. In the first place, even the most ordinary of the Calvinistic
+party are, by the very terms of their creed, led, in religious matters,
+to fix their attention on their own minds rather than on the minds of
+others. They, therefore, as a body, are intellectually more narrow than
+their opponents, but less servile; their views, though generalized from
+a smaller field, are more independent; they are less attached to
+antiquity, and more heedless of those traditions to which the Arminian
+scholars attach great importance. In the second place, those who
+associate metaphysics with their religion are led by Calvinism into the
+doctrine of necessity;[992] a theory which, though often misunderstood,
+is pregnant with great truths, and is better calculated than any other
+system to develop the intellect, because it involves that clear
+conception of law, the attainment of which is the highest point the
+human understanding can reach.
+
+  [990] By way of illustrating this, I may mention, that an intelligent
+        observer, who travelled all through Germany, remarked, in 1780,
+        that the Calvinists, though richer than their opponents, had less
+        taste for the arts. _Riesbeck's Travels through Germany_, London,
+        1787, vol. ii. p. 240. An interesting passage; in which, however,
+        the author has shown himself unable to generalize the facts which
+        he indicates.
+
+  [991] The Arminians have had among them many men of great learning,
+        particularly of patristic learning; but the most profound
+        thinkers have been on the other side, as in the instances of
+        Augustin, Pascal, and Jonathan Edwards. To these Calvinistic
+        metaphysicians the Arminian party can oppose no one of equal
+        ability; and it is remarkable, that the Jesuits, by far the most
+        zealous Arminians in the Romish Church, have always been
+        celebrated for their erudition, but have paid so little attention
+        to the study of the mind, that, as Sir James Mackintosh says
+        (_Dissert. on Ethical Philos._ p. 185), Buffier is 'the only
+        Jesuit whose name has a place in the history of abstract
+        philosophy.' And it is interesting to observe, that this
+        superiority of thought on the part of the Calvinists, accompanied
+        by an inferiority of learning, existed from the beginning; for
+        Neander (_History of the Church_, vol. iv. p. 299) remarks, that
+        Pelagius 'was not possessed of the profound speculative spirit
+        which we find in Augustin,' but that 'in learning he was
+        Augustin's superior.'
+
+  [992] 'A philosophical necessity, grounded on the idea of God's
+        foreknowledge, has been supported by theologians of the
+        Calvinistic school, more or less rigidly, throughout the whole of
+        the present century.' _Morell's Speculative Philosophy of
+        Europe_, 1846, vol. i. p. 366. Indeed, this tendency is so
+        natural, that we find the doctrine of necessity, or something
+        extremely like it, laid down by Augustin. See the interesting
+        extracts in _Neander's History of the Church_, vol. vi. pp. 424,
+        425; where, however, a loophole is left to let in the idea of
+        interference, or at all events of superintendence.
+
+These considerations will enable the reader to see the immense
+importance of that revival of Jansenism, which took place in the French
+church during the eighteenth century. For, Jansenism being essentially
+Calvinistic,[993] those tendencies appeared in France by which Calvinism
+is marked. There appeared the inquisitive, democratic, and insubordinate
+spirit, which has always accompanied that creed. A further confirmation
+of the truth of the principles just laid down is, that Jansenism
+originated with a native of the Dutch Republic;[994] that it was
+introduced into France during the glimpse of freedom which preceded the
+power of Louis XIV.;[995] that it was forcibly repressed in his
+arbitrary reign;[996] and that before the middle of the eighteenth
+century, it again arose, as the natural product of a state of society by
+which the French Revolution was brought about.
+
+  [993] 'The five principal tenets of Jansenism, which amount in fact to
+        the doctrine of Calvin.' _Palmer on the Church_, vol. i. p. 320;
+        and see the remarks of Mackintosh in his _Memoirs_, vol. i. p.
+        411. According to the Jesuits, 'Paulus genuit Augustinum,
+        Augustinus Calvinum, Calvinus Jansenium, Jansenius Sancryanum,
+        Sancryanus Arnaldum et fratres ejus.' _Des Reaux_,
+        _Historiettes_, vol. iv. pp. 71, 72. Compare _Huetius de Rebus ad
+        eum pertinentibus_, p. 64: 'Jansenium dogmata sua ex Calvinianis
+        fontibus derivasse.'
+
+  [994] Jansenius was born in a village near Leerdam, and was educated, if
+        I mistake not, in Utrecht.
+
+  [995] The introduction of Jansenism into France is superficially related
+        by Duvernet (_Hist. de la Sorbonne_, vol. ii. pp. 170-175); but
+        the reader will find a contemporary and highly characteristic
+        account in _Mem. de Motteville_, vol. ii. pp. 224-227. The
+        connexion between it and the spirit of insubordination was
+        remarked at the time; and Des Reaux, who wrote in the middle of
+        the seventeenth century, mentions an opinion that the Fronde
+        'etoit venue du Jansenisme.' _Historiettes_, vol. iv. p. 72. Omer
+        Talon too says that, in 1648, 'il se trouvoit que tous ceux qui
+        etoient de cette opinion n'aimoient pas le gouvernement present
+        de l'etat,' _Mem. d'Omer Talon_, vol. ii. pp. 280, 281.
+
+  [996] Brienne, who knew Louis XIV. personally, says, 'Jansenisme,
+        l'horreur du roi.' _Mem. de Brienne_, vol. ii. p. 240. Compare
+        _Duclos_, _Mem. Secrets_, vol. i. p. 112. At the end of his reign
+        he promoted a bishop on the avowed ground of his opposition to
+        the Jansenists; this was in 1713. _Lettres inedites de
+        Maintenon_, vol. ii. pp. 396, 406; and see further vol. i. pp.
+        220, 222.
+
+The connexion between the revival of Jansenism and the destruction of
+the Jesuits, is obvious. After the death of Louis XIV., the Jansenists
+rapidly gained ground, even in the Sorbonne;[997] and by the middle of
+the eighteenth century, they had organized a powerful party in the
+French parliament.[998] About the same period, their influence began to
+show itself in the executive government, and among the officers of the
+crown. Machault, who held the important post of controller-general, was
+known to favour their opinions;[999] and a few years after his
+retirement, Choiseul was called to the head of affairs; a man of
+considerable ability, by whom they were openly protected.[1000] Their
+views were likewise supported by Laverdy, controller-general in 1764,
+and by Terray, controller of finances in 1769.[1001] The
+procureur-general, Gilbert des Voisins, was a Jansenist;[1002] so also
+was one of his successors, Chauvelin;[1003] and so was the
+advocate-general Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau;[1004] and so too was Camus,
+the well-known advocate of the clergy.[1005] Turgot, the greatest
+statesman of the age, is said to have embraced the same opinions;[1006]
+while Necker, who on two different occasions possessed almost supreme
+power, was notoriously a rigid Calvinist. To this may be added, that not
+only Necker, but also Rousseau, to whom a large share in causing the
+Revolution is justly ascribed, were born in Geneva, and drew their
+earliest ideas from that great nursery of the Calvinistic theology.
+
+  [997] 'La Sorbonne, moliniste sous Louis XIV, fut janseniste sous le
+        regent, et toujours divisee.' _Duvernet_, _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
+        vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [998] On the strength of the Jansenists in the parliament of Paris, see
+        _Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol. i. p. 352, vol. ii. p.
+        176; _Flassan_, _Diplomatie_, vol. vi. p. 486; _Mem. de Georgel_,
+        vol. ii. p. 262; _Mem. de Bouille_, vol. i. p. 67; _Palmer's
+        Treatise on the Church_, vol. i. pp. 327, 328.
+
+  [999] _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 439.
+
+  [1000] _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. i. pp. 31, 145.
+
+  [1001] _Tocqueville_, _Regne de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 385; _[OE]uvres
+         de Voltaire_, vol. liv. p. 275; _Mem. de Georgel_, vol. i.
+         pp. 49-51.
+
+  [1002] _Duvernet_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 90.
+
+  [1003] _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 119; _Lavallee_,
+         vol. iii. p. 477.
+
+  [1004] _Mem. de Georgel_, vol. i. p. 57.
+
+  [1005] _La Fayette_, _Mem._ vol. ii. p. 53; _Dumont_, _Souvenirs_,
+         p. 154; _Georgel_, vol. ii. p. 353, vol. iii. p. 10.
+
+  [1006] _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. iii. p. 137.
+
+In such a state of things as this, it was impossible that a body like
+the Jesuits should hold their ground. They were the last defenders of
+authority and tradition, and it was natural that they should fall in an
+age when statesmen were sceptics, and theologians were Calvinists. Even
+the people had already marked them for destruction; and when Damiens, in
+1757, attempted to assassinate the king, it was generally believed that
+they were the instigators of the act.[1007] This we now know to be
+false; but the existence of such a rumour is evidence of the state of
+the popular mind. At all events, the doom of the Jesuits was fixed. In
+April 1761, parliament ordered their constitutions to be laid before
+them.[1008] In August, they were forbidden to receive novices, their
+colleges were closed, and a number of their most celebrated works were
+publicly burned by the common hangman.[1009] Finally, in 1762, another
+edict appeared, by which the Jesuits were condemned without even being
+heard in their own defence;[1010] their property was directed to be
+sold, and their order secularized; they were declared 'unfit to be
+admitted into a well-governed country,' and their institute and society
+were formally abolished.[1011]
+
+  [1007] 'The Jesuits are charged by the vulgar as promoters of that
+         attempt.' Letter from Stanley, written in 1761, in _Chatham
+         Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 127. Compare _Campan_, _Mem. de Marie
+         Antoinette_, vol. iii. pp. 19, 21; _Sismondi_, _Hist. des
+         Franc._ vol. xxix. pp. 111, 227.
+
+  [1008] _Lavallee_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol. iii. p. 476.
+
+  [1009] _Flassan_, _Diplomatie Franc._ vol. vi. p. 491.
+
+  [1010] 'Sans que les accuses eussent ete entendus.' _Lavallee_, vol.
+         iii. p. 477. 'Pas un seul n'a ete entendu dans leur cause.'
+         _Barruel sur l'Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. ii. p. 264.
+
+  [1011] _Lavallee_, iii. p. 477; _Flassan_, vi. pp. 504, 505; _Sismondi_,
+         xxix. p. 234; and the letters written by Diderot, who, though he
+         was in Paris at the time, gives rather an incomplete account,
+         _Mem. de Diderot_, vol. ii. pp. 127, 130-132.
+
+Such was the way in which this great society, long the terror of the
+world, fell before the pressure of public opinion. What makes its fall
+the more remarkable, is, that the pretext which was alleged to justify
+the examination of its constitutions, was one so slight, that no former
+government would have listened to it for a single moment. This immense
+spiritual corporation was actually tried by a temporal court for ill
+faith in a mercantile transaction, and for refusing to pay a sum of
+money said to be due![1012] The most important body in the Catholic
+church, the spiritual leaders of France, the educators of her youth, and
+the confessors of her kings, were brought to the bar, and sued in their
+collective capacity, for the fraudulent repudiation of a common
+debt![1013] So marked was the predisposition of affairs, that it was
+not found necessary to employ for the destruction of the Jesuits any of
+those arts by which the popular mind is commonly inflamed. The charge
+upon which they were sentenced, was not that they had plotted against
+the state; nor that they had corrupted the public morals; nor that they
+wished to subvert religion. These were the accusations which were
+brought in the seventeenth century, and which suited the genius of that
+age. But in the eighteenth century, all that was required was some
+trifling accident, that might serve as a pretence to justify what the
+nation had already determined. To ascribe, therefore, this great event
+to the bankruptcy of a trader, or the intrigues of a mistress,[1014] is
+to confuse the cause of an act with the pretext under which the act is
+committed. In the eyes of the men of the eighteenth century, the real
+crime of the Jesuits was, that they belonged to the past rather than to
+the present, and that by defending the abuses of ancient establishments,
+they obstructed the progress of mankind. They stood in the way of the
+age, and the age swept them from its path. This was the real cause of
+their abolition: a cause not likely to be perceived by those writers,
+who, under the guise of historians, are only collectors of the prattle
+and gossip of courts; and who believe that the destinies of great
+nations can be settled in the ante-chambers of ministers, and in the
+councils of kings.
+
+  [1012] _Flassan_, _Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. vi. pp. 486-488.
+
+  [1013] 'Enfin ils furent mis en cause, et le parlement de Paris eut
+         l'etonnement et la joie de voir les jesuites amenes devant lui
+         comme de vils banqueroutiers.' _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_,
+         vol. ii. p. 252. 'Condemned in France as fraudulent traders.'
+         _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv. p. 451.
+
+  [1014] Several writers attribute the destruction of the Jesuits to the
+         exertions of Madame de Pompadour!
+
+After the fall of the Jesuits, there seemed to be nothing remaining
+which could save the French church from immediate destruction.[1015] The
+old theological spirit had been for some time declining, and the clergy
+were suffering from their own decay even more than from the attacks made
+upon them. The advance of knowledge was producing in France the same
+results as those which I have pointed out in England; and the
+increasing attractions of science drew off many illustrious men, who in
+a preceding age would have been active members of the spiritual
+profession. That splendid eloquence, for which the French clergy had
+been remarkable, was now dying away, and there were no longer heard the
+voices of those great orators, at whose bidding the temples had formerly
+been filled.[1016] Massillon was the last of that celebrated race who
+had so enthralled the mind, and the magic of whose fascination it is
+even now hard to withstand. He died in 1742; and after him the French
+clergy possessed no eminent men of any kind, neither thinkers, nor
+orators, nor writers.[1017] Nor did there seem the least possibility of
+their recovering their lost position. While society was advancing they
+were receding. All the sources of their power were dried up. They had no
+active leaders; they had lost the confidence of government; they had
+forfeited the respect of the people; they had become a mark for the
+gibes of the age.[1018]
+
+  [1015] Choiseul is reported to have said of the Jesuits: 'leur education
+         detruite, tous les autres corps religieux tomberont
+         d'eux-memes.' _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. i. p. 63.
+
+  [1016] In 1771, Horace Walpole writes from Paris that the churches and
+         convents were become so empty, as to 'appear like abandoned
+         theatres destined to destruction;' and this he contrasts with
+         his former experience of a different state of things. _Walpole's
+         Letters_, vol. v. p. 310, edit. 1840.
+
+  [1017] 'So low had the talents of the once illustrious church of France
+         fallen, that in the latter part of the eighteenth century, when
+         Christianity itself was assailed, not one champion of note
+         appeared in its ranks; and when the convocation of the clergy,
+         in 1770, published their famous anathema against the dangers of
+         unbelief, and offered rewards for the best essays in defence of
+         the Christian faith, the productions called forth were so
+         despicable that they sensibly injured the cause of religion.'
+         _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. i. pp. 180, 181.
+
+  [1018] In 1766, the Rev. William Cole writes to Alban Butler: 'I
+         travelled to Paris through Lille and Cambray in their public
+         voitures, and was greatly scandalized and amazed at the open and
+         unreserved disrespect, both of the trading and military people,
+         for their clergy and religious establishment. When I got to
+         Paris, it was much worse.' _Ellis's Original Letters_, second
+         series, vol. iv. p. 485. See also _Walpole's Letters to Lady
+         Ossory_, vol. ii. p. 513, edit. 1848; and the complaint made at
+         Besancon in 1761, in _Lepan_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 113.
+
+It does, at first sight, seem strange that, under these circumstances,
+the French clergy should have been able, for nearly thirty years after
+the abolition of the Jesuits, to maintain their standing, so as to
+interfere with impunity in public affairs.[1019] The truth, however, is,
+that this temporary reprieve of the ecclesiastical order was owing to
+that movement which I have already noticed, and by virtue of which the
+French intellect, during the latter half of the eighteenth century,
+changed the ground of its attack, and, directing its energies against
+political abuses, neglected in some degree those spiritual abuses to
+which its attention had been hitherto confined. The result was, that in
+France the government enforced a policy which the great thinkers had
+indeed originated, but respecting which they were becoming less eager.
+The most eminent Frenchmen were beginning their attacks upon the state,
+and in the heat of their new warfare they slackened their opposition to
+the church. But in the mean time, the seeds they had sown germinated in
+the state itself. So rapid was the march of affairs, that those
+anti-ecclesiastical opinions which, a few years earlier, were punished
+as the paradoxes of designing men, were now taken up and put into
+execution by senators and ministers. The rulers of France carried into
+effect principles which had hitherto been simply a matter of theory; and
+thus it happened, as is always the case, that practical statesmen only
+apply and work out ideas which have long before been suggested by more
+advanced thinkers.
+
+  [1019] And also to retain their immense property, which, when the
+         Revolution occurred, was estimated at 80,000,000_l._ English
+         money, bringing in a yearly revenue of 'somewhat under
+         75,000,000 francs.' _Alison's Europe_, vol. i. p. 183, vol. ii.
+         p. 20, vol. xiv. pp. 122, 123.
+
+Hence it followed, that at no period during the eighteenth century did
+the speculative classes and practical classes thoroughly combine against
+the church: since, in the first half of the century, the clergy were
+principally assailed by the literature, and not by the government; in
+the latter half of the century, by the government, and not by the
+literature. Some of the circumstances of this singular transition have
+been already stated, and I hope clearly brought before the mind of the
+reader. I now purpose to complete the generalization, by proving that a
+corresponding change was taking place in all other branches of inquiry;
+and that, while in the first period attention was chiefly directed
+towards mental phenomena, it was in the second period more directed
+towards physical phenomena. From this, the political movement received a
+vast accession of strength. For the French intellect, shifting the scene
+of its labours, diverted the thoughts of men from the internal to the
+external, and concentrating attention upon their material rather than
+upon their spiritual wants, turned against the encroachments of the
+state an hostility formerly reserved for the encroachments of the
+church. Whenever a tendency arises to prefer what comes from without to
+what comes from within, and thus to aggrandize matter at the expense of
+mind, there will also be a tendency to believe that an institution which
+hampers our opinions is less hurtful than one which controls our acts.
+Precisely in the same way, men who reject the fundamental truths of
+religion, will care little for the extent to which those truths are
+perverted. Men who deny the existence of the Deity and the immortality
+of the soul, will take no heed of the way in which a gross and formal
+worship obscures those sublime doctrines. All the idolatry, all the
+ceremonials, all the pomp, all the dogmas, and all the traditions by
+which religion is retarded, will give them no disquietude, because they
+consider the opinions that are checked to be equally false with those
+that are favoured. Why should they, to whom transcendental truths are
+unknown, labour to remove the superstitions which darken the truths?
+Such a generation, so far from attacking ecclesiastical usurpations,
+would rather look on the clergy as convenient tools to ensnare the
+ignorant and control the vulgar. Therefore it is that we rarely hear of
+a sincere atheist being a zealous polemic. But if that should occur,
+which a century ago occurred in France; if it should happen that men of
+great energy, and actuated by the feelings I have described, were to
+find themselves in the presence of a political despotism,--they would
+direct against it the whole of their powers; and they would act with the
+more determined vigour, because, believing that their all was at stake,
+temporal happiness would be to them not only the first, but also the
+sole consideration.
+
+It is from this point of view that the progress of those atheistical
+opinions, which now rose in France, becomes a matter of great though
+painful interest. And the date at which they appeared, fully
+corroborates what I have just said respecting the change that took place
+in the middle of the eighteenth century. The first great work in which
+they were openly promulgated, was the celebrated Encyclopaedia, published
+in 1751.[1020] Before that time such degrading opinions, though
+occasionally broached, were not held by any men of ability; nor could
+they in the preceding state of society have made much impression upon
+the age. But during the latter half of the eighteenth century, they
+affected every department of French literature. Between 1758 and 1770,
+atheistical tenets rapidly gained ground;[1021] and in 1770 was
+published the famous work, called the _System of Nature_; the success,
+and, unhappily, the ability of which, makes its appearance an important
+epoch in the history of France. Its popularity was immense;[1022] and
+the views it contains are so clearly and methodically arranged, as to
+have earned for it the name of the code of atheism.[1023] Five years
+later, the Archbishop of Toulouse, in a formal address to the king on
+behalf of the clergy, declared that atheism had now become the
+prevailing opinion.[1024] This, like all similar assertions, must have
+been an exaggeration; but that there was a large amount of truth in it,
+is known to whoever has studied the mental habits of the generation
+immediately preceding the Revolution. Among the inferior class of
+writers, Damilaville, Deleyre, Marechal, Naigeon, Toussaint, were active
+supporters of that cold and gloomy dogma, which, in order to extinguish
+the hope of a future life, blots out from the mind of man the glorious
+instincts of his own immortality.[1025] And, strange to say, several
+even of the higher intellects were unable to escape the contagion.
+Atheism was openly advocated by Condorcet, by D'Alembert, by Diderot, by
+Helvetius, by Lalande, by Laplace, by Mirabeau, and by Saint
+Lambert.[1026] Indeed, so thoroughly did all this harmonize with the
+general temper, that in society men boasted of what, in other countries,
+and in other days, has been a rare and singular error, an eccentric
+taint, which those affected by it were willing to conceal. In 1764 Hume
+met, at the house of Baron d'Holbach, a party of the most celebrated
+Frenchmen then residing in Paris. The great Scotchman, who was no doubt
+aware of the prevailing opinion, took occasion to raise an argument as
+to the existence of an atheist, properly so called; for his own part, he
+said, he had never chanced to meet with one. 'You have been somewhat
+unfortunate,' replied Holbach; 'but at the present moment you are
+sitting at table with seventeen of them.'[1027]
+
+  [1020] M. Barante (_Litterature Francaise au XVIII^e Siecle_, p. 94)
+         says, 'On arriva bientot a tout nier; deja l'incredulite avait
+         rejete les preuves divines de la revelation, et avait abjure les
+         devoirs et les souvenirs chretiens; on vit alors l'atheisme
+         lever un front plus hardi, et proclamer que tout sentiment
+         religieux etait une reverie et un desordre de l'esprit humain.
+         C'est de l'epoque de l'Encyclopedie que datent les ecrits ou
+         cette opinion est le plus expressement professee. Ils furent peu
+         imites.' This last sentence is erroneous, I am sorry to say.
+
+  [1021] 'Dans un intervalle de douze annees, de 1758 a 1770, la
+         litterature francaise fut souillee par un grand nombre
+         d'ouvrages ou l'atheisme etoit ouvertement professe.'
+         _Lacretelle_, _XVIII^e Siecle_, vol. ii. p. 310.
+
+  [1022] Voltaire, who wrote against it, mentions its diffusion among all
+         classes, and says it was read by 'des savants, des ignorants,
+         des femmes.' _Dict. Philos._ article _Dieu_, section iv., in
+         _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol. xxxviii. p. 366: see also vol.
+         lxvii. p. 260; _Longchamp et Wagniere_, _Mem. sur Voltaire_,
+         vol. i. pp. 13, 334; _Lettres inedites de Voltaire_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 210, 216; and a letter from him in _Correspond. de
+         Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 329. Compare _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der
+         Philos._ vol. xi. p. 320: 'mit ungetheiltem Beifalle aufgenommen
+         worden und grossen Einfluss gehabt hat.'
+
+  [1023] 'Le code monstrueux d'atheisme.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxix. p. 88.
+         Morellet, who in such matters was by no means a harsh judge,
+         says, '_Le Systeme de la Nature_, surtout, est un catechisme
+         d'atheisme complet.' _Mem. de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 133.
+         Staeudlin (_Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. p. 440)
+         calls it 'ein System des entschiedenen Atheismus:' while
+         Tennemann, who has given by far the best account of it I have
+         met with, says, 'Es machte bei seinem Erscheinen gewaltiges
+         Aufsehen, und ist fast immer als das Handbuch des Atheismus
+         betrachtet worden.' _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. xi. p. 349.
+
+  [1024] 'Le monstrueux atheisme est devenu l'opinion dominante.'
+         _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. iii. p. 16: the address
+         of the archbishop with a deputation, 'muni des pouvoirs de
+         l'assemblee generale du clerge,' in September 1775.
+
+  [1025] _Biog. Univ._ vol. x. pp. 471, 669, vol. xxvii. p. 8, vol. xxx.
+         p. 542; _Mem. de Brissot_, vol. i. p. 305; _Tocqueville_, _Regne
+         de Louis XV_, vol. ii. p. 77.
+
+  [1026] _Mem. of Mallet du Pan_, vol. i. p. 50; _Soulavie_, _Regne de
+         Louis XVI_, vol. v. p. 127; _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobin._, vol.
+         i. pp. 104, 135, 225, vol. ii. p. 23, vol. iii. p. 200; _Life of
+         Romilly_, vol. i. pp. 46, 145; _Staeudlin_, _Theolog.
+         Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. p. 440; _Georgel_, _Mem._ vol. ii. pp.
+         250, 350; _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xv. p. 87; _Mem. de
+         Morellet_, vol. i. p. 130; _Lepan_, _Vie de Voltaire_, p. 369;
+         _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. xi. p. 350; _Musset
+         Pathay_, _Vie de Rousseau_, vol. ii. pp. 177, 297; _Mem. de
+         Genlis_, vol. v. p. 180; _Hitchcock's Geol._ p. 263; _Mem.
+         d'Epinay_, vol. ii. pp. 63, 66, 76.
+
+  [1027] This was related to Romilly by Diderot. _Life of Romilly_,
+         vol. i. pp. 131, 132: see also _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 220. Priestley, who visited France in 1774, says, that 'all
+         the philosophical persons to whom I was introduced at Paris
+         (were) unbelievers in Christianity, and even professed
+         atheists.' _Priestley's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 74. See also a
+         letter by Horace Walpole, written from Paris in 1765 (_Walpole's
+         Letters_, edit. 1840, vol. v. p. 96): 'their avowed doctrine is
+         atheism.'
+
+This, sad as it is, only forms a single aspect of that immense movement,
+by which, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, the French
+intellect was withdrawn from the study of the internal, and concentrated
+upon that of the external world. Of this tendency, we find an
+interesting instance in the celebrated work of Helvetius, unquestionably
+the ablest and most influential treatise on morals which France produced
+at this period. It was published in 1758;[1028] and, although it bears
+the title of an essay on 'the Mind,' it does not contain a single
+passage from which we could infer that the mind, in the sense in which
+the word is commonly used, has any existence. In this work, which,
+during fifty years, was the code of French morals, principles are laid
+down which bear exactly the same relation to ethics that atheism bears
+to theology. Helvetius, at the beginning of his inquiry, assumes, as an
+incontestable fact, that the difference between man and other animals is
+the result of a difference in their external form; and that if, for
+example, our wrists, instead of ending with hands and flexible fingers,
+had merely ended like a horse's foot, we should have always remained
+wanderers on the face of the earth, ignorant of every art, entirely
+defenceless, and having no other concern but to avoid the attacks of
+wild beasts, and find the needful supply of our daily food.[1029] That
+the structure of our bodies is the sole cause of our boasted
+superiority, becomes evident, when we consider that our thoughts are
+simply the product of two faculties, which we have in common with all
+other animals; namely, the faculty of receiving impressions from
+external objects, and the faculty of remembering those impressions after
+they are received.[1030] From this, says Helvetius, it follows, that the
+internal powers of man being the same as those of all other animals, our
+sensibility and our memory would be useless, if it were not for those
+external peculiarities by which we are eminently distinguished, and to
+which we owe every thing that is most valuable.[1031] These positions
+being laid down, it is easy to deduce all the essential principles of
+moral actions. For, memory being merely one of the organs of physical
+sensibility,[1032] and judgment being only a sensation,[1033] all
+notions of duty and of virtue must be tested by their relation to the
+senses; in other words, by the gross amount of physical enjoyment to
+which they give rise. This is the true basis of moral philosophy. To
+take any other view, is to allow ourselves to be deceived by
+conventional expressions, which have no foundation except in the
+prejudices of ignorant men. Our vices and our virtues are solely the
+result of our passions; and our passions are caused by our physical
+sensibility to pain and to pleasure.[1034] It was in this way that the
+sense of justice first arose. To physical sensibility men owe pleasure
+and pain; hence the feeling of their own interests, and hence the desire
+of living together in societies. Being assembled in society, there grew
+up the notion of a general interest, since, without it, society could
+not hold together; and, as actions are only just or unjust in proportion
+as they minister to this general interest, a measure was established, by
+which justice is discriminated from injustice.[1035] With the same
+inflexible spirit, and with great fullness of illustration, Helvetius
+examines the origin of those other feelings which regulate human
+actions. Thus, he says that both ambition and friendship are entirely
+the work of physical sensibility. Men yearn after fame, on account
+either of the pleasure which they expect the mere possession of it will
+give, or else as the means of subsequently procuring other
+pleasures.[1036] As to friendship, the only use of it is to increase our
+pleasures or mitigate our pains; and it is with this object that a man
+longs to hold communion with his friend.[1037] Beyond this, life has
+nothing to offer. To love what is good for the sake of the goodness, is
+as impossible as to love what is bad for the sake of the evil.[1038] The
+mother who weeps for the loss of her child, is solely actuated by
+selfishness; she mourns because a pleasure is taken from her, and
+because she sees a void difficult to fill up.[1039] So it is, that the
+loftiest virtues, as well as the meanest vices, are equally caused by
+the pleasure we find in the exercise of them.[1040] This is the great
+mover and originator of all. Every thing that we have, and every thing
+that we are, we owe to the external world; nor is Man himself aught else
+except what he is made by the objects which surround him.[1041]
+
+  [1028] _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx. p. 29.
+
+  [1029] 'Si la nature, au lieu de mains et de doigts flexibles, eut
+         termine nos poignets par un pied de cheval; qui doute que les
+         hommes, sans art, sans habitations, sans defense contre les
+         animaux, tout occupes du soin de pourvoir a leur nourriture et
+         d'eviter les betes feroces, ne fussent encore errants dans les
+         forets comme des troupeaux fugitifs?' _Helvetius_, _De
+         l'Esprit_, vol. i. p. 2. Had Helvetius ever read the attack of
+         Aristotle against Anaxagoras for asserting that [Greek: dia to
+         cheiroas echein, phronimotaton einai ton zoon ton anthropon]?
+         _Cudworth_, _Intellect. Syst._ vol. iii. p. 311.
+
+  [1030] _De l'Esprit_, vol. i. p. 2.
+
+  [1031] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 4.
+
+  [1032] 'En effet la memoire ne peut etre qu'un des organes de la
+         sensibilite physique.' vol. i. p. 6. Compare what M. Lepelletier
+         says on this, in his _Physiologie Medicale_, vol. iii. p. 272.
+
+  [1033] 'D'ou je conclus que tout jugement n'est qu'une sensation.' _De
+         l'Esprit_, vol. i. p. 10; '_juger_, comme je l'ai deja prouve,
+         n'est proprement que _sentir_.' p. 41.
+
+  [1034] 'Ne sensible a la douleur et au plaisir, c'est a la sensibilite
+         physique que l'homme doit ses passions; et a ses passions, qu'il
+         doit tous ses vices et toutes ses vertus.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p.
+         53; and see vol. i. p. 239.
+
+  [1035] 'Une fois parvenu a cette verite, je decouvre facilement la
+         source des vertus humaines; je voie que sans la sensibilite a la
+         douleur et au plaisir physique, les hommes, sans desirs, sans
+         passions, egalement indifferents a tout, n'eussent point connu
+         d'interet personnel; que sans interet personnel ils ne se
+         fussent point rassembles en societe, n'eussent point fait
+         entr'eux de conventions, qu'il n'y eut point eu d'interet
+         general, par consequent point d'actions justes ou injustes; et
+         qu'ainsi la sensibilite physique et l'interet personnel ont ete
+         les auteurs de toute justice.' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 278.
+
+  [1036] _De l'Esprit_, vol. ii. pp. 19, 20, 30, 34, 293, 294, 318.
+         Compare Epicurus, in _Diog. Laert. de Vit. Philos._ lib. x. seg.
+         120, vol. i. p. 654.
+
+  [1037] _De l'Esprit_, vol. ii. p. 45. He sums up: 'il s'ensuit que
+         l'amitie, ainsi que l'avarice, l'orgueil, l'ambition et les
+         autres passions, est l'effet immediat de la sensibilite
+         physique.'
+
+  [1038] 'Il lui est aussi impossible d'aimer le bien pour le bien, que
+         d'aimer le mal pour le mal.' _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 73.
+
+  [1039] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 249.
+
+  [1040] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 58.
+
+  [1041] 'Nous sommes uniquement ce que nous font les objets qui nous
+         environnent.' _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 306.
+
+The views put forward in this celebrated work I have stated at some
+length; not so much on account of the ability with which they are
+advocated, as on account of the clue they furnish to the movements of a
+most remarkable age. Indeed, so completely did they harmonize with the
+prevailing tendencies, that they not only quickly obtained for their
+author a vast European reputation,[1042] but, during many years, they
+continued to increase in influence, and, in France in particular, they
+exercised great sway.[1043] As that was the country in which they
+arose, so also was it the country to which they were best adapted.
+Madame Dudeffand, who passed her long life in the midst of French
+society, and was one of the keenest observers of her time, has expressed
+this with great happiness. The work of Helvetius, she says, is popular,
+since he is the man who has told to all their own secret.[1044]
+
+  [1042] Saint Surin, a zealous opponent of Helvetius, admits that 'les
+         etrangers les plus eminents par leurs dignites ou par leurs
+         lumieres, desiraient d'etre introduits chez un philosophe dont
+         le nom retentissait dans toute l'Europe.' _Biog. Univ._ vol. xx.
+         p. 33.
+
+  [1043] Brissot (_Memoires_, vol. i. p. 339) says, that in 1775, 'le
+         systeme d'Helvetius avait alors la plus grande vogue.' Turgot,
+         who wrote against it, complains that it was praised 'avec une
+         sorte de fureur' (_[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ix. p. 297); and
+         Georgel (_Memoires_, vol. ii. p. 256) says, 'ce livre, ecrit
+         avec un style plein de chaleur et d'images, se trouvoit sur
+         toutes les toilettes.'
+
+  [1044] 'D'ailleurs le siecle de Louis XV se reconnut dans l'ouvrage
+         d'Helvetius, et on prete a Mme. Dudeffand ce mot fin et profond:
+         "C'est un homme qui a dit le secret de tout le monde."'
+         _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._ I. serie, vol. iii. p. 201.
+         Compare _Corresp. de Dudeffand_, vol. i. p. xxii.; and a similar
+         sentiment in _Mem. de Roland_, vol. i. p. 104. The relation of
+         Helvetius's work to the prevailing philosophy is noticed in
+         _Comte's Philos. Pos._ vol. iii. pp. 791, 792. vol. v.
+         pp. 744, 745.
+
+True it was, that, to the contemporaries of Helvetius, his views,
+notwithstanding their immense popularity, bore the appearance of a
+secret; because the connexion between them and the general march of
+events was, as yet, but dimly perceived. To us, however, who, after this
+interval of time, can examine the question with the resources of a
+larger experience, it is obvious how such a system met the wants of an
+age of which it was the exponent and the mouthpiece. That Helvetius must
+have carried with him the sympathies of his countrymen, is clear, not
+only from the evidence we have of his success, but also from a more
+comprehensive view of the general complexion of those times. Even while
+he was still pursuing his labours, and only four years before he
+published them, a work appeared in France, which, though displaying
+greater ability, and possessing a higher influence than that of
+Helvetius, did, nevertheless, point in exactly the same direction. I
+allude to the great metaphysical treatise by Condillac, in many respects
+one of the most remarkable productions of the eighteenth century; and
+the authority of which, during two generations, was so irresistible,
+that, without some acquaintance with it, we cannot possibly understand
+the nature of those complicated movements by which the French Revolution
+was brought about.
+
+In 1754,[1045] Condillac put forth his celebrated work on the mind; the
+very title of which was a proof of the bias with which it was written.
+Although this profound thinker aimed at nothing less than an exhaustive
+analysis of the human faculties, and although he is pronounced by a very
+able, but hostile critic, to be the only metaphysician France produced
+during the eighteenth century,[1046] still he found it utterly
+impossible to escape from those tendencies towards the external which
+governed his own age. The consequence was, that he called his work a
+'Treatise on Sensations;'[1047] and in it he peremptorily asserts, that
+every thing we know is the result of sensation; by which he means the
+effect produced on us by the action of the external world. Whatever may
+be thought of the accuracy of this opinion, there can be no doubt that
+it is enforced with a closeness and severity of reasoning which deserves
+the highest praise. To examine, however, the arguments by which his view
+is supported, would lead to a discussion foreign to my present object,
+which is, merely to point out the relation between his philosophy and
+the general temper of his contemporaries. Without, therefore, pretending
+to anything like a critical examination of this celebrated book, I will
+simply bring together the essential positions on which it is based, in
+order to illustrate the harmony between it and the intellectual habits
+of the age in which it appeared.[1048]
+
+  [1045] _Biog. Univ._ vol. ix. p. 399.
+
+  [1046] 'Condillac est le metaphysicien francais du XVIII^e siecle.'
+         _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philos._ I. serie, vol. iii. p. 83.
+
+  [1047] 'Traite des Sensations,' which, as M. Cousin says, is, 'sans
+         comparaison, le chef-d'[oe]uvre de Condillac.' _Hist. de la
+         Philos._ II. serie, vol. ii. p. 77.
+
+  [1048] On the immense influence of Condillac, compare _Renouard_, _Hist.
+         de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 355; _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, vol. iii.
+         p. 387; _Broussais_, _Cours de Phrenologie_, pp. 45, 68-71, 829;
+         _Pinel_, _Alien. Mentale_, p. 94; _Brown's Philos. of the Mind_,
+         p. 212.
+
+The materials from which the philosophy of Condillac was originally
+drawn, were contained in the great work published by Locke about sixty
+years before this time. But though much of what was most essential was
+borrowed from the English philosopher, there was one very important
+point in which the disciple differed from his master. And this
+difference is strikingly characteristic of the direction which the
+French intellect was now taking. Locke, with some looseness of
+expression, and possibly with some looseness of thought, had asserted
+the separate existence of a power of reflection, and had maintained that
+by means of that power the products of sensation became available.[1049]
+Condillac, moved by the prevailing temper of his own time, would not
+hear of such a distinction. He, like most of his contemporaries, was
+jealous of any claim which increased the authority of the internal, and
+weakened that of the external. He, therefore, altogether rejects the
+faculty of reflection as a source of our ideas; and this partly because
+it is but the channel through which ideas run from the senses, and
+partly because in its origin it is itself a sensation.[1050] Therefore,
+according to him, the only question is as to the way in which our
+contact with nature supplies us with ideas. For in this scheme, the
+faculties of man are solely caused by the operation of his senses. The
+judgments which we form are, says Condillac, often ascribed to the hand
+of the Deity; a convenient mode of reasoning, which has only arisen from
+the difficulty of analyzing them.[1051] By considering how our judgments
+actually arise, we can alone remove these obscurities. The fact is, that
+the attention we give to an object is nothing but the sensation which
+that object excites;[1052] and what we call abstract ideas are merely
+different ways of being attentive.[1053] Ideas being thus generated, the
+subsequent process is very simple. To attend to two ideas at the same
+time, is to compare them; so that comparison is not a result of
+attention, but is rather the attention itself.[1054] This at once gives
+us the faculty of judging, because directly we institute a comparison,
+we do of necessity form a judgment.[1055] Thus, too, memory is a
+transformed sensation;[1056] while the imagination is nothing but
+memory, which, being carried to its highest possible vivacity, makes
+what is absent appear to be present.[1057] The impressions we receive
+from the external world being, therefore, not the cause of our
+faculties, but being the faculties themselves, the conclusion to which
+we are driven is inevitable. It follows, says Condillac, that in man
+nature is the beginning of all; that to nature we owe the whole of our
+knowledge; that we only instruct ourselves according to her lessons; and
+that the entire art of reasoning consists in continuing the work which
+she has appointed us to perform.[1058]
+
+  [1049] Whether or not Locke held that reflection is an independent as
+         well as a separate faculty, is uncertain; because passages could
+         be quoted from his writings to prove either the affirmative or
+         the negative. Dr. Whewell justly remarks, that Locke uses the
+         word so vaguely as to 'allow his disciples to make of his
+         doctrines what they please.' _History of Moral Philosophy_,
+         1852, p. 71.
+
+  [1050] 'Locke distingue deux sources de nos idees, les sens et la
+         reflexion. Il seroit plus exact de n'en reconnoitre qu'une, soit
+         parceque la reflexion n'est dans son principe que la sensation
+         meme, soit parce qu'elle est moins la source des idees que le
+         canal par lequel elles decoulent des sens.' _Condillac_, _Traite
+         des Sensations_, p. 13: see also, at pp. 19, 216, the way in
+         which sensation becomes reflection; and the summing up, at p.
+         416, 'que toutes nos connoissances viennent des sens, et
+         particulierement du toucher.'
+
+  [1051] He says of Mallebranche (_Traite des Sensations_, p. 312), 'ne
+         pouvant comprendre comment nous formerions nous-memes ces
+         jugemens, il les attribue a Dieu; maniere de raisonner fort
+         commode, et presque toujours la ressource des philosophes.'
+
+  [1052] 'Mais a peine j'arrete la vue sur un objet, que les sensations
+         particulieres que j'en recois sont l'attention meme que je lui
+         donne.' _Traite des Sensations_, p. 16.
+
+  [1053] 'Ne sont que differentes manieres d'etre attentif.' p. 122.
+
+  [1054] 'Des qu'il y a double attention, il y a comparaison; car etre
+         attentif a deux idees ou les comparer, c'est la meme chose.'
+         p. 17.
+
+  [1055] 'Des qu'il y a comparaison, il y a jugement.' p. 65.
+
+  [1056] 'La memoire n'est donc que la sensation transformee.' p. 17.
+         Compare p. 61.
+
+  [1057] 'L'imagination est la memoire meme, parvenue a toute la vivacite
+         dont elle est susceptible.' p. 78. 'Or j'ai appele imagination
+         cette memoire vive qui fait paroitre present ce qui est absent.'
+         p. 245.
+
+  [1058] 'Il resulte de cette verite, que la nature commence tout en nous:
+         aussi ai-je demontre que, dans le principe ou dans le
+         commencement, nos connoissances sont uniquement son ouvrage, que
+         nous ne nous instruisons que d'apres ses lecons, et que tout
+         l'art de raisonner consiste a continuer comme elle nous a fait
+         commencer.' p. 178.
+
+It is so impossible to mistake the tendency of these views, that I need
+not attempt to estimate their result otherwise than by measuring the
+extent to which they were adopted. Indeed, the zeal with which they were
+now carried into every department of knowledge, can only surprise those
+who, being led by their habits of mind to study history in its separate
+fragments, have not accustomed themselves to consider it as an united
+whole, and who, therefore, do not perceive that in every great epoch
+there is some one idea at work, which is more powerful than any other,
+and which shapes the events of the time and determines their ultimate
+issue. In France, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, this
+idea was, the inferiority of the internal to the external. It was this
+dangerous but plausible principle which drew the attention of men from
+the church to the state; which was seen in Helvetius the most celebrated
+of the French moralists, and in Condillac the most celebrated of the
+French metaphysicians. It was this same principle which, by increasing,
+if I may so say, the reputation of Nature, induced the ablest thinkers
+to devote themselves to a study of her laws, and to abandon those other
+pursuits which had been popular in the preceding age. In consequence of
+this movement, such wonderful additions were made to every branch of
+physical science, that more new truths concerning the external world
+were discovered in France during the latter half of the eighteenth
+century than during all the previous periods put together. The details
+of these discoveries, so far as they have been subservient to the
+general purposes of civilization, will be related in another place; at
+present I will indicate only the most prominent, in order that the
+reader may understand the course of the subsequent argument, and may see
+the connexion between them and the French Revolution.
+
+Taking a general view of the external world, we may say, that the three
+most important forces by which the operations of nature are effected,
+are heat, light, and electricity; including under this last magnetic and
+galvanic phenomena. On all these subjects, the French, for the first
+time, now exerted themselves with signal success. In regard to heat, not
+only were the materials for subsequent induction collected with
+indefatigable industry, but before that generation passed away, the
+induction was actually made; for while the laws of its radiation were
+worked out by Prevost,[1059] those of its conduction were established by
+Fourier, who, just before the Revolution, employed himself in raising
+thermotics to a science by the deductive application of that celebrated
+mathematical theory which he contrived, and which still bears his
+name.[1060] In regard to electricity, it is enough to notice, during the
+same period, the important experiments of D'Alibard, followed by those
+vast labours of Coulomb, which brought electrical phenomena under the
+jurisdiction of the mathematics, and thus completed what [OE]pinus had
+already prepared.[1061] As to the laws of light, those ideas were now
+accumulating which rendered possible the great steps that, at the close
+of the century, were taken by Malus, and still later by Fresnel.[1062]
+Both of these eminent Frenchmen not only made important additions to
+our knowledge of double refraction, but Malus discovered the
+polarization of light, undoubtedly the most splendid contribution
+received by optical science since the analysis of the solar rays.[1063]
+It was also in consequence of this, that Fresnel began those profound
+researches which placed on a solid basis that great undulatory theory of
+which Hooke, Huygens, and above all Young, are to be deemed the
+founders, and by which the corpuscular theory of Newton was finally
+overthrown.[1064]
+
+  [1059] Compare _Powell on Radiant Heat_, p. 261, in _Second Rep. of
+         Brit. Assoc._; _Whewell's History of Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 526;
+         and his _Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 339, 340. Prevost was
+         professor at Geneva; but his great views were followed up in
+         France by Dulong and Petit; and the celebrated theory of dew by
+         Dr. Wells is merely an application of them. _Herschel's Nat.
+         Philosophy_, pp. 163, 315, 316. Respecting the further
+         prosecution of these inquiries, and our present knowledge of
+         radiant heat, see _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. i. p. 79,
+         vol. iii. p. 30, vol. iv. p. 45.
+
+  [1060] On Fourier's mathematical theory of conduction, see _Comte_,
+         _Philos. Positive_, vol. i. pp. 142, 175, 345, 346, 351, vol.
+         ii. pp. 453, 551; _Prout's Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 203, 204;
+         _Kelland on Heat_, p. 6, in _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1841; _Erman's
+         Siberia_, vol. i. p. 243; _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. i. p. 169;
+         _Hitchcock's Geology_, p. 198; _Pouillet_, _Elemens de
+         Physique_, ii. 696, 697.
+
+  [1061] Coulomb's memoirs on electricity and magnetism were published
+         from 1782 to 1789. _Fifth Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 4. Compare
+         _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. iii. p. 128; and on his
+         relation to [OE]pinus, who wrote in 1759, see _Whewell's Induc.
+         Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 24-26, 35, 36, and _Hauey_, _Traite de
+         Mineralogie_, vol. iii. p. 44, vol. iv. p. 14. There is a still
+         fuller account of what was effected by Coulomb in M. Pouillet's
+         able work, _Elemens de Physique_, vol. i. part ii. pp. 63-79,
+         130-135.
+
+  [1062] Fresnel belongs to the present century; but M. Biot says that the
+         researches of Malus began before the passage of the Rhine in
+         1797. _Biot's Life of Malus_, in _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxvi. p.
+         412.
+
+  [1063] _Pouillet_, _Elemens de Physique_, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 484,
+         514; _Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1832_, p. 314; _Leslie's Nat.
+         Philos._ p. 83; _Whewell's Hist. of Sciences_, vol. ii. pp.
+         408-410; _Philos. of Sciences_, vol. i. p. 350, vol. ii. p. 25;
+         _Herschel's Nat. Philos._ p. 258.
+
+  [1064] The struggle between these rival theories, and the ease with
+         which a man of such immense powers as Young was put down, and,
+         as it were, suppressed, by those ignorant pretenders who
+         presumed to criticize him, will be related in another part of
+         this work, as a valuable illustration of the history and habits
+         of the English mind. At present the controversy is finished, so
+         far as the advocates of emission are concerned; but there are
+         still difficulties on the other side, which should have
+         prevented Dr. Whewell from expressing himself with such extreme
+         positiveness on an unexhausted subject. This able writer says:
+         'The undulatory theory of light; the only discovery which can
+         stand by the side of the theory of universal gravitation, as a
+         doctrine belonging to the same order, for its generality, its
+         fertility, and its certainty.' _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc.
+         Sciences_, vol. ii. p. 425; see also p. 508.
+
+Thus much as to the progress of French knowledge respecting those parts
+of nature which are in themselves invisible, and of which we cannot tell
+whether they have a material existence, or whether they are mere
+conditions and properties of other bodies.[1065] The immense value of
+these discoveries, as increasing the number of known truths, is
+incontestable: but, at the same time, another class of discoveries was
+made, which, dealing more palpably with the visible world, and being
+also more easily understood, produced more immediate results, and, as I
+shall presently show, exercised a remarkable influence in strengthening
+that democratic tendency which accompanied the French Revolution. It is
+impossible, within the limits I have assigned to myself, to give
+anything like an adequate notion of the marvellous activity with which
+the French now pushed their researches into every department of the
+organic and inorganic world; still it is, I think, practicable to
+compress into a few pages such a summary of the more salient points as
+will afford the reader some idea of what was done by that generation of
+great thinkers which flourished in France during the latter half of the
+eighteenth century.
+
+  [1065] As to the supposed impossibility of conceiving the existence of
+         matter without properties which give rise to forces (note in
+         _Paget's Lectures on Pathology_, 1853, vol. i. p. 61), there are
+         two reasons which prevent me from attaching much weight to it.
+         First, a conception which, in one stage of knowledge, is called
+         impossible, becomes, in a later stage, perfectly easy, and so
+         natural as to be often termed necessary. Secondly, however
+         indissoluble the connexion may appear between force and matter,
+         it was not found fatal to the dynamical theory of Leibnitz; it
+         has not prevented other eminent thinkers from holding similar
+         views; and the arguments of Berkeley, though constantly
+         attacked, have never been refuted.
+
+If we confine our view to the globe we inhabit, it must be allowed that
+chemistry and geology are the two sciences which not only offer the
+fairest promise, but already contain the largest generalizations. The
+reason of this will become clear, if we attend to the ideas on which
+these two great subjects are based. The idea of chemistry, is the study
+of composition;[1066] the idea of geology, is the study of position. The
+object of the first is, to learn the laws which govern the properties of
+matter; the object of the second is, to learn the laws which govern its
+locality. In chemistry, we experiment; in geology, we observe. In
+chemistry, we deal with the molecular arrangement of the smallest
+atoms;[1067] in geology, with the cosmological arrangement of the
+largest masses. Hence it is that the chemist by his minuteness, and the
+geologist by his grandeur, touch the two extremes of the material
+universe; and, starting from these opposite points, have, as I could
+easily prove, a constantly increasing tendency to bring under their own
+authority sciences which have at present an independent existence, and
+which, for the sake of a division of labour, it is still convenient to
+study separately; though it must be the business of philosophy, properly
+so called, to integrate them into a complete and effective whole. Indeed
+it is obvious, that if we knew all the laws of the composition of
+matter, and likewise all the laws of its position, we should likewise
+know all the changes of which matter is capable spontaneously, that is,
+when uninterrupted by the mind of man. Every phenomenon which any given
+substance presents must be caused either by something taking place in
+the substance, or else by something taking place out of it, but acting
+upon it; while what occurs within must be explicable by its own
+composition, and what occurs without must be due to its position in
+relation to the objects by which it is affected. This is an exhaustive
+statement of every possible contingency, and to one of these two classes
+of laws every thing must be referrible; even those mysterious forces
+which, whether they be emanations from matter, or whether they be merely
+properties of matter, must in an ultimate analysis depend either on the
+internal arrangement, or else on the external locality of their physical
+antecedents. However convenient, therefore, it may be, in the present
+state of our knowledge, to speak of vital principles, imponderable
+fluids, and elastic aethers, such terms can only be provisional, and are
+to be considered as mere names for that residue of unexplained facts,
+which it will be the business of future ages to bring under
+generalizations wide enough to cover and include the whole.
+
+  [1066] Every chemical decomposition being only a new form of
+         composition. _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i.
+         pp. 455, 456, 498: 'de tout cela il resulte, que la dissolution
+         est un cas particulier des combinaisons.'
+
+  [1067] What is erroneously called the atomic theory, is, properly
+         speaking, an hypothesis, and not a theory: but hypothesis though
+         it be, it is by its aid that we wield the doctrine of definite
+         proportions, the corner stone of chemistry.
+
+These ideas of composition and of position being thus the basis of all
+natural science, it is not surprising that chemistry and geology, which
+are their best, but still their insufficient representatives, should in
+modern times have made more progress than any other of the great
+branches of human knowledge. Although the chemists and geologists have
+not yet risen to the full height of their respective subjects,[1068]
+there are few things more curious than to note the way in which, during
+the last two generations, they have been rapidly expanding their
+views--encroaching on topics with which, at first sight, they appeared
+to have no concern--making other branches of inquiry tributary to their
+own--and collecting from every quarter that intellectual wealth which,
+long hidden in obscure corners, had been wasted in the cultivation of
+special and inferior pursuits. This, as being one of the great
+intellectual characteristics of the present age, I shall hereafter
+examine at considerable length; but what I have now to show is, that in
+these two vast sciences, which, though still very imperfect, must
+eventually be superior to all others, the first important steps were
+made by Frenchmen during the latter half of the eighteenth century.
+
+  [1068] Many of them being still fettered, in geology, by the hypothesis
+         of catastrophes; in chemistry, by the hypothesis of vital
+         forces.
+
+That we owe to France the existence of chemistry as a science, will be
+admitted by everyone who uses the word science in the sense in which
+alone it ought to be understood, namely, as a body of generalizations so
+irrefragably true, that, though they may be subsequently covered by
+higher generalizations, they cannot be overthrown by them; in other
+words, generalizations which may be absorbed, but not refuted. In this
+point of view, there are in the history of chemistry only three great
+stages. The first stage was the destruction of the phlogistic theory,
+and the establishment, upon its ruins, of the doctrines of oxidation,
+combustion, and respiration. The second stage was the establishment of
+the principle of definite proportions, and the application to it of the
+atomic hypothesis. The third stage, above which we have not yet risen,
+consists in the union of chemical and electrical laws, and in the
+progress we are making towards fusing into one generalization their
+separate phenomena. Which of these three stages was in its own age the
+most valuable, is not now the question; but it is certain that the first
+of them was the work of Lavoisier, by far the greatest of the French
+chemists. Before him several important points had been cleared up by the
+English chemists, whose experiments ascertained the existence of bodies
+formerly unknown. The links, however, to connect the facts, were still
+wanting; and until Lavoisier entered the field, there were no
+generalizations wide enough to entitle chemistry to be called a science;
+or, to speak more properly, the only large generalization commonly
+received was that by Stahl, which the great Frenchman proved to be not
+only imperfect, but altogether inaccurate. A notice of the vast
+discoveries of Lavoisier will be found in many well-known books:[1069]
+it is enough to say, that he not only worked out the laws of the
+oxidation of bodies and of their combustion, but that he is the author
+of the true theory of respiration, the purely chemical character of
+which he first demonstrated; thus laying the foundation of those views
+respecting the functions of food, which the German chemists subsequently
+developed, and which, as I have proved in the second chapter of this
+Introduction, may be applied to solve some great problems in the history
+of Man. The merit of this was so obviously due to France, that though
+the system now established was quickly adopted in other countries,[1070]
+it received the name of the French chemistry.[1071] At the same time,
+the old nomenclature being full of old errors, a new one was required,
+and here again France took the initiative; since this great reformation
+was begun by four of her most eminent chemists, who flourished only a
+few years before the Revolution.[1072]
+
+  [1069] See, for instance, _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences_, vol. i.
+         pp. 32-34, 40; _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, p. 282;
+         _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 184, 185; _Brande's
+         Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. lxxxv.-lxxxix. 302; _Thomson's Animal
+         Chemistry_, pp. 520, 634, and a great part of the second volume
+         of his _History of Chemistry_; also _Mueller's Physiol._ vol. i.
+         pp. 90, 323.
+
+  [1070] According to Mr. Harcourt (_Brit. Assoc. Report for 1839_,
+         p. 10), Cavendish has this merit, so far as England is
+         concerned: 'He, first of all his contemporaries, did justice to
+         the rival theory recently proposed by Lavoisier.'
+
+  [1071] La chimie francaise. _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 101, 130. On the excitement caused by Lavoisier's views, see
+         a letter which Jefferson wrote in Paris, in 1789, printed partly
+         in _Tucker's Life of Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 314, 315; and at
+         length in _Jefferson's Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 453-455.
+
+  [1072] 'The first attempt to form a systematic chemical nomenclature was
+         made by Lavoisier, Berthollet, G. de Morveau, and Fourcroy, soon
+         after the discovery of oxygen gas.' _Turner's Chemistry_, vol.
+         i. p. 127. Cuvier (_Progres des Sciences_, vol. i. p. 39) and
+         Robin et Verdeil (_Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. pp. 602, 603)
+         ascribe the chief merit to De Morveau. Thomson says (_Hist. of
+         Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 133): 'This new nomenclature very soon
+         made its way into every part of Europe, and became the common
+         language of chemists, in spite of the prejudices entertained
+         against it, and the opposition which it every where met with.'
+
+While one division of the French thinkers was reducing to order the
+apparent irregularities of chemical phenomena, another division of them
+was performing precisely the same service for geology. The first step
+towards popularizing this noble study was taken by Buffon, who, in the
+middle of the eighteenth century, broached a geological theory, which,
+though not quite original, excited attention by its eloquence, and by
+the lofty speculations with which he connected it.[1073] This was
+followed by the more special but still important labours of Rouelle,
+Desmarest, Dolomieu, and Montlosier, who, in less than forty years,
+effected a complete revolution in the ideas of Frenchmen, by
+familiarizing them with the strange conception, that the surface of our
+planet, even where it appears perfectly stable, is constantly undergoing
+most extensive changes. It began to be understood, that this perpetual
+flux takes place not only in those parts of nature which are obviously
+feeble and evanescent, but also in those which seem to possess every
+element of strength and permanence, such as the mountains of granite
+which wall the globe, and are the shell and encasement in which it is
+held. As soon as the mind became habituated to this notion of universal
+change, the time was ripe for the appearance of some great thinker, who
+should generalize the scattered observations, and form them into a
+science, by connecting them with some other department of knowledge, of
+which the laws, or, at all events, the empirical uniformities, had been
+already ascertained.
+
+  [1073] The famous central heat of Buffon is often supposed to have been
+         taken from Leibnitz; but, though vaguely taught by the ancients,
+         the real founder of the doctrine appears to have been Descartes.
+         See _Bordas Demoulin_, _Cartesianisme_, Paris, 1843, vol. i. p.
+         312. There is an unsatisfactory note on this in _Prichard's
+         Physical Hist._ vol. i. p. 100. Compare _Experimental Hist. of
+         Cold_, tit. 17, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. ii. p. 308; _Brewster's
+         Life of Newton_, vol. ii. p. 100. On the central heat of the
+         Pythagoreans, see _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. i. p.
+         149; and as to the central fire mentioned in the so-called
+         Oracles of Zoroaster, see _Beausobre_, _Hist. de Manichee_, vol.
+         ii. p. 152. But the complete ignorance of the ancients
+         respecting geology made these views nothing but guesses. Compare
+         some sensible remarks in _Matter's Hist. de l'Ecole
+         d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 282.
+
+It was at this point, and while the inquiries of geologists,
+notwithstanding their value, were still crude and unsettled, that the
+subject was taken up by Cuvier, one of the greatest naturalists Europe
+has ever produced. A few others there are who have surpassed him in
+depth; but in comprehensiveness it would be hard to find his superior;
+and the immense range of his studies gave him a peculiar advantage in
+surveying the operations and dependencies of the external world.[1074]
+This remarkable man is unquestionably the founder of geology as a
+science, since he is not only the first who saw the necessity of
+bringing to bear upon it the generalizations of comparative anatomy, but
+he is also the first who actually, executing this great idea, succeeded
+in cooerdinating the study of the strata of the earth with the study of
+the fossil animals found in them.[1075] Shortly before his researches
+were published, many valuable facts had indeed been collected respecting
+the separate strata; the primary formations being investigated by the
+Germans, the secondary ones by the English.[1076] But these
+observations, notwithstanding their merit, were isolated; and they
+lacked that vast conception which gave unity and grandeur to the whole,
+by connecting inquiries concerning the inorganic changes of the surface
+of the globe with other inquiries concerning the organic changes of the
+animals the surface contained.
+
+  [1074] This comprehensiveness of Cuvier is justly remarked by M.
+         Flourens as the leading characteristic of his mind. _Flourens_,
+         _Hist. des Travaux de Cuvier_, pp. 76, 142, 306: 'ce qui
+         caracterise partout M. Cuvier, c'est l'esprit vaste.'
+
+  [1075] Hence he is called by Mr. Owen, 'the founder of palaeontological
+         science.' _Owen on Fossil Mammalia_, in _Report of Brit. Assoc.
+         for 1843_, p. 208. It was in 1796 that there were thus 'opened
+         to him entirely new views of the theory of the earth.' p. 209.
+         See also _Bakewell's Geology_, p. 368; and _Milne Edwards_,
+         _Zoologie_, part ii. p. 279. The importance of this step is
+         becoming more evident every year; and it has been justly
+         remarked, that without palaeontology there would be, properly
+         speaking, no geology. _Balfour's Botany_, 1849, p. 591. Sir R.
+         Murchison (_Siluria_, 1854, p. 366) says, 'it is essentially the
+         study of organic remains which has led to the clear subdivision
+         of the vast mass of older rocks, which were there formerly
+         merged under the unmeaning term "Grauwacke."' In the same able
+         work, p. 465, we are told that, 'in surveying the whole series
+         of formations, the practical geologist is fully impressed with
+         the conviction that there has, at all periods, subsisted a very
+         intimate connexion between the existence, or, at all events, the
+         preservation of animals, and the media in which they have been
+         fossilized.' For an instance of this in the old red sandstone,
+         see p. 329.
+
+  [1076] _Whewell's Hist. of Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 679; _Lyell's Geol._
+         p. 59. Indeed gneiss received its name from the Germans.
+         _Bakewell's Geol._ p. 108.
+
+How completely this immense step is due to France, is evident not only
+from the part played by Cuvier, but also from the admitted fact, that to
+the French we owe our knowledge respecting tertiary strata,[1077] in
+which the organic remains are most numerous, and the general analogy to
+our present state is most intimate.[1078] Another circumstance may
+likewise be added, as pointing to the same conclusion. This is, that
+the first application of the principles of comparative anatomy to the
+study of fossil bones was also the work of a Frenchman, the celebrated
+Daubenton. Hitherto these bones had been the object of stupid wonder;
+some saying that they were rained from heaven, others saying that they
+were the gigantic limbs of the ancient patriarchs, men who were believed
+to be tall because they were known to be old.[1079] Such idle conceits
+were for ever destroyed by Daubenton, in a Memoir he published in
+1762;[1080] with which, however, we are not now concerned, except that
+it is evidence of the state of the French mind, and is worth noting as a
+precursor of the discoveries of Cuvier.
+
+  [1077] Compare _Conybeare's Report on Geology_, p. 371 (_Brit. Assoc.
+         for_ 1832), with _Bakewell's Geol._ pp. 367, 368, 419, and
+         _Lyell's Geol._ p. 59.
+
+  [1078] In the older half of the secondary rocks, mammals are hardly to
+         be found, and they do not become common until the tertiary.
+         _Murchison's Siluria_, pp. 466, 467; and _Strickland on
+         Ornithology_, p. 210 (_Brit. Assoc. for_ 1844). So, too, in the
+         vegetable kingdom, many of the plants in the tertiary strata
+         belong to genera still existing; but this is rarely the case
+         with the secondary strata; while in the primary strata, even the
+         families are different to those now found on the earth.
+         _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 592, 593. Compare Wilson's additions to
+         _Jussieu's Botany_, 1849, p. 746; and for further illustration
+         of this remarkable law of the relation between advancing time
+         and diminished similarity, a law suggesting the most curious
+         speculations, see _Hitchcock's Geology_, p. 21; _Lyell's
+         Geology_, p. 183; and _Owen's Lectures on the Invertebrata_,
+         1855, pp. 38, 576.
+
+  [1079] Mr. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire (_Anomalies de l'Organisation_,
+         vol. i. pp. 121-127) has collected some evidence respecting the
+         opinions formerly held on these subjects. Among other instances,
+         he mentions a learned man named Henrion, an academician, and, I
+         suppose, a theologian, who in 1718 published a work, in which
+         'il assignait a Adam cent vingt-trois pieds neuf pouces;' Noah
+         being twenty feet shorter, and so on. The bones of elephants
+         were sometimes taken for giants: see a pleasant circumstance in
+         _Cuvier_, _Hist. des Sciences_, part ii. p. 43.
+
+  [1080] 'Daubenton a le premier detruit toutes ces idees; il a le premier
+         applique l'anatomie comparee a la determination de ces os.... Le
+         memoire ou Daubenton a tente, pour la premiere fois, la solution
+         de ce probleme important est de 1762.' _Flourens_, _Travaux de
+         Cuvier_, pp. 36, 37. Agassiz (_Report on Fossil Fishes_, p. 82,
+         _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1842) claims this merit too exclusively for
+         Cuvier, overlooking the earlier researches of Daubenton; and the
+         same mistake is made in _Hitchcock's Geol._ p. 249, and in
+         _Bakewell's Geol._ p. 384.
+
+By this union of geology and anatomy, there was first introduced into
+the study of nature a clear conception of the magnificent doctrine of
+universal change; while at the same time there grew up by its side a
+conception equally steady of the regularity with which the changes are
+accomplished, and of the undeviating laws by which they are governed.
+Similar ideas had no doubt been occasionally held in preceding ages; but
+the great Frenchmen of the eighteenth century were the first who applied
+them to the entire structure of the globe, and who thus prepared the way
+for that still higher view for which their minds were not yet
+ripe,[1081] but to which in our own time the most advanced thinkers are
+rapidly rising. For it is now beginning to be understood, that since
+every addition to knowledge affords fresh proof of the regularity with
+which all the changes of nature are conducted, we are bound to believe
+that the same regularity existed long before our little planet assumed
+its present form, and long before man trod the surface of the earth. We
+have the most abundant evidence that the movements incessantly occurring
+in the material world have a character of uniformity; and this
+uniformity is so clearly marked, that in astronomy, the most perfect of
+all the sciences, we are able to predict events many years before they
+actually happen; nor can any one doubt, that if on other subjects our
+science were equally advanced, our predictions would be equally
+accurate. It is, therefore, clear, that the burden of proof lies not on
+those who assert the eternal regularity of nature, but rather on those
+who deny it; and who set up an imaginary period, to which they assign an
+imaginary catastrophe, during which they say new laws were introduced
+and a new order established. Such gratuitous assumptions, even if they
+eventually turn out to be true, are in the present state of knowledge
+unwarrantable, and ought to be rejected, as the last remains of those
+theological prejudices by which the march of every science has in its
+turn been hindered. These and all analagous notions work a double
+mischief. They are mischievous, because they cripple the human mind by
+imposing limits to its inquiries; and above all they are mischievous,
+because they weaken that vast conception of continuous and uninterrupted
+law, which few indeed are able firmly to seize, but on which the highest
+generalizations of future science must ultimately depend.
+
+  [1081] Even Cuvier held the doctrine of catastrophes; but, as Sir
+         Charles Lyell says (_Principles of Geology_, p. 60), his own
+         discoveries supplied the means of overthrowing it, and of
+         familiarizing us with the idea of continuity. Indeed it was one
+         of the fossil observations of Cuvier which first supplied the
+         link between reptiles, fishes, and cetaceous mammals. See _Owen
+         on Fossil Reptiles_, pp. 60, 198, _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1841; and
+         compare _Carus's Comparative Anatomy_, vol. i. p. 155. To this I
+         may add, that Cuvier unconsciously prepared the way for
+         disturbing the old dogma of fixity of species, though he himself
+         clung to it to the last. See some observations, which are very
+         remarkable, considering the period when they were written, in
+         _Cabanis_, _Rapports du Physique et du Moral_, pp. 427, 428:
+         conclusions drawn from Cuvier, which Cuvier would have himself
+         rejected.
+
+It is this deep conviction, that changing phenomena have unchanging
+laws, and that there are principles of order to which all apparent
+disorder may be referred,--it is this, which, in the seventeenth
+century, guided in a limited field Bacon, Descartes, and Newton; which
+in the eighteenth century was applied to every part of the material
+universe; and which it is the business of the nineteenth century to
+extend to the history of the human intellect. This last department of
+inquiry we owe chiefly to Germany; for, with the single exception of
+Vico, no one even suspected the possibility of arriving at complete
+generalizations respecting the progress of man, until shortly before the
+French Revolution, when the great German thinkers began to cultivate
+this, the highest and most difficult of all studies. But the French
+themselves were too much occupied with physical science to pay attention
+to such matters;[1082] and speaking generally, we may say that, in the
+eighteenth century, each of the three leading nations of Europe had a
+separate part to play. England diffused a love of freedom; France, a
+knowledge of physical science; while Germany, aided in some degree by
+Scotland, revived the study of metaphysics, and created the study of
+philosophic history. To this classification some exceptions may of
+course be made; but that these were the marked characteristics of the
+three countries, is certain. After the death of Locke in 1704, and that
+of Newton in 1727, there was in England a singular dearth of great
+speculative thinkers; and this not because the ability was wanting, but
+because it was turned partly into practical pursuits, partly into
+political contests. I shall hereafter examine the causes of this
+peculiarity, and endeavour to ascertain the extent to which it has
+influenced the fortunes of the country. That the results were, on the
+whole, beneficial, I entertain no doubt; but they were unquestionably
+injurious to the progress of science, because they tended to divert it
+from all new truths, except those likely to produce obvious and
+practical benefit. The consequence was, that though the English made
+several great discoveries, they did not possess, during seventy years, a
+single man who took a really comprehensive view of the phenomena of
+nature; not one who could be compared with those illustrious thinkers
+who in France reformed every branch of physical knowledge. Nor was it
+until more than two generations after the death of Newton, that the
+first symptoms appeared of a remarkable reaction, which quickly
+displayed itself in nearly every department of the national intellect.
+In physics, it is enough to mention Dalton, Davy, and Young, each of
+whom was in his own field the founder of a new epoch; while on other
+subjects I can only just refer, first, to the influence of the Scotch
+school; and, secondly, to that sudden and well-deserved admiration for
+the German literature of which Coleridge was the principal exponent, and
+which infused into the English mind a taste for generalizations higher
+and more fearless than any hitherto known. The history of this vast
+movement, which began early in the nineteenth century, will be traced
+in the future volumes of this work: at present I merely notice it, as
+illustrating the fact, that until the movement began, the English,
+though superior to the French in several matters of extreme importance,
+were for many years inferior to them in those large and philosophic
+views, without which not only is the most patient industry of no avail,
+but even real discoveries lose their proper value, for want of such
+habits of generalization as would trace their connexion with each other,
+and consolidate their severed fragments into one vast system of complete
+and harmonious truth.
+
+  [1082] Neither Montesquieu nor Turgot appear to have believed in the
+         possibility of generalizing the past, so as to predict the
+         future; while as to Voltaire, the weakest point in his otherwise
+         profound view of history was his love of the old saying, that
+         great events spring from little causes; a singular error for so
+         comprehensive a mind, because it depended on confusing causes
+         with conditions. That a man like Voltaire should have committed
+         what now seems so gross a blunder, is a mortifying reflection
+         for those who are able to appreciate his vast and penetrating
+         genius, and it may teach the best of us a wholesome lesson. This
+         fallacy was avoided by Montesquieu and Turgot; and the former
+         writer, in particular, displayed such extraordinary ability,
+         that there can be little doubt, that had he lived at a later
+         period, and thus had the means of employing in their full extent
+         the resources of political economy and physical science, he
+         would have had the honour not only of laying the basis, but also
+         of rearing the structure of the philosophy of the history of
+         Man. As it was, he failed in conceiving what is the final object
+         of every scientific inquiry, namely, the power of foretelling
+         the future: and after his death, in 1755, all the finest
+         intellects in France, Voltaire alone excepted, concentrated
+         their attention upon the study of natural phenomena.
+
+The interest attached to these inquiries has induced me to treat them at
+greater length than I had intended; perhaps at greater length than is
+suitable to the suggestive and preparatory character of this
+Introduction. But the extraordinary success with which the French now
+cultivated physical knowledge is so curious, on account of its connexion
+with the Revolution, that I must mention a few more of its most
+prominent instances: though, for the sake of brevity, I will confine
+myself to those three great divisions which, when put together, form
+what is called Natural History, and in all of which we shall see that
+the most important steps were taken in France during the latter half of
+the eighteenth century.
+
+In the first of these divisions, namely, the department of zoology, we
+owe to the Frenchmen of the eighteenth century those generalizations
+which are still the highest this branch of knowledge has reached. Taking
+zoology in the proper sense of the term, it consists only of two parts,
+the anatomical part, which is its statics, and the physiological part,
+which is its dynamics: the first referring to the structure of animals;
+the other, to their functions.[1083] Both of these were worked out,
+nearly at the same time, by Cuvier and Bichat; and the leading
+conclusions at which they arrived, remain, after the lapse of sixty
+years, undisturbed in their essential points. In 1795, Cuvier laid down
+the great principle, that the study and classification of animals was to
+be, not as heretofore, with a view to external peculiarities, but with a
+view to internal organization; and that, therefore, no real advance
+could be made in our knowledge except by extending the boundaries of
+comparative anatomy.[1084] This step, simple as it now appears, was of
+immense importance, since by it zoology was at once rescued from the
+hands of the observer, and thrown into those of the experimenter: the
+consequence of which has been the attainment of that precision and
+accuracy of detail, which experiment alone can give, and which is every
+way superior to such popular facts as observation supplies. By thus
+indicating to naturalists the true path of inquiry, by accustoming them
+to a close and severe method, and by teaching them to despise those
+vague descriptions in which they had formerly delighted, Cuvier laid the
+foundation of a progress which, during the last sixty years, has
+surpassed the most sanguine expectations. This, then, is the real
+service rendered by Cuvier, that he overthrew the artificial system
+which the genius of Linnaeus had raised up,[1085] and substituted in its
+place that far superior scheme which gave the freest scope to future
+inquiry; since, according to it, all systems are to be deemed imperfect
+and provisional so long as any thing remains to be learned respecting
+the comparative anatomy of the animal kingdom. The influence exercised
+by this great view was increased by the extraordinary skill and industry
+with which its proposer followed it out, and proved the practicability
+of his own precepts. His additions to our knowledge of comparative
+anatomy are probably more numerous than those made by any other man; but
+what has gained him most celebrity is, the comprehensive spirit with
+which he used what he acquired. Independently of other generalizations,
+he is the author of that vast classification of the whole animal kingdom
+into vertebrata, mollusca, articulata, and radiata;[1086] a
+classification which keeps its ground, and is one of the most remarkable
+instances of that large and philosophic spirit which France brought to
+bear upon the phenomena of the material world.[1087]
+
+  [1083] The line of demarcation between anatomy as statical, and
+         physiology as dynamical, is clearly drawn by M. Comte (_Philos.
+         Positive_, vol. iii. p. 303) and by MM. Robin et Verdeil
+         (_Chimie Anatomique_, vol. i. pp. 11, 12, 40, 102, 188, 434).
+         What is said by Carus (_Comparative Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 356)
+         and by Sir Benjamin Brodie (_Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_,
+         p. 6) comes nearly to the same thing, though expressed with less
+         precision. On the other hand, M. Milne Edwards (_Zoologie_, part
+         i. p. 9) calls physiology 'la science de la vie;' which, if
+         true, would simply prove that there is no physiology at all, for
+         there certainly is at present no science of life.
+
+  [1084] In his _Regne Animal_, vol. i. pp. vi. vii., he says that
+         preceding naturalists 'n'avaient guere considere que les
+         rapports exterieurs de ces especes, et personne ne s'etait
+         occupe de cooerdonner les classes et les ordres d'apres
+         l'ensemble de la structure.... Je dus donc, et cette obligation
+         me prit un temps considerable, je dus faire marcher de front
+         l'anatomie et la zoologie, les dissections et le classement....
+         Les premiers resultats de ce double travail parurent en 1795,
+         dans un memoire special sur une nouvelle division des animaux a
+         sang blanc.'
+
+  [1085] On the opposition between the methods of Linnaeus and of Cuvier,
+         see _Jenyns' Report on Zoology_, pp. 144, 145, in _Brit. Assoc.
+         for_ 1834.
+
+  [1086] The foundations of this celebrated arrangement was laid by
+         Cuvier, in a paper read in 1795. _Whewell's History of the
+         Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 494. It appears, however
+         (_Flourens_, _Travaux de Cuvier_, pp. 69, 70), that it was in,
+         or just after, 1791, that the dissection of some mollusca
+         suggested to him the idea of reforming the classification of the
+         whole animal kingdom. Compare _Cuvier_, _Regne Animal_, vol. i.
+         pp. 51, 52 note.
+
+  [1087] The only formidable opposition made to Cuvier's arrangement has
+         proceeded from the advocates of the doctrine of circular
+         progression: a remarkable theory, of which Lamarck and Macleay
+         are the real originators, and which is certainly supported by a
+         considerable amount of evidence. Still, among the great majority
+         of competent zoologists, the fourfold division holds its ground,
+         although the constantly-increasing accuracy of microscopical
+         observations has detected a nervous system much lower in the
+         scale than was formerly suspected, and has thereby induced some
+         anatomists to divide the radiata into acrita and nematoneura.
+         _Owen's Invertebrata_, 1855, pp. 14, 15; and _Rymer Jones's
+         Animal Kingdom_, 1855, p. 4. As, however, it seems probable that
+         all animals have a distinct nervous system, this subdivision is
+         only provisional; and it is very likely that when our
+         microscopes are more improved, we shall have to return to
+         Cuvier's arrangement. Some of Cuvier's successors have removed
+         the apodous echinoderms from the radiata; but in this Mr. Rymer
+         Jones (_Animal Kingdom_, p. 211) vindicates the Cuverian
+         classification.
+
+Great, however, as is the name of Cuvier, a greater still remains
+behind. I allude, of course, to Bichat, whose reputation is steadily
+increasing as our knowledge advances, and who, if we compare the
+shortness of his life with the reach and depth of his views, must be
+pronounced the most profound thinker and the most consummate observer by
+whom the organization of the animal frame has yet been studied.[1088] He
+wanted, indeed, that comprehensive knowledge for which Cuvier was
+remarkable; but though, on this account, his generalizations were drawn
+from a smaller surface, they were, on the other hand, less provisional:
+they were, I think, more complete, and certainly they dealt with more
+momentous topics. For the attention of Bichat was preeminently directed
+to the human frame[1089] in the largest sense of the word; his object
+being so to investigate the organization of man, as to rise, if
+possible, to some knowledge concerning the causes and nature of life. In
+this magnificent enterprise, considered as a whole, he failed; but what
+he effected in certain parts of it is so extraordinary, and has given
+such an impetus to some of the highest branches of inquiry, that I will
+briefly indicate his method, in order to compare it with that other
+method which, at the same moment, Cuvier adopted with immense success.
+
+  [1088] We may except Aristotle; but between Aristotle and Bichat I can
+         find no middle man.
+
+  [1089] But not exclusively. Mr. Blainville (_Physiol. comparee_, vol.
+         ii. p. 304) says, 'celui qui, comme Bichat, bornait ses etudes a
+         l'anatomie humaine;' and at p. 350, 'quand on ne considere que
+         ce qui se passe chez l'homme, ainsi que l'a fait Bichat.' This,
+         however, is much too positively stated. Bichat mentions 'les
+         experiences nombreuses que j'ai faites sur les animaux vivans.'
+         _Bichat_, _Anatomie Generale_, vol. i. p. 332; and for other
+         instances of his experiments on animals below man, see the same
+         work, vol. i. pp. 164, 284, 311, 312, 326, vol. ii. pp. 13, 25,
+         69, 73, 107, 133, 135, 225, 264, 423, vol. iii. pp. 151, 218,
+         242, 262, 363, 364, 400, 478, 501, vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 34, 46,
+         229, 247, 471: see also _Bichat_, _Recherches sur la Vie_, pp.
+         262, 265, 277, 312, 336, 356, 358, 360, 368, 384, 400, 411, 439,
+         455, 476, 482, 494, 512: and his _Traite des Membranes_, pp. 48,
+         64, 67, 130, 158, 196, 201, 224. These are all experiments on
+         inferior animals, which aided this great physiologist in
+         establishing those vast generalizations, which, though applied
+         to man, were by no means collected merely from human anatomy.
+         The impossibility of understanding physiology without studying
+         comparative anatomy, is well pointed out in Mr. Rymer Jones's
+         work, _Organization of the Animal Kingdom_, 1855, pp. 601, 791.
+
+The important step taken by Cuvier was, that he insisted on the
+necessity of a comprehensive study of the organs of animals, instead of
+following the old plan of merely describing their habits and external
+peculiarities. This was a vast improvement, since, in the place of loose
+and popular observations, he substituted direct experiment, and hence
+introduced into zoology a precision formerly unknown.[1090] But Bichat,
+with a still keener insight, saw that even this was not enough. He saw
+that, each organ being composed of different tissues, it was requisite
+to study the tissues themselves, before we could learn the way in which,
+by their combinations, the organs are produced. This, like all really
+great ideas, was not entirely struck out by a single man; for the
+physiological value of the tissues had been recognized by three or four
+of the immediate predecessors of Bichat, such as Carmichael, Smyth,
+Bonn, Bordeu, and Fallopius. These inquirers, however, notwithstanding
+their industry, had effected nothing of much moment, since, though they
+collected several special facts, there was in their observations that
+want of harmony and that general incompleteness always characteristic of
+the labours of men who do not rise to a commanding view of the subject
+with which they deal.[1091]
+
+  [1090] Mr. Swainson (_Geography and Classification of Animals_, p. 170)
+         complains, strangely enough, that Cuvier 'rejects the more plain
+         and obvious characters which every one can see, and which had
+         been so happily employed by Linnaeus, and makes the differences
+         between these groups to depend upon circumstances which no one
+         but an anatomist can understand.' See also p. 173: 'characters
+         which, however good, are not always comprehensible, except to
+         the anatomist.' (Compare _Hodgson on the Ornithology of Nepal_,
+         in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xix. p. 179, Calcutta, 1836.) In
+         other words, this is a complaint that Cuvier attempted to raise
+         zoology to a science, and, therefore, of course, deprived it of
+         some of its popular attractions, in order to invest it with
+         other attractions of a far higher character. The errors
+         introduced into the natural sciences by relying upon observation
+         instead of experiment, have been noticed by many writers; and by
+         none more judiciously than M. Saint Hilaire in his _Anomalies de
+         l'Organisation_, vol. i. p. 98.
+
+  [1091] It is very doubtful if Bichat was acquainted with the works of
+         Smyth, Bonn, or Fallopius, and I do not remember that he any
+         where even mentions their names. He had, however, certainly
+         studied Bordeu; but I suspect that the author by whom he was
+         most influenced was Pinel, whose pathological generalizations
+         were put forward just about the time when Bichat began to write.
+         Compare _Bichat_, _Traite des Membranes_, pp. 3, 4, 107, 191;
+         _Beclard_, _Anat. Gen._ pp. 65, 66; _Bouillaud_, _Philos.
+         Medicale_, p. 26; _Blainville_, _Physiol. comparee_, vol. i. p.
+         284, vol. ii. pp. 19, 252; _Henle_, _Anat. Gen._ vol. i.
+         pp. 119, 120.
+
+It was under these circumstances that Bichat began those researches,
+which, looking at their actual and still more at their prospective
+results, are probably the most valuable contribution ever made to
+physiology by a single mind. In 1801, only a year before his
+death,[1092] he published his great work on anatomy, in which the study
+of the organs is made altogether subservient to the study of the tissues
+composing them. He lays it down, that the body of man consists of
+twenty-one distinct tissues, all of which, though essentially different,
+have in common the two great properties of extensibility and
+contractility.[1093] These tissues he, with indefatigable
+industry,[1094] subjected to every sort of examination; he examined
+them in different ages and diseases, with a view to ascertain the laws
+of their normal and pathological development.[1095] He studied the way
+each tissue is affected by moisture, air, and temperature; also the way
+in which their properties are altered by various chemical
+substances,[1096] and even their effect on the taste.[1097] By these
+means, and by many other experiments tending in the same direction, he
+took so great and sudden a step, that he is to be regarded not merely as
+an innovator on an old science, but rather as the creator of a new
+one.[1098] And although subsequent observers have corrected some of his
+conclusions, this has only been done by following his method; the value
+of which is now so generally recognized, that it is adopted by nearly
+all the best anatomists, who, differing in other points, are agreed as
+to the necessity of basing the future progress of anatomy on a knowledge
+of the tissues, the supreme importance of which Bichat was the first to
+perceive.[1099]
+
+  [1092] _Biog. Univ._ vol. iv. pp. 468, 469.
+
+  [1093] For a list of the tissues, see _Bichat_, _Anat. Gen._ vol. i.
+         p. 49. At p. 50 he says, 'en effet, quel que soit le point de
+         vue sous lequel on considere ces tissus, ils ne se ressemblent
+         nullement: c'est la nature, et non la science, qui a tire une
+         ligne de demarcation entre eux.' There is, however, now reason
+         to think, that both animal and vegetable tissues are, in all
+         their varieties, referrible to a cellular origin. This great
+         view, which M. Schwann principally worked out, will, if fully
+         established, be the largest generalization we possess respecting
+         the organic world, and it would be difficult to overrate its
+         value. Still there is danger lest, in prematurely reaching at so
+         vast a law, we should neglect the subordinate, but
+         strongly-marked differences between the tissues as they actually
+         exist. Burdach (_Traite de Physiologie_, vol. vi. pp. 195, 196)
+         has made some good remarks on the confusion introduced into the
+         study of tissues, by neglecting those salient characteristics
+         which were indicated by Bichat.
+
+  [1094] Pinel says, 'dans on seul hiver il ouvrit plus de six cents
+         cadavres.' _Notice sur Bichat_, p. xiii., in vol. i of _Anat.
+         Gen._ By such enormous labour, and by working day and night in a
+         necessarily polluted atmosphere, he laid the foundation for that
+         diseased habit which caused a slight accident to prove fatal,
+         and carried him off at the age of thirty-one. 'L'esprit a peine
+         a concevoir que la vie d'un seul homme puisse suffire a tant de
+         travaux, a tant de decouvertes, faites ou indiquees: Bichat est
+         mort avant d'avoir accompli sa trente-deuxieme annee!' _Pinel_,
+         p. xvi.
+
+  [1095] To this sort of comparative anatomy (if it may be so called),
+         which before his time scarcely existed, Bichat attached great
+         importance, and clearly saw that it would eventually become of
+         the utmost value for pathology. _Anat. Gen._ vol. i. pp. 331,
+         332, vol. ii. pp. 234-241, vol. iv. p. 417, &c. Unfortunately
+         these investigations were not properly followed up by his
+         immediate successors; and Mueller, writing long after his death,
+         was obliged to refer chiefly to Bichat for 'the true principles
+         of general pathology.' _Mueller's Physiology_, 1840, vol. i. p.
+         808. M. Vogel too, in his _Pathological Anatomy_, 1847, pp. 398,
+         413, notices the error committed by the earlier pathologists, in
+         looking at changes in the organs, and neglecting those in the
+         tissues; and the same remark is made in _Robin et Verdeil_,
+         _Chimie Anatomique_, 1853, vol. i. p. 45; and in _Henle_,
+         _Traite d'Anatomie_, vol. i. p. vii., Paris, 1843. That
+         'structural anatomy,' and 'structural development,' are to be
+         made the foundations of pathology, is, moreover, observed in
+         _Simon's Pathology_, 1850, p. 115 (compare _Williams's
+         Principles of Medicine_, 1848, p. 67), who ascribes the chief
+         merit of this 'rational pathology' to Henle and Schwann:
+         omitting to mention that they only executed Bichat's scheme and
+         (be it said with every respect for these eminent men) executed
+         it with a comprehensiveness much inferior to that displayed by
+         their great predecessor. In _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines
+         Medicales_, vol. iv. pp. 106, 107, there are some just and
+         liberal observations on the immense service which Bichat
+         rendered to pathology. See also _Beclard_, _Anatomie_, Paris,
+         1852, p. 184.
+
+  [1096] _Bichat_, _Anat. Gen._ vol. i. pp. 51, 160, 161, 259, 372, vol.
+         ii. pp. 47, 448, 449, vol. iii. pp. 33, 168, 208, 309, 406, 435,
+         vol. iv. pp. 21, 52, 455-461, 517.
+
+  [1097] According to M. Comte (_Philos. Pos._ vol. iii. p. 319), no one
+         had thought of this before Bichat. MM. Robin et Verdeil, in
+         their recent great work, fully admit the necessity of employing
+         this singular resource. _Chimie Anatomique_, 1853, vol. i.
+         pp. 18, 125, 182, 357, 531.
+
+  [1098] 'Des-lors il crea une science nouvelle, l'anatomie generale.'
+         _Pinel sur Bichat_, p. xii. 'A Bichat appartient veritablement
+         la gloire d'avoir concu et surtout execute, le premier, le plan
+         d'une anatomie nouvelle.' _Bouillaud_, _Philos. Medicale_, p.
+         27. 'Bichat fut le createur de l'histologie en assignant des
+         caracteres precis a chaque classe de tissus.' _Burdach_,
+         _Physiologie_, vol. vii. p. 111. 'Le createur de l'anatomie
+         generale fut Bichat.' _Henle_, _Anatomie_, vol. i. p. 120.
+         Similar remarks will be found in _Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de
+         l'Organisation_, vol. i. p. 10; and in _Robin et Verdeil_,
+         _Chimie Anat._ vol. i. p. xviii., vol. iii. p. 405.
+
+  [1099] In _Beclard_, _Anat. Gen. 1852_, p. 61, it is said that 'la
+         recherche de ces tissus elementaires, ou elements organiques,
+         est devenue la preoccupation presque exclusive des anatomistes
+         de nos jours.' Compare _Blainville_, _Physiol. Gen. et Comp._
+         vol. i. p. 93: 'Aujourd'hui nous allons plus avant, nous
+         penetrons dans la structure intime, non seulement de ces
+         organes, mais encore des tissus qui concourent a leur
+         composition; nous faisons en un mot de la veritable anatomie, de
+         l'anatomie proprement dite.' And at p. 105: 'c'est un genre de
+         recherches qui a ete cultive avec beaucoup d'activite, et qui a
+         recu une grande extension depuis la publication du bel ouvrage
+         de Bichat.' See also vol. ii. p. 303.
+
+         In consequence of this movement, there has sprung up, under the
+         name of _Degenerations of Tissues_, an entirely new branch of
+         morbid anatomy, of which, I believe, no instance will be found
+         before the time of Bichat, but the value of which is now
+         recognized by most pathologists. Compare _Paget's Surgical
+         Pathology_, vol. i. pp. 98-112; _Williams's Principles of
+         Medicine_, pp. 369-376; _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. viii. p.
+         367; _Reports of Brit. Assoc._ vol. vi. p. 147; _Jones's and
+         Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy_, 1854, pp. 154-156, 302-304,
+         555-558. 'They are,' say these last writers, 'of extremely
+         frequent occurrence; but their nature has scarcely been
+         recognized until of late.'
+
+The methods of Bichat and of Cuvier, when put together, exhaust the
+actual resources of zoological science; so that all subsequent
+naturalists have been compelled to follow one of these two schemes; that
+is, either to follow Cuvier in comparing the organs of animals, or else
+to follow Bichat in comparing the tissues which compose the
+organs.[1100] And inasmuch as one comparison is chiefly suggestive of
+function, and the other comparison of structure, it is evident, that to
+raise the study of the animal world to the highest point of which it is
+capable, both these great plans are necessary; but if we ask which of
+the two plans, unaided by the other, is more likely to produce important
+results, the palm must, I think, be yielded to that proposed by Bichat.
+Certainly, if we look at the question as one to be decided by authority,
+a majority of the most eminent anatomists and physiologists now incline
+to the side of Bichat, rather than to that of Cuvier; while, as a matter
+of history, it may be proved that the reputation of Bichat has, with the
+advance of knowledge, increased more rapidly than that of his great
+rival. What, however, appears to me still more decisive, is, that the
+two most important discoveries made in our time respecting the
+classification of animals, are entirely the result of the method which
+Bichat suggested. The first discovery is that made by Agassiz, who, in
+the course of his ichthyological researches, was led to perceive that
+the arrangement by Cuvier according to organs, did not fulfil its
+purpose in regard to fossil fishes, because in the lapse of ages the
+characteristics of their structure were destroyed.[1101] He, therefore,
+adopted the only other remaining plan, and studied the tissues, which,
+being less complex than the organs, are oftener found intact. The result
+was the very remarkable discovery, that the tegumentary membrane of
+fishes is so intimately connected with their organization, that if the
+whole of a fish has perished except this membrane, it is practicable, by
+noting its characteristics, to reconstruct the animal in its most
+essential parts. Of the value of this principle of harmony, some idea
+may be formed from the circumstance, that on it Agassiz has based the
+whole of that celebrated classification, of which he is the sole author,
+and by which fossil ichthyology has for the first time assumed a precise
+and definite shape.[1102]
+
+  [1100] Cuvier completely neglected the study of tissues; and in the very
+         few instances in which he mentions them, his language is
+         extremely vague. Thus, in his _Regne Animal_, vol. i. p. 12, he
+         says of living bodies, 'leur tissu est donc compose de reseaux
+         et de mailles, ou de fibres et de lames solides, qui renferment
+         des liquides dans leurs intervalles.'
+
+  [1101] A well-known ornithologist makes the same complaint respecting
+         the classification of birds. _Strickland on Ornithology_, _Brit.
+         Assoc. for_ 1844, pp. 209, 210. Even in regard to living
+         species, Cuvier (_Regne Animal_, vol. ii. p. 126) says: 'La
+         classe des poissons est de toutes celle qui offre le plus de
+         difficultes quand on veut la subdiviser en ordres d'apres des
+         caracteres fixes et sensibles.'
+
+  [1102] The discoveries of M. Agassiz are embodied in his great work,
+         _Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles_: but the reader who may
+         not have an opportunity of consulting that costly publication,
+         will find two essays by this eminent naturalist, which will give
+         an idea of his treatment of the subject, in _Reports of Brit.
+         Assoc. for 1842_, pp. 80-88, and for 1844, pp. 279-310. How
+         essential this study is to the geologist, appears from the
+         remark of Sir R. Murchison (_Siluria_, 1854, p. 417), that
+         'fossil fishes have everywhere proved the most exact
+         chronometers of the age of rocks.'
+
+The other discovery, of which the application is much more extensive,
+was made in exactly the same way. It consists of the striking fact, that
+the teeth of each animal have a necessary connexion with the entire
+organization of its frame; so that, within certain limits, we can
+predict the organization by examining the tooth. This beautiful instance
+of the regularity of the operations of nature was not known until more
+than thirty years after the death of Bichat, and it is evidently due to
+the prosecution of that method which he sedulously inculcated. For the
+teeth never having been properly examined in regard to their separate
+tissues, it was believed that they were essentially devoid of structure,
+or, as some thought, were simply a fibrous texture.[1103] But by minute
+microscopic investigations, it has been recently ascertained that the
+tissues of the teeth are strictly analogous to those of other parts of
+the body;[1104] and that the ivory, or dentine, as it is now
+called,[1105] is highly organized; that it, as well as the enamel, is
+cellular, and is, in fact, a development of the living pulp. This
+discovery, which, to the philosophic anatomist, is pregnant with
+meaning, was made about 1838; and though the preliminary steps were
+taken by Purkinje, Retzius, and Schwann, the principal merit is due to
+Nasmyth and Owen,[1106] between whom it is disputed, but whose rival
+claims we are not here called upon to adjust.[1107] What I wish to
+observe is, that the discovery is similar to that which we owe to
+Agassiz; similar in the method by which it was worked out, and also in
+the results which have followed from it. Both are due to a recognition
+of the fundamental maxim of Bichat, that the study of organs must be
+subordinate to the study of tissues, and both have supplied the most
+valuable aid to zoological classification. On this point, the service
+rendered by Owen is incontestable, whatever may be thought of his
+original claims. This eminent naturalist has, with immense industry,
+applied the discovery to all vertebrate animals; and in an elaborate
+work, specially devoted to the subject, he has placed beyond dispute the
+astonishing fact, that the structure of a single tooth is a criterion of
+the nature and organization of the species to which it belongs.[1108]
+
+  [1103] That they were composed of fibres, was the prevailing doctrine,
+         until the discovery of their tubes, in 1835, by Purkinje. Before
+         Purkinje, only one observer, Leeuwenh[oe]k, had announced their
+         tubular structure; but no one believed what he said, and
+         Purkinje was unacquainted with his researches. Compare
+         _Nasmyth's Researches on the Teeth_, 1839, p. 159; _Owen's
+         Odontography_, 1840-1845, vol. i. pp. ix. x.; _Henle_, _Anat.
+         Gen._ vol. ii. p. 457; _Reports of Brit. Assoc._ vol. vii. pp.
+         135, 136 (_Transac. of Sections_).
+
+  [1104] Mr. Nasmyth, in his valuable, but, I regret to add, posthumous
+         work, notices, as the result of these discoveries, 'the close
+         affinity subsisting between the dental and other organized
+         tissues of the animal frame.' _Researches on the Development,
+         &c. of the Teeth_, 1849, p. 198. This is, properly speaking, a
+         continuation of Mr. Nasmyth's former book, which bore the same
+         title, and was published in 1839.
+
+  [1105] This name, which Mr. Owen appears to have first suggested, has
+         been objected to, though, as it seems to me, on insufficient
+         grounds. Compare _Owen's Odontography_, vol. i. p. iii., with
+         _Nasmyth's Researches_, 1849, pp. 3, 4. It is adopted in
+         _Carpenter's Human Physiol._ 1846, p. 154; and in _Jones and
+         Sieveking's Patholog. Anat._ 1854, pp. 483, 486.
+
+  [1106] See the correspondence in _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1841, Sec.,
+         pp. 2-23.
+
+  [1107] In the notice of it in _Whewell's Hist. of Sciences_, vol. iii.
+         p. 678, nothing is said about Mr. Nasmyth; while in that in
+         _Wilson's Human Anatomy_, p. 65, edit. 1851, nothing is said
+         about Mr. Owen. A specimen of the justice with which men treat
+         their contemporaries. Dr. Grant (_Supplement to Hooper's Medical
+         Dict._ 1848, p. 1390) says, 'the researches of Mr. Owen tend to
+         confirm those of Mr. Nasmyth.' Nasmyth, in his last work
+         (_Researches on the Teeth_, 1849, p. 81), only refers to Owen to
+         point out an error; while Owen (_Odontography_, vol. i.
+         pp. xlvi.-lvi.) treats Nasmyth as an impudent plagiarist.
+
+  [1108] Dr. Whewell (_Hist. of Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 678) says,
+         that 'he has carried into every part of the animal kingdom an
+         examination, founded upon this discovery, and has published the
+         results of this in his _Odontography_.' If this able, but rather
+         hasty writer, had read the _Odontography_, he would have found
+         that Mr. Owen, so far from carrying the examination 'into every
+         part of the animal kingdom,' distinctly confines himself to 'one
+         of the primary divisions of the animal kingdom' (I quote his own
+         words from _Odontography_, vol. i. p. lxvii.), and appears to
+         think, that below the vertebrata, the inquiry would furnish
+         little or no aid for the purposes of classification.
+
+Whoever has reflected much on the different stages through which our
+knowledge has successively passed, must, I think, be led to the
+conclusion, that while fully recognizing the great merit of these
+investigators of the animal frame, our highest admiration ought to be
+reserved not for those who make the discoveries, but rather for those
+who point out how the discoveries are to be made.[1109] When the true
+path of inquiry has once been indicated, the rest is comparatively easy.
+The beaten highway is always open; and the difficulty is, not to find
+those who will travel the old road, but those who will make a fresh one.
+Every age produces in abundance men of sagacity and of considerable
+industry, who, while perfectly competent to increase the details of a
+science, are unable to extend its distant boundaries. This is because
+such extension must be accompanied by a new method,[1110] which, to be
+valuable as well as new, supposes on the part of its suggester, not only
+a complete mastery over the resources of his subject, but also the
+possession of originality and comprehensiveness,--the two rarest forms
+of human genius. In this consists the real difficulty of every great
+pursuit. As soon as any department of knowledge has been generalized
+into laws, it contains, either in itself or in its applications, three
+distinct branches; namely, inventions, discoveries, and method. Of
+these, the first corresponds to art; the second to science; and the
+third to philosophy. In this scale, inventions have by far the lowest
+place, and minds of the highest order are rarely occupied by them. Next
+in the series come discoveries; and here the province of intellect
+really begins, since here the first attempt is made to search after
+truth on its own account, and to discard those practical considerations
+to which inventions are of necessity referred. This is science properly
+so called; and how difficult it is to reach this stage, is evident from
+the fact, that all half-civilized nations have made many great
+inventions, but no great discoveries. The highest, however, of all the
+three stages, is the philosophy of method, which bears the same relation
+to science that science bears to art. Of its immense, and indeed supreme
+importance, the annals of knowledge supply abundant evidence; and for
+want of it, some very great men have effected absolutely nothing,
+consuming their lives in fruitless industry, not because their labour
+was slack, but because their method was sterile. The progress of every
+science is affected more by the scheme according to which it is
+cultivated, than by the actual ability of the cultivators themselves. If
+they who travel in an unknown country, spend their force in running on
+the wrong road, they will miss the point at which they aim, and
+perchance may faint and fall by the way. In that long and difficult
+journey after truth, which the human mind has yet to perform, and of
+which we in our generation can only see the distant prospect, it is
+certain that success will depend not on the speed with which men hasten
+in the path of inquiry, but rather on the skill with which that path is
+selected for them by those great and comprehensive thinkers, who are as
+the lawgivers and founders of knowledge; because they supply its
+deficiencies, not by investigating particular difficulties, but by
+establishing some large and sweeping innovation, which opens up a new
+vein of thought, and creates fresh resources, which it is left for their
+posterity to work out and apply.
+
+  [1109] But in comparing the merits of discoverers themselves, we must
+         praise him who proves rather than him who suggests. See some
+         sensible remarks in _Owen's Odontography_, vol. i. p. xlix.;
+         which, however, do not affect my observations on the superiority
+         of method.
+
+  [1110] By a new method of inquiring into a subject, I mean an
+         application to it of generalizations from some other subject, so
+         as to widen the field of thought. To call this a new method, is
+         rather vague; but there is no other word to express the process.
+         Properly speaking, there are only two methods, the inductive and
+         the deductive; which, though essentially different, are so mixed
+         together, as to make it impossible wholly to separate them. The
+         discussion of the real nature of this difference I reserve for
+         my comparison, in the next volume, of the German and American
+         civilizations.
+
+It is from this point of view that we are to rate the value of Bichat,
+whose works, like those of all men of the highest eminence,--like those
+of Aristotle, Bacon, and Descartes,--mark an epoch in the history of the
+human mind; and as such, can only be fairly estimated by connecting them
+with the social and intellectual condition of the age in which they
+appeared. This gives an importance and a meaning to the writings of
+Bichat, of which few indeed are fully aware. The two greatest recent
+discoveries respecting the classification of animals are, as we have
+just seen, the result of his teaching; but his influence has produced
+other effects still more momentous. He, aided by Cabanis, rendered to
+physiology the incalculable service, of preventing it from participating
+in that melancholy reaction to which France was exposed early in the
+nineteenth century. This is too large a subject to discuss at present;
+but I may mention, that when Napoleon, not from feelings of conviction,
+but for selfish purposes of his own, attempted to restore the power of
+ecclesiastical principles, the men of letters, with disgraceful
+subserviency, fell into his view; and there began a marked decline in
+that independent and innovating spirit, with which during fifty years
+the French had cultivated the highest departments of knowledge. Hence
+that metaphysical school arose, which, though professing to hold aloof
+from theology, was intimately allied with it; and whose showy conceits
+form, in their ephemeral splendour, a striking contrast to the severer
+methods followed in the preceding generation.[1111] Against this
+movement, the French physiologists have, as a body, always protested;
+and it may be clearly proved that their opposition, which even the great
+abilities of Cuvier were unable to win over, is partly due to the
+impetus given by Bichat, in enforcing in his own pursuit the necessity
+of rejecting those assumptions by which metaphysicians and theologians
+seek to control every science. As an illustration of this I may mention
+two facts worthy of note. The first is, that in England, where during a
+considerable period the influence of Bichat was scarcely felt, many,
+even of our eminent physiologists, have shown a marked disposition to
+ally themselves with the reactionary party; and have not only opposed
+such novelties as they could not immediately explain, but have degraded
+their own noble science by making it a handmaid to serve the purposes of
+natural theology. The other fact is, that in France the disciples of
+Bichat have, with scarcely an exception, rejected the study of final
+causes, to which the school of Cuvier still adheres: while as a natural
+consequence, the followers of Bichat are associated in geology with the
+doctrine of uniformity; in zoology, with that of the transmutation of
+species; and in astronomy, with the nebular hypothesis: vast and
+magnificent schemes, under whose shelter the human mind seeks an escape
+from that dogma of interference, which the march of knowledge every
+where reduces, and the existence of which is incompatible with those
+conceptions of eternal order, towards which, during the last two
+centuries, we have been constantly tending.
+
+  [1111] In literature and in theology, Chateaubriand and De Maistre were
+         certainly the most eloquent, and were probably the most
+         influential leaders of this reaction. Neither of them liked
+         induction, but preferred reasoning deductively from premises
+         which they assumed, and which they called first principles. De
+         Maistre, however, was a powerful dialectician, and on that
+         account his works are read by many who care nothing for the
+         gorgeous declamation of Chateaubriand. In metaphysics, a
+         precisely similar movement occurred; and Laromiguiere, Royer
+         Collard, and Maine de Biran, founded that celebrated school
+         which culminated in M. Cousin, and which is equally
+         characterized by an ignorance of the philosophy of induction,
+         and by a want of sympathy with physical science.
+
+These great phenomena, which the French intellect presents, and of which
+I have only sketched a rapid outline, will be related with suitable
+detail in the latter part of this work, when I shall examine the present
+condition of the European mind, and endeavour to estimate its future
+prospects. To complete, however, our appreciation of Bichat, it will be
+necessary to take notice of what some consider the most valuable of all
+his productions, in which he aimed at nothing less than an exhaustive
+generalization of the functions of life. It appears, indeed, to me, that
+in many important points Bichat here fell short; but the work itself
+still stands alone, and is so striking an instance of the genius of the
+author, that I will give a short account of its fundamental views.
+
+Life considered as a whole has two distinct branches;[1112] one branch
+being characteristic of animals, the other of vegetables. That which is
+confined to animals is called animal life; that which is common both to
+animals and vegetables is called organic life. While, therefore, plants
+have only one life, man has two distinct lives, which are governed by
+entirely different laws, and which, though intimately connected,
+constantly oppose each other. In the organic life, man exists solely for
+himself; in the animal life he comes in contact with others. The
+functions of the first are purely internal, those of the second are
+external. His organic life is limited to the double process of creation
+and destruction: the creative process being that of assimilation, as
+digestion, circulation, and nutrition; the destructive process being
+that of excretion, such as exhalation and the like. This is what man has
+in common with plants; and of this life he, when in a natural state, is
+unconscious. But the characteristic of his animal life is consciousness,
+since by it he is made capable of moving, of feeling, of judging. By
+virtue of the first life he is merely a vegetable; by the addition of
+the second he becomes an animal.
+
+  [1112] _Bichat_, _Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort_, pp. 5-9, 226; and
+         his _Anat. Gen._ vol. i. p. 72.
+
+If now we look at the organs by which in man the functions of these two
+lives are carried on, we shall be struck by the remarkable fact, that
+the organs of his vegetable life are very irregular, those of his animal
+life very symmetrical. His vegetative, or organic, life is conducted by
+the stomach, the intestines, and the glandular system in general, such
+as the liver and the pancreas; all of which are irregular, and admit of
+the greatest variety of form and development, without their functions
+being seriously disturbed. But in his animal life the organs are so
+essentially symmetrical, that a very slight departure from the ordinary
+type impairs their action.[1113] Not only the brain, but also the
+organs of sense, as the eyes, the nose, the ears, are perfectly
+symmetrical; and they as well as the other organs of animal life, as the
+feet and hands, are double, presenting on each side of the body two
+separate parts which correspond with each other, and produce a symmetry
+unknown to our vegetative life, the organs of which are, for the most
+part, merely single, as in the stomach, liver, pancreas, and
+spleen.[1114]
+
+  [1113] 'C'est de la, sans doute, que nait cette autre difference entre
+         les organes des deux vies, savoir, que la nature se livre bien
+         plus rarement a des ecarts de conformation dans la vie animale
+         que dans la vie organique.... C'est une remarque qui n'a pu
+         echapper a celui dont les dissections ont ete un peu
+         multipliees, que les frequentes variations de formes, de
+         grandeur, de position, de direction des organes internes, comme
+         la rate, le foie, l'estomac, les reins, les organes salivaires,
+         etc.... Jetons maintenant les yeux sur les organes de la vie
+         animale, sur les sens, les nerfs, le cerveau, les muscles
+         volontaires, le larynx; tout y est exact, precis, rigoureusement
+         determine dans la forme, la grandeur et la position. On n'y voit
+         presque jamais de varietes, de conformation; s'il en existe, les
+         fonctions sont troublees, aneanties; tandis qu'elles restent les
+         memes dans la vie organique, au milieu des alterations diverses
+         des parties.' _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 23-25. Part of this view
+         is corroborated by the evidence collected by Saint Hilaire
+         (_Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol. i. pp. 248 seq.) of the
+         extraordinary aberrations to which the vegetative organs are
+         liable; and he mentions (vol. ii. p. 8) the case of a man, in
+         whose body, on dissection, 'on reconnut que tous les visceres
+         etaient transposes.' Comparative anatomy supplies another
+         illustration. The bodies of mollusca are less symmetrical than
+         those of articulata; and in the former, the 'vegetal series of
+         organs,' says Mr. Owen, are more developed than the animal
+         series; while in the articulata, 'the advance is most
+         conspicuous in the organs peculiar to animal life.' _Owen's
+         Invertebrata_, p. 470. Compare _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. i.
+         pp. 153, 189; and a confirmation of the 'unsymmetrical' organs
+         of the gasterpoda, in _Grant's Comparative Anatomy_, p. 461.
+         This curious antagonism is still further seen in the
+         circumstance, that idiots, whose functions of nutrition and of
+         excretion are often very active, are at the same time remarkable
+         for a want of symmetry in the organs of sensation. _Esquirol_,
+         _Maladies Mentales_, vol. ii. pp. 331, 332.
+
+         A result, though perhaps an unconscious one, of the application
+         and extension of these ideas, is, that within the last few years
+         there has arisen a pathological theory of what are called
+         'symmetrical diseases,' the leading facts of which have been
+         long known, but are now only beginning to be generalized. See
+         _Paget's Pathology_, vol. i. pp. 18-22, vol. ii. pp. 244, 245;
+         _Simon's Pathology_, pp. 210, 211; _Carpenter's Human Physiol._
+         pp. 607, 608.
+
+  [1114] _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 15-21.
+
+From this fundamental difference between the organs of the two lives,
+there have arisen several other differences of great interest. Our
+animal life being double, while our organic life is single, it becomes
+possible for the former life to take rest, that is, stop part of its
+functions for a time, and afterwards renew them. But in organic life, to
+stop is to die. The life, which we have in common with vegetables, never
+sleeps; and if its movements entirely cease only for a single instant,
+they cease for ever. That process by which our bodies receive some
+substances and give out others, admits of no interruption; it is, by its
+nature, incessant, because, being single, it can never receive
+supplementary aid. The other life we may refresh, not only in sleep, but
+even when we are awake. Thus we can exercise the organs of movement
+while we rest the organs of thought; and it is even possible to relieve
+a function while we continue to employ it, because, our animal life
+being double, we are able for a short time, in case of one of its parts
+being fatigued, to avail ourselves of the corresponding part; using, for
+instance, a single eye or a single arm, in order to rest the one which
+circumstances may have exhausted; an expedient which the single nature
+of organic life entirely prevents.[1115]
+
+  [1115] _Ibid._ pp. 21-50.
+
+Our animal life being thus essentially intermittent, and our organic
+life being essentially continuous,[1116] it has necessarily followed
+that the first is capable of an improvement of which the second is
+incapable. There can be no improvement without comparison, since it is
+only by comparing one state with another that we can rectify previous
+errors, and avoid future ones. Now, our organic life does not admit of
+such comparison, because, being uninterrupted, it is not broken into
+stages, but when unchequered by disease, runs on in dull monotony. On
+the other hand, the functions of our animal life, such as thought,
+speech, sight, and motion, cannot be long exercised without rest; and as
+they are constantly suspended, it becomes practicable to compare them,
+and, therefore, to improve them. It is by possessing this resource that
+the first cry of the infant gradually rises into the perfect speech of
+the man, and the unformed habits of early thought are ripened into that
+maturity which nothing can give but a long series of successive
+efforts.[1117] But our organic life, which we have in common with
+vegetables, admits of no interruption, and consequently of no
+improvement. It obeys its own laws; but it derives no benefit from that
+repetition to which animal life is exclusively indebted. Its functions,
+such as nutrition and the like, exist in man several months before he is
+born, and while, his animal life not having yet begun, the faculty of
+comparison, which is the basis of improvement, is impossible.[1118] And
+although, as the human frame increases in size, its vegetative organs
+become larger, it cannot be supposed that their functions really
+improve, since, in ordinary cases, their duties are performed as
+regularly and as completely in childhood as in middle age.[1119]
+
+  [1116] On intermittence as a quality of animal life, see _Holland's
+         Medical Notes_, pp. 313, 314, where Bichat is mentioned as its
+         great expounder. As to the essential continuity of organic life,
+         see _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. vii. p. 420. M. Comte has made
+         some interesting remarks on Bichat's law of intermittence.
+         _Philos. Positive_, vol. iii. pp. 300, 395, 744, 745, 750, 751.
+
+  [1117] On the development arising from practice, see _Bichat sur la
+         Vie_, pp. 207-225.
+
+  [1118] _Ibid._ pp. 189-203, 225-230. M. Broussais also (in his able
+         work, _Cours de Phrenologie_, p. 487) says, that comparison only
+         begins after birth; but surely this must be very doubtful. Few
+         physiologists will deny that embryological phenomena, though
+         neglected by metaphysicians, play a great part in shaping the
+         future character; and I do not see how any system of psychology
+         can be complete which ignores considerations, probable in
+         themselves, and not refuted by special evidence. So carelessly,
+         however, has this subject been investigated, that we have the
+         most conflicting statements respecting even the _vagitus
+         uterinus_, which, if it exists to the extent alleged by some
+         physiologists, would be a decisive proof that animal life (in
+         the sense of Bichat) does begin during the f[oe]tal period.
+         Compare _Burdach_, _Physiol._ vol. iv. pp. 113, 114, with
+         _Wagner's Physiol._ p. 182.
+
+  [1119] 'Les organes internes qui entrent alors en exercice, ou qui
+         accroissent beaucoup leur action, n'ont besoin d'aucune
+         education; ils atteignent tout a coup une perfection a laquelle
+         ceux de la vie animale ne parviennent que par habitude d'agir
+         souvent.' _Bichat sur la Vie_, p. 231.
+
+Thus it is, that although other causes conspire, it may be said that the
+progressiveness of animal life is due to its intermittence; the
+unprogressiveness of organic life to its continuity. It may, moreover,
+be said, that the intermittence of the first life results from the
+symmetry of its organs, while the continuity of the second life results
+from their irregularity. To this wide and striking generalization, many
+objections may be made, some of them apparently insuperable; but that it
+contains the germs of great truths I entertain little doubt, and, at all
+events, it is certain that the method cannot be too highly praised, for
+it unites the study of function and structure with that of embryology,
+of vegetable physiology, of the theory of comparison, and of the
+influence of habit; a vast and magnificent field, which the genius of
+Bichat was able to cover, but of which, since him, neither physiologists
+nor metaphysicians have even attempted a general survey.
+
+This stationary condition, during the present century, of a subject of
+such intense interest, is a decisive proof of the extraordinary genius
+of Bichat; since, notwithstanding the additions made to physiology, and
+to every branch of physics connected with it, nothing has been done at
+all comparable to that theory of life which he, with far inferior
+resources, was able to construct. This stupendous work he left, indeed,
+very imperfect; but even in its deficiencies we see the hand of the
+great master, whom, on his own subject, no one has yet approached. His
+essay on life may well be likened to those broken fragments of ancient
+art, which, imperfect as they are, still bear the impress of the
+inspiration which gave them birth, and present in each separate part
+that unity of conception which to us makes them a complete and living
+whole.
+
+From the preceding summary of the progress of physical knowledge, the
+reader may form some idea of the ability of those eminent men who arose
+in France during the latter half of the eighteenth century. To complete
+the picture, it is only necessary to examine what was done in the two
+remaining branches of natural history, namely, botany and mineralogy, in
+both of which the first great steps towards raising each study to a
+science were taken by Frenchmen a few years before the Revolution.
+
+In botany, although our knowledge of particular facts has, during the
+last hundred years, rapidly increased,[1120] we are only possessed of
+two generalizations wide enough to be called laws of nature. The first
+generalization concerns the structure of plants; the other concerns
+their physiology. That concerning their physiology is the beautiful
+morphological law, according to which the different appearance of the
+various organs arises from arrested development: the stamens, pistils,
+corolla, calyx, and bracts being simple modifications or successive
+stages of the leaf. This is one of many valuable discoveries we owe to
+Germany; it being made by Goethe late in the eighteenth century.[1121]
+With its importance every botanist is familiar; while to the historian
+of the human mind it is peculiarly interesting, as strengthening that
+great doctrine of development, towards which the highest branches of
+knowledge are now hastening, and which, in the present century, has been
+also carried into one of the most difficult departments of animal
+physiology.[1122]
+
+  [1120] Dioscorides and Galen knew from 450 to 600 plants (_Winckler_,
+         _Geschichte der Botanik_, 1854, pp. 34, 40); but, according to
+         Cuvier (_Eloges_, vol. iii. p. 468), Linnaeus, in 1778, 'en
+         indiquait environ huit mille especes;' and Meyen (_Geog. of
+         Plants_, p. 4) says, at the time of Linnaeus's death, 'about
+         8,000 species were known.' (Dr. Whewell, in his _Bridgewater
+         Treatise_, p. 247, says, 'about 10,000.') Since then the
+         progress has been uninterrupted; and in _Henslow's Botany_,
+         1837, p. 136, we are told that 'the number of species already
+         known and classified in works of botany amounts to about
+         60,000.' Ten years later, Dr. Lindley (_Vegetable Kingdom_,
+         1847, p. 800) states them at 92,930; and two years afterwards,
+         Mr. Balfour says 'about 100,000.' _Balfour's Botany_, 1849, p.
+         560. Such is the rate at which our knowledge of nature is
+         advancing. To complete this historical note, I ought to have
+         mentioned, that in 1812, Dr. Thomson says 'nearly 30,000 species
+         of plants have been examined and described.' _Thomson's Hist. of
+         the Royal Society_, p. 21.
+
+  [1121] It was published in 1790. _Winckler_, _Gesch. der Botanik_, p.
+         389. But the historians of botany have overlooked a short
+         passage in Goethe's works, which proves that he had glimpses of
+         the discovery in or before 1786. See _Italiaenische Reise_, in
+         _Goethe's Werke_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 286, Stuttgart, 1837,
+         where he writes from Padua, in September 1786, 'Hier in dieser
+         neu mir entgegen tretenden Mannigfaltigkeit wird jener Gedanke
+         immer lebendiger: dass man sich alle Pflanzengestalten
+         vielleicht aus Einer entwickeln koenne.' There are some
+         interesting remarks on this brilliant generalization in _Owen's
+         Parthenogenesis_, 1849, pp. 53 seq.
+
+  [1122] That is, into the study of animal monstrosities, which, however
+         capricious they may appear, are now understood to be the
+         necessary result of preceding events. Within the last thirty
+         years several of the laws of these unnatural births, as they
+         used to be called, have been discovered; and it has been proved
+         that, so far from being unnatural, they are strictly natural. A
+         fresh science has thus been created, under the name of
+         Teratology, which is destroying the old _lusus naturae_ in one of
+         its last and favourite strongholds.
+
+But the most comprehensive truth with which we are acquainted respecting
+plants, is that which includes the whole of their general structure; and
+this we learnt from those great Frenchmen who, in the latter half of the
+eighteenth century, began to study the external world. The first steps
+were taken directly after the middle of the century, by Adanson, Duhamel
+de Monceau, and, above all, Desfontaines; three eminent thinkers, who
+proved the practicability of a natural method hitherto unknown, and of
+which even Ray himself had only a faint perception.[1123] This, by
+weakening the influence of the artificial system of Linnaeus,[1124]
+prepared the way for an innovation more complete than has been effected
+in any other branch of knowledge. In the very year in which the
+Revolution occurred, Jussieu put forward a series of botanical
+generalizations, of which the most important are all intimately
+connected, and still remain the highest this department of inquiry has
+reached.[1125] Among these, I need only mention the three vast
+propositions which are now admitted to form the basis of vegetable
+anatomy. The first is, that the vegetable kingdom, in its whole extent,
+is composed of plants either with one cotyledon, or with two cotyledons,
+or else with no cotyledon at all. The second proposition is, that this
+classification, so far from being artificial, is strictly natural; since
+it is a law of nature, that plants having one cotyledon are endogenous,
+and grow by additions made to the centre of their stems, while, on the
+other hand, plants having two cotyledons are exogenous, and are
+compelled to grow by additions made, not to the centre of their stems,
+but to the circumference.[1126] The third proposition is, that when
+plants grow at their centre, the arrangement of the fruit and leaves is
+threefold; when, however, they grow at the circumference, it is nearly
+always fivefold.[1127]
+
+  [1123] Dr. Lindley (_Third Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 33) says, that
+         Desfontaines was the first who demonstrated the opposite modes
+         of increase in dicotyledonous and monocotyledonous stems. See
+         also _Richard_, _Elements de Botanique_, p. 131; and _Cuvier_,
+         _Eloges_, vol. i. p. 64. In regard to the steps taken by Adanson
+         and De Monceau, see _Winckler_, _Gesch. der Botanik_, pp. 204,
+         205; _Thomson's Chemistry of Vegetables_, p. 951; _Lindley's
+         Introduc. to Botany_, vol. ii. p. 132.
+
+  [1124] It is curious to observe how even good botanists clung to the
+         Linnaean system long after the superiority of a natural system
+         was proved. This is the more noticeable, because Linnaeus, who
+         was a man of undoubted genius, and who possessed extraordinary
+         powers of combination, always allowed that his own system was
+         merely provisional, and that the great object to be attained was
+         a classification according to natural families. See _Winckler_,
+         _Geschichte der Botanik_, p. 202; and _Richard_, _Elements de
+         Botanique_, p. 570. Indeed, what could be thought of the
+         permanent value of a scheme which put together the reed and the
+         barberry, because they were both hexandria; and forced sorrel to
+         associate with saffron, because both were trigynia? _Jussieu's
+         Botany_, 1849, p. 524.
+
+  [1125] _The Genera Plantarum_ of Antoine Jussieu was printed at Paris in
+         1789; and, though it is known to have been the result of many
+         years of continued labour, some writers have asserted that the
+         ideas in it were borrowed from his uncle, Bernard Jussieu. But
+         assertions of this kind rarely deserve attention; and as Bernard
+         did not choose to publish anything of his own, his reputation
+         ought to suffer for his uncommunicativeness. Compare _Winckler_,
+         _Gesch. der Botanik_, pp. 261-272, with _Biog. Univ._ vol. xxii.
+         pp. 162-166. I will only add the following remarks from a work
+         of authority, _Richard_, _Elements de Botanique_, Paris, 1846,
+         p. 572: 'Mais ce ne fut qu'en 1789 que l'on eut veritablement un
+         ouvrage complet sur la methode des familles naturelles. Le
+         _Genera Plantarum_ d'A. L. de Jussieu presenta la science des
+         vegetaux sous un point de vue si nouveau, par la precision et
+         l'elegance qui y regnent, par la profondeur et la justesse des
+         principes generaux qui y sont exposes pour la premiere fois, que
+         c'est depuis cette epoque seulement que la methode des familles
+         naturelles a ete veritablement creee, et que date la nouvelle
+         ere de la science des vegetaux.... L'auteur du _Genera
+         Plantarum_ posa le premier les bases de la science, en faisant
+         voir quelle etait l'importance relative des differents organes
+         entre eux, et par consequent leur valeur dans la
+         classification.... Il a fait, selon la remarque de Cuvier, la
+         meme revolution dans les sciences d'observation que la chimie de
+         Lavoisier dans les sciences d'experience. En effet, il a non
+         seulement change la face de la botanique; mais son influence
+         s'est egalement exercee sur les autres branches de l'histoire
+         naturelle, et y a introduit cet esprit de recherches, de
+         comparaison, et cette methode philosophique et naturelle, vers
+         le perfectionnement de laquelle tendent desormais les efforts de
+         tous les naturalistes.'
+
+  [1126] Hence the removal of a great source of error; since it is now
+         understood that in dicotyledons alone can age be known with
+         certainty. _Henslow's Botany_, p. 243: compare _Richard_,
+         _Elements de Botanique_, p. 159, aphorisme xxiv. On the stems of
+         endogenous plants, which, being mostly tropical, have been less
+         studied than the exogenous, see _Lindley's Botany_, vol. i. pp.
+         221-236; where there is also an account, pp. 229 seq., of the
+         views which Schleiden advanced on this subject in 1839.
+
+  [1127] On the arrangement of the leaves, now called phyllotaxis, see
+         _Balfour's Botany_, p. 92; _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. v.
+         p. 518.
+
+This is what was effected by the Frenchmen of the eighteenth century for
+the vegetable kingdom:[1128] and if we now turn to the mineral kingdom,
+we shall find that our obligations to them are equally great. The study
+of minerals is the most imperfect of the three branches of natural
+history, because, notwithstanding its apparent simplicity, and the
+immense number of experiments which have been made, the true method of
+investigation has not yet been ascertained; it being doubtful whether
+mineralogy ought to be subordinated to the laws of chemistry, or to
+those of crystallography, or whether both sets of laws will have to be
+considered.[1129] At all events it is certain that, down to the present
+time, chemistry has shown itself unable to reduce mineralogical
+phenomena; nor has any chemist, possessing sufficient powers of
+generalization, attempted the task except Berzelius; and most of his
+conclusions were overthrown by the splendid discovery of isomorphism,
+for which, as is well known, we are indebted to Mitscherlich, one of the
+many great thinkers Germany has produced.[1130]
+
+  [1128] The classification by cotyledons has been so successful, that,
+         'with very few exceptions, however, nearly all plants may be
+         referred by any botanist, at a single glance, and with unerring
+         certainty, to their proper class; and a mere fragment even of
+         the stem, leaf, or some other part, is often quite sufficient to
+         enable him to decide this question.' _Henslow's Botany_, p. 30.
+         In regard to some difficulties still remaining in the way of the
+         threefold cotyledonous division of the whole vegetable world,
+         see _Lindley's Botany_, vol. ii. pp. 61 seq.
+
+  [1129] Mr. Swainson (_Study of Natural History_, p. 356) says
+         'mineralogy, indeed, which forms but a part of chemistry.' This
+         is deciding the question very rapidly; but in the meantime, what
+         becomes of the geometrical laws of minerals? and what are we to
+         do with that relation between their structure and optical
+         phenomena, which Sir David Brewster has worked out with signal
+         ability?
+
+  [1130] The difficulties introduced into the study of minerals by the
+         discovery of isomorphism and polymorphism, are no doubt
+         considerable; but M. Beudant (_Mineralogie_, Paris, 1841, p. 37)
+         seems to me to exaggerate their effect upon 'l'importance des
+         formes crystallines.' They are much more damaging to the purely
+         chemical arrangement, because our implements for measuring the
+         minute angles of crystals are still very imperfect, and the
+         goniometer may fail in detecting differences which really exist;
+         and, therefore, many alleged cases of isomorphism are probably
+         not so in reality. Wollaston's reflecting goniometer has been
+         long considered the best instrument possessed by
+         crystallographers; but I learn from _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_,
+         vol. i. pp. 19, 20, that Frankenheim has recently invented one
+         for measuring the angles of 'microscopic crystals.' On the
+         amount of error in the measurement of angles, see _Phillips's
+         Mineralogy_, 1837, p. viii.
+
+Although the chemical department of mineralogy is in an unformed and
+indeed anarchical condition, its other department, namely,
+crystallography, has made great progress; and here again the earliest
+steps were taken by two Frenchmen, who lived in the latter half of the
+eighteenth century. About 1760, Rome De Lisle[1131] set the first
+example of studying crystals, according to a scheme so large as to
+include all the varieties of their primary forms, and to account for
+their irregularities, and the apparent caprice with which they were
+arranged. In this investigation he was guided by the fundamental
+assumption, that what is called an irregularity, is in truth perfectly
+regular, and that the operations of nature are invariable.[1132]
+Scarcely had this great idea been applied to the almost innumerable
+forms into which minerals crystallize, when it was followed up with
+still larger resources by Hauey, another eminent Frenchman.[1133] This
+remarkable man achieved a complete union between mineralogy and
+geometry; and, bringing the laws of space to bear on the molecular
+arrangements of matter, he was able to penetrate into the intimate
+structure of crystals.[1134] By this means, he succeeded in proving that
+the secondary forms of all crystals are derived from their primary forms
+by a regular process of decrement;[1135] and that, when a substance is
+passing from a liquid to a solid state, its particles are compelled to
+cohere, according to a scheme which provides for every possible change,
+since it includes even those subsequent layers which alter the ordinary
+type of the crystal, by disturbing its natural symmetry.[1136] To
+ascertain that such violations of symmetry are susceptible of
+mathematical calculation, was to make a vast addition to our knowledge;
+but what seems to me still more important is, that it indicates an
+approach to the magnificent idea, that every thing which occurs is
+regulated by law, and that confusion and disorder are impossible.[1137]
+For, by proving that even the most uncouth and singular forms of
+minerals are the natural results of their antecedents, Hauey laid the
+foundation of what may be called the pathology of the inorganic world.
+However paradoxical such a notion may seem, it is certain that symmetry
+is to crystals what health is to animals; so that an irregularity of
+shape in the first, corresponds with an appearance of disease in the
+second.[1138] When, therefore, the minds of men became familiarized with
+the great truth, that in the mineral kingdom there is, properly
+speaking, no irregularity, it became more easy for them to grasp the
+still higher truth, that the same principle holds good of the animal
+kingdom, although, from the superior complexity of the phenomena, it
+will be long before we can arrive at an equal demonstration. But, that
+such a demonstration is possible, is the principle upon which the future
+progress of all organic, and indeed of all mental science, depends. And
+it is very observable, that the same generation which established the
+fact, that the apparent aberrations presented by minerals are strictly
+regular, also took the first steps towards establishing the far higher
+fact, that the aberrations of the human mind are governed by laws as
+unfailing as those which determine the condition of inert matter. The
+examination of this would lead to a digression foreign to my present
+design; but I may mention that, at the end of the century, there was
+written in France the celebrated treatise on insanity, by Pinel; a work
+remarkable in many respects, but chiefly in this, that in it the old
+notions respecting the mysterious and inscrutable character of mental
+disease are altogether discarded:[1139] the disease itself is considered
+as a phenomenon inevitably occurring under certain given conditions, and
+the foundation laid for supplying another link in that vast chain of
+evidence which connects the material with the immaterial, and thus
+uniting mind and matter into a single study, is now preparing the way
+for some generalization, which, being common to both, shall serve as a
+centre round which the disjointed fragments of our knowledge may safely
+rally.
+
+  [1131] He says, 'depuis plus de vingt ans que je m'occupe de cet objet.'
+         _Rome de Lisle_, _Cristallographie, ou Description des Formes
+         propres a tous les Corps du Regne Mineral_, Paris, 1783, vol. i.
+         p. 91.
+
+  [1132] See his _Essai de Cristallographie_, Paris, 1772, p. x.: 'un de
+         ceux qui m'a le plus frappe ce sont les formes regulieres et
+         constantes que prennent naturellement certains corps que nous
+         designons par le nom de cristaux.' In the same work, p. 13: 'il
+         faut necessairement supposer que les molecules integrantes des
+         corps ont chacune, suivant qui lui est propre, une figure
+         constante et determinee.' In his later treatise
+         (_Cristallographie_, 1783, vol. i. p. 70), after giving some
+         instances of the extraordinary complications presented by
+         minerals, he adds: 'Il n'est donc pas etonnant que d'habiles
+         chimistes n'aient rien vu de constant ni de determine dans les
+         formes cristallines, tandis qu'il n'en est aucune qu'on ne
+         puisse, avec un peu d'attention rapporter a la figure
+         elementaire et primordiale dont elle derive.' Even Buffon,
+         notwithstanding his fine perception of law, had just declared,
+         'qu'en general la forme de cristallisation n'est pas un
+         caractere constant, mais plus equivoque et plus variable
+         qu'aucun autre des caracteres par lesquels on doit distinguer
+         les mineraux.' _De Lisle_, vol. i. p. xviii. Compare, on this
+         great achievement of De Lisle's, _Herschel's Nat. Philos._ p.
+         239: 'he first ascertained the important fact of the constancy
+         of the angles at which their faces meet.'
+
+  [1133] The first work of Hauey appeared in 1784 (_Querard_, _France
+         Litteraire_, vol. iv. p. 41); but he had read two special
+         memoirs in 1781. _Cuvier_, _Eloges_, vol. iii. p. 138. The
+         intellectual relation between his views and those of his
+         predecessor must be obvious to every mineralogist; but Dr.
+         Whewell, who has noticed this judiciously enough, adds (_Hist.
+         of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 229, 230): 'Unfortunately
+         Rome de Lisle and Hauey were not only rivals, but in some measure
+         enemies.... Hauey revenged himself by rarely mentioning Rome in
+         his works, though it was manifest that his obligations to him
+         were immense; and by recording his errors while he corrected
+         them.' The truth, however, is, that so far from rarely
+         mentioning De Lisle, he mentions him incessantly; and I have
+         counted upwards of three hundred instances in Hauey's great work,
+         in which he is named, and his writings are referred to. On one
+         occasion he says of De Lisle, 'En un mot, sa cristallographie
+         est le fruit d'un travail immense par son etendue, presque
+         entierement neuf par son objet, et tres-precieux par son
+         utilite.' _Hauey_, _Traite de Mineralogie_, Paris, 1801, vol. i.
+         p. 17. Elsewhere he calls him, 'cet habile naturaliste; ce
+         savant celebre,' vol. ii. p. 323; 'ce celebre naturaliste,' vol.
+         iii. p. 442; see also vol. iv. pp. 51, &c. In a work of so much
+         merit as Dr. Whewell's, it is important that these errors should
+         be indicated, because we have no other book of value on the
+         general history of the sciences; and many authors have deceived
+         themselves and their readers, by implicitly adopting the
+         statements of this able and industrious writer. I would
+         particularly caution the student in regard to the physiological
+         part of Dr. Whewell's History, where, for instance, the
+         antagonism between the methods of Cuvier and Bichat is entirely
+         lost sight of, and while whole pages are devoted to Cuvier,
+         Bichat is disposed of in four lines.
+
+  [1134] 'Hauey est donc le seul veritable auteur de la science
+         mathematique des cristaux.' _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences_,
+         vol. i. p. 8; see also p. 317. Dr. Clarke, whose celebrated
+         lectures on mineralogy excited much attention among his hearers,
+         was indebted for some of his principal views to his
+         conversations with Hauey: see _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. ii.
+         p. 192.
+
+  [1135] See an admirable statement of the three forms of decrement, in
+         _Hauey_, _Traite de Mineralogie_, vol. i. pp. 285, 286. Compare
+         _Whewell's Hist. of the Induc. Sciences_, vol. iii. pp. 224,
+         225; who, however, does not mention Hauey's classification of
+         'decroissemens sur les bords,' 'decroissemens sur les angles,'
+         and 'decroissemens intermediaires.'
+
+  [1136] And, as he clearly saw, the proper method was to study the laws
+         of symmetry, and then apply them deductively to minerals,
+         instead of rising inductively from the aberrations actually
+         presented by minerals. This is interesting to observe, because
+         it is analogous to the method of the best pathologists, who seek
+         the philosophy of their subject in physiological phenomena,
+         rather than in pathological ones; striking downwards from the
+         normal to the abnormal. '_La symetrie des formes_ sous
+         lesquelles se presentent les solides que nous avons consideres
+         jusqu'ici, _nous a fourni des donnees_ pour exprimer les lois de
+         decroissemens dont ces solides sont susceptibles.' _Hauey_,
+         _Traite de Mineralogie_, vol. i. p. 442; compare vol. ii.
+         p. 192.
+
+  [1137] 'Un coup d'[oe]il peu attentif, jete sur les cristaux, les fit
+         appeler d'abord de _purs jeux de la nature_, ce qui n'etoit
+         qu'une maniere plus elegante de faire l'aveu de son ignorance.
+         Un examen reflechi nous y decouvre des lois d'arrangement, a
+         l'aide desquelles le calcul represente et enchaine l'un a
+         l'autre les resultats observes; lois si variables et en meme
+         temps si precises et si regulieres; ordinairement tres-simples,
+         sans rien perdre de leur fecondite.' _Hauey_, _Mineralogie_, vol.
+         i. pp. xiii. xiv. Again, vol. ii. p. 57, 'notre but, qui est de
+         prouver que les lois d'ou depend la structure du cristal sont
+         les plus simples possibles dans leur ensemble.'
+
+  [1138] On the remarkable power possessed by crystals, in common with
+         animals, of repairing their own injuries, see _Paget's
+         Pathology_, 1853, vol. i. pp. 152, 153, confirming the
+         experiments of Jordan on this curious subject: 'The ability to
+         repair the damages sustained by injury ... is not an exclusive
+         property of living beings; for even crystals will repair
+         themselves when, after pieces have been broken from them, they
+         are placed in the same conditions in which they were first
+         formed.'
+
+  [1139] 'M. Pinel a imprime une marche nouvelle a l'etude de la folie....
+         En la rangeant simplement, et sans differences aucunes, au
+         nombre des autres derangemens de nos organes, en lui assignant
+         une place dans le cadre nosographique, il fit faire un pas
+         immense a son histoire.' _Georget_, _de la Folie_, Paris, 1820,
+         p. 69. In the same work, p. 295, 'M. Pinel, le premier en
+         France, on pourrait dire en Europe, jeta les fondemens d'un
+         traitement vraiment rationnel en rangeant la folie au nombre des
+         autres affections organiques.' M. Esquirol, who expresses the
+         modern and purely scientific view, says in his great work (_Des
+         Maladies Mentaes_, Paris, 1838, vol. i. p. 336), 'L'alienation
+         mentale, que les anciens peuples regardaient comme une
+         inspiration ou une punition des dieux, qui dans la suite fut
+         prise pour la possession des demons, qui dans d'autres temps
+         passa pour une [oe]uvre de la magie; l'alienation mentale,
+         dis-je, avec toutes ses especes et ses varietes innombrables, ne
+         differe en rien des autres maladies.' The recognition of this he
+         expressly ascribes to his predecessor: 'grace aux principes
+         exposes par Pinel.' p. 340. Pinel himself clearly saw the
+         connexion between his own opinions and the spirit of the age:
+         see _Pinel_, _Traite Medico-Philosophique sur l'Alienation
+         Mentale_, p. xxxii.: 'Un ouvrage de medecine, publie en France a
+         la fin du dix-huitieme siecle, doit avoir un autre caractere que
+         s'il avoit ete ecrit a une epoque anterieure.'
+
+These were the views which, during the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, began to dawn upon French thinkers. The extraordinary ability
+and success with which these eminent men cultivated their respective
+sciences, I have traced at a length greater that I had intended, but
+still very inadequate to the importance of the subject. Enough, however,
+has been brought forward, to convince the reader of the truth of the
+proposition I wished to prove; namely, that the intellect of France was,
+during the latter half of the eighteenth century, concentrated upon the
+external world with unprecedented zeal, and thus aided that vast
+movement, of which the Revolution itself was merely a single
+consequence. The intimate connexion between scientific progress and
+social rebellion, is evident from the fact, that both are suggested by
+the same yearning after improvement, the same dissatisfaction with what
+has been previously done, the same restless, prying, insubordinate, and
+audacious spirit. But in France this general analogy was strengthened by
+the curious circumstances I have already noticed, by virtue of which,
+the activity of the country was, during the first half of the century,
+directed against the church rather than against the state; so that in
+order to complete the antecedents of the Revolution, it was necessary
+that, in the latter half of the century, the ground of attack should be
+shifted. This is precisely what was done by the wonderful impetus given
+to every branch of natural science. For, the attention of men being thus
+steadily fixed upon the external world, the internal fell into neglect;
+while, as the external corresponds to the state, and the internal to the
+church, it was part of the same intellectual development, that the
+assailers of the existing fabric should turn against political abuses
+the energy which the preceding generation had reserved for religious
+ones.
+
+Thus it was that the French Revolution, like every great revolution the
+world has yet seen, was preceded by a complete change in the habits and
+associations of the national intellect. But besides this, there was also
+taking place, precisely at the same time, a vast social movement, which
+was intimately connected with the intellectual movement, and indeed
+formed part of it, in so far as it was followed by similar results and
+produced by similar causes. The nature of this social revolution I
+shall examine only very briefly, because in a future volume it will be
+necessary to trace its history minutely, in order to illustrate the
+slighter but still remarkable changes which in the same period were
+going on in English society.
+
+In France, before the Revolution, the people, though always very social,
+were also very exclusive. The upper classes, protected by an imaginary
+superiority, looked with scorn upon those whose birth or titles were
+unequal to their own. The class immediately below them copied and
+communicated their example, and every order in society endeavoured to
+find some fanciful distinction which should guard them from the
+contamination of their inferiors. The only three real sources of
+superiority,--the superiority of morals, of intellect, and of
+knowledge,--were entirely overlooked in this absurd scheme; and men
+became accustomed to pride themselves not on any essential difference,
+but on those inferior matters, which, with extremely few exceptions, are
+the result of accident, and therefore no test of merit.[1140]
+
+  [1140] Comp. _Mem. de Segur_, vol. i. p. 23, with the Introduction to
+         _Des Reaux_, _Historiettes_, vol. i. p. 34. A good illustration
+         of this is, that the Prince de Montbarey, in his Memoirs, gently
+         censures Louis XV., not for his scandalous profligacy, but
+         because he selected for his mistresses some women who were not
+         of high birth. _Mem. de Montbarey_, vol. i. p. 341, and see
+         vol. iii. p. 117.
+
+The first great blow to this state of things, was the unprecedented
+impulse given to the cultivation of physical science. Those vast
+discoveries which were being made, not only stimulated the intellect of
+thinking men, but even roused the curiosity of the more thoughtless
+parts of society. The lectures of chemists, of geologists, of
+mineralogists, and of physiologists, were attended by those who came to
+wonder, as well as by those who came to learn. In Paris, the scientific
+assemblages were crowded to overflowing.[1141] The halls and
+amphitheatres in which the great truths of nature were expounded, were
+no longer able to hold their audience, and in several instances it was
+found necessary to enlarge them.[1142] The sittings of the Academy,
+instead of being confined to a few solitary scholars, were frequented by
+every one whose rank or influence enabled them to secure a place.[1143]
+Even women of fashion, forgetting their usual frivolity, hastened to
+hear discussions on the composition of a mineral, on the discovery of a
+new salt, on the structure of plants, on the organization of animals, on
+the properties of the electric fluid.[1144] A sudden craving after
+knowledge seemed to have smitten every rank. The largest and the most
+difficult inquiries found favour in the eyes of those whose fathers had
+hardly heard the names of the sciences to which they belonged. The
+brilliant imagination of Buffon made geology suddenly popular; the same
+thing was effected for chemistry by the eloquence of Fourcroy, and for
+electricity by Nollet; while the admirable expositions of Lalande caused
+astronomy itself to be generally cultivated. In a word, it is enough to
+say, that during the thirty years preceding the Revolution, the spread
+of physical science was so rapid, that in its favour the old classical
+studies were despised;[1145] it was considered the essential basis of a
+good education, and some slight acquaintance with it was deemed
+necessary for every class, except those who were obliged to support
+themselves by their daily labour.[1146]
+
+  [1141] And that too even on such a subject as anatomy. In 1768, Antoine
+         Petit began his anatomical lectures in the great amphitheatre of
+         the Jardin du Roi; and the press to hear him was so great, that
+         not only all the seats were occupied, but the very window-ledges
+         were crowded. See the animated description in _Biog. Univ._
+         vol. xxxiii. p. 494.
+
+  [1142] Dr. Thomson (_History of Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 169) says of
+         Fourcroy's lectures on chemistry, which began in 1784: 'Such
+         were the crowds, both of men and women, who flocked to hear him,
+         that it was twice necessary to enlarge the size of the
+         lecture-room.' This circumstance is also mentioned in _Cuvier_,
+         _Eloges_, vol. ii. p. 19.
+
+  [1143] In 1779, it was remarked that 'les seances publiques de
+         l'Academie Francaise sont devenues une espece de spectacle fort
+         a la mode:' and as this continued to increase, the throng became
+         at length so great, that in 1785 it was found necessary to
+         diminish the number of tickets of admission, and it was even
+         proposed that ladies should be excluded, in consequence of some
+         uproarious scenes which had happened. _Grimm et Diderot_,
+         _Correspond. Lit._ vol. x. p. 341, vol. xiv. pp. 148, 149, 185,
+         251.
+
+  [1144] Goldsmith, who was in Paris in 1755, says with surprise, 'I have
+         seen as bright a circle of beauty at the chemical lectures of
+         Rouelle, as gracing the court of Versailles.' _Prior's Life of
+         Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 180; _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol.
+         i. p. 65. In the middle of the century, electricity was very
+         popular among the Parisian ladies; and the interest felt in it
+         was revived several years later by Franklin. Compare _Grimm_,
+         _Correspondance_, vol. vii. p. 122, with _Tucker's Life of
+         Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 190, 191. Cuvier (_Eloges_, vol. i. p.
+         56) tells us that even the anatomical descriptions which
+         Daubenton wrote for Buffon were to be found 'sur la toilette des
+         femmes.' This change of taste is also noticed, though in a
+         jeering spirit, in _Mem. de Genlis_, vol. vi. p. 32. Compare the
+         account given by Townsend, who visited France in 1786, on his
+         way to Spain: 'A numerous society of gentlemen and ladies of the
+         first fashion meet to hear lectures on the sciences, delivered
+         by men of the highest rank in their profession.... I was much
+         struck with the fluency and elegance of language with which the
+         anatomical professor spoke, and not a little so with the deep
+         attention of his auditors.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_,
+         vol. i. p. 41: see also _Smith's Tour on the Continent in 1786_,
+         vol. i. p. 117.
+
+  [1145] In a letter written in 1756, it is said, 'Mais c'est peine perdue
+         aujourd'hui que de plaisanter les erudits; il n'y en a plus en
+         France.' _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 15. In 1764, 'Il est
+         honteux et incroyable a quel point l'etude des anciens est
+         negligee.' vol. iv. p. 97. In 1768, 'Une autre raison qui rendra
+         les traductions des auteurs anciens de plus en plus rares en
+         France, c'est que depuis long temps on n'y sait plus le Grec, et
+         qu'on neglige l'etude du Latin tous les jours davantage.' vol.
+         vi. p. 140. Sherlock (_New Letters from an English Traveller_,
+         London, 1781, p. 86) says, 'It is very rare to meet a man in
+         France that understands Greek.' In 1785, Jefferson writes from
+         Paris to Madison, 'Greek and Roman authors are dearer here than,
+         I believe, any where in the world; nobody here reads them,
+         wherefore they are not reprinted.' _Jefferson's Correspond._
+         vol. i. p. 301. See further, on this neglect of the ancients, a
+         significant precursor of the Revolution, _Mem. de Montbarey_,
+         vol. iii. p. 181; _Villemain_, _Litterature au XVIII^e Siecle_,
+         vol. iii. pp. 243-248; _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. i.
+         p. 344.
+
+  [1146] For further evidence of the popularity of physical knowledge, and
+         of its study, even by those who might have been expected to
+         neglect it, see _Mem. de Roland_, vol. i. pp. 115, 268, 324,
+         343; _Mem. de Morellet_, vol. i. p. 16; _Dupont de Nemours_,
+         _Mem. sur Turgot_, pp. 45, 52, 53, 411; _Mem. de Brissot_, vol.
+         i. pp. 62, 151, 319, 336, 338, 357; _Cuvier_, _Progres des
+         Sciences_, vol. i. p. 89.
+
+The results produced by this remarkable change are very curious, and
+from their energy and rapidity were very decisive. As long as the
+different classes confined themselves to pursuits peculiar to their own
+sphere, they were encouraged to preserve their separate habits; and the
+subordination, or, as it were, the hierarchy, of society was easily
+maintained. But when the members of the various orders met in the same
+place with the same object, they became knit together by a new sympathy.
+The highest and most durable of all pleasures, the pleasure caused by
+the perception of fresh truths, was now a great link, which banded
+together those social elements that were formerly wrapped up in the
+pride of their own isolation. Besides this, there was also given to them
+not only a new pursuit, but also a new standard of merit. In the
+amphitheatre and the lecture-room, the first object of attention is the
+professor and the lecturer. The division is between those who teach and
+those who learn. The subordination of ranks makes way for the
+subordination of knowledge.[1147] The petty and conventional
+distinctions of fashionable life are succeeded by those large and
+genuine distinctions, by which alone man is really separated from man.
+The progress of the intellect supplies a new object of veneration; the
+old worship of rank is rudely disturbed, and its superstitious devotees
+are taught to bow the knee before what to them is the shrine of a
+strange god. The hall of science is the temple of democracy. Those who
+come to learn, confess their own ignorance, abrogate in some degree
+their own superiority, and begin to perceive that the greatness of men
+has no connexion with the splendour of their titles, or the dignity of
+their birth; that it is not concerned with their quarterings, their
+escutcheons, their descents, their dexter-chiefs, their sinister-chiefs,
+their chevrons, their bends, their azures, their gules, and the other
+trumperies of their heraldry; but that it depends upon the largeness of
+their minds, the powers of their intellect, and the fullness of their
+knowledge.
+
+  [1147] A celebrated writer has well said, though in a somewhat different
+         point of view, 'Il ne peut y avoir dans les sciences morales,
+         pas plus que dans les sciences physiques, ni maitres, ni
+         esclaves, ni rois, ni sujets, ni citoyens, ni etrangers.'
+         _Comte_, _Traite de Legislation_, vol. i. p. 43.
+
+These were the views which, in the latter half of the eighteenth
+century, began to influence those classes which had long been the
+undisputed masters of society.[1148] And what shows the strength of this
+great movement is, that it was accompanied by other social changes,
+which, though in themselves apparently trifling, become full of meaning
+when taken in connexion with the general history of the time.
+
+  [1148] The remarks which Thomas made upon Descartes in 1765, in an
+         _eloge_ crowned by the Academy, illustrate the opinions which,
+         in the latter half of the eighteenth century, were becoming
+         rapidly diffused in France. See the passage beginning 'O
+         prejuges! o ridicule fierte des places et du rang!' &c.
+         _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. i. p. 74. Certainly no one would
+         have used such language, on such an occasion, thirty years
+         earlier. So, too, the Count de Segur says of the younger nobles
+         before the Revolution, 'nous preferions un mot d'eloges de
+         D'Alembert, de Diderot, a la faveur la plus signalee d'un
+         prince.' _Mem. de Segur_, vol. i. p. 142: see also vol. ii. p.
+         46.
+
+While the immense progress of physical knowledge was revolutionizing
+society, by inspiring the different classes with an object common to
+all, and thus raising a new standard of merit, a more trivial, but
+equally democratic tendency was observable even in the conventional
+forms of social life. To describe the whole of these changes would
+occupy a space disproportioned to the other parts of this Introduction;
+but it is certain that, until the changes have been carefully examined,
+it will be impossible for any one to write a history of the French
+Revolution. As a specimen of what I mean, I will notice two of these
+innovations which are very conspicuous, and are also interesting on
+account of their analogy with what has happened in English society.
+
+The first of these changes was an alteration in dress, and a marked
+contempt for those external appearances hitherto valued as one of the
+most important of all matters. During the reign of Louis XIV., and
+indeed during the first half of the reign of Louis XV., not only men of
+frivolous tastes, but even those distinguished for their knowledge,
+displayed in their attire a dainty precision, a nice and studied
+adjustment, a pomp of gold, of silver, and of ruffles, such as in our
+days can nowhere be seen, except in the courts of European princes,
+where a certain barbarian splendour is still retained. So far was this
+carried, that in the seventeenth century the rank of a person might be
+immediately known by his appearance; no one presuming to usurp a garb
+worn by the class immediately above his own.[1149] But in that
+democratic movement which preceded the French Revolution, the minds of
+men became too earnest, too intent upon higher matters, to busy
+themselves with those idle devices which engrossed the attention of
+their fathers. A contemptuous disregard of such distinctions became
+general. In Paris the innovation was seen even in those gay assemblies,
+where a certain amount of personal decoration is still considered
+natural. At dinners, suppers, and balls, it is noticed by contemporary
+observers, that the dress usually worn was becoming so simple as to
+cause a confusion of ranks, until at length every distinction was
+abandoned by both sexes; the men, on such occasions, coming in a common
+frock-coat, the women in their ordinary morning gowns.[1150] Nay, to
+such a pitch was this carried, that we are assured by the Prince de
+Montbarey, who was in Paris at the time, that shortly before the
+Revolution, even those who had stars and orders were careful to hide
+them by buttoning their coats, so that these marks of superiority might
+no longer be seen.[1151]
+
+  [1149] Among many other illustrations which might be given of this
+         distinction of classes by dress, see _Monteil_, _Hist. des
+         divers Etats_, vol. vii. pp. 7-10; and _Tallemant des Reaux_,
+         _Historiettes_, vol. i. p. 36 note.
+
+  [1150] In August 1787, Jefferson writes from Paris (_Correspondence_,
+         vol. ii. p. 224): 'In society, the _habit habille_ is almost
+         banished, and they begin to go even to great suppers in frock:
+         the court and diplomatic corps, however, must always be
+         excepted. They are too high to be reached by any improvement.
+         They are the last refuge from which etiquette, formality, and
+         folly will be driven. Take away these, and they would be on a
+         level with other people.' Jefferson was a statesman and a
+         diplomatist, and was well acquainted with his profession. The
+         change, however, which he noticed, had been coming on some years
+         earlier. In a letter written in May 1786, it is said: 'Il est
+         rare aujourd'hui de rencontrer dans le monde des personnes qui
+         soient ce qu'on appelle habillees. Lee femmes sont en chemise et
+         en chapeau, les hommes en froc et en gilet.' _Grimm_,
+         _Correspond._ vol. xiv. p. 485; and on the increased simplicity
+         of attire in 1780, see vol. xi. pp. 141, 142. Segur, who
+         witnessed these changes, and was much displeased by them, says
+         of their advocates, 'ils ne voyaient pas que les frocs,
+         remplacant les amples et imposans vetemens de l'ancienne cour,
+         presagaient un penchant general pour l'egalite.' _Mem. de
+         Segur_, vol. i. p. 131. Soulavie (_Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. vi.
+         p. 38) observes, that 'les grands, vers les approches de la
+         revolution, n'avoient plus que des habits simples et peu
+         couteux;' and that 'on ne distingua plus une duchesse d'une
+         actrice,' p. 43: see also an extract from Montjoye, in _Alison's
+         History_, vol. i. pp. 352, 353. Compare _Mem. sur
+         Marie-Antoinette_, vol. i. pp. 226, 372, vol. ii. p. 174, and
+         _Mem. de Madame au Hausset_, introduc. p. 17.
+
+  [1151] 'Les personnes du premier rang et meme d'un age mur, qui avaient
+         travaille toute leur vie pour obtenir les ordres du roi, preuve
+         de la plus haute faveur, s'habituerent a en cacher les marques
+         distinctives sous le froc le plus simple, qui leur permettait de
+         courir a pied dans les rues et de se confondre dans la foule.'
+         _Mem. de Montbarey_, vol. iii. pp. 161, 162. Another alteration
+         of the same tendency is worth recording. The Baroness
+         d'Oberkirch, who revisited Paris in 1784, remarked, on her
+         arrival, that 'gentlemen began about this time to go about
+         unarmed, and wore swords only in full dress.... And thus the
+         French nobility laid aside a usage which the example of their
+         fathers had consecrated through centuries.' _D'Oberkirch's
+         Memoirs_, Lond. 1852, vol. ii. p. 211.
+
+The other innovation to which I have referred is equally interesting as
+characteristic of the spirit of the time. This is, that the tendency to
+amalgamate the different orders of society[1152] was shown in the
+institution of clubs; a remarkable contrivance, which to us seems
+perfectly natural because we are accustomed to it, but of which it may
+be truly said, that until the eighteenth century its existence was
+impossible. Before the eighteenth century, each class was so jealous of
+its superiority over the one below it, that to meet together on equal
+terms was impracticable; and although a certain patronizing familiarity
+towards one's inferiors might be safely indulged in, this only marked
+the immense interval of separation, since the great man had no fear of
+his condescension being abused. In those good old times a proper respect
+was paid to rank and birth; and he who could count his twenty ancestors
+was venerated to an extent of which we, in these degenerate days, can
+hardly form an idea. As to any thing like social equality, that was a
+notion too preposterous to be conceived; nor was it possible that any
+institution should exist which placed mere ordinary men on a level with
+those illustrious characters, whose veins were filled with the purest
+blood, and the quarterings of whose arms none could hope to rival.
+
+  [1152] A striking instance of which was, moreover, seen in the number of
+         _mesalliances_, which first became frequent about the middle of
+         the reign of Louis XV. Compare _Mem. de Montbarey_, vol. iii.
+         pp. 116, 156, 157; _Lacretelle_, _Dix-huitieme Siecle_,
+         vol. iii. p. 220.
+
+But in the eighteenth century the progress of knowledge became so
+remarkable, that the new principle of intellectual superiority made
+rapid encroachments on the old principle of aristocratic superiority. As
+soon as these encroachments had reached a certain point, they gave rise
+to an institution suited to them; and thus it was that there were first
+established clubs, in which all the educated classes could assemble,
+without regard to those other differences which, in the preceding
+period, kept them separate. The peculiarity of this was, that, for mere
+purposes of social enjoyment, men were brought into contact, who,
+according to the aristocratic scheme, had nothing in common, but who
+were now placed on the same footing in so far as they belonged to the
+same establishment, conformed to the same rules, and reaped the same
+advantages. It was, however, expected that the members, though varying
+in many other respects, were to be all, in some degree, educated; and in
+this way society first distinctly recognized a classification previously
+unknown; the division between noble and ignoble being succeeded by
+another division between educated and uneducated.
+
+The rise and growth of clubs is, therefore, to the philosophic observer,
+a question of immense importance; and it is one which, as I shall
+hereafter prove, played a great part in the history of England during
+the latter half of the eighteenth century. In reference to our present
+subject, it is interesting to observe, that the first clubs, in the
+modern sense of the word, which ever existed in Paris, were formed about
+1782, only seven years before the French Revolution. At the beginning
+they were merely intended to be social assemblages; but they quickly
+assumed a democratic character, conformable to the spirit of the age.
+Their first result, as was noticed by a keen observer of what was then
+passing, was to make the manners of the upper classes more simple than
+they had hitherto been, and to weaken that love of form and ceremony
+suitable to their earlier habits. These clubs likewise effected a
+remarkable separation between the sexes; and it is recorded, that after
+their establishment, women associated more with each other, and were
+oftener seen in public unaccompanied by men.[1153] This had the effect
+of encouraging among men a republican roughness, which the influence of
+the other sex would have tended to keep down. All these things effaced
+the old lines of demarcation between the different ranks, and by
+merging the various classes into one, made the force of their united
+opposition irresistible, and speedily overthrew both the church and the
+state. The exact period at which the clubs became political cannot, of
+course, be ascertained, but the change seems to have taken place about
+1784.[1154] From this moment all was over; and although the government,
+in 1787, issued orders to close the leading club, in which all classes
+discussed political questions, it was found impossible to stem the
+current. The order, therefore, was rescinded; the club re-assembled, and
+no further attempt was made to interrupt that course of affairs which a
+long train of preceding events had rendered inevitable.[1155]
+
+  [1153] 'Nous commencames aussi a avoir des clubs: les hommes s'y
+         reunissaient, non encore pour discuter, mais pour diner, jouer
+         au wisk, et lire tous les ouvrages nouveaux. Ce premier pas,
+         alors presque inapercu, eut dans la suite de grandes, et
+         momentanement de funestes consequences. Dans le commencement,
+         son premier resultat fut de separer les hommes des femmes, et
+         d'apporter ainsi un notable changement dans nos m[oe]urs: elles
+         devinrent moins frivoles, mais moins polies; plus fortes, mais
+         moins aimables: la politique y gagna, la societe y perdit.'
+         _Mem. de Segur_, vol. ii. p. 28. By the spring of 1786, this
+         separation of the sexes had become still more marked; and it was
+         a common complaint, that ladies were obliged to go to the
+         theatre alone, men being at their clubs. See the very curious
+         observations in _Grimm_, _Correspond._ vol. xiv. pp. 486-489,
+         where there is also a notice of 'le prodigieux succes qu'a eu
+         l'etablissement des clubs a l'anglaise.' See also, on the
+         diminished attention paid to women, _Williams's Letters from
+         France_, vol. ii. p. 80; 3rd edit. 1796.
+
+  [1154] The remarks of Georgel appear to apply to the political clubs
+         only: 'A Paris les assemblees de nouvellistes, les clubs qui
+         s'etoient formes a l'instar de ceux des Anglais, s'expliquaient
+         hautement et sans retenue sur les droits de l'homme, sur les
+         avantages de la liberte, sur les grands abus de l'inegalite des
+         conditions. Ces clubs, trop accredites, avoient commence a se
+         former en 1784.' _Mem. de Georgel_, vol. ii. p. 310.
+
+  [1155] 'Le lieutenant de police fit fermer le club nomme _Club du
+         Salon_; ordre arbitraire et inutile: ce club alors etait compose
+         de personnes distinguees de la noblesse ou de la haute
+         bourgeoisie, ainsi que des artistes et des hommes de lettres les
+         plus consideres. Cette reunion offrait, pour la premiere fois,
+         l'image d'une egalite qui devient bientot, plus que la liberte
+         meme, le v[oe]u le plus ardent de la plus grande partie de la
+         nation. Aussi le mecontentement produit par la cloture de ce
+         club fut si vif, que l'autorite se crut obligee de la rouvrir.'
+         _Mem. de Segur_, vol. iii. pp. 258, 259. On the increase of
+         these clubs from 1787 to 1789, compare _Du Mesnil_, _Mem. sur Le
+         Brun_, p. 148; _Mem. de Lafayette_, vol. i. pp. 312, 322, 391,
+         434, vol. ii. p. 9; _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacob._ vol. i. p. 40,
+         vol. ii. p. 310, vol. v. pp. 101, 168; _Thiers_, _Hist. de la
+         Revolution_, vol. i. p. 36, Paris, 1834.
+
+While all these things were conspiring to overthrow the old
+institutions, an event suddenly occurred which produced the most
+remarkable effects in France, and is itself strikingly characteristic of
+the spirit of the eighteenth century. On the other side of the Atlantic,
+a great people, provoked by the intolerable injustice of the English
+government, rose in arms, turned on their oppressors, and, after a
+desperate struggle, gloriously obtained their independence. In 1776,
+the Americans laid before Europe that noble Declaration, which ought to
+be hung up in the nursery of every king, and blazoned on the porch of
+every royal palace. In words, the memory of which can never die, they
+declared, that the object of the institution of government is to secure
+the rights of the people; that from the people alone it derives its
+powers; and 'that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of
+these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to
+institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles,
+and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most
+likely to effect their safety and happiness.'[1156]
+
+  [1156] _Mem. of Franklin_, vol. ii. pp. 14 seq.; and _Mem. of
+         Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 17-22, where the passages are given
+         which Congress altered.
+
+If this declaration had been made only one generation earlier, the whole
+of France, with the exception of a few advanced thinkers, would have
+rejected it with horror and with scorn. Such, however, was now the
+temper of the public mind, that the doctrines it contained were not
+merely welcomed by a majority of the French nation, but even the
+government itself was unable to withstand the general feeling.[1157] In
+1776, Franklin arrived in France, as envoy from the American people. He
+met with the warmest reception from all classes,[1158] and succeeded in
+inducing the government to sign a treaty, engaging to defend the young
+republic in the rights it had gloriously won.[1159] In Paris, the
+enthusiasm was irresistible.[1160] From every quarter large bodies of
+men came forward, volunteering to cross the Atlantic and to fight for
+the liberties of America. The heroism with which these auxiliaries aided
+the noble struggle, forms a cheering passage in the history of that
+time; but is foreign to my present purpose, which is merely to notice
+its effect in hastening the approach of the French Revolution. And this
+effect was indeed most remarkable. Besides the indirect result produced
+by the example of a successful rebellion, the French were still further
+stimulated by actual contact with their new allies. The French officers
+and soldiers who served in America, introduced into their own country,
+on their return, those democratic opinions which they had imbibed in the
+infant republic.[1161] By this means, fresh strength was given to the
+revolutionary tendencies already prevalent; and it is worthy of remark,
+that Lafayette borrowed from the same source one of his most celebrated
+acts. He drew his sword on behalf of the Americans; and they, in their
+turn, communicated to him that famous doctrine respecting the rights of
+man, which, at his instigation, was formally adopted by the National
+Assembly.[1162] Indeed, there is reason to believe, that the final blow
+the French government received was actually dealt by the hand of an
+American; for it is said that it was in consequence of the advice of
+Jefferson, that the popular part of the legislative body proclaimed
+itself the National Assembly, and thus set the crown at open
+defiance.[1163]
+
+  [1157] Segur (_Mem._ vol. i. p. 111) says that his father had been
+         frequently told by Maurepas that public opinion forced the
+         government, against its own wishes, to side with America.
+         Compare _Mem. de Georgel_, vol. iv. p. 370; and _Flassan_,
+         _Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. vii. p. 166.
+
+  [1158] The news of which soon reached England. In January 1777, Burke
+         writes (_Works_, vol. ii. p. 394), 'I hear that Dr. Franklin has
+         had a most extraordinary reception at Paris from all ranks of
+         people.' Soulavie (_Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. ii. p. 50) says,
+         'J'ai vu Francklin devenir un objet de culte.' See also, on his
+         popularity, _Mem. d'Epinay_, vol. iii. p. 419.
+
+  [1159] _Flassan_, _Diplomatie Francaise_, vol. vii. p. 159; _Life of
+         Franklin_, _by Himself_, vol. ii. pp. 60, 61; _Mahon's Hist. of
+         England_, vol. vii. pp. 197, 198.
+
+  [1160] The sneering letter written from Paris by Lord Stormont, as early
+         as December 1774 (_Adolphus's George III._ vol. ii. p. 316),
+         should be compared with _Lafayette_, _Memoires_, vol. i. pp. 24,
+         169, 229; _Dutens_, _Mem. d'un Voyageur_, vol. ii. p. 317; _Mem.
+         de Segur_, vol. i. p. 149; and _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_,
+         vol. v. p. 175.
+
+  [1161] _De Stael sur la Revolution_, vol. i. p. 88; _Mem. de Montbarey_,
+         vol. iii. pp. 134, 186; _Mem. de Segur_, vol. i. p. 277;
+         _Campan_, _Mem. de Marie Antoinette_, vol. i. p. 233, vol. iii.
+         pp. 96, 116; _Soulavie_, _Regne de Louis XVI_, vol. ii. pp.
+         xxiv. li. iii.; _Dumont_, _Souvenirs sur Mirabeau_, p. 176;
+         _Mem. de Du Hausset_, introduc. p. 40; _Mem. de Genlis_, vol.
+         vi. p. 57; _Jefferson's Mem. and Correspond._ vol. i. p. 59; and
+         Maitland's speech, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. pp. 198, 199; also
+         the remarks of the Duke of Bedford, vol. xxxi. p. 663.
+
+  [1162] _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. i. p. 46. Dumont
+         (_Souvenirs_, p. 97) calls this 'une idee americaine;' and see
+         to the same effect, _Mem. de Lafayette_, vol. i. pp. 193, 268,
+         269, 416, vol. ii. pp. 139, 140; _Jefferson's Correspond._ vol.
+         i. p. 90; _Barruel_, _Hist. du Jacobinisme_, vol. v. p. 311. The
+         influence which the American Revolution exercised over the mind
+         of Lafayette is noticed by Bouille, his cousin and his enemy.
+         _Mem. de Bouille_, vol. i. p. 102, vol. ii. pp. 131, 183.
+
+  [1163] 'The Duke of Dorset, the English ambassador, writing to Mr. Pitt
+         from Paris, July 9th, 1789, said, "Mr. Jefferson, the American
+         minister at this court, has been a great deal consulted by the
+         principal leaders of the _tiers etat_; and I have great reason
+         to think that it was owing to his advice that order called
+         itself _L'Assemblee Nationale_."' _Tomline's Life of Pitt_,
+         vol. ii. p. 266.
+
+I have now brought to a close my examination of the causes of the French
+Revolution; but before concluding the present chapter, it appears to me
+that the variety of topics which have been discussed, makes it advisable
+that I should sum up their leading points; and should state, as briefly
+as possible, the steps of that long and complicated argument, by which I
+have attempted to prove, that the Revolution was an event inevitably
+arising out of preceding circumstances. Such a summary, by recalling the
+entire subject before the reader, will remedy any confusion which the
+fullness of detail may have produced, and will simplify an investigation
+which many will consider to have been needlessly protracted; but which
+could not have been abridged without weakening, in some essential part,
+the support of those general principles that I seek to establish.
+
+Looking at the state of France immediately after the death of Louis
+XIV., we have seen that, his policy having reduced the country to the
+brink of ruin, and having destroyed every vestige of free inquiry, a
+reaction became necessary; but that the materials for the reaction could
+not be found among a nation, which for fifty years had been exposed to
+so debilitating a system. This deficiency at home, caused the most
+eminent Frenchmen to turn their attention abroad, and gave rise to a
+sudden admiration for the English literature, and for those habits of
+thought which were then peculiar to the English people. New life being
+thus breathed into the wasted frame of French society, an eager and
+inquisitive spirit was generated, such as had not been seen since the
+time of Descartes. The upper classes, taking offence at this unexpected
+movement, attempted to stifle it, and made strenuous efforts to destroy
+that love of inquiry which was daily gaining ground. To effect their
+object, they persecuted literary men with such bitterness, as to make it
+evident that the intellect of France must either relapse into its former
+servility, or else boldly assume the offensive. Happily for the
+interests of civilization, the latter alternative was adopted; and, in
+or about 1750, a deadly struggle began, in which those principles of
+liberty which France borrowed from England, and which had hitherto been
+supposed only applicable to the church, were for the first time applied
+to the state. Coinciding with this movement, and indeed forming part of
+it, other circumstances occurred of the same character. Now it was that
+the political economists succeeded in proving that the interference of
+the governing classes had inflicted great mischief even upon the
+material interests of the country; and had, by their protective
+measures, injured what they were believed to have benefited. This
+remarkable discovery in favour of general freedom, put a fresh weapon
+into the hands of the democratic party; whose strength was still further
+increased by the unrivalled eloquence with which Rousseau assailed the
+existing fabric. Precisely the same tendency was exhibited in the
+extraordinary impulse given to every branch of physical science, which
+familiarized men with ideas of progress, and brought them into collision
+with the stationary and conservative ideas natural to government. The
+discoveries made respecting the external world, encouraged a
+restlessness and excitement of mind hostile to the spirit of routine,
+and therefore full of danger for institutions only recommended by their
+antiquity. This eagerness for physical knowledge also effected a change
+in education; and the ancient languages being neglected, another link
+was severed which connected the present with the past. The church, the
+legitimate protector of old opinions, was unable to resist the passion
+for novelty, because she was weakened by treason in her own camp. For by
+this time, Calvinism had spread so much among the French clergy, as to
+break them into two hostile parties, and render it impossible to rally
+them against their common foe. The growth of this heresy was also
+important, because Calvinism being essentially democratic, a
+revolutionary spirit appeared even in the ecclesiastical profession, so
+that the feud in the church was accompanied by another feud between the
+government and the church. These were the leading symptoms of that vast
+movement which culminated in the French Revolution; and all of them
+indicated a state of society so anarchical and so thoroughly
+disorganized, as to make it certain that some great catastrophe was
+impending. At length, and when everything was ready for explosion, the
+news of the American Rebellion fell like a spark on the inflammatory
+mass, and ignited a flame which never ceased its ravages until it had
+destroyed all that Frenchmen once held dear, and had left for the
+instruction of mankind an awful lesson of the crimes into which
+continued oppression may hurry a generous and long-suffering people.
+
+Such is a rapid outline of the view which my studies have led me to take
+of the causes of the French Revolution. That I have ascertained all the
+causes, I do not for a moment suppose; but it will, I believe, be found
+that none of importance have been omitted. It is, indeed, true, that
+among the materials of which the evidence consists, many deficiencies
+will be seen; and a more protracted labour would have been rewarded by a
+greater success. Of these shortcomings I am deeply sensible; and I can
+only regret that the necessity of passing on to a still larger field has
+compelled me to leave so much for future inquirers to gather in. At the
+same time, it ought to be remembered, that this is the first attempt
+which has ever been made to study the antecedents of the French
+Revolution according to a scheme wide enough to include the whole of
+their intellectual bearings. In defiance of sound philosophy, and, I
+may say, in defiance of common understanding, historians obstinately
+persist in neglecting those great branches of physical knowledge, in
+which in every civilized country the operations of the human mind may be
+most clearly seen, and therefore the mental habits most easily
+ascertained. The result is, that the French Revolution, unquestionably
+the most important, the most complicated, and the most glorious event in
+history, has been given over to authors, many of whom have displayed
+considerable ability, but all of whom have shown themselves destitute of
+that preliminary scientific education, in the absence of which it is
+impossible to seize the spirit of any period, or to take a comprehensive
+survey of its various parts. Thus, to mention only a single instance: we
+have seen that the extraordinary impulse given to the study of the
+external world was intimately connected with that democratic movement
+which overthrew the institutions of France. But this connexion
+historians have been unable to trace; because they were unacquainted
+with the progress of the various branches of natural philosophy and of
+natural history. Hence it is that they have exhibited their great
+subject maimed and mutilated, shorn of those fair proportions which it
+ought to possess. According to this scheme, the historian sinks into the
+annalist; so that, instead of solving a problem, he merely paints a
+picture. Without, therefore, disparaging the labours of those
+industrious men who have collected materials for a history of the French
+Revolution, we may assuredly say, that the history itself has never been
+written; since they who have attempted the task have not possessed such
+resources as would enable them to consider it as merely a single part of
+that far larger movement which was seen in every department of science,
+of philosophy, of religion, and of politics.
+
+Whether or not I have effected anything of real value towards remedying
+this deficiency, is a question for competent judges to decide. Of this,
+at least, I feel certain, that whatever imperfections may be observed,
+the fault consists, not in the method proposed, but in the extreme
+difficulty of any single man putting into full operation all the parts
+of so vast a scheme. It is on this point, and on this alone, that I feel
+the need of great indulgence. But, as to the plan itself, I have no
+misgivings; because I am deeply convinced that the time is fast
+approaching when the history of Man will be placed on its proper
+footing; when its study will be recognized as the noblest and most
+arduous of all pursuits; and when it will be clearly seen, that, to
+cultivate it with success, there is wanted a wide and comprehensive
+mind, richly furnished with the highest branches of human knowledge.
+When this is fully admitted, history will be written only by those whose
+habits fit them for the task; and it will be rescued from the hands of
+biographers, genealogists, collectors of anecdotes, chroniclers of
+courts, of princes, and of nobles,--those babblers of vain things, who
+lie in wait at every corner, and infest this the public highway of our
+national literature. That such compilers should trespass on a province
+so far above their own, and should think that by these means they can
+throw light on the affairs of men, is one of many proofs of the still
+backward condition of our knowledge, and of the indistinctness with
+which its boundaries have been mapped out. If I have done anything
+towards bringing these intrusions into discredit, and inspiring
+historians themselves with a sense of the dignity of their own calling,
+I shall have rendered in my time some little service, and I shall be
+well content to have it said, that in many cases I have failed in
+executing what I originally proposed. Indeed, that there are in this
+volume several instances of such failure, I willingly allow; and I can
+only plead the immensity of the subject, the shortness of a single life,
+and the imperfection of every single enterprise. I, therefore, wish this
+work to be estimated, not according to the finish of its separate parts,
+but according to the way in which those parts have been fused into a
+complete and symmetrical whole. This, in an undertaking of such novelty
+and magnitude, I have a right to expect. And I would, moreover, add,
+that if the reader has met with opinions adverse to his own, he should
+remember that his views are, perchance, the same as those which I too
+once held, and which I have abandoned, because, after a wider range of
+study, I found them unsupported by solid proof, subversive of the
+interests of Man, and fatal to the progress of his knowledge. To examine
+the notions in which we have been educated, and to turn aside from those
+which will not bear the test, is a task so painful, that they who shrink
+from the suffering should pause before they reproach those by whom the
+suffering is undergone. What I have put forward may, no doubt, be
+erroneous; but it is, at all events, the result of an honest searching
+after truth, of unsparing labour, of patient and anxious reflection.
+Conclusions arrived at in this way, are not to be overturned by stating
+that they endanger some other conclusions; nor can they be even affected
+by allegations against their supposed tendency. The principles which I
+advocate, are based upon distinct arguments, supported by
+well-ascertained facts. The only points, therefore, to be ascertained,
+are, whether the arguments are fair, and whether the facts are certain.
+If these two conditions have been obeyed, the principles follow by an
+inevitable inference. Their demonstration is, in the present volume,
+necessarily incomplete; and the reader must suspend his final judgment
+until the close of this Introduction, when the subject in all its
+bearings will be laid before him. The remaining part of the Introduction
+will be occupied, as I have already intimated, with an investigation of
+the civilizations of Germany, America, Scotland, and Spain; each of
+which presents a different type of intellectual development, and has,
+therefore, followed a different direction in its religious, scientific,
+social, and political history. The causes of these differences I shall
+attempt to ascertain. The next step will be to generalize the causes
+themselves; and having thus referred them to certain principles common
+to all, we shall be possessed of what may be called the fundamental laws
+of European thought; the divergence of the different countries being
+regulated either by the direction those laws take, or else by their
+comparative energy. To discover these fundamental laws will be the
+business of the Introduction; while, in the body of the work, I shall
+apply them to the history of England, and endeavour by their aid to work
+out the epochs through which we have successively passed, fix the basis
+of our present civilization, and indicate the path of our future
+progress.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VIII.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE FIFTH TO THE
+                    MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+In the preceding chapters, I have endeavoured to establish four leading
+propositions, which, according to my view, are to be deemed the basis of
+the history of civilization. They are: 1st, That the progress of mankind
+depends on the success with which the laws of phenomena are
+investigated, and on the extent to which a knowledge of those laws is
+diffused. 2nd, That before such investigation can begin, a spirit of
+scepticism must arise, which, at first aiding the investigation, is
+afterwards aided by it. 3rd, That the discoveries thus made, increase
+the influence of intellectual truths, and diminish, relatively not
+absolutely, the influence of moral truths; moral truths being more
+stationary than intellectual truths, and receiving fewer additions. 4th,
+That the great enemy of this movement, and therefore the great enemy of
+civilization, is the protective spirit; by which I mean the notion that
+society cannot prosper, unless the affairs of life are watched over and
+protected at nearly every turn by the state and the church; the state
+teaching men what they are to do, and the church teaching them what they
+are to believe. Such are the propositions which I hold to be the most
+essential for a right understanding of history, and which I have
+defended in the only two ways any proposition can be defended; namely,
+inductively and deductively. The inductive defence comprises a
+collection of historical and scientific facts, which suggest and
+authorize the conclusions drawn from them; while the deductive defence
+consists of a verification of those conclusions, by showing how they
+explain the history of different countries and their various fortunes.
+To the former, or inductive method of defence, I am at present unable to
+add anything new; but the deductive defence I hope to strengthen
+considerably, and by the aid of the following chapters, confirm not only
+the four cardinal propositions just stated, but also several minor
+propositions, which, though strictly speaking flowing from them, will
+require separate verification. According to the plan already sketched,
+the remaining part of the introduction will contain an examination of
+the history of Spain, of Scotland, of Germany, and of the United States
+of America, with the object of elucidating principles on which the
+history of England supplies inadequate information. And as Spain is the
+country where what I conceive to be the fundamental conditions of
+national improvement have been most flagrantly violated, so also shall
+we find that it is the country where the penalty paid for the violation
+has been most heavy, and where, therefore, it is most instructive to
+ascertain how the prevalence of certain opinions causes the decay of the
+people among whom they predominate.
+
+We have seen that the old tropical civilizations were accompanied by
+remarkable features which I have termed Aspects of Nature, and which, by
+inflaming the imagination, encouraged superstition, and prevented men
+from daring to analyze such threatening physical phenomena; in other
+words, prevented the creation of the physical sciences. Now, it is an
+interesting fact that, in these respects, no European country is so
+analogous to the tropics as Spain. No other part of Europe is so clearly
+designated by nature as the seat and refuge of superstition. Recurring
+to what has been already proved,[1164] it will be remembered that among
+the most important physical causes of superstition are famines,
+epidemics, earthquakes, and that general unhealthiness of climate,
+which, by shortening the average duration of life, increases the
+frequency and earnestness with which supernatural aid is invoked. These
+peculiarities, taken together, are more prominent in Spain than
+anywhere else in Europe; it will therefore be useful to give such a
+summary of them as will exhibit the mischievous effects they have
+produced in shaping the national character.
+
+  [1164] In the second chapter of the first volume of _Buckle's History
+         of Civilization_.
+
+If we except the northern extremity of Spain, we may say that the two
+principal characteristics of the climate are heat and dryness, both of
+which are favoured by the extreme difficulty which nature has interposed
+in regard to irrigation. For, the rivers which intersect the land, run
+mostly in beds too deep to be made available for watering the soil,
+which consequently is, and always has been, remarkably arid.[1165] Owing
+to this, and to the infrequency of rain, there is no European country as
+richly endowed in other respects, where droughts and therefore famines
+have been so frequent and serious.[1166] At the same time the
+vicissitudes of climate, particularly in the central parts, make Spain
+habitually unhealthy; and this general tendency being strengthened in
+the middle ages by the constant occurrence of famine, caused the ravages
+of pestilence to be unusually fatal.[1167] When we moreover add that in
+the Peninsula, including Portugal, earthquakes have been extremely
+disastrous,[1168] and have excited all those superstitious feelings
+which they naturally provoke, we may form some idea of the insecurity of
+life, and of the ease with which an artful and ambitious priesthood
+could turn such insecurity into an engine for the advancement of their
+own power.[1169]
+
+  [1165] 'The low state of agriculture in Spain may be ascribed partly to
+         physical and partly to moral causes. At the head of the former
+         must be placed the heat of the climate and the aridity of the
+         soil. Most part of the rivers with which the country is
+         intersected run in deep beds, and are but little available
+         except in a few favoured localities, for purposes of
+         irrigation.' _M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+         Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 708. See also _Laborde's
+         Spain_, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v. p. 261. The
+         relative aridity of the different parts is stated in _Cook's
+         Spain_, London, 1834, vol. ii. pp. 216-219.
+
+  [1166] On these droughts and famines, see _Mariana_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, Madrid, 1794, vol. ii. p. 270, vol. iii. p. 225, vol.
+         iv. p. 32. _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en
+         Espana_, Paris, 1840, pp. 142, 149, 154, 170. _Davila_,
+         _Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero_, Madrid, 1771, folio,
+         lib. ii. p. 114. _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish
+         Nation_, London, 1763, 4to. p. 282. _Udal ap Rhys' Tour through
+         Spain_, London, 1760, pp. 292, 293. _Spain by an American_,
+         London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 282. _Hoskins' Spain_, London, 1851,
+         vol. i. pp. 127, 132, 152. 'Espana es castigada frecuentemente
+         con las sequedades y faltas de lluvias.' _Muriel_, _Gobierno de
+         Carlos III._, Madrid, 1839, p. 193.
+
+  [1167] 'Anadase a todo esto las repetidas pestes, y mortales epidemias
+         que han afligido a las provincias de Espana, mayormente a las
+         meridionales que han sido las mas sujetas a estas plagas. De
+         estas se hace mencion en los anales e historias muy
+         frequeentemente; y en su confirmacion se puede leer el tratado
+         historico, o _epidemiologia_ que sobre ellas ha publicado Don
+         Joachin de Villalba, donde se vera con dolor y espanto con
+         quanta frequeencia se repetian estos azotes desde mediados del
+         siglo decimoquarto.' ... 'Dos exemplos bien recientes y
+         dolorosos hemos visto, y conservaremos en la memoria, en los
+         formidables estragos que acaban de padecer gran parte del reyno
+         de Sevilla, Cadiz, y sus contornos, Malaga, Cartagena, y
+         Alicante; sin contar la mortandad con que han afligido a la
+         mayor parte de los pueblos de ambas Castillas las epidemias de
+         calenturas putridas en el ano pasado de 1805.' ... 'Por otra
+         parte la fundacion de tantas capillas y procesiones a San Roque,
+         y a San Sebastian, como abogados contre la peste, que todavia se
+         conservan en la mayor parte de nuestras ciudades de Espana, son
+         otro testimonio de los grandes y repetidos estragos que habian
+         padecido sus pueblos de este azote. Y el gran numero de medicos
+         espanoles que publicaron tratados preservativos y curativos de
+         la peste en los reynados de Carlos V., Felipe II., Felipe III.,
+         y Felipe IV., confirman mas la verdad de los hechos.' _Capmany_,
+         _Queestiones Criticas_, Madrid, 1807, pp. 51, 52; see also pp.
+         66, 67; and _Janer_, _Condicion Social de los Moriscos de
+         Espana_, Madrid, 1857, pp. 106, 107; and the notice of Malaga in
+         _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_, Paris, 1808, vol. iii.
+         p. 242.
+
+  [1168] 'Earthquakes are still often felt at Granada and along the coast
+         of the province of Alicante, where their effects have been very
+         disastrous. Much further in the interior, in the small Sierra
+         del Tremedal, or district of Albarracia, in the province of
+         Terruel, eruptions and shocks have been very frequent since the
+         most remote periods; the black porphyry is there seen traversing
+         the altered strata of the oolitic formation. The old inhabitants
+         of the country speak of sinking of the ground and of the escape
+         of sulphureous gases when they were young; these same phenomena
+         have occurred during four consecutive months of the preceding
+         winter, accompanied by earthquakes, which have caused
+         considerable mischief to the buildings of seven villages
+         situated within a radius of two leagues. They have not, however,
+         been attended with any loss of life, on account of the
+         inhabitants hastening to abandon their dwellings at the first
+         indications of danger.' _Ezquerra on the Geology of Spain_, in
+         the _Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London_,
+         vol. vi. pp. 412, 413, London, 1850. 'The provinces of Malaga,
+         Murcia, and Granada, and, in Portugal, the country round Lisbon,
+         are recorded at several periods to have been devastated, by
+         great earthquakes.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, London,
+         1853, p. 358. 'Los terremotos son tan sensibles y frequeentes en
+         lo alto de las montanas, como en lo llano, pues Sevilla esta
+         sujeta a ellos hallandose situada sobre una llanura tan igual y
+         baxa como Holanda.' _Bowles_, _Introduccion a la Historia
+         Natural de Espana_, Madrid, 1789, 4to, pp. 90, 91. 'The littoral
+         plains, especially about Cartagena and Alicante, are much
+         subject to earthquakes.' _Ford's Spain_, 1847, p. 168. 'This
+         corner of Spain is the chief volcanic district of the Peninsula,
+         which stretches from Cabo de Gata to near Cartagena; the
+         earthquakes are very frequent.' _Ford_, p. 174. 'Spain,
+         including Portugal, in its external configuration, with its vast
+         tableland of the two Castiles, rising nearly 2,000 feet above
+         the sea, is perhaps the most interesting portion of Europe, not
+         only in this respect, but as a region of earthquake disturbance,
+         where the energy and destroying power of this agency have been
+         more than once displayed upon the most tremendous scale.'
+         _Mallet's Earthquake Catalogue of the British Association_,
+         Report for 1858, p. 9, London, 1858.
+
+         I quote these passages at length, partly on account of their
+         interest as physical truths, and partly because the facts stated
+         in them are essential for a right understanding of the history
+         of Spain. Their influence on the Spanish character was pointed
+         out, for I believe the first time, in my _History of
+         Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 123, 124. On that occasion, I adduced
+         no evidence to prove the frequency of earthquakes in the
+         Peninsula, because I supposed that all persons moderately
+         acquainted with the physical history of the earth were aware of
+         the circumstance. But, in April 1858, a criticism of my book
+         appeared in the _Edinburgh Review_, in which the serious
+         blunders which I am said to have committed are unsparingly
+         exposed. In p. 468 of that Review, the critic, after warning his
+         readers against my 'inaccuracies,' observes, 'But Mr. Buckle
+         goes on to state that "earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are
+         more frequent and more destructive in Italy, and in the Spanish
+         and Portuguese peninsula, than in any other of the great
+         countries." Whence he infers, by a singular process of
+         reasoning, that superstition is more rife, and the clergy more
+         powerful; but that the fine arts flourish, poetry is cultivated,
+         and the sciences neglected. Every link in this chain is more or
+         less faulty. There is no volcano in the Spanish peninsula, and
+         the only earthquake known to have occurred there was that of
+         Lisbon.' Now, I have certainly no right to expect that a
+         reviewer, composing a popular article for an immediate purpose,
+         and knowing that when his article is read, it will be thrown
+         aside and forgotten, should, under such unfavourable
+         circumstances, be at the pains of mastering all the details of
+         his subject. To look for this would be the height of injustice.
+         He has no interest in being accurate; his name being concealed,
+         his reputation, if he have any, is not at stake; and the errors
+         into which he falls ought to be regarded with leniency, inasmuch
+         as their vehicle being an ephemeral publication, they are not
+         likely to be remembered, and they are therefore not likely to
+         work much mischief.
+
+         These considerations have always prevented me from offering any
+         reply to anonymous criticisms. But the passage in the _Edinburgh
+         Review_, to which I have called attention, displays such
+         marvellous ignorance, that I wish to rescue it from oblivion,
+         and to put it on record as a literary curiosity. The other
+         charges brought against me could, I need hardly say, be refuted
+         with equal ease. Indeed, no reasonable person can possibly
+         suppose that, after years of arduous and uninterrupted study, I
+         should have committed those childish blunders with which my
+         opponents unscrupulously taunt me. Once for all, I may say that
+         I have made no assertion for the truth of which I do not possess
+         ample and irrefragable evidence. But it is impossible for me to
+         arrange and adduce all the proofs at the same time; and, in so
+         vast an enterprise, I must in some degree rely, not on the
+         generosity of the reader, but on his candour. I do not think
+         that I am asking too much in requesting him, if on any future
+         occasion his judgment should be in suspense between me and my
+         critics, to give me the benefit of the doubt, and to bear in
+         mind that statements embodied in a deliberate and
+         slowly-concocted work, authenticated by the author's name, are,
+         as a mere matter of antecedent probability, more likely to be
+         accurate than statements made in reviews and newspapers, which,
+         besides being written hastily, and often at very short notice,
+         are unsigned, and by which, consequently, their promulgators
+         evade all responsibility, avoid all risk, and can, in their own
+         persons, neither gain fame nor incur obloquy.
+
+         The simple fact is, that in Spain there have been more
+         earthquakes than in all other parts of Europe put together,
+         Italy excepted. If the destruction of property and of life
+         produced by this one cause were summed up, the results would be
+         appalling. When we moreover add those alarming shocks, which,
+         though less destructive, are far more frequent, and of which not
+         scores, nor hundreds, but thousands have occurred, and which by
+         increasing the total amount of fear, have to an incalculable
+         extent promoted the growth of superstition, it is evident that
+         such phenomena must have played an important part in forming the
+         national character of the Spaniards. Whoever will take the
+         trouble of consulting the following passages will find decisive
+         proofs of the frightful ravages committed by earthquakes in
+         Spain alone; Portugal being excluded. They all refer to a period
+         of less than two hundred years; the first being in 1639, and the
+         last in 1829. _Lettres de Madame de Villars, Ambassadrice en
+         Espagne_, Amsterdam, 1759, p. 205. _Laborde's Spain_, London,
+         1809, vol. i. p. 169. _Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain_, Edinburgh,
+         1834, vol. ii. pp. 226, 227. _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1669, 4to, p. 243. _Mallet's Earthquake
+         Catalogue of the British Association_, London, 1858; Report for
+         1853, p. 146; for 1854, pp. 26, 27, 54, 55, 57, 58, 65, 110,
+         140, 173, 196, 202. _Swinburne's Travels through Spain_, London,
+         1787, vol. i. p. 166. _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 178.
+         _Bacon's Six Years in Biscay_, London, 1838, p. 32, compared
+         with _Inglis' Spain_, London, 1831, vol. i. p. 393, vol. ii. p.
+         289-291.
+
+         These authorities narrate the ravages committed during a hundred
+         and ninety years. From their account it is manifest, that in
+         Spain hardly a generation passed by without castles, villages,
+         and towns being destroyed, and men, women, or children killed by
+         earthquakes. But according to our anonymous instructor, it is
+         doubtful if there ever was an earthquake in Spain; for he says
+         of the whole Peninsula, including Portugal, 'the only earthquake
+         known to have occurred there was that of Lisbon.'
+
+  [1169] On the superstitious fears caused by earthquakes in Spain, see a
+         good passage in _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion de los
+         Arabes_, p. 155. 'En el ano 267, dia jeuves, 22 de la luna de
+         Xawal, temblo la tierra con tan espantoso ruido y
+         estremecimiento, que cayeron muchos alcazares y magnificos
+         edificios, y otros quedaron muy quebrantados, se hundieron
+         montes, se abrieron penascos, y la tierra se hundio y trago
+         pueblos y alturas, el mar se retrajo y aparto de las costas, y
+         desaparecieron islas y escollos en el mar. Las gentes
+         abandonaban los pueblos y huian a los campos, las aves salian de
+         sus nidos, y las fieras espantadas dejaban sus grutas y
+         madrigueras con general turbacion y trastorno; nunca los hombres
+         vieron ni oyeron cosa semejante; se arruinaron muchos pueblos de
+         la costa meridional y occidental de Espana. Todas estas cosas
+         influyeron tanto en los animos de los hombres, y en especial en
+         la ignorante multitud, que no pudo Almondhir persuadirles que
+         eran cosas naturales, aunque poco frecueentes, que no tenian
+         influjo ni relacion con las obras de los hombres, ni con sus
+         empresas, sino por su ignorancia y vanos temores, que lo mismo
+         temblaba la tierra para los muslimes que para los cristianos,
+         para las fieras que para las inocentes criaturas.' Compare
+         _Geddes' Tracts concerning Spain_, London, 1730, vol. i. p. 89;
+         and Mariana, who, under the year 1395, says (_Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. v. p. 27): 'Temblo la tierra en Valencia mediado
+         el mes de Diciembre, con que muchos edificios cayeron por
+         tierra, otros quedaron desplomados; que era maravilla y lastima.
+         El pueblo, _como agorero que es, pensaba eran senales del cielo_
+         y pronosticos de los danos que temian .' The history of Spain
+         abounds with similar instances far too numerous to quote or even
+         to refer to. But the subject is so important and has been so
+         misrepresented, that, even at the risk of wearying the reader, I
+         will give one more illustration of the use of earthquakes in
+         fostering Spanish superstition. In 1504 'an earthquake,
+         accompanied by a tremendous hurricane, such as the oldest men
+         did not remember, had visited Andalusia, and especially Carmona,
+         a place belonging to the Queen, and occasioned frightful
+         desolation there.' The superstitious Spaniards now read in these
+         portents _the prophetic signs by which Heaven announces some
+         great calamity. Prayers were put up in every temple,_ &c. &c.
+         _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, Paris, 1842,
+         vol. iii. p. 174.
+
+Another feature of this singular country is the prevalence of a pastoral
+life, mainly caused by the difficulty of establishing regular habits of
+agricultural industry. In most parts of Spain, the climate renders it
+impossible for the labourer to work the whole of the day;[1170] and this
+forced interruption encourages among the people an irregularity and
+instability of purpose, which makes them choose the wandering
+avocations of a shepherd, rather than the more fixed pursuits of
+agriculture.[1171] And during the long and arduous war which they waged
+against their Mohammedan invaders, they were subject to such incessant
+surprises and forays on the part of the enemy, as to make it advisable
+that their means of subsistence should be easily removed; hence they
+preferred the produce of their flocks to that of their lands, and were
+shepherds instead of agriculturists, simply because by that means they
+would suffer less in case of an unfavourable issue. Even after the
+capture of Toledo, late in the eleventh century, the inhabitants of the
+frontier in Estramadura, La Mancha, and New Castile, were almost
+entirely herdsmen, and their cattle were pastured not in private meadows
+but in the open fields.[1172] All this increased the uncertainty of
+life, and strengthened that love of adventure, and that spirit of
+romance, which, at a later period, gave a tone to the popular
+literature. Under such circumstances, everything grew precarious,
+restless, and unsettled; thought and inquiry were impossible; doubt was
+unknown; and the way was prepared for those superstitious habits, and
+for that deep-rooted and tenacious belief, which have always formed a
+principal feature in the history of the Spanish nation.
+
+  [1170] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. i. p. 43. See also
+         _Laborde's Spain_, vol. iv. p. 42.
+
+  [1171] A writer early in the eighteenth century notices 'el gran numero
+         de pastores que hay.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de
+         Comercio_, 3rd ed. Madrid, 1757, folio p. 20. As to the Arabic
+         period, see _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion_, p. 244:
+         'Muchos pueblos, siguiendo su natural inclinacion, se entregaron
+         a la ganaderia .' Hence 'the wandering life so congenial to the
+         habits of the Spanish peasantry,' noticed in _Cook's Spain_,
+         vol. i. p. 85, where, however, the connexion between this and
+         the physical constitution of the country is not indicated. The
+         solution is given by Mr. Ticknor with his usual accuracy and
+         penetration: 'The climate and condition of the Peninsula, which
+         from a very remote period had favoured the shepherd's life and
+         his pursuits, facilitated, no doubt, if they did not occasion,
+         the first introduction into Spanish poetry of a pastoral tone,
+         whose echoes are heard far back among the old ballads.' ...
+         'From the Middle Ages the occupations of a shepherd's life had
+         prevailed in Spain and Portugal to a greater extent than
+         elsewhere in Europe; and, probably, in consequence of this
+         circumstance, eclogues and bucolics were early known in the
+         poetry of both countries, and became connected in both with the
+         origin of the popular drama.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, London, 1849, vol. iii. pp. 9, 36. On the pastoral
+         literature of Spain, see _Bouterwek's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, London, 1823, vol. i. pp. 123-129; and on the great
+         number of pastoral romances, _Southey's Letters from Spain_,
+         Bristol, 1799, p. 336. But these writers, not seizing the whole
+         question, have failed to observe the relation between the
+         literary, physical, and social phenomena.
+
+  [1172] See the memoir by Jovellanos, in _Laborde's Spain_, vol. iv.
+         p. 127. This was the necessary consequence of those vindictive
+         attacks by which, for several centuries, both Mohammedans and
+         Christians seemed resolved to turn Spain into a desert; ravaging
+         each other's fields, and destroying every crop they could meet
+         with. _Conde_, _Dominacion de los Arabes_, pp. 75, 188, 278,
+         346, 396, 417, 418, 471, 499, 500, 505, 523, 539, 544, 551, 578,
+         645, 651, 658. To quote one of these instances, late in the
+         eleventh century: 'La constancia de Alfonso ben Ferdeland en
+         hacer entradas y talas en tierra de Toledo dos veces cada ano,
+         fue tanta que empobrecio y apuro los pueblos;' ... 'el tirano
+         Alfonso talo y quemo los campos y los pueblos.' _Conde_, p. 346.
+         As such havoc, which was continued with few interruptions for
+         about seven hundred years, has done much towards forming the
+         national character of the Spaniards, it may be worth while to
+         refer to _Mariana_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. iii. p. 438, vol.
+         iv. pp. 193, 314, vol. v. pp. 92, 317, 337; and to _Circourt_,
+         _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, Paris, 1846, vol. i. p. 99.
+
+To what extent these circumstances would, if they stood by themselves,
+have affected the ultimate destiny of Spain, is a question hardly
+possible to answer; but there can be no doubt that their effects must
+always have been important, though, from the paucity of evidence, we are
+unable to measure them with precision. In regard, however, to the actual
+result, this point is of little moment, because a long chain of other
+and still more influential events became interwoven with those just
+mentioned, and, tending in precisely the same direction, produced a
+combination which nothing could resist, and from which we may trace with
+unerring certainty the steps by which the nation subsequently declined.
+The history of the causes of the degradation of Spain will indeed become
+too clear to be mistaken, if studied in reference to those general
+principles which I have enunciated, and which will themselves be
+confirmed by the light they throw on this instructive though melancholy
+subject.
+
+After the subversion of the Roman Empire, the first leading fact in the
+history of Spain is the settlement of the Visigoths, and the
+establishment of their opinions in the Peninsula. They, as well as the
+Suevi, who immediately preceded them, were Arians, and Spain during a
+hundred and fifty years became the rallying point of that famous
+heresy,[1173] to which indeed most of the Gothic tribes then adhered.
+But, at the end of the fifth century, the Franks, on their conversion
+from Paganism, adopted the opposite and orthodox creed, and were
+encouraged by their clergy to make war upon their heretical neighbours.
+Clovis, who was then king of the Franks, was regarded by the church as
+the champion of the faith, in whose behalf he attacked the unbelieving
+Visigoths.[1174] His successors, moved by the same motives, pursued the
+same policy;[1175] and, during nearly a century, there was a war of
+opinions between France and Spain, by which the Visigothic Empire was
+seriously endangered, and was more than once on the verge of
+dissolution. Hence, in Spain, a war for national independence became
+also a war for national religion,[1176] and an intimate alliance was
+formed between the Arian kings and the Arian clergy. The latter class
+were, in those ages of ignorance, sure to gain by such a compact,[1177]
+and they received considerable temporal advantages in return for the
+prayers which they offered up against the enemy, as also for the
+miracles which they occasionally performed. Thus early a foundation was
+laid for the immense influence which the Spanish priesthood have
+possessed ever since, and which was strengthened by subsequent events.
+For, late in the sixth century, the Latin clergy converted their
+Visigothic masters, and the Spanish government, becoming orthodox,
+naturally conferred upon its teachers an authority equal to that wielded
+by the Arian hierarchy.[1178] Indeed, the rulers of Spain, grateful to
+those who had shown them the error of their ways, were willing rather to
+increase the power of the church than to diminish it. The clergy took
+advantage of this disposition; and the result was, that before the
+middle of the seventh century the spiritual classes possessed more
+influence in Spain than in any other part of Europe.[1179] The
+ecclesiastical synods became not only councils of the church, but also
+parliaments of the realm.[1180] At Toledo, which was then the capital of
+Spain, the power of the clergy was immense, and was so ostentatiously
+displayed, that in a council they held there in the year 633, we find
+the king literally prostrating himself on the ground before the
+bishops;[1181] and half a century later, the ecclesiastical historian
+mentions that this humiliating practice was repeated by another king,
+having become, he says, an established custom.[1182] That this was not a
+mere meaningless ceremony, is moreover evident from other and analogous
+facts. Exactly the same tendency is seen in their jurisprudence; since,
+by the Visigothic code, any layman, whether plaintiff or defendant,
+might insist on his cause being tried not by the temporal magistrate,
+but by the bishop of the diocese. Nay, even if both parties to the suit
+were agreed in preferring the civil tribunal, the bishop still retained
+the power of revoking the decision, if in his opinion it was incorrect;
+and it was his especial business to watch over the administration of
+justice, and to instruct the magistrates how to perform their
+duty.[1183] Another, and more painful proof of the ascendency of the
+clergy, is that the laws against heretics were harsher in Spain than in
+any other country; the Jews in particular being persecuted with
+unrelenting rigour.[1184] Indeed, the desire of upholding the faith was
+strong enough to produce a formal declaration that no sovereign should
+be acknowledged, unless he promised to preserve its purity; the judges
+of the purity being of course the bishops themselves, to whose suffrage
+the king owed his throne.[1185]
+
+  [1173] The unsettled chronology of the early history of Spain appears
+         from the different statements of various writers respecting the
+         duration of Arianism, a point of much more importance than the
+         death and accession of kings. Antequera (_Historia de la
+         Legislacion Espanola_, Madrid, 1849, p. 37) says, 'La secta
+         Arriana, pues, segun las epocas fijadas, permanecio en Espana
+         125 anos;' Fleury (_Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. vii. p. 586,
+         Paris, 1758) says 'environ 180 ans;' and M'Crie, generally well
+         informed, says in his _History of the Reformation in Spain_,
+         Edinburgh, 1829, p. 7, 'Arianism was the prevailing and
+         established creed of the country for nearly two centuries:' for
+         this, he refers to Gregory of Tours. With good reason,
+         therefore, does M. Fauriel term it 'une question qui souffre des
+         difficultes.' See his able work, _Histoire de la Gaule
+         Meridionale_, Paris, 1836, vol. i. p. 10.
+
+  [1174] In 496, the orthodox clergy looked on Clovis as 'un champion
+         qu'il peut opposer aux heretiques visigoths et burgondes.'
+         _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Meridionale_, vol. ii. p. 41.
+         They also likened him to Gideon, p. 66. Compare _Fleury_,
+         _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. vii. pp. 89, 90. Ortiz is so
+         enthusiastic that he forgets his patriotism, and warmly praises
+         the ferocious barbarian who made war, indeed, on his country,
+         but still whose speculative opinions were supposed to be sound.
+         'Mientras Alarico desfogaba su encono contra los Catolicos, tuvo
+         la Iglesia Galicana el consuelo de ver Catolico a su gran Rey
+         Clodoveo. Era el unico Monarca del mundo que a la sazon
+         profesaba la Religion verdadera.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la
+         Historia de Espana_, vol. ii. p. 96, Madrid, 1796.
+
+  [1175] Thus, in 531, Childebert marched against the Visigoths, because
+         they were Arians. _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Meridionale_,
+         vol. ii. p. 131; and in 542, Childebert and Clotaire made
+         another attack, and laid siege to Saragossa, p. 142. 'No
+         advertian los Godos lo que su falsa creencia les perjudicaba, y
+         si lo advertian, su obcecacion les hacia no poner remedio. Los
+         reyes francos, que eran catolicos, les movian guerras en las
+         Galias por arrianos, y los obispos catolicos de la misma Galia
+         gotica deseaban la dominacion de los francos.' _Lafuente_,
+         _Historia de Espana_, vol. ii. p. 380, Madrid, 1850.
+
+  [1176] 'Los Francos por el amor que tenian a la Religion Catholica, que
+         poco antes abrazaran, aborrecian a los Visigodos como gente
+         inficionada de la secta Arriana.' _Mariana_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. ii. p. 43. And of one of their great battles he
+         says, p. 46, 'vulgarmente se llamo el campo Arriano por causa de
+         la religion que los Godos seguian.'
+
+  [1177] 'En religion et en croyance, comme en toute chose, les Visigoths
+         se montrerent plus serieux, plus profonds, plus tenaces que les
+         Burgondes. J'ai dit ailleurs comment ils etaient devenus presque
+         en meme temps chretiens et ariens. Transplantes en Gaule et en
+         Espagne, non-seulement ils avaient persevere dans leur heresie;
+         ils s'y etaient affermis, affectionnes, et dans le peu que
+         l'histoire laisse apercevoir de leur clerge, on s'assure qu'il
+         etait austere, zele, et qu'il exercait un grand empire sur les
+         chefs comme sur la masse de la nation visigothe.' ... 'Les rois
+         visigoths se croyaient obliges a de grandes demonstrations de
+         respect pour leur clerge arien.' _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la
+         Gaule Meridionale_, vol. i. pp. 577, 578.
+
+  [1178] The abjuration of Recared took place between the years 586 and
+         589. _Dunham's History of Spain and Portugal_, London, 1832,
+         vol. i. pp. 126-128. _Mariana_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 99-101. _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de Espana_, vol.
+         ii. p. 120. _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. ii. pp.
+         360-363; and says Lafuente, p. 384, 'Recaredo fue el primero que
+         con todo el ardor de un neofito, comenzo en el tercer concilio
+         toledano a dar a estas asambleas conocimiento y decision en
+         negocios pertenecientes al gobierno temporal de los pueblos.'
+         Similarly, Antequera (_Historia de la Legislacion_, p. 31) is
+         happy to observe that 'Recaredo abjuro la heregia arriana,
+         abrazo decididamente la religion de Jesu-Cristo, _y concedio a
+         los ministros de la Iglesia una influencia en el gobierno del
+         Estado, que vino a ser en adelante, ilimitada y absoluta_.'
+
+  [1179] 'As for the councils held under the Visigoth kings of Spain
+         during the seventh century, it is not easy to determine whether
+         they are to be considered as ecclesiastical or temporal
+         assemblies. No kingdom was so thoroughly under the bondage of
+         the hierarchy as Spain.' _Hallam's Middle Ages_, edit. 1846,
+         vol. i. p. 511. 'Les pretres etaient les seuls qui avaient
+         conserve et meme augmente leur influence dans la monarchie
+         goth-espagnole.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortes d'Espagne_,
+         Bordeaux, 1815, p. 19. Compare _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_,
+         vol. ii. p. 368, on 'la influencia y preponderancia del clero,
+         no ya solo en los negocios eclesiasticos, sino tambien en los
+         politicos y de estado.'
+
+  [1180] 'But it is in Spain, after the Visigoths had cast off their
+         Arianism, that the bishops more manifestly influence the whole
+         character of the legislation. The synods of Toledo were not
+         merely national councils, but parliaments of the realm.'
+         _Milman's History of Latin Christianity_, London, 1854, vol. i.
+         p. 380. See also _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion
+         Espanola_, pp. 41, 42.
+
+  [1181] In 633, at a council of Toledo, the king 's'etant prosterne a
+         terre devant les eveques.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_,
+         vol. viii. p. 308, Paris, 1758.
+
+  [1182] In 688, at a council of Toledo, 'le roi Egica y etoit en
+         personne; et apres s'etre prosterne devant les eveques, _suivant
+         la coutume_, il fit lire un memoire ou il leur demandoit
+         conseil,' &c. _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. ix.
+         p. 89, Paris, 1758.
+
+  [1183] See a short but admirable summary of this part of the Visigothic
+         code in _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 77, 78;
+         perhaps the best history in the English language of a foreign
+         modern country. 'In Spain, the bishops had a special charge to
+         keep continual watch over the administration of justice, and
+         were summoned on all great occasions to instruct the judges to
+         act with piety and justice.' _Milman's History of Latin
+         Christianity_, 1854, vol. i. p. 386. The council of Toledo, in
+         633, directs bishops to admonish judges. _Fleury_, _Histoire
+         Ecclesiastique_, vol. viii. p. 313; and a learned Spanish
+         lawyer, Sempere, says of the bishops, 'Le code du _Fuero Juzgo_
+         fut leur ouvrage; les juges etaient sujets a leur juridiction;
+         les plaideurs, greves par la sentence des juges, pouvaient se
+         plaindre aux eveques, et ceux-ci evoquer ainsi leurs arrets, les
+         reformer, et chatier les magistrats. Les procureurs du roi,
+         comme les juges, etaient obliges de se presenter aux synodes
+         diocesains annuels, pour apprendre des ecclesiastiques
+         l'administration de la justice; enfin le gouvernement des Goths
+         n'etait qu'une monarchie theocratique.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, Paris, 1826, vol. i. p. 6, vol. ii. pp. 212-214.
+
+  [1184] 'The terrible laws against heresy, and the atrocious juridical
+         persecutions of the Jews, already designate Spain as the throne
+         and centre of merciless bigotry.' _Milman's History of Latin
+         Christianity_, vol. i. p. 381. 'Tan luego como la religion
+         catolica se hallo dominando en el trono y en el pueblo,
+         comenzaron los concilianos toledanos a dictar disposiciones
+         canonicas y a prescribir castigos contra los idolatras, contra
+         los judios, y contra los hereges.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. ix. pp. 199-200. See also p. 214, and vol. ii. pp.
+         406, 407, 451. _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. pp. 235, 236. _Johnston's Institutes of the Civil Law of
+         Spain_, p. 262. _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
+         vol. i. pp. 260, 261; and _Southey's Chronicle of the Cid_, p.
+         18. I particularly indicate these passages, on account of the
+         extraordinary assertion of Dr. M'Crie, that 'on a review of
+         criminal proceedings in Spain anterior to the establishment of
+         the court of Inquisition, it appears in general that heretics
+         were more mildly treated there than in other countries.'
+         _M'Crie's_ _History of the Reformation in Spain_, p. 83, the
+         best book on the Spanish Protestants.
+
+  [1185] A council of Toledo in 638 orders, 'qu'a l'avenir aucun roi ne
+         montera sur le trone qu'il ne promette de conserver la foi
+         catholique;' and at another council in 681, 'le roi y presenta
+         un ecrit par lequel il prioit les eveques de lui assurer le
+         royaume, qu'il tenoit de leurs suffrages.' _Fleury_, _Histoire
+         Ecclesiastique_, vol. viii. p. 339, vol. ix. p. 70.
+
+Such were the circumstances which, in and before the seventh century,
+secured to the Spanish Church an influence unequalled in any other part
+of Europe.[1186] Early in the eighth century, an event occurred which
+apparently broke up and dispersed the hierarchy, but which in reality
+was extremely favourable to them. In 711 the Mohammedans sailed from
+Africa, landed in the south of Spain, and in the space of three years
+conquered the whole country, except the almost inaccessible regions of
+the north-west. The Spaniards, secure in their native mountains,[1187]
+soon recovered heart, rallied their forces, and began in their turn to
+assail the invaders. A desperate struggle ensued, which lasted nearly
+eight centuries, and in which, a second time in the history of Spain, a
+war for independence was also a war for religion; the contest between
+Arabian Infidels and Spanish Christians, succeeding that formerly
+carried on between the Trinitarians of France and the Arians of Spain.
+Slowly, and with infinite difficulty, the Christians fought their way.
+By the middle of the ninth century, they reached the line of the
+Douro.[1188] Before the close of the eleventh century, they conquered as
+far as the Tagus, and Toledo, their ancient capital, fell into their
+hands in 1085.[1189] Even then much remained to be done. In the south,
+the struggle assumed its deadliest form, and there it was prolonged with
+such obstinacy, that it was not until the capture of Malaga in 1487, and
+of Granada in 1492, that the Christian empire was re-established, and
+the old Spanish monarchy finally restored.[1190]
+
+  [1186] Those happy times have received the warm applause of a modern
+         theologian, because in them the church, 'ha opuesto un muro de
+         bronce al error;' and because there existed 'la mas estrecha
+         concordia entre el imperio y el sacerdocio, por cuyo inestimable
+         beneficio debemos hacer incesantes votos.' _Observaciones sobre
+         El Presente y El Porvenir de la Iglesia en Espana_, _por Domingo
+         Costa y Borras_, _Obispo de Barcelona_, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 73,
+         75.
+
+  [1187] To which they fled with a speed which caused their great enemy,
+         Muza, to pass upon them a somewhat ambiguous eulogy. 'Dijo, son
+         leones en sus castillos, aguilas en sus caballos, y mugeres en
+         sus escuadrones de a pie; pero si ven la ocasion la saben
+         aprovechar, y cuando quedan vencidos son cabras en escapar a los
+         montes, que no ven la tierra que pisan.' _Conde_, _Historia de
+         la Dominacion de los Arabes_, p. 30.
+
+  [1188] _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i.
+         pp. xxxviii. 287. Lafuente (_Historia de Espana_, vol. iii.
+         p. 363) marks the epoch rather indistinctly, 'basta ya el
+         Duero.' Compare _Florez_, _Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas_,
+         Madrid, 4to, 1761, vol. i. p. 68.
+
+  [1189] There is a spirited account of its capture in _Mariana's Historia
+         de Espana_, vol. ii. pp. 506-513; after which Ortiz (_Compendio
+         de la Historia_, vol. iii. p. 156) and Lafuente (_Historia
+         General_, vol. iv. pp. 236-242) are rather tame. The Mohammedan
+         view of this, the first decisive blow to their cause, will be
+         found in _Conde_, _Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes_, p.
+         347. 'Asi se perdio aquella inclita ciudad, y acabo el reino de
+         Toledo con grave perdida del Islam.' The Christian view is that
+         'concedio Dios al Rey la conquista de aquella capital.'
+         _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 165.
+
+  [1190] _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes_, vol. i. pp. 313, 349. _Conde_,
+         _Dominacion de los Arabes_, pp. 656, 664. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. v. pp. 509, 561. _Lafuente_, _Historia_, vol. ix. pp. 341,
+         399.
+
+The effect of all this on the Spanish character was most remarkable.
+During eight successive centuries, the whole country was engaged in a
+religious crusade; and those holy wars which other nations occasionally
+waged, were, in Spain, prolonged and continued for more than twenty
+generations.[1191] The object being not only to regain a territory, but
+also to re-establish a creed, it naturally happened that the expounders
+of that creed assumed a prominent and important position. In the camp,
+and in the council-chamber, the voice of ecclesiastics was heard and
+obeyed; for as the war aimed at the propagation of Christianity, it
+seemed right that her ministers should play a conspicuous part in a
+matter which particularly concerned them.[1192] The danger to which the
+country was exposed being moreover very imminent, those superstitious
+feelings were excited which danger is apt to provoke, and to which, as I
+have elsewhere shown,[1193] the tropical civilizations owed some of
+their leading peculiarities. Scarcely were the Spanish Christians driven
+from their homes and forced to take refuge in the north, when this great
+principle began to operate. In their mountainous retreat, they preserved
+a chest filled with relics of the saints, the possession of which they
+valued as their greatest security.[1194] This was to them a national
+standard, round which they rallied, and by the aid of which they gained
+miraculous victories over their infidel opponents. Looking upon
+themselves as soldiers of the cross, their minds became habituated to
+supernatural considerations to an extent which we can now hardly
+believe, and which distinguished them in this respect from every other
+European nation.[1195] Their young men saw visions, and their old men
+dreamed dreams.[1196] Strange sights were vouchsafed to them from
+heaven; on the eve of a battle mysterious portents appeared; and it was
+observed that whenever the Mohammedans violated the tomb of a Christian
+saint, thunder and lightning were sent to rebuke the misbelievers, and,
+if need be, to punish their audacious invasion.[1197]
+
+  [1191] 'According to the magnificent style of the Spanish historians,
+         eight centuries of almost uninterrupted warfare elapsed, and
+         three thousand seven hundred battles were fought, before the
+         last of the Moorish kingdoms in Spain submitted to the Christian
+         arms.' _Robertson's Charles V._ by Prescott, London, 1857, p.
+         65. 'En nuestra misma Espana, en Leon y Castilla, en esta nueva
+         Tierra Santa, donde se sostenia una cruzada perpetua y constante
+         contra los infieles, donde se mantenia en todo su fervor el
+         espiritu a la vez religioso y guerrero.' _Lafuente_, _Historia
+         de Espana_, vol. v. p. 293. 'Era Espana theatro de una continua
+         guerra contra los enemigos de la Fe.' _Florez_, _Reynas
+         Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 226. 'El glorioso empeno de exterminar a
+         los enemigos de la Fe.' p. 453. 'Esta guerra sagrada.' Vol. ii.
+         p. 800. 'Se armaron nuestros Reyes Catholicos, con zelo y animo
+         alentado del cielo; y como la causa era de Religion para
+         ensanchar los Dominios de la Fe, sacrificaron todas las fuerzas
+         del Reyno, y sus mismas personas.' p. 801. What was called the
+         Indulgence of the Crusade was granted by the Popes 'aux
+         Espagnols qui combattoient contre les Mores.' _Fleury_,
+         _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. xviii. p. xxi., vol. xix. pp.
+         158, 458, vol. xxi. p. 171.
+
+  [1192] 'En aquellos tiempos [y duro hasta todo el siglo xv. y toma de
+         Granada] eran los obispos los primeros capitanes de los
+         exercitos.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. iii. p. 189. 'Los
+         prelados habian sido siempre los primeros no solo en promover la
+         guerra contra Moros, sino a presentarse en campana con todo su
+         poder y esfuerzo, animando a los demas con las palabras y el
+         exemplo.' Vol. v. pp. 507, 508.
+
+  [1193] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 121-130.
+
+  [1194] 'Les chretiens avoient apporte dans les Asturies une arche ou
+         coffre plein de reliques, qu'ils regarderent depuis comme la
+         sauve-garde de leur etat.' ... 'Elle fut emportee et mise enfin
+         a Oviedo, comme le lieu le plus sur entre ces montagnes, Pere
+         773, l'an 775.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. ix. p.
+         190. This 'arca llena de reliquias' was taken to the Asturias in
+         714. _Mariana_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. ii. p. 227; and,
+         according to Ortiz (_Compendio_, vol. ii. p. 182), it was 'un
+         tesoro inestimable de sagradas reliquias.' See also _Geddes'
+         Tracts concerning Spain_, vol. ii. p. 237, London, 1730; and
+         _Ford's Spain_, 1847, p. 388.
+
+  [1195] 'But no people ever felt themselves to be so absolutely soldiers
+         of the cross as the Spaniards did, from the time of their
+         Moorish wars; no people ever trusted so constantly to the
+         recurrence of miracles in the affairs of their daily life; and
+         therefore no people ever talked of Divine things as of matters
+         in their nature so familiar and common-place. Traces of this
+         state of feeling and character are to be found in Spanish
+         literature on all sides.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, vol. ii. p. 333. Compare _Bouterwek's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp. 105, 106; and the account of
+         the battle of las Navas in _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes
+         d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 153: 'On voulait trouver partout des
+         miracles.' Some of the most startling of these miracles may be
+         found in _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. v. p. 227; in
+         _Mariana_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. ii. pp. 378, 395, vol.
+         iii. p. 338; and in _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. iii. p. 248,
+         vol. iv. p. 22.
+
+  [1196] One of the most curious of these prophetic dreams is preserved in
+         _Conde_, _Dominacion de los Arabes_, pp. 378, 379, with its
+         interpretation by the theologians. They were for the most part
+         fulfilled. In 844 'El Apostol Santiago, segun que lo prometiera
+         al Rey, fue visto en un caballo blanco, y con una bandera blanca
+         y en medio della una cruz roxa, que capitaneaba nuestra gente.'
+         _Mariana_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311. In 957
+         'El Apostol Santiago fue visto entre las hacas dar la victoria a
+         los fieles,' p. 382. In 1236 'Publicose por cierto que San Jorge
+         ayudo a los Christianos, y que se hallo en la pelea.' Vol. iii.
+         p. 323. On the dreams which foreshadowed these appearances, see
+         _Mariana_, vol. ii. pp. 309, 446, vol. iii. pp. 15, 108.
+
+  [1197] 'Priests mingle in the council and the camp, and, arrayed in
+         their sacerdotal robes, not unfrequently led the armies to
+         battle. They interpreted the will of Heaven as mysteriously
+         revealed in dreams and visions. Miracles were a familiar
+         occurrence. The violated tombs of the saints sent forth thunders
+         and lightnings to consume the invaders.' _Prescott's History of
+         Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 39. In the middle of the
+         ninth century, there happened the following event: 'En lo mas
+         cruel de los tormentos' [to which the Christians were exposed]
+         'subio Abderramen un dia a las azuteas o galerias de su Palacio.
+         Descubrio desde alli los cuerpos de los Santos martirizados en
+         los patibulos y atravesados con los palos, mando los quemasen
+         todos para que no quedase reliquia. Cumpliose luego la orden:
+         pero aquel impio probo bien presto los rigores de la venganza
+         divina que volvia por la sangre derramada de sus Santos.
+         Improvisamente se le pego la lengua al paladar y fauces;
+         cerrosele la boca, y no pudo pronunciar una palabra, ni dar un
+         gemido. Conduxeronle, sus criados a la cama, murio aquella misma
+         noche, y antes de apagarse las hoguerasen que ardian los santos
+         cuerpos, entro la infeliz alma de Abderramen en los eternos
+         fuegos del infierno.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. iii. p. 52.
+
+Under circumstances like these, the clergy could not fail to extend
+their influence; or, we may rather say, the course of events extended it
+for them. The Spanish Christians, pent up for a considerable time in the
+mountains of Asturias, and deprived of their former resources, quickly
+degenerated, and soon lost the scanty civilization to which they had
+attained. Stripped of all their wealth, and confined to what was
+comparatively a barren region, they relapsed into barbarism, and
+remained, for at least a century, without arts, or commerce, or
+literature.[1198] As their ignorance increased, so also did their
+superstition; while this last, in its turn, strengthened the authority
+of their priests. The order of affairs, therefore, was very natural. The
+Mohammedan invasion made the Christians poor; poverty caused ignorance;
+ignorance caused credulity; and credulity, depriving men both of the
+power and of the desire to investigate for themselves, encouraged a
+reverential spirit, and confirmed those submissive habits, and that
+blind obedience to the Church, which form the leading and most
+unfortunate peculiarity of Spanish history.
+
+  [1198] Circourt (_Histoire des Arabes_, vol. i. p. 5) says, 'Les
+         chretiens qui ne voulurent pas se soumettre furent rejetes dans
+         les incultes ravins des Pyrenees, ou ils purent se maintenir
+         comme les betes fauves se maintiennent dans les forets.' But the
+         most curious account of the state of the Spanish Christians in
+         the last half of the eighth century, and in the first half of
+         the ninth, will be found in _Conde_, _Historia de la
+         Dominacion_, pp. 95, 125. 'Referian de estos pueblos de Galicia
+         que son cristianos, y de los mas bravos de Afranc; pero que
+         viven como fieras, que nunca lavan sus cuerpos ni vestidos, que
+         no se los mudan, y los llevan puestos hasta que se los caen
+         despedazados en andrajos, que entran unos en las casas de otros
+         sin pedir licencia.' ... In A.D. 815, 'no habia guerra sino
+         contra cristianos por mantener frontera, y no con deseo de
+         ampliar y extender los limites del reino, ni por esperanza de
+         sacar grandes riquezas, por ser los cristianos gente pobre de
+         montana, sin saber nada de comercio ni de buenas artes.'
+
+From this it appears, that there were three ways in which the Mohammedan
+invasion strengthened the devotional feelings of the Spanish people. The
+first way was by promoting a long and obstinate religious war; the
+second was by the presence of constant and imminent dangers; and the
+third way was by the poverty, and therefore the ignorance, which it
+produced among the Christians.
+
+These events being preceded by the great Arian war, and being
+accompanied and perpetually reinforced by those physical phenomena which
+I have indicated as tending in the same direction, worked with such
+combined and accumulative energy, that in Spain the theological element
+became not so much a component of the national character, but rather the
+character itself. The ablest and most ambitious of the Spanish kings
+were compelled to follow in the general wake; and, despots though they
+were, they succumbed to that pressure of opinions which they believed
+they were controlling. The war with Granada, late in the fifteenth
+century, was theological far more than temporal; and Isabella, who made
+the greatest sacrifices in order to conduct it, and who in capacity as
+well as in honesty was superior to Ferdinand, had for her object not so
+much the acquisition of territory as the propagation of the Christian
+faith.[1199] Indeed, any doubts which could be entertained respecting
+the purpose of the contest must have been dissipated by subsequent
+events. For, scarcely was the war brought to a close, when Ferdinand and
+Isabella issued a decree expelling from the country every Jew who
+refused to deny his faith; so that the soil of Spain might be no longer
+polluted by the presence of unbelievers.[1200] To make them Christians,
+or, failing in that, to exterminate them, was the business of the
+Inquisition, which was established in the same reign, and which before
+the end of the fifteenth century was in full operation.[1201] During the
+sixteenth century, the throne was occupied by two princes of eminent
+ability, who pursued a similar course. Charles V., who succeeded
+Ferdinand in 1516, governed Spain for forty years, and the general
+character of his administration was the same as that of his
+predecessors. In regard to his foreign policy, his three principal wars
+were against France, against the German princes, and against Turkey. Of
+these, the first was secular; but the two last were essentially
+religious. In the German war, he defended the church against innovation;
+and at the battle of Muhlberg, he so completely humbled the Protestant
+princes, as to retard for some time the progress of the
+Reformation.[1202] In his other great war, he, as the champion of
+Christianity against Mohammedanism, consummated what his grandfather
+Ferdinand had begun. Charles defeated and dislodged the Mohammedans in
+the east, just as Ferdinand had done in the west; the repulse of the
+Turks before Vienna being to the sixteenth century what the conquest of
+the Arabs of Granada was to the fifteenth.[1203] It was, therefore, with
+reason that Charles, at the close of his career, could boast that he had
+always preferred his creed to his country, and that the first object of
+his ambition had been to maintain the interests of Christianity.[1204]
+The zeal with which he struggled for the faith, also appears in his
+exertions against heresy in the Low Countries. According to contemporary
+and competent authorities, from fifty thousand to a hundred thousand
+persons were put to death in the Netherlands during his reign on account
+of their religious opinions.[1205] Later inquirers have doubted the
+accuracy of this statement,[1206] which is probably exaggerated; but we
+know that, between 1520 and 1550, he published a series of laws, to the
+effect that those who were convicted of heresy should be beheaded, or
+burned alive, or buried alive. The penalties were thus various, to meet
+the circumstances of each case. Capital punishment, however, was always
+to be inflicted on whoever bought an heretical book, or sold it, or even
+copied it for his own use.[1207] His last advice to his son, well
+accorded with these measures. Only a few days before his death, he
+signed a codicil to his will, recommending that no favour should ever be
+shown to heretics; that they should all be put to death; and that care
+should be taken to uphold the Inquisition, as the best means of
+accomplishing so desirable an end.[1208]
+
+  [1199] 'Isabella may be regarded as the soul of this war. She engaged in
+         it with the most exalted views, less to acquire territory than
+         to reestablish the empire of the Cross over the ancient domain
+         of Christendom.' _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. p. 392. Compare _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_,
+         vol. xxiii. p. 583, 'bannir de toute l'Espagne la secte de
+         Mahomet;' and _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 99, 109, 'pour elle une seule chose avait de
+         l'importance; extirper de ses royaumes le nom et la secte de
+         Mahomet.' ... 'Sa vie fut presque exclusivement consacree a
+         faire triompher la croix sur le croissant.' Mariana (_Historia
+         de Espana_, vol. v. p. 344, and vol. vii. pp. 51, 52) has warmly
+         eulogized her character, which indeed, from the Spanish point of
+         view, was perfect. See also _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 774, 788, 829.
+
+  [1200] 'En Espana los Reyes Don Fernando y Dona Isabel luego que se
+         vieron desembarazados de la guerra de los Moros, acordaron de
+         echar de todo su reyno a los Judios.' _Mariana_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. vi. p. 303. A Spanish historian, writing less than
+         seventy years ago, expresses his approbation in the following
+         terms: 'Arrancado de nuestra peninsula el imperio Mahometano,
+         quedaba todavia la secta Judayca, peste acaso mas perniciosa, y
+         sin duda mas peligrosa y extendida, por estar los Judios
+         establecidos en todos los pueblos de ella. Pero los Catolicos
+         Monarcas, cuyo mayor afan era desarraigar de sus reynos toda
+         planta y raiz infecta y contraria a la fe de Jesu-Cristo, dieron
+         decreto en Granada dia 30 de Marzo del ano mismo de 1492,
+         mandando saliesen de sus dominios los Judios que no se
+         bautizasen dentro de 4 meses.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, Madrid,
+         1798, vol. v. p. 564. The importance of knowing how these and
+         similar events are judged by Spaniards, induces me to give their
+         own words at a length which otherwise would be needlessly
+         prolix. Historians, generally, are too apt to pay more attention
+         to public transactions than to the opinions which those
+         transactions evoke; though, in point of fact, the opinions form
+         the most valuable part of history, since they are the result of
+         more general causes, while political actions are often due to
+         the peculiarities of powerful individuals.
+
+         Of the number of Jews actually expelled, I can find no
+         trustworthy account. They are differently estimated at from
+         160,000 to 800,000. _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and
+         Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 148. _Mariana_, _Historia de Espana_,
+         vol. vi. p. 304. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. v. p. 564.
+         _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. ix. pp. 412, 413.
+         _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p.
+         261. _Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid, 1794, pp. 64, 65.
+         _Castro_, _Decadencia de Espana_, Cadiz, 1852, p. 19.
+
+  [1201] It had been introduced into Aragon in 1242; but, according to M.
+         Tapia, 'sin embargo la persecucion se limito entonces a la secta
+         de los albigenses; y como de ellos hubo tan pocos en Castilla,
+         no se considero sin duda necesario en ella el establecimiento de
+         aquel tribunal.' _Tapia_, _Historia de la Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, Madrid, 1840, vol. ii. p. 302. Indeed, Llorente says
+         (_Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_, Paris, 1817, vol. i. p.
+         88), 'Il est incertain si au commencement du 15^e siecle
+         l'Inquisition existait en Castille.' In the recent work by M.
+         Lafuente, 1232 is given as its earliest date; but, 'a fines del
+         siglos xiv. y principios del xv. apenas puede saberse si existia
+         tribunal de Inquisicion en Castilla.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. ix. pp. 204-206, Madrid, 1852. It seems therefore
+         with good reason that Mariana (_Historia_, vol. vi. p. 171)
+         terms the Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella 'un _nuevo_ y
+         santo tribunal.' See also _Florez_, _Memorias de las Reynas
+         Catholicas_, vol. ii. p. 799.
+
+  [1202] _Prescott's History of Philip II._, vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857.
+         _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 447, London, 1841. On
+         the religious character of his German policy, compare _Mariana_,
+         _Historia de Espana_, vol. vii. p. 330; _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. vi. pp. 195, 196.
+
+  [1203] _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. p. 3; and the continuation of
+         _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. xxvii. p. 280.
+         Robertson, though praising Charles V. for this achievement,
+         seems rather inclined to underrate its magnitude; _History of
+         Charles V._, p. 246.
+
+  [1204] In the speech he made at his abdication, he said that 'he had
+         been ever mindful of the interests of the dear land of his
+         birth, but above all of the great interests of Christianity. His
+         first object had been to maintain these inviolate against the
+         infidel.' _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. p. 8. Minana boasts
+         that 'el Cesar con piadoso y noble animo exponia su vida a los
+         peligros para extender los limites del Imperio Christiano.'
+         _Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. viii. p. 352. Compare the
+         continuation of _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. xxxi.
+         p. 19.
+
+  [1205] Grotius says, 100,000; Bor, Meteren, and Paul say 50,000.
+         _Watson's History of Philip II._, London, 1839, pp. 45, 51.
+         _Davies' History of Holland_, London, 1841, vol. i. pp. 498,
+         499. _Motley's Dutch Republic_, London, 1858, vol. i. pp. 103,
+         104.
+
+  [1206] It is doubted, if I rightly remember, by Mr. Prescott. But the
+         opinion of that able historian is entitled to less weight from
+         his want of acquaintance with Dutch literature, where the
+         principal evidence must be sought for. On this, as on many other
+         matters, the valuable work of Mr. Motley leaves little to
+         desire.
+
+  [1207] _Prescott's Philip II._, vol. i. pp. 196, 197. In 1523, the first
+         persons were burned. _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p. 69.
+         The mode of burying alive is described in _Davies' History of
+         Holland_, vol. i. p. 383, vol. ii. pp. 311, 312.
+
+  [1208] He died on the 21st September; and on the 9th he signed a
+         codicil, in which he 'enjoined upon his son to follow up and
+         bring to justice every heretic in his dominions, and this
+         without exception, and without favour or mercy to any one. He
+         conjured Philip to cherish the holy inquisition as the best
+         means of accomplishing this good work.' _Prescott's Additions to
+         Robertson's Charles V._, p. 576. See also his instructions to
+         Philip in _Raumer's History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
+         Centuries_, vol. i. p. 91; and on his opinion of the
+         Inquisition, see his conversation with Sir Thomas Wyatt, printed
+         from the State Papers in _Froude's History of England_, vol.
+         iii. p. 456, London, 1858. This may have been mere declamation;
+         but in _Tapia's Civilizacion Espanola_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iii.
+         pp. 76, 77, will be found a deliberate and official letter, in
+         which Charles does not hesitate to say, 'La santa inquisicion
+         como oficio santo y puesto por los reyes catolicos, nuestros
+         senores y abuelos a honra de Dios nuestro senor y de nuestra
+         santa fe catolica, tengo firme e entranablemente asentado y
+         fijado en mi corazon, para la mandar favorecer y honrar, como
+         principe justo y temeroso de Dios es obligado y debe hacer.'
+
+         The codicil to the will of Charles still exists, or did very
+         recently, among the archives at Simancas. _Ford's Spain_, 1847,
+         p. 334. In M. Lafuente's great work, _Historia de Espana_, vol.
+         xii. pp. 494, 495, Madrid, 1853, it is referred to in language
+         which, in more senses than one, is perfectly Spanish: 'Su
+         testamento y codicilo respiran las ideas cristianas y religiosas
+         en que habia vivido y la piedad que senalo su muerte.' ... 'Es
+         muy de notar en primera clausula [i.e.] of the codicil por la
+         cual deja muy encarecidamente recomendado al rey Don Felipe que
+         use de todo rigor en el castigo de los hereges luteranos que
+         habian sido presos y se hubieren de prender en Espana.' ...
+         '"Sin escepcion de persona alguna, ni admitir ruegos, ni tener
+         respeto a persona alguna; porque para el efecto de ello
+         favorezca y mande favorecer al Santo Oficio de la
+         Inquisicion,"' &c.
+
+This barbarous policy is to be ascribed, not to the vices, nor to the
+temperament of the individual ruler, but to the operation of large
+general causes, which acted upon the individual, and impelled him to the
+course he pursued. Charles was by no means a vindictive man; his natural
+disposition was to mercy rather than to rigour; his sincerity is
+unquestionable; he performed what he believed to be his duty; and he was
+so kind a friend, that those who knew him best were precisely those who
+loved him most.[1209] Little, however, could all that avail in shaping
+his public conduct. He was obliged to obey the tendencies of the age and
+country in which he lived. And what those tendencies were, appeared
+still more clearly after his death, when the throne of Spain was
+occupied upwards of forty years by a prince who inherited it in the
+prime of life, and whose reign is particularly interesting as a symptom
+and a consequence of the disposition of the people over whom he ruled.
+
+  [1209] Native testimony may perhaps be accused of being partial; but, on
+         the other hand, Raumer, in his valuable _History of the
+         Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, vol. i. p. 22, justly
+         observes, that his character has been misrepresented 'by reason
+         that historians have availed themselves by preference of the
+         inimical narratives of French and Protestant writers.' To steer
+         between these extremes, I will transcribe the summing up of
+         Charles's reign as it is given by a learned and singularly
+         unprejudiced writer. 'Tortuous as was sometimes the policy of
+         the emperor, he never, like Francis, acted with treachery; his
+         mind had too much of native grandeur for such baseness. Sincere
+         in religion and friendship, faithful to his word, clement beyond
+         example, liberal towards his servants, indefatigable in his
+         regal duties, anxious for the welfare of his subjects, and
+         generally blameless in private life, his character will not
+         suffer by a comparison with that of any monarch of his times.'
+         _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 41. 'Clemency was the
+         basis of his character.' p. 30.
+
+Philip II., who succeeded Charles V. in 1555, was indeed eminently a
+creature of the time, and the ablest of his biographers aptly terms him
+the most perfect type of the national character.[1210] His favourite
+maxim, which forms the key to his policy, was, 'That it is better not to
+reign at all than to reign over heretics.'[1211] Armed with supreme
+power, he bent all his energies towards carrying this principle into
+effect. Directly that he heard that the Protestants were making converts
+in Spain, he strained every nerve to stifle the heresy;[1212] and so
+admirably was he seconded by the general temper of the people, that he
+was able without risk to suppress opinions which convulsed every other
+part of Europe. In Spain, the Reformation, after a short struggle, died
+completely away, and in about ten years the last vestige of it
+disappeared.[1213] The Dutch wished to adopt, and in many instances did
+adopt, the reformed doctrine; therefore Philip waged against them a
+cruel war, which lasted thirty years, and which he continued till his
+death, because he was resolved to extirpate the new creed.[1214] He
+ordered that every heretic who refused to recant should be burned. If
+the heretic did recant, some indulgence was granted; but having once
+been tainted, he must die. Instead of being burned, he was therefore to
+be executed.[1215] Of the number of those who actually suffered in the
+Low Countries, we have no precise information;[1216] but Alva
+triumphantly boasted that, in the five or six years of his
+administration, he had put to death in cold blood more than eighteen
+thousand, besides a still greater number whom he had slain on the field
+of battle.[1217] This, even during his short tenure of power, would make
+about forty thousand victims; an estimate probably not far from the
+truth, since we know, from other sources, that in one year more than
+eight thousand were either executed or burned.[1218] Such measures were
+the result of instructions issued by Philip, and formed a necessary part
+of his general scheme.[1219] The desire paramount in his mind, and to
+which he sacrificed all other considerations, was to put down the new
+creed, and to reinstate the old one. To this, even his immense ambition
+and his inordinate love of power were subordinate. He aimed at the
+empire of Europe, because he longed to restore the authority of the
+Church.[1220] All his policy, all his negotiations, all his wars,
+pointed to this one end. Soon after his accession, he concluded an
+ignominious treaty with the Pope, that it might not be said that he bore
+arms against the head of the Christian world.[1221] And his last great
+enterprise, in some respects the most important of all, was to fit out,
+at an incredible cost, that famous Armada with which he hoped to humble
+England, and to nip the heresy of Europe in its bud, by depriving the
+Protestants of their principal support, and of the only asylum where
+they were sure to find safe and honourable refuge.[1222]
+
+  [1210] 'The Spaniards, as he grew in years, beheld, with pride and
+         satisfaction, in their future sovereign, the most perfect type
+         of the national character.' _Prescott's History of Philip II._
+         vol. i. p. 39. So, too, in _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p.
+         128, 'he was entirely a Spaniard;' and in _Lafuente_, _Historia
+         de Espana_, vol. i. p. 155, 'pero el reinado de Felipe fue todo
+         Espanol.'
+
+  [1211] _Prescott's Philip II._ vol. i. pp. 68, 210, vol. ii. p. 26.
+         _Watson's Philip II._ p. 55. Compare _Fleury_, _Histoire
+         Ecclesiastique_, vol. xxxiv. p. 273.
+
+  [1212] 'Como era tan zeloso en la extirpacion de la heregia, uno de sus
+         primeros cuidados fue el castigo de los Luteranos; y a presencia
+         suya, se executo en Valladolid el dia ocho de Octubre el
+         suplicio de muchos reos de este delito.' _Minana_, _Continuacion
+         de Mariana_, vol. ix. p. 212.
+
+  [1213] 'The contest with Protestantism in Spain, under such auspices,
+         was short. It began in earnest and in blood about 1559, and was
+         substantially ended in 1570.' _Ticknor's History of Spanish
+         Literature_, vol. i. p. 425. See also _M'Crie's History of the
+         Reformation in Spain_, pp. 336, 346. Thus it was that 'Espana se
+         preservo del contagio. Hizolo con las armas Carlos V., y con las
+         hogueras los inquisidores. Espana se aislo del movimiento
+         europeo.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. i. p. 144,
+         Madrid, 1850. M. Lafuente adds, that, in his opinion, all
+         Christendom is about to follow the good example set by Spain of
+         rejecting Protestantism. 'Si no nos equivocamos, en nuestra
+         misma edad se notan sintomas de ir marchando este problema hacia
+         su resolucion. El catolicismo gana proselitos; los protestantes
+         de hoy no son lo que antes fueron, y creemos que la unidad
+         catolica se realizara.'
+
+  [1214] Before the arrival of Alva, 'Philip's commands to Margaret were
+         imperative, to use her utmost efforts to extirpate the
+         heretics.' _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 551; and in
+         1563 he wrote, 'The example and calamities of France prove how
+         wholesome it is to punish heretics with rigour.' _Raumer's
+         History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, vol. i. p.
+         171. The Spaniards deemed the Dutch guilty of a double crime;
+         being rebels against God and the king: 'Rebeldes a Dios por la
+         heregia, y a su Principe a quien debian obedecer.' _Mariana_,
+         _Historia de Espana_, vol. vii. p. 410. 'Tratauan de secreto de
+         quitar la obediencia a Dios y a su Principe.' _Vanderhammen's
+         Don Filipe el Prudente Segundo deste Nombre_, Madrid, 1632, p.
+         44 rev. Or, as Minana phrases it, Philip 'tenia los mismos
+         enemigos que Dios.' _Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. x. p. 139.
+
+  [1215] _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. p. 229. _Watson's Philip II._
+         pp. 51, 52, 177.
+
+  [1216] Mr. Motley, under the year 1566, says, 'The Prince of Orange
+         estimated that up to this period fifty thousand persons in the
+         provinces had been put to death in obedience to the edicts. He
+         was a moderate man, and accustomed to weigh his words.'
+         _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. i. pp. 424, 425.
+
+  [1217] _Watson's Philip II._ pp. 248, 249. Tapia (_Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, vol. iii. p. 95) says, 'quito la vida a mas de diez y
+         ocho mil protestantes con diversos generos de suplicios.'
+         Compare _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 423, and _Davies'
+         History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 608.
+
+  [1218] _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. i. p. 567. Vanderhammen (_Don
+         Filipe el Prudente_, Madrid, 1632, p. 52 rev.), with tranquil
+         pleasure, assures us that 'muriessen mil y setecientas personas
+         en pocos dias con fuego, cordel y cuchillo en diuersos lugares.'
+
+  [1219] 'El duque de Alba, obrando en conformidad a las instrucciones de
+         su soberano, y apoyado en la aprobacion que merecian al rey
+         todas sus medidas.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. xiii.
+         p. 221.
+
+  [1220] 'It was to restore the Catholic Church that he desired to obtain
+         the empire of Europe.' _Davies' History of Holland_, vol. ii. p.
+         329. 'El protesto siempre "que sus desinios en la guerra, y sus
+         exercitos no se encaminauan a otra cosa, que el ensalcamiento de
+         la Religion Christiana."' _Vanderhammen's Don Filipe el
+         Prudente_, p. 125. 'El que aspiraba a someter todas las naciones
+         de la tierra a su credo religioso.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xv. p. 203. The bishop of Salamanca in 1563 openly
+         boasted 'que son roi ne s'etoit marie avec la reine d'Angleterre
+         que pour ramener cette isle a l'obeissance de l'eglise.'
+         _Continuation de Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol.
+         xxxiii. p. 331. Compare _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vi. p. 204.
+         'Este casamiento no debio de tener otras miras que el de la
+         religion.'
+
+  [1221] On this treaty, the only humiliating one which he ever concluded,
+         see _Prescott's Philip II._ vol. i. p. 104. His dying advice to
+         his son was, 'Siempre estareis en la obediencia de la Santa
+         Iglesia Romana, y del Sumo Pontifice, teniendole por vuestro
+         Padre espiritual.' _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe
+         Tercero_, Madrid, 1771, folio, lib. i. p. 29. According to
+         another writer, 'La ultima palabra que le salio con el espiritu,
+         fue: "Yo muero como Catolico Christiano en la Fe y obediencia de
+         la Iglesia Romana, y respeto al Papa, como a quien trae en sus
+         manos las llaues del Cielo, como a Principe de la Iglesia, y
+         Teniente de Dios sobre el imperio de las almas."'
+         _Vanderhammen_, _Don Filipe el Prudente_, p. 124.
+
+  [1222] Elizabeth, uniting the three terrible qualities of heresy, power,
+         and ability, was obnoxious to the Spaniards to an almost
+         incredible degree, and there never was a more thoroughly
+         national enterprise than the fitting out of the Armada against
+         her. One or two passages from a grave historian, will illustrate
+         the feelings with which she was regarded even after her death,
+         and will assist the reader in forming an opinion respecting the
+         state of the Spanish mind. 'Isabel, o Jezabel, Reyna de
+         Inglaterra, heretica Calvinista, y la mayor perseguidora que ha
+         tenido la sangre de Jesu-Christo y los hijos de la Iglesia.'
+         _Davila_, _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, p. 74. 'Los sucesos de
+         fuera causaron admiracion; y el mayor y muy esperado de toda la
+         Christiandad fue la muerte de Isabela, Reyna de Inglaterra,
+         heretica Calvinista, que hizo su nombre famoso con la infamia de
+         su vida, y perseguir a la Iglesia, derramando la sangre de los
+         Santos, que defendian la verdadera Religion Catolica, dexando
+         registradas sus maldades en las historias publicas del mundo,
+         pasando su alma a coger el desdichado fruto de su obstinada
+         soberbia en las penas del Infierno, donde conoce con el castigo
+         perpetuo el engano de su vida.' pp. 83, 84.
+
+While Philip, following the course of his predecessors, was wasting the
+blood and treasure of Spain in order to propagate religious
+opinions,[1223] the people, instead of rebelling against so monstrous a
+system, acquiesced in it, and cordially sanctioned it. Indeed, they not
+only sanctioned it, but they almost worshipped the man by whom it was
+enforced. There probably never lived a prince who, during so long a
+period, and amid so many vicissitudes of fortune, was adored by his
+subjects as Philip II. was. In evil report, and in good report, the
+Spaniards clung to him with unshaken loyalty. Their affection was not
+lessened, either by his reverses, or by his forbidding deportment, or by
+his cruelty, or by his grievous exactions. In spite of all, they loved
+him to the last. Such was his absurd arrogance, that he allowed none,
+not even the most powerful nobles, to address him, except on their
+knees, and, in return, he only spoke in half sentences, leaving them to
+guess the rest, and to fulfil his commands as best they might.[1224] And
+ready enough they were to obey his slightest wishes. A contemporary of
+Philip, struck by the universal homage which he received, says that the
+Spanish did 'not merely love, not merely reverence, but absolutely adore
+him, and deem his commands so sacred, that they could not be violated
+without offence to God.'[1225]
+
+  [1223] One of the most eminent of living historians well says, 'It was
+         Philip's enthusiasm to embody the wrath of God against
+         heretics.' _Motley's Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 155. 'Philip
+         lived but to enforce what he chose to consider the will of God.'
+         p. 285.
+
+  [1224] 'Personne vivante ne parloit a lui qu'a genoux, et disoit pour
+         son excuse a cela qu'estant petit de corps, chacun eust paru
+         plus esleve que lui, outre qu'il scavoit que les Espagnols
+         estoient d'humeur si altiere et hautaine, qu'il estoit besoin
+         qu'il les traittast de cette facon; et pour ce mesme ne se
+         laissoit voir que peu souvent du peuple, n'y mesme des grands,
+         sinon aux jours solemnels, et action necessaire, en cette facon?
+         il faisoit ses commandemens a demy mot, et falloit que l'on
+         devinast le reste, et que l'on ne manquast a bien accomplir
+         toutes ses intentions; mesmes les gentilshommes de sa chambre,
+         et autres qui approchoient plus pres de sa personne, n'eussent
+         ose parler devant luy s'il ne leur eust commande, se tenant un
+         tout seul a la fois pres de la porte du lieu ou il estoit, et
+         demeurant nud teste incessamment, et appuye contra une
+         tapisserie, pour attendre et recevoir ses commandemens.'
+         _Memoires de Cheverny_, pp. 352, 353, in _Petitot's Collection
+         des Memoires_, vol. xxxvi. Paris, 1823.
+
+  [1225] These are the words of Contarini, as given in _Ranke's Ottoman
+         and Spanish Empires_, London, 1843, p. 33. Sismondi, though
+         unacquainted with this passage, observes in his _Literature of
+         the South of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 273, London, 1846, that
+         Philip, though 'little entitled to praise, has yet been always
+         regarded with enthusiasm by the Spaniards.' About half a century
+         after his death, Sommerdyck visited Spain, and in his curious
+         account of that country he tells us that Philip was called 'le
+         Salomon de son siecle.' _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1665, 4to, pp. 63, 95. See also _Yanez_,
+         _Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III._, Madrid, 1723, p.
+         294. 'El gran Felipe, aquel Sabio Salomon.' Another writer
+         likens him to Numa. 'Hacia grandes progresos la piedad, a la
+         qual se dedicaba tanto el Rey Don Felipe, que parecia su reynado
+         en Espana lo que en Roma el de Numa, despues de Romulo.' _Minana
+         Continuacion de Mariana_, vol. ix. p. 241. When he died,
+         'celebradas sus exequias entre lagrimas y gemidos.' vol. x. pp.
+         259, 260. We further learn from _Vanderhammen's Filipe Segundo_,
+         Madrid, 1632, p. 120 rev., that the people ascribed to him 'una
+         grandeza adorable, y alguna cosa mas que las ordinarias a los
+         demas hombres.'
+
+That a man like Philip II., who never possessed a friend, and whose
+usual demeanour was of the most repulsive kind, a harsh master, a brutal
+parent, a bloody and remorseless ruler,--that he should be thus
+reverenced by a nation among whom he lived, and who had their eyes
+constantly on his actions; that this should have happened, is surely one
+of the most surprising, and, at first sight, one of the most
+inexplicable facts in modern history. Here we have a king who, though
+afflicted by every quality most calculated to excite terror and disgust,
+is loved far more than he is feared, and is the idol of a very great
+people during a very long reign. This is so remarkable as to deserve our
+serious attention; and in order to clear up the difficulty, it will be
+necessary to inquire into the causes of that spirit of loyalty which,
+during several centuries, has distinguished the Spaniards above every
+other European people.
+
+One of the leading causes was undoubtedly the immense influence
+possessed by the clergy. For the maxims inculcated by that powerful body
+have a natural tendency to make the people reverence their princes more
+than they would otherwise do. And that there is a real and practical
+connexion between loyalty and superstition, appears from the historical
+fact that the two feelings have nearly always flourished together and
+decayed together. Indeed, this is what we should expect on mere
+speculative grounds, seeing that both feelings are the product of those
+habits of veneration which make men submissive in their conduct and
+credulous in their belief.[1226] Experience, therefore, as well as
+reason, points to this as a general law of the mind, which, in its
+operation, may be occasionally disturbed, but which holds good in a
+large majority of cases. Probably the only instance in which the
+principle fails is, when a despotic government so misunderstands its own
+interests as to offend the clergy, and separate itself from them.
+Whenever this is done, a struggle will arise between loyalty and
+superstition; the first being upheld by the political classes, the other
+by the spiritual classes. Such a warfare was exhibited in Scotland; but
+history does not afford many examples of it, and certainly it never took
+place in Spain, where, on the contrary, several circumstances occurred
+to cement the union between the Crown and the Church, and to accustom
+the people to look up to both with almost equal reverence.
+
+  [1226] 'Habits of reverence, which, if carried into religion, cause
+         superstition, and if carried into politics, cause despotism.'
+         _Buckle's Hist. of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.
+
+By far the most important of these circumstances was the great Arab
+invasion, which drove the Christians into a corner of Spain, and reduced
+them to such extremities, that nothing but the strictest discipline, and
+the most unhesitating obedience to their leaders, could have enabled
+them to make head against their enemies. Loyalty to their princes became
+not merely expedient, but necessary; for if the Spaniards had been
+disunited, they would, in the face of the fearful odds against which
+they fought, have had no chance of preserving their national existence.
+The long war which ensued, being both political and religious, caused an
+intimate alliance between the political and religious classes, since the
+kings and the clergy had an equal interest in driving the Mohammedans
+from Spain. During nearly eight centuries, this compact between Church
+and State was a necessity forced upon the Spaniards by the peculiarities
+of their position; and, after the necessity had subsided, it naturally
+happened that the association of ideas survived the original danger, and
+that an impression had been made upon the popular mind which it was
+hardly possible to efface.
+
+Evidence of this impression, and of the unrivalled loyalty it produced,
+crowds upon us at every turn. In no other country are the old ballads so
+numerous and so intimately connected with the national history. It has,
+however, been observed, that their leading characteristic is the zeal
+with which they inculcate obedience and devotion to princes, and that
+from this source, even more than from military achievements, they draw
+their most favourite examples of virtue.[1227] In literature the first
+great manifestation of the Spanish mind was the poem of _The Cid_,
+written at the end of the twelfth century, in which we find fresh proof
+of that extraordinary loyalty which circumstances had forced upon the
+people.[1228] The ecclesiastical councils display a similar tendency;
+for, notwithstanding a few exceptions, no other church has been equally
+eager in upholding the rights of kings.[1229] In civil legislation, we
+see the same principle at work; it being asserted, on high authority,
+that in no system of laws is loyalty carried to such extreme height as
+in the Spanish codes.[1230] Even their dramatic writers were unwilling
+to represent an act of rebellion on the stage, lest they should appear
+to countenance what, in the eyes of every good Spaniard, was one of the
+most heinous of all offences.[1231] Whatever the king came in contact
+with, was in some degree hallowed by his touch. No one might mount a
+horse which he had ridden;[1232] no one might marry a mistress whom he
+had deserted.[1233] Horse and mistress alike were sacred, and it would
+have been impious for any subject to meddle with what had been honoured
+by the Lord's anointed. Nor were such rules confined to the prince
+actually reigning. On the contrary, they survived him, and, working with
+a sort of posthumous force, forbade any woman whom he had taken as a
+wife, to marry, even after he was dead. She had been chosen by the king;
+such choice had already raised her above the rest of mortals; and the
+least she could do was to retire to a convent, and spend her life
+mourning over her irreparable loss. These regulations were enforced by
+custom rather than by law.[1234] They were upheld by the popular will,
+and were the result of the excessive loyalty of the Spanish nation. Of
+that loyalty their writers often boast, and with good reason, since it
+was certainly matchless, and nothing seemed able to shake it. To bad
+kings and to good kings it equally applied. It was in full strength amid
+the glory of Spain in the sixteenth century; it was conspicuous when the
+nation was decaying in the seventeenth century; and it survived the
+shock of civil wars early in the eighteenth.[1235] Indeed, the feeling
+had so worked itself into the traditions of the country, as to become
+not only a national passion, but almost an article of national faith.
+Clarendon, in his History of that great English Rebellion, the like of
+which, as he well knew, could never have happened in Spain, makes on
+this subject a just and pertinent remark. He says that a want of respect
+for kings is regarded by the Spaniards as a 'monstrous crime;'
+'submissive reverence to their princes being a vital part of their
+religion.'[1236]
+
+  [1227] 'More ballads are connected with Spanish history than with any
+         other, and, in general, they are better. The most striking
+         peculiarity of the whole mass is, perhaps, to be found in the
+         degree in which it expresses the national character. Loyalty is
+         constantly prominent. The Lord of Butrago sacrifices his own
+         life to save that of his sovereign,' &c. _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 133. 'In the implicit obedience
+         of the old Spanish knight, the order of the king was paramount
+         to every consideration, even in the case of friendship and love.
+         This code of obedience has passed into a proverb--"mas pesa el
+         Rey que la sangre,"' _Ford's Spain_, p. 183. Compare the
+         admirable little work of Mr. Lewes, _The Spanish Drama_, London,
+         1846, p. 120, 'ballads full of war, loyalty, and love.'
+
+  [1228] See some interesting remarks in M. Tapia's _Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, vol. i. He observes that, though cruelly persecuted
+         by Alfonso, the first thing done by the Cid, after gaining a
+         great victory, was to order one of his captains 'para que lleve
+         al rey Alfonso treinta caballos arabes bien ensillados, con
+         sendas espadas pendientes de los arzones en senal de homenage, a
+         _pesar del agravio que habia recibido_.' p. 274. And at p. 280,
+         'comedido y obediente subdito a un rey que tan mal le habia
+         tratado.' Southey (_Chronicle of the Cid_, p. 268) notices with
+         surprise that the Cid is represented in the old chronicles as
+         'offering to kiss the feet of the king.'
+
+  [1229] 'Le xvi^e Concile de Tolede appelait les rois "vicaires de Dieu
+         et du Christ;" et rien n'est plus frequent dans les conciles de
+         cette epoque que leurs exhortations aux peuples pour
+         l'observation du serment de fidelite a leur roi, et leurs
+         anathemes contre les seditieux.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, vol. i. p. 41. 'Aparte de los asuntos de derecho
+         civil y canonico y de otros varios que dicen relacion al
+         gobierno de la iglesia, sobre los cuales se contienen en todos
+         ellos disposiciones muy utiles y acertadas, la mayor parte de
+         las leyes dictadas en estas asambleas tuvieron por objeto dar
+         fuerza y estabilidad al poder real, proclamando su
+         inviolabilidad y estableciendo graves penas contra los
+         infractores; condenar las heregias,' &c. _Antequera_, _Historia
+         de la Legislacion Espanola_, p. 47.
+
+  [1230] 'Loyalty to a superior is carried to a more atrocious length by
+         the Spanish law than I have seen it elsewhere.' ... 'The
+         _Partidas_ (P. 2, T. 13, L. 1) speaks of an old law whereby any
+         man who openly wished to see the King dead, was condemned to
+         death, and the loss of all that he had. The utmost mercy to be
+         shown him was to spare his life and pluck out his eyes, that he
+         might never see with them what he had desired. To defame the
+         King is declared as great a crime as to kill him, and in like
+         manner to be punished. The utmost mercy that could be allowed
+         was to cut out the offender's tongue. P. 2, T. 13, L. 4.'
+         _Southey's Chronicle of the Cid_, p. 442. Compare _Johnston's
+         Civil Law of Spain_, London, 1825, p. 269, on 'Blasphemers of
+         the King.'
+
+  [1231] Thus, Montalvan, the eminent poet and dramatist, who was born in
+         1602, 'avoided, we are told, representing rebellion on the
+         stage, lest he should seem to encourage it.' _Ticknor's History
+         of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. p. 283. A similar spirit is
+         exhibited in the plays of Calderon and of Lope de Vega. On the
+         'Castilian loyalty' evinced in one of Calderon's comedies, see
+         _Hallam's Literature of Europe_, 2d edit. London, 1843, vol.
+         iii. p. 63; and as to Lope, see _Lewes on the Spanish Drama_,
+         p. 78.
+
+  [1232] 'His Majesty's horses could never be used by any other person.
+         One day, while Philip IV. was going in procession to the church
+         of Our Lady of Atocha, the Duke of Medina-de-las-Torres offered
+         to present him with a beautiful steed which belonged to him, and
+         which was accounted the finest in Madrid; but the King declined
+         the gift, because he should regret to render so noble an animal
+         ever after useless.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 372. Madame
+         d'Aulnoy, who travelled in Spain in 1679, and who, from her
+         position, had access to the best sources of information, was
+         told of this piece of etiquette. 'L'on m'a dit que lors que le
+         Roy s'est servy d'un cheval, personne par respect ne le monte
+         jamais.' _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693,
+         vol. ii. p. 40. In the middle of the eighteenth century, I find
+         another notice of this loyal custom, which, likely enough, is
+         still a tradition in the Spanish stables. 'If the king has once
+         honoured a Pad so much as to cross his back, it is never to be
+         used again by anybody else.' _A Tour through Spain_, _by Udal ap
+         Rhys_, 2d edit. London, 1760, p. 15.
+
+  [1233] Madame d'Aulnoy, who was very inquisitive respecting these
+         matters, says (_Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 411),
+         'Il y a une autre etiquette, c'est qu'apres que le Roi a eu une
+         Maitresse, s'il vient a la quitter, il faut qu'elle se fasse
+         Religieuse, comme je vous l'ai deja ecrit; et l'on m'a conte que
+         le feu Roi s'estant amoureux d'une Dame du Palais, il fut un
+         soir fraper doucement a la porte de sa chambre. Comme elle
+         comprit que c'estoit lui, elle ne voulut pas lui ouvrir, et elle
+         se contenta de lui dire au travers de la porte, _Baya, baya, con
+         Dios, no quiero ser monja_; c'est a dire, "Allez allez, Dieu
+         vous conduise, je n'ai pas envie d'estre Religieuse."' So too
+         Henry IV. of Castile, who came to the throne in the year 1454,
+         made one of his mistresses 'abbess of a convent in Toledo;' in
+         this case to the general scandal, because, says Mr. Prescott, he
+         first expelled 'her predecessor, a lady of noble rank and
+         irreproachable character.' _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. p. 68.
+
+  [1234] There is, however, one very remarkable old law, in the form of a
+         canon enacted by the third Council of Saragossa, which orders
+         that the royal widows 'seront obligees a prendre l'habit de
+         religieuses, et a s'enfermer dans un monastere pour le reste de
+         leur vie.' _Fleury_, _Histoire Ecclesiastique_, vol. ix. p. 104.
+         In 1065 Ferdinand I. died; and, says the biographer of the
+         Spanish Queens, 'La Reyna sobrevivio: y parece, que muerto su
+         marido, entro en algun Monasterio; lo que expressamos no tanto
+         por _la costumbre antigua_, quanto por constar en la Memoria
+         referida de la Iglesia de Leon, el dictado de 'Consagrada a
+         Dios,' frasse que denota estado Religioso.' _Florez_, _Memorias
+         de las Reynas Catholicas_, Madrid, 1761, 4to, vol. i. p. 148. In
+         1667 it was a settled principle that 'les reines d'Espagne n'en
+         sortent point. Le couvent de _las Senoras descalcas reales_ est
+         fonde afin que les reines veuves s'y enferment.' _Discours du
+         Comte de Castrillo a la Reine d'Espagne_, in _Mignet's
+         Negociations relatives a la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p.
+         604, Paris, 1835, 4to. This valuable work consists for the most
+         part of documents previously unpublished, many of which are
+         taken from the archives at Simancas. To the critical historian,
+         it would have been more useful if the original Spanish had been
+         given.
+
+  [1235] See some good remarks on San Phelipe, in _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214, which might easily
+         be corroborated by other testimony; as, for instance, Lafuente
+         under the year 1710: 'Ni el abandono de la Francia, ni la
+         prolongacion y los azares de la guerra, ni los sacrificios
+         pecuniarios y personales de tantos anos, nada bastaba a entibiar
+         el amor de los castellanos a su rey Felipe V.' (_Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xviii. p. 258); and Berwick (_Memoires_, vol. ii.
+         p. 114, edit. Paris, 1778): 'La fidelite inouie des Espagnols;'
+         and, nine years earlier, a letter from Louville to Torcy: 'Le
+         mot revolte, pris dans une acception rigoureuse, n'a pas de sens
+         en Espagne.' _Louville_, _Memoires sur l'etablissement de la
+         Maison de Bourbon en Espagne_, edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p.
+         128. See also _Memoirs of Ripperda_, London, 1740, p. 58; and
+         _Memoires de Gramont_, vol. ii. p. 77, edit. Petitot, Paris,
+         1827. All these passages illustrate Spanish loyalty in the
+         eighteenth century, except the reference to Gramont, which
+         concerns the seventeenth, and which should be compared with the
+         following observations of Madame D'Aulnoy, who writes from
+         Madrid in 1679: 'Quelques richesses qu'ayent les grands
+         Seigneurs, quelque grande que soit leur fierte ou leur
+         presomption, ils obeissent aux moindres ordres du Roy, avec une
+         exactitude et un respect que l'on ne peut assez loueer. Sur le
+         premier ordre ils partent, ils reviennent, ils vont en prison,
+         ou en exil, sans se plaindre. Il ne se peut trouver une
+         soumission, et une obeissance plus parfaite, ni un amour plus
+         sincere, que celui des Espagnols pour leur Roi. Ce nom leur est
+         sacre, et pour reduire le peuple a tout ce que l'on souhaite, il
+         suffit de dire, "Le Roi le veut."' _D'Aulnoy_, _Voyage_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.
+
+  [1236] 'And Olivarez had been heard to censure very severely the duke's
+         (Buckingham's) familiarity and want of respect towards the
+         prince, a crime monstrous to the Spaniard.' ... 'Their
+         submissive reverence to their princes being a vital part of
+         their religion.' _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, ed.
+         Oxford, 1843, p. 15. For the religion of loyalty, in an earlier
+         period, see _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_, vol. i. p. 421: 'La
+         persona del Rey fue mirada de sus fieles vassallos con respeto
+         tan sagrado,' that resistance was 'una especie de sacrilegio.'
+
+These, then, were the two great elements of which the Spanish character
+was compounded. Loyalty and superstition; reverence for their kings and
+reverence for their clergy were the leading principles which influenced
+the Spanish mind, and governed the march of Spanish history. The
+peculiar and unexampled circumstances under which they arose, have been
+just indicated; and having seen their origin, we will now endeavour to
+trace their consequences. Such an examination of results will be the
+more important, not only because nowhere else in Europe have these
+feelings been so strong, so permanent, and so unmixed, but also because
+Spain, being seated at the further extremity of the Continent, from
+which it is cut off by the Pyrenees, has, from physical causes, as well
+as from moral ones, come little into contact with other nations.[1237]
+The course of affairs being, therefore, undisturbed by foreign habits,
+it becomes easier to discover the pure and natural consequences of
+superstition and loyalty, two of the most powerful and disinterested
+feelings which have ever occupied the human heart, and to whose united
+action we may clearly trace the leading events in the history of Spain.
+
+  [1237] These impediments to intercourse were once deemed almost
+         invincible. Fontenay-Mareuil, who visited Spain in 1612, and was
+         not a little proud of the achievement, says, 'Au reste,
+         parcequ'on ne va pas aussy ordinairement en Espagne qu'en
+         France, en Italie et ailleurs; et qu'estant comme en un coin, et
+         separee du reste du monde par la mer ou par les Pyrenees, on
+         n'en a, ce me semble, guere de connoissance, j'ay pense que je
+         devois faire icy une petite digression pour dire ce que j'en ay
+         appris dans ce voyage et despuis.' _Memoires de
+         Fontenay-Mareuil_, in _Collection des Memoires par Petitot_,
+         vol. i. p. 169, 1^e Serie, Paris, 1826. Seventy years later,
+         another writer on Spain says of the Pyrenees, 'Ces montagnes
+         sont a nos voyageurs modernes, ce qu'etoit aux anciens mariniers
+         le _Non plus ultra_ et les colomnes du grand Hercule.' _L'Estat
+         de l'Espagne_, Geneve, 1681 Epistre, p. ii. This work, little
+         known and not much worth knowing, forms the third volume of _Le
+         Prudent Voyageur_.
+
+The results of this combination were, during a considerable period,
+apparently beneficial, and certainly magnificent. For, the church and
+the crown making common cause with each other, and being inspirited by
+the cordial support of the people, threw their whole soul into their
+enterprises, and displayed an ardour which could hardly fail to insure
+success. Gradually advancing from the north of Spain, the Christians,
+fighting their way inch by inch, pressed on till they reached the
+southern extremity, completely subdued the Mohammedans, and brought the
+whole country under one rule and one creed. This great result was
+achieved late in the fifteenth century, and it cast an extraordinary
+lustre on the Spanish name.[1238] Spain, long occupied by her own
+religious wars, had hitherto been little noticed by foreign powers, and
+had possessed little leisure to notice them. Now, however, she formed a
+compact and undivided monarchy, and at once assumed an important
+position in European affairs.[1239] During the next hundred years, her
+power advanced with a speed of which the world had seen no example since
+the days of the Roman Empire. So late as 1478 Spain was still broken up
+into independent and often hostile states; Granada was possessed by the
+Mohammedans; the throne of Castile was occupied by one prince, the
+throne of Aragon by another. Before the year 1590, not only were these
+fragments firmly consolidated into one kingdom, but acquisitions were
+made abroad so rapidly as to endanger the independence of Europe. The
+history of Spain, during this period, is the history of one long and
+uninterrupted success. That country, recently torn by civil wars, and
+distracted by hostile creeds, was able in three generations to annex to
+her territory the whole of Portugal, Navarre, and Roussillon. By
+diplomacy, or by force of arms, she acquired Artois and Franche Comte,
+and the Netherlands; also the Milanese, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, the
+Balearic Islands, and the Canaries. One of her kings was emperor of
+Germany; while his son influenced the councils of England, whose queen
+he married. The Turkish power, then one of the most formidable in the
+world, was broken and beaten back on every side. The French monarchy was
+humbled. French armies were constantly worsted; Paris was once in
+imminent jeopardy; and a king of France, after being defeated on the
+field, was taken captive, and led prisoner to Madrid. Out of Europe, the
+deeds of Spain were equally wonderful. In America, the Spaniards became
+possessed of territories which covered sixty degrees of latitude, and
+included both the tropics. Besides Mexico, Central America, Venezuela,
+New Granada, Peru, and Chili, they conquered Cuba, San Domingo, Jamaica,
+and other islands. In Africa, they obtained Ceuta, Melilla, Oran,
+Bougiah, and Tunis, and overawed the whole coast of Barbary. In Asia,
+they had settlements on each side of the Deccan; they held part of
+Malacca; and they established themselves in the Spice Islands. Finally,
+by the conquest of the noble archipelago of the Philippines, they
+connected their most distant acquisitions, and secured a communication
+between every part of that enormous empire which girdled the world.
+
+  [1238] 'Con razon se miro la conquista de Granada, no como un
+         acontecimiento puramente espanol, sino como un suceso que
+         interesaba al mundo. Con razon tambien se regocijo toda la
+         cristiandad. Hacia medio siglo que otros mahometanos se habian
+         apoderado de Constantinopla; la caida de la capital y del
+         imperio bizantino en poder de los turcos habia llenado de terror
+         a la Europa; pero la Europa se consolo al saber que en Espana
+         habia concluido la dominacion de los musulmanes.' _Lafuente_,
+         _Historia de Espana_, vol. xi. p. 15.
+
+  [1239] 'L'Espagne, long-temps partagee en plusieurs etats, et comme
+         etrangere au reste de l'Europe, devint tout-a-coup une puissance
+         redoutable, faisant pencher pour elle la balance de la
+         politique.' _Koch_, _Tableau des Revolutions de l'Europe_,
+         Paris, 1823, vol. i. p. 362. On the relation between this and
+         some changes in literature which corresponded to it, see
+         _Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp.
+         148-152, where there are some ingenious, though perhaps scarcely
+         tenable, speculations.
+
+In connexion with this, a great military spirit arose, such as no other
+modern nation has ever exhibited. All the intellect of the country which
+was not employed in the service of the Church was devoted to the
+profession of arms. Indeed, the two pursuits were often united; and it
+is said that the custom of ecclesiastics going to war was practised in
+Spain long after it was abandoned in other parts of Europe.[1240] At all
+events, the general tendency is obvious. A mere list of successful
+battles and sieges in the sixteenth and part of the fifteenth century,
+would prove the vast superiority of the Spaniards, in this respect, over
+their contemporaries, and would show how much genius they had expended
+in maturing the arts of destruction. Another illustration, if another
+were required, might be drawn from the singular fact that since the time
+of ancient Greece, no country has produced so many eminent literary men
+who were also soldiers. Calderon, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega risked
+their lives in fighting for their country. The military profession was
+also adopted by many other celebrated authors, among whom may be
+mentioned, Argote de Molina, Acuna, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Boscan,
+Carrillo, Cetina, Ercilla, Espinel, Francisco de Figueroa, Garcilasso de
+la Vega, Guillen de Castro, Hita, Hurtado de Mendoza, Marmol Carvajal,
+Perez de Guzman, Pulgar, Rebolledo, Roxas, and Virues; all of whom bore,
+in this manner, unconscious testimony to the spirit by which Spain was
+universally pervaded.
+
+  [1240] 'The holy war with the infidels' (Mohammedans) 'perpetuated the
+         unbecoming spectacle of militant ecclesiastics among the
+         Spaniards, to a still later period, and long after it had
+         disappeared from the rest of civilized Europe.' _Prescott's
+         History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 162.
+
+Here, then, we have a combination which many readers will still consider
+with favour, and which, at the time it occurred, excited the admiration,
+albeit the terror, of Europe. We have a great people glowing with
+military, patriotic, and religious ardour, whose fiery zeal was
+heightened, rather than softened, by a respectful obedience to their
+clergy, and by a chivalrous devotion to their kings. The energy of
+Spain, being thus both animated and controlled, became wary as well as
+eager; and to this rare union of conflicting qualities we must ascribe
+the great deeds which have just been related. But the unsound part of a
+progress of this sort is, that it depends too much upon individuals, and
+therefore cannot be permanent. Such a movement can only last as long as
+it is headed by able men. When, however, competent leaders are succeeded
+by incompetent ones, the system immediately falls to the ground, simply
+because the people have been accustomed to supply to every undertaking
+the necessary zeal, but have not been accustomed to supply the skill by
+which the zeal is guided. A country in this state, if governed by
+hereditary princes, is sure to decay; inasmuch as, in the ordinary
+course of affairs, incapable rulers must sometimes arise. Directly this
+happens, the deterioration begins; for the people, habituated to
+indiscriminate loyalty, will follow wherever they are led, and will
+yield to foolish counsels the same obedience that they had before paid
+to wise ones. This leads us to perceive the essential difference between
+the civilization of Spain and the civilization of England. We, in
+England, are a critical, dissatisfied, and captious people, constantly
+complaining of our rulers, suspecting their schemes, discussing their
+measures in a hostile spirit, allowing very little power either to the
+Church or to the Crown, managing our own affairs in our own way, and
+ready, on the slightest provocation, to renounce that conventional,
+lip-deep loyalty, which, having never really touched our hearts, is a
+habit lying on the surface, but not a passion rooted in the mind. The
+loyalty of Englishmen is not of that sort which would induce them to
+sacrifice their liberties to please their prince, nor does it ever, for
+a moment, blind them to a keen sense of their own interests. The
+consequence is, that our progress is uninterrupted, whether our kings
+are good or whether they are bad. Under either condition, the great
+movement goes on. Our sovereigns have had their full share of imbecility
+and of crime. Still, even men like Henry III. and Charles II. were
+unable to do us harm. In the same way, during the eighteenth and many
+years of the nineteenth century, when our improvement was very
+conspicuous, our rulers were very incompetent. Anne and the first two
+Georges were grossly ignorant; they were wretchedly educated, and nature
+had made them at once weak and obstinate. Their united reigns lasted
+nearly sixty years; and after they had passed away, we, for another
+period of sixty years, were governed by a prince who was long
+incapacitated by disease, but of whom we must honestly say that, looking
+at his general policy, he was least mischievous when he was most
+incapable. This is not the place to expose the monstrous principles
+advocated by George III., and to which posterity will do that justice
+from which contemporary writers are apt to shrink; but it is certain
+that neither his contracted understanding, nor his despotic temper, nor
+his miserable superstition, nor the incredible baseness of that ignoble
+voluptuary who succeeded him on the throne, could do aught to stop the
+march of English civilization, or to stem the tide of English
+prosperity. We went on our way rejoicing, caring for none of these
+things. We were not to be turned aside from our path by the folly of our
+rulers, because we know full well that we hold our own fate in our own
+hands, and that the English people possess within themselves those
+resources and that fertility of contrivance by which alone men can be
+made great, and happy, and wise.
+
+In Spain, however, directly the government slackened its hold, the
+nation fell to pieces.[1241] During that prosperous career which has
+just been noticed, the Spanish throne was invariably filled by very able
+and intelligent princes. Ferdinand and Isabella, Charles V. and Philip
+II., formed a line of sovereigns not to be matched in any other country
+for a period of equal length. By them, the great things were effected,
+and by their care, Spain apparently flourished. But, what followed when
+they were withdrawn from the scene, showed how artificial all this was,
+and how rotten, even to the core, is that system of government which
+must be fostered before it can thrive, and which, being based on the
+loyalty and reverence of the people, depends for success not on the
+ability of the nation, but on the skill of those to whom the interests
+of the nation are entrusted.
+
+  [1241] A learned Spanish lawyer has made some remarks which are worth
+         quoting, and which contain a curious mixture of truth and error:
+         'Comment la monarchie espagnole fut-elle dechue de tant de
+         grandeur et de gloire? Comment perdit-elle les Pays-Bas et le
+         Portugal dans le dix-septieme siecle, et s'y trouva-t-elle
+         reduite a n'etre qu'un squelette de ce qu'elle avait ete
+         auparavant? Comment vit-elle disparaitre plus d'une moitie de sa
+         population? Comment, possedant les mines inepuisables du Nouveau
+         Monde, les revenus de l'etat n'etaient a peine que de six
+         millions de ducats sous le regne de Philippe III? Comment son
+         agriculture et son industrie furent-elles ruinees? et comment
+         presque tout son commerce passa-t-il dans les mains de ses plus
+         grands ennemis? Ce n'est point ici le lieu d'examiner les
+         veritables causes d'une metamorphose si triste; il suffira
+         d'indiquer _que tous les grands empires contiennent en euxmemes
+         le germe de leur dissolution_,' &c. 'D'ailleurs les successeurs
+         de ces deux monarques' (Charles V. and Philip II.) 'n'eurent
+         point les memes talens, ni les ducs de Lerme et d'Olivares,
+         leurs ministres, ceux du cardinal Cisneros; et il est difficile
+         de calculer l'influence de la bonne ou de la mauvaise direction
+         des affaires sur la prosperite ou les malheurs des nations. Sous
+         une meme forme de gouvernement, quel qu'il puisse etre, _elles
+         tombent ou se relevent suivant la capacite des hommes qui les
+         dirigent_, et d'apres les circonstances ou ils agissent.'
+         _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortes_, Bordeaux, 1815, pp. 265-267.
+         Of the two passages which I have marked with italics, the first
+         is a clumsy, though common, attempt to explain complicated
+         phenomena by a metaphor which saves the trouble of generalizing
+         their laws. The other passage, though perfectly true as regards
+         Spain, does not admit of that universal application which M.
+         Sempere supposes; inasmuch as in England, and in the United
+         States of America, national prosperity has steadily advanced,
+         even when the rulers have been very incapable men.
+
+Philip II., the last of the great kings of Spain, died in 1598, and
+after his death the decline was portentously rapid.[1242] From 1598 to
+1700, the throne was occupied by Philip III., Philip IV., and Charles
+II. The contrast between them and their predecessors was most
+striking.[1243] Philip III. and Philip IV. were idle, ignorant, infirm
+of purpose, and passed their lives in the lowest and most sordid
+pleasures. Charles II., the last of that Austrian dynasty which had
+formerly been so distinguished, possessed nearly every defect which can
+make a man ridiculous and contemptible. His mind and his person were
+such as, in any nation less loyal than Spain, would have exposed him to
+universal derision. Although his death took place while he was still in
+the prime of life, he looked like an old and worn-out debauchee. At the
+age of thirty-five, he was completely bald; he had lost his eyebrows; he
+was paralyzed; he was epileptic; and he was notoriously impotent.[1244]
+His general appearance was absolutely revolting, and was that of a
+drivelling idiot. To an enormous mouth, he added a nether jaw protruding
+so hideously that his teeth could never meet, and he was unable to
+masticate his food.[1245] His ignorance would be incredible, if it were
+not substantiated by unimpeachable evidence. He did not know the names
+of the large towns, or even of the provinces, in his dominions; and
+during the war with France he was heard to pity England for losing
+cities which in fact formed part of his own territory.[1246] Finally, he
+was immersed in the most grovelling superstition; he believed himself
+to be constantly tempted by the devil; he allowed himself to be
+exorcised as one possessed by evil spirits; and he would not retire to
+rest, except with his confessor and two friars, who had to lie by his
+side during the night.[1247]
+
+  [1242] 'With Philip II. ends the greatness of the kingdom, which from
+         that period declined with fearful rapidity.' _Dunham's History
+         of Spain_, vol. v. p. 87. And Ortiz (_Compendio_, vol. vii.,
+         Prologo, p. 6) classes together 'la muerte de Felipe II. y
+         principios de nuestra decadencia.' The same judicious historian
+         elsewhere observes (vol. vi. p. 211), that if Philip III. had
+         been equal to his father, Spain would have continued to
+         flourish. Several of the more recent Spanish writers, looking at
+         the heavy expenses caused by the policy of Philip II., and at
+         the debts which he incurred, have supposed that the decline of
+         the country began in the latter years of his reign. But the
+         truth is, that no great nation ever was, or ever will be, ruined
+         by the prodigality of its government. Such extravagance causes
+         general discomfort, and therefore ought not to be tolerated; but
+         if this were the place for so long an argument, I could easily
+         show that its other and more permanent inconveniences are
+         nothing like what they are commonly supposed to be.
+
+  [1243] 'Abstraido Felipe III. en devociones, amante Felipe IV. de
+         regocijos, mortificado Carlos II. por padecimientos, cuidaronse
+         poco o nada de la gobernacion del Estado, y confiaronla a
+         validos altaneros, codiciosos, incapaces, y de muy funesta
+         memoria.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid,
+         1856, vol. i. p. 33.
+
+  [1244] 'Sans esperance de posterite.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_,
+         vol. i. p. 419. 'Incapaz de tener hijos.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. vi. p. 560. See also _Memoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 82;
+         and the allusions in _Lettres de Madame de Villars_, edit.
+         Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 53, 120, 164. She was ambassadress in Spain
+         in the reign of Charles II. M. Lafuente, who, if I rightly
+         remember, never quotes these interesting letters, and who
+         indeed, with very few exceptions, has used none but Spanish
+         authorities, ventures nevertheless to observe that 'La
+         circunstancia de no haber tenido sucesion, falta que en general
+         se achabaca mas al rey que a la reina,' &c. _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xvii. pp. 198, 199, Madrid, 1856. According to the
+         biographer of the Spanish Queens, some persons imputed this to
+         sorcery, 'y aun se dijo si intervenia maleficio.' _Florez_,
+         _Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas_, vol. ii. p. 973, Madrid,
+         1761, 4to.
+
+  [1245] In 1696, Stanhope, the English minister at Madrid, writes: 'He
+         has a ravenous stomach, and swallows all he eats whole, for his
+         nether jaw stands so much out that his two rows of teeth cannot
+         meet; to compensate which, he has a prodigious wide throat, so
+         that a gizzard or liver of a hen passes down whole, and his weak
+         stomach not being able to digest it, he voids it in the same
+         manner.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 79;
+         a very valuable collection of original documents, utterly
+         unknown to any Spanish historian I have met with. Some curious
+         notices of the appearance of Charles II. in his childhood may be
+         seen published for the first time in _Mignet's Negociations
+         relatives a la Succession d'Espagne_, Paris, 1835-1842, 4to.
+         vol. i. pp. 294, 295, 310, 396, 404, 410, vol. ii. p. 130, vol.
+         iii. pp. 418, 419, 423. See also vol. iv. p. 636, for an
+         instance of his taciturnity, which was almost the only mark of
+         sense he ever gave, 'Le roi l'ecouta, et ne lui repondit rien.'
+
+  [1246] 'Le Roy demeuroit dans une profonde ignorance et de ses affaires
+         et meme des Etats de sa couronne; a peine connoissoit-il quelles
+         etoient les places qui lui appartenoient hors du continent
+         d'Espagne.' ... 'La perte de Barcelone lui fut plus sensible
+         qu'aucune autre, parce que cette ville, capitale de la
+         Catalogne, et situee dans le continent de l'Espagne, lui etoit
+         plus connue que les villes de Flandre, dont il ignoroit
+         l'importance au point de croire que Mons appartenoit au roi
+         d'Angleterre, et de le plaindre lorsque le Roi fit la conquete
+         de cette province.' _Memoires du Marquis de Torcy_, vol. i. pp.
+         19, 23, edit. Petitot, Paris, 1828.
+
+  [1247] 'Fancying everything that is said or done to be a temptation of
+         the devil, and never thinking himself safe but with his
+         confessor, and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie in his
+         chamber every night.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, p. 102.
+         On account, no doubt, of this affection for monks, he is
+         declared by a Spanish historian to have possessed a 'corazon pio
+         y religioso.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de Espana_,
+         vol. i. p. 20. The best notice of the exorcism will be found in
+         _Lafuente's Historia de Espana_, vol. xvii. pp. 294-309, where
+         there is an entire chapter, headed 'Los Hechizos del Rey.'
+
+Now it was that men might clearly see on how sandy a foundation the
+grandeur of Spain was built. When there were able sovereigns, the
+country prospered; when there were weak ones, it declined. Nearly
+everything that had been done by the great princes of the sixteenth
+century, was undone by the little princes of the seventeenth. So rapid
+was the fall of Spain, that in only three reigns after the death of
+Philip II., the most powerful monarchy existing in the world was
+depressed to the lowest point of debasement, was insulted with impunity
+by foreign nations, was reduced more than once to bankruptcy, was
+stripped of her fairest possessions, was held up to public opprobrium,
+was made a theme on which school-boys and moralists loved to declaim
+respecting the uncertainty of human affairs, and, at length, was exposed
+to the bitter humiliation of seeing her territories mapped out and
+divided by a treaty in which she took no share, but the provisions of
+which she was unable to resent.[1248] Then, truly, did she drink to the
+dregs the cup of her own shame. Her glory had departed from her, she was
+smitten down and humbled. Well might a Spaniard of that time who
+compared the present with the past, mourn over his country, the chosen
+abode of chivalry and romance, of valour and of loyalty. The mistress of
+the world, the queen of the ocean, the terror of nations, was gone; her
+power was gone, no more to return. To her might be applied that bitter
+lamentation, which, on a much slighter occasion, the greatest of the
+sons of men has put into the mouth of a dying statesman. Good reason,
+indeed, had the sorrowing patriot to weep, as one who refused to be
+comforted, for the fate of his earth, his realm, his land of dear souls,
+his dear, dear land, long dear for her reputation through the world, but
+now leased out like to a tenement or pelting farm.[1249]
+
+  [1248] 'La foiblesse de l'Espagne ne permettoit pas a son roi de se
+         ressentir du traitement dont il croyoit a propos de se
+         plaindre.' _Memoires de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 81. Or, as an eminent
+         native writer bitterly says, 'Las naciones estrangeras
+         disponiendo de la monarquia espanola como de bienes sin dueno.'
+         _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_, vol. iii. p. 187.
+
+  [1249] 'This royal throne of kings, this scepter'd isle,
+         This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,
+         This other Eden, demi-paradise;
+         This fortress, built by nature for herself
+         Against infection and the hand of war;
+         This happy breed of men, this little world,
+         This precious stone set in the silver sea,
+         Which serves it in the office of a wall,
+         Or as a moat defensive to a house,
+         Against the envy of less happier lands;
+         This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England,
+         This nurse, this teeming womb of royal kings,
+         Fear'd by their breed and famous by their birth,
+         Renowned for their deeds as far from home,
+         For Christian service and true chivalry,
+         As is the sepulchre in stubborn Jewry
+         Of the world's ransom, blessed Mary's son:
+         This land of such dear souls, this dear, dear land,
+         Dear for her reputation through the world,
+         Is now leas'd out, I die pronouncing it,
+         Like to a tenement or pelting farm.'
+
+It would be a weary and unprofitable task to relate the losses and
+disasters of Spain during the seventeenth century. The immediate cause
+of them was undoubtedly bad government and unskilful rulers; but the
+real and overriding cause, which determined the whole march and tone of
+affairs, was the existence of that loyal and reverential spirit which
+made the people submit to what any other country would have spurned,
+and, by accustoming them to place extreme confidence in individual men
+reduced the nation to that precarious position in which a succession of
+incompetent princes was sure to overthrow the edifice which competent
+ones had built up.[1250]
+
+  [1250] The Spanish theory of government is well stated in the following
+         passage in Davila's Life of Philip III. The remarks apply to
+         Philip II. 'Que solo havia gobernado sin Validos ni Privados,
+         tomando para si solo, como primera causa de su gobierno, el
+         mandar, prohibir, premiar, castigar, hacer mercedes, conocer
+         sugetos, elegir Ministros, dar oficios, y tener como espiritu
+         que andaba sobre las aguas, ciencia y providencia de todo, para
+         que nada se hiciese sin su saber y querer: no serviendo los
+         Ministros mas que de poner por obra (obedeciendo) lo que su
+         Senor mandaba, velando sobre cada uno, como pastor de sus
+         ovejas, para ver la verdad con que executan sus mandamientos y
+         acuerdos.' _Davila_, _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, lib. i.
+         pp. 22, 23.
+
+The increasing influence of the Spanish Church was the first and most
+conspicuous consequence of the declining energy of the Spanish
+government. For, loyalty and superstition being the main ingredients of
+the national character, and both of them being the result of habits of
+reverence, it was to be expected that, unless the reverence could be
+weakened, what was taken from one ingredient would be given to the
+other. As, therefore, the Spanish government, during the seventeenth
+century, did, owing to its extreme imbecility, undoubtedly lose some
+part of the hold it possessed over the affections of the people, it
+naturally happened that the Church stepped in, and occupying the vacant
+place, received what the crown had forfeited. Besides this, the weakness
+of the executive government encouraged the pretensions of the
+priesthood, and emboldened the clergy to acts of usurpation, which the
+Spanish sovereigns of the sixteenth century, superstitious though they
+were, would not have allowed for a single moment.[1251] Hence the very
+striking fact, that, while in every other great country, Scotland alone
+excepted, the power of the Church diminished during the seventeenth
+century, it, in Spain, actually increased. The results of this are well
+worth the attention, not only of philosophic students of history, but
+also of every one who cares for the welfare of his own country, or feels
+an interest in the practical management of public affairs.
+
+  [1251] Even Philip II. always retained a certain ascendency over the
+         ecclesiastical hierarchy, though he was completely subjugated by
+         ecclesiastical prejudices. 'While Philip was thus willing to
+         exalt the religious order, already far too powerful, he was
+         careful that it should never gain such a height as would enable
+         it to overtop the royal authority.' _Prescott's History of
+         Philip II._, vol. iii. p. 235. 'Pero este monarca tan afecto a
+         la Inquisicion mientras le servia para sus fines, sabia bien
+         tener a raya al Santo Oficio cuando intentaba invadir o usurpar
+         las preeminencias de la autoridad real, o arrogarse un poder
+         desmedido.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. xv. p. 114.
+
+For twenty-three years after the death of Philip II., the throne was
+occupied by Philip III., a prince as distinguished by his weakness as
+his predecessors had been by their ability. During more than a century
+the Spaniards had been accustomed to be entirely ruled by their kings,
+who, with indefatigable industry, personally superintended the most
+important transactions, and in other matters exercised the strictest
+supervision over their ministers. But Philip III., whose listlessness
+almost amounted to fatuity, was unequal to such labour, and delegated
+the powers of government to Lerma, who wielded supreme authority for
+twenty years.[1252] Among a people so loyal as the Spaniards, this
+unusual proceeding could not fail to weaken the executive; since, in
+their eyes, the immediate and irresistible interference of the sovereign
+was essential to the management of affairs, and to the well-being of the
+nation. Lerma, well aware of this feeling, and conscious that his own
+position was very precarious, naturally desired to strengthen himself by
+additional support, so that he might not entirely depend on the favour
+of the king. He therefore formed a strict alliance with the clergy, and,
+from the beginning to the end of his long administration did everything
+in his power to increase their authority.[1253] Thus the influence lost
+by the crown was gained by the Church, to whose advice a deference was
+paid even greater than had been accorded by the superstitious princes of
+the sixteenth century. In this arrangement, the interests of the people
+were of course unheeded. Their welfare formed no part of the general
+scheme. On the contrary, the clergy, grateful to a government so
+sensible of their merits, and so religiously disposed, used all their
+influence in its favour; and the yoke of a double despotism was riveted
+more firmly than ever upon the neck of that miserable nation, which was
+now about to reap the bitter fruit of a long and ignominious
+submission.[1254]
+
+  [1252] 'Por cuyo absoluto poderio se executaba todo.' _Yanez_, _Memorias
+         para la Historia de Felipe III._, Prologo, p. 150. 'An
+         absoluteness in power over king and kingdom.' Letter from Sir
+         Charles Cornwallis to the Lords of the Council in England, dated
+         Valladolid, May 31, 1605, in _Winwood's Memorials_, vol. ii. p.
+         73, London, 1725, folio. 'Porque no era facil imaginar entonces,
+         ni por fortuna se ha repetido el ejemplo despues, que hubiera un
+         monarca tan prodigo de autoridad, y al propio tiempo tan
+         indolente, que por no tomarse siquiera el trabajo de firmar los
+         documentos de Estado, quisiera dar a la firma de un vasalla suyo
+         la misma autoridad que a la suya propia, y que advirtiera y
+         ordenara, como ordeno Felipe III. a todos sus consejos,
+         tribunales, y subditos, que dieran a los despachos firmados por
+         el duque de Lerma el mismo cumplimiento y obediencia, y los
+         ejecutaran y guardaran con el mismo respeto que si fueran
+         firmados por el.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. xv. pp.
+         449, 450. 'El duque de Lerma, su valido, era el que gobernaba el
+         reino solo.' vol. xvii. p. 332. His power lasted from 1598 to
+         1618. _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vi. pp. 290, 325.
+
+  [1253] Davila (_Historia de Felipe Tercero_, lib. ii. p. 41), after
+         eulogizing the personal qualities of Lerma, adds, 'Y sin estas
+         grandes partes tuvo demostraciones christianas, manifestandolo
+         en los conventos, iglesias, colegiatas, hospitales, ermitas y
+         catedras, que dejo fundadas, en que gasto, como me consta de los
+         libros de su Contaduria, un millon ciento cincuenta y dos mil
+         doscientos ochenta y tres ducados.' After such monstrous
+         prodigality, Watson might well say, in his rather superficial,
+         but, on the whole, well-executed History, that Lerma showed 'the
+         most devoted attachment to the church,' and 'conciliated the
+         favour of ecclesiastics.' _Watson's History of Philip III._,
+         London, 1839, pp. 4, 8, 46, 224.
+
+  [1254] The only energy Philip III. ever displayed, was in seconding the
+         efforts of his minister to extend the influence of the Church;
+         and hence, according to a Spanish historian, he was 'monarque le
+         plus pieux parmi tous ceux qui out occupe le trone d'Espagne
+         depuis saint Ferdinand.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol.
+         i. p. 245. 'El principal cuidado de nuestro Rey era tener a Dios
+         por amigo, grangear y beneficiar su gracia, para que le
+         asistiese propicio en quanto obrase y dixese. De aqui tuvieron
+         principio tantos dones ofrecidos a Dios, tanta fundacion de
+         Conventos, y favores hechos a Iglesias y Religiones.' _Davila_,
+         _Historia de Felipe Tercero_, lib. ii. p. 170. His wife,
+         Margaret, was equally active. See _Florez_, _Reynas Catholicas_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 915, 916. 'Demas de los frutos que dio para el
+         Cielo y para la tierra nuestra Reyna, tuvo otros de ambas lineas
+         en fundaciones de Templos y obras de piedad para bien del Reyno
+         y de la Iglesia. En Valladolid fundo el Convento de las
+         Franciscas Descalzas. En Madrid traslado a las Agustinas
+         Recoletas de Santa Isabel desde la calle del Principe al sitio
+         en que hoy estan. Protegio con sus limosnas la fundacion de la
+         Iglesia de Carmelitas Descalzas de Santa Ana; y empezo a fundar
+         el Real Convento de las Agustinas Recoletas con titulo de la
+         Encarnacion en este misma Corte, cuya primera piedra se puso a
+         10 de Junio del 1611. En la parroquia de S. Gil junto al Palacio
+         introdujo los Religiosos Franciscos, cuyo Convento persevera hoy
+         con la misma advocacion.' How the country fared, while all this
+         was going on, we shall presently see.
+
+The increasing power of the Spanish Church during the seventeenth
+century, may be proved by nearly every description of evidence. The
+convents and churches multiplied with such alarming speed, and their
+wealth became so prodigious, that even the Cortes, broken and humbled
+though they were, ventured on a public remonstrance. In 1626, only five
+years after the death of Philip III., they requested that some means
+might be taken to prevent what they described as a constant invasion on
+the part of the Church. In this remarkable document, the Cortes,
+assembled at Madrid, declared that never a day passed in which laymen
+were not deprived of their property to enrich ecclesiastics; and the
+evil, they said, had grown to such a height, that there were then in
+Spain upwards of nine thousand monasteries, besides nunneries.[1255]
+This extraordinary statement has, I believe, never been contradicted,
+and its probability is enhanced by several other circumstances. Davila,
+who lived in the reign of Philip III., affirms that in 1623, the two
+orders of Dominicans and Franciscans alone amounted to thirty-two
+thousand.[1256] The other clergy increased in proportion. Before the
+death of Philip III., the number of ministers performing in the
+Cathedral of Seville had swelled to one hundred; and in the diocese of
+Seville, there were fourteen thousand chaplains; in the diocese of
+Calahorra, eighteen thousand.[1257] Nor did there seem any prospect of
+remedying this frightful condition. The richer the Church became, the
+greater was the inducement for laymen to enter it; so that there
+appeared to be no limit to the extent to which the sacrifice of temporal
+interests might be carried.[1258] Indeed, the movement, notwithstanding
+its suddenness, was perfectly regular, and was facilitated by a long
+train of preceding circumstances. Since the fifth century, the course
+of events, as we have already seen, invariably tended in this direction,
+and insured to the clergy a dominion which no other nation would have
+tolerated. The minds of the people being thus prepared, the people
+themselves looked on in silence at what it would have been impious to
+oppose; for, as a Spanish historian observes, every proposition was
+deemed heretical which tended to lessen the amount, or even to check the
+growth of that enormous wealth which was now possessed by the Spanish
+Church.[1259]
+
+  [1255] The burden of the petition was, 'Que se tratasse con mas veras de
+         poner limite a los bienes, que se sacauan cada dia del braco
+         Seglar al Eclesiastico, enflaqueciendo no tan solo el patrimonio
+         Real, mas el comun, pues siendo aquel libre de pechos,
+         contribuciones, y gauelas, alojamientos, huespedes, y otros
+         grauamenes mayores, presidios, guerras, y soldados.' ... 'Que
+         las Religiones eran muchas, las Mendicantes en excesso, y el
+         Clero en grande multitud. Que auia en Espana 9088 monasterios,
+         aun no cotando los de Monjas. Que yuan meti[~e]do poco a poco,
+         con dotaciones, cofradias, capellanias, o con copras, a todo el
+         Reyno en su poder. Que se atajasse tanto mal. Que huuiesse
+         numero en los frayles, moderacion en los Couentos, y aun en los
+         Clerigos seglares.' _Cespedes_, _Historia de Don Felipe IV._,
+         Barcelona, 1634, fol. lib. vii. cap. 9, p. 272 rev. This is the
+         only noticeable passage in an unusually dull chronicle, which,
+         though professing to be a history of Philip IV., is confined to
+         the first few years of his reign.
+
+  [1256] 'En este ano, que iba escribiendo esta Historia, tenian las
+         Ordenes de Santo Domingo, y S. Francisco en Espana, treinta y
+         dos mil Religiosos, y los Obispados de Calahorra y Pamplona
+         veinte y quatro mil clerigos; pues que tendran las demas
+         Religiones, y los demas Obispados?' _Davila_, _Historia de
+         Felipe Tercere_, lib. ii. p. 215. See also cap. xcvii. pp. 248,
+         249; and, on the increase of convents, see _Yanez_, _Memorias
+         para la Historia de Felipe III._, pp. 240, 268, 304, 305.
+
+  [1257] 'The reign of Philip III., surnamed from his piety the Good, was
+         the golden age of Churchmen. Though religious foundations were
+         already too numerous, great additions were made to them; and in
+         those which already existed, new altars or chancels were
+         erected. Thus, the duke of Lerma founded seven monasteries and
+         two collegiate churches; thus, also, the diocese of Calahorra
+         numbered 18,000 chaplains, Seville 14,000. How uselessly the
+         ministers of religion were multiplied, will appear still more
+         clearly from the fact that the cathedral of Seville alone had a
+         hundred, when half-a-dozen would assuredly have been sufficient
+         for the public offices of devotion.' _Dunham's History of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 274. According to the passage quoted in note
+         93, from Davila, there were twenty-four thousand 'clerigos' in
+         the two dioceses of Calahorra and Pamplona.
+
+  [1258] 'Entre tanto crecia por instantes y se aumentaba prodigiosamente
+         el poder y la autoridad de la Iglesia. Sus pinguees riquezas
+         desmembraban de una manera considerable las rentas de la corona;
+         y el estado eclesiastico, que muchos abrazaron en un principio a
+         consecuencia de las desgracias y calamidades de la epoca, fue
+         despues el mas solicitado por las inmensas ventajas que ofrecia
+         su condicion comparada con la de las clases restantes.'
+         _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion_, pp. 223, 224. See
+         also in _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la Educacion_, Madrid,
+         1775-1777, vol. i. p. 465, and vol. iv. p. 219, a statement made
+         by the University of Toledo in 1619, or 1620, that 'hay doblados
+         religiosos, clerigos y estudiantes; porque ya _no hallan otro
+         modo de vivir_, _ni de poder sustentarse_.' If the eye of M.
+         Lafuente had lighted upon this and other passages, which I shall
+         shortly quote from contemporary observers, he would, I think,
+         have expressed himself much more strongly than he has done
+         respecting this period, in his recent brilliant, but
+         unsatisfactory, History of Spain. On the great wealth of the
+         convents in 1679, when the rest of the country was steeped in
+         poverty, see a letter dated Madrid, July 25, 1679, in
+         _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii.
+         p. 251. But the earliest evidence I have met with is in a
+         letter, written in 1609, to Prince Henry of England, by Sir
+         Charles Cornwallis, the English ambassador at Madrid. 'The
+         furniture of their churches here, and the riches and lustre of
+         their sepulchres made in every monasterie (the general povertye
+         of this kingdome considered), are almost incredible. The laity
+         of this nation may say with Davyde (though in another sense),
+         "Zelus domus tuae comedit me:" for, assuredly, the riches of the
+         Temporall hath in a manner all fallen into the mouthes and
+         devouring throates of the Spiritual.' _Winwood's Memorials of
+         Affairs of State_, vol. iii. p. 10, London, 1725, folio.
+
+  [1259] 'Deux millions de ducats, que le clerge possedait sous le regne
+         de Charles V, etaient reputes comme un revenu exorbitant; et, un
+         demi-siecle plus tard, lorsque ces revenus s'elevaient a huit
+         millions, on qualifiat d'heretique, toute proposition tendant a
+         operer quelque modification dans leur accroissement.' _Sempere_,
+         _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 16.
+
+How natural all this was, appears also from another fact of considerable
+interest. In Europe generally, the seventeenth century was distinguished
+by the rise of a secular literature in which ecclesiastical theories
+were disregarded; the most influential writers, such as Bacon and
+Descartes, being laymen, rather hostile to the Church than friendly to
+it, and composing their works with views purely temporal. But in Spain,
+no change of this sort occurred.[1260] In that country, the Church
+retained her hold over the highest as well as over the lowest
+intellects. Such was the pressure of public opinion, that authors of
+every grade were proud to count themselves members of the ecclesiastical
+profession, the interests of which they advocated with a zeal worthy of
+the Dark Ages. Cervantes, three years before his death, became a
+Franciscan monk.[1261] Lope de Vega was a priest; he was an officer of
+the Inquisition; and in 1623 he assisted at an auto da fe, in which,
+amid an immense concourse of people, a heretic was burned outside the
+gate of Alcala at Madrid.[1262] Moreto, one of the three greatest
+dramatists Spain has produced, assumed the monastic habit during the
+last twelve years of his life.[1263] Montalvan, whose plays are still
+remembered, was a priest, and held office in the Inquisition.[1264]
+Tarrega, Mira de Mescua, and Tirso de Molina, were all successful
+writers for the stage, and were all clergymen.[1265] Solis, the
+celebrated historian of Mexico, was also a clergyman.[1266] Sandoval,
+whom Philip III. appointed historiographer, and who is the principal
+authority for the reign of Charles V., was at first a Benedictine monk,
+afterwards became bishop of Tuy, and later still, was raised to the see
+of Pampeluna.[1267] Davila, the biographer of Philip III., was a
+priest.[1268] Mariana was a Jesuit;[1269] and Minana, who continued his
+History, was superior of a convent in Valencia.[1270] Martin Carrillo
+was a jurisconsult as well as an historian, but, not satisfied with his
+double employment, he too entered the Church, and became canon of
+Saragossa.[1271] Antonio, the most learned bibliographer Spain ever
+possessed, was a canon of Seville.[1272] Gracian, whose prose works have
+been much read, and who was formerly deemed a great writer, was a
+Jesuit.[1273] Among the poets, the same tendency was exhibited.
+Paravicino was for sixteen years a popular preacher at the courts of
+Philip III. and Philip IV.[1274] Zamora was a monk.[1275] Argensola was
+a canon of Saragossa.[1276] Gongora was a priest;[1277] and Rioja
+received a high post[1278] in the Inquisition. Calderon was chaplain to
+Philip IV.;[1279] and so fanatical are the sentiments which tarnish his
+brilliant genius, that he has been termed the poet of the
+Inquisition.[1280] His love for the Church was a passion, and he
+scrupled at nothing which could advance its interests. In Spain, such
+feelings were natural; though to other nations they seem so strange,
+that an eminent critic has declared that it is hardly possible to read
+his works without indignation.[1281] If this be so, the indignation
+should be extended to nearly all his contemporary countrymen, great or
+small. There was hardly a Spaniard of that period who did not entertain
+similar sentiments. Even Villaviciosa, author of one of the very best
+mock-heroic poems Spain has produced, was not only an officer in the
+Inquisition, but, in his last will, he strongly urged upon his family
+and all his descendants, that they too should, if possible, enter the
+service of that noble institution, taking whatever place in it they
+could obtain, since all its offices were, he said, worthy of
+veneration.[1282] In such a state of society, anything approaching to a
+secular or scientific spirit was, of course, impossible. Every one
+believed; no one inquired. Among the better classes, all were engaged in
+war or theology, and most were occupied with both. Those who made
+literature a profession, ministered, as professional men too often do,
+to the prevailing prejudice. Whatever concerned the Church was treated
+not only with respect, but with timid veneration. Skill and industry
+worthy of a far better cause, were expended in eulogizing every folly
+which superstition had invented. The more cruel and preposterous a
+custom was, the greater the number of persons who wrote in its favour,
+albeit no one had ventured to assail it. The quantity of Spanish works
+to prove the necessity of religious persecution is incalculable; and
+this took place in a country where not one man in a thousand doubted the
+propriety of burning heretics. As to miracles, which form the other
+capital resource of theologians, they, in the seventeenth century, were
+constantly happening, and as constantly being recorded. All literary men
+were anxious to say something on that important subject. Saints, too,
+being in great repute, their biographies were written in profusion, and
+with an indifference to truth which usually characterizes that species
+of composition. With these and kindred topics, the mind of Spain was
+chiefly busied. Monasteries, nunneries, religious orders, and cathedrals
+received equal attention, and huge books were written about them, in
+order that every particular might be preserved. Indeed, it often
+happened that a single convent, or a single cathedral, would have more
+than one historian; each seeking to distance his immediate competitor,
+and all striving which could do most to honour the Church and to uphold
+the interests of which the Church was the guardian.[1283]
+
+  [1260] In a work on Spanish literature which was published about seventy
+         years ago, and which, at the time of its appearance, made
+         considerable noise, this peculiarity is frankly admitted, but is
+         deemed rather an honour to Spain than otherwise, inasmuch as
+         that country, we are told, has produced philosophers who have
+         gone much deeper into things than Bacon, Descartes, and Newton,
+         who, no doubt, were clever men, but were nowise comparable to
+         the great thinkers of the Peninsula. Such assertions,
+         proceeding, not from some ignorant despiser of physical science,
+         who contemns what he has never been at the pains to study, but
+         from a really able and, in some respects, competent judge, are
+         important for the history of opinion; and as the book is not
+         very common, I will give two or three extracts. 'Confiesan los
+         Franceses con ingenuidad que Descartes fue un novelista: y con
+         todo eso quieren hacerle pasar por el promotor de la filosofia
+         en Europa, como si su filosofia se desemejase mucho de la que
+         dominaba en las sectas de la antigueedad. Su tratado "Del Metodo"
+         es nada en comparacion de los libros "De la Corrupcion de las
+         Artes" de Juan Luis Vives, que le antecedio buen numero de
+         anos.' _Oracion Apologetica por la Espana y su Merito Literario
+         por D. J. P. Forner_, Madrid, 1786, p. xi. 'No hemos tenido en
+         los efectos un Cartesio, no un Neuton: demoslo de barato: pero
+         hemos tenido justisimos legisladores y excelentes filosofos
+         practicos, que han preferido el inefable gusto de trabajar en
+         beneficio de la humanidad a la ociosa ocupacion de edificar
+         mundos imaginarios en la soledad y silencio de un gabinete.' p.
+         12. 'Nada se disputaba en Espana.' p. 61. At p. 143 a comparison
+         between Bacon and Vives; and the final decision, p. 146, that
+         Vives enjoys 'una gloriosa superioridad sobre todos los sabios
+         de todos los siglos.'
+
+  [1261] The final profession was not made till 1616; but he began to wear
+         the clothes in 1613. 'Tal era su situacion el sabado santo 2 de
+         abril' [1616] 'que por no poder salir de su casa hubieron de
+         darle en ella la profesion de la venerable orden tercera de San
+         Francisco, cuyo habito habia tomado en Alcala, el dia 2 de julio
+         de 1613.' _Navarrete_, _Vida de Cervantes_, p. cii. prefixed to
+         _Don Quijote_, Barcelona, 1839. Even in 1609, says Navarrete,
+         (p. lxii.), 'Se ha creido que entonces se incorporo tambien
+         Cervantes, como lo hizo Lope de Vega, en la congregacion del
+         oratorio del Caballero de Gracia, mientras que su muger y su
+         hermana dona Andrea se dedicaban a semejantes ejercicios de
+         piedad en la venerable orden tercera de San Francisco, cuyo
+         habito recibieron en 8 de junio del mismo ano.'
+
+  [1262] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. pp. 125, 126,
+         137, 147, 148.
+
+  [1263] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 374. _Biographie Universelle_, vol. xxx.
+         pp. 149, 150.
+
+  [1264] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. pp. 276, 327.
+
+  [1265] _Ticknor_, vol. ii. p. 327.
+
+  [1266] _Bouterwek's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 525. But
+         the best account is that given by his biographer, who assures us
+         of two facts; that he received 'todas las ordenes sagradas,' and
+         that he was 'devotisimo de Maria santisima.' _Vida de Solis_, p.
+         15, prefixed to _Solis_, _Historia de la Conquista de Mejico_,
+         edit. Paris, 1844.
+
+  [1267] _Biographie Universelle_, vol. xl. p. 319.
+
+  [1268] 'Sacerdote soy.' _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe
+         Tercero_, lib. ii. p. 215.
+
+  [1269] _Biographie Universelle_, vol. xxvii. p. 42.
+
+  [1270] _Ibid._ vol. xxix. p. 80.
+
+  [1271] _Ibid._ vol. vii. p. 219.
+
+  [1272] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 293.
+
+  [1273] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 177.
+
+  [1274] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 491, vol. iii. pp. 117, 118.
+
+  [1275] _Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 348,
+         London, 1846.
+
+  [1276] 'Pero en fin murio Don Andres Martinez, y sucediole en la
+         Canongia nuestro Bartholome.' _Pellicer_, _Ensayo de una
+         Bibliotheca_, Madrid, 1778, 4to. p. 94. This was the younger
+         Argensola.
+
+  [1277] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii. p. 486.
+
+  [1278] 'Occupied a high place in the Inquisition.' _Ticknor_, vol. ii.
+         p. 507. 'Prit les ordres, et obtint un canonicat.' _Biographie
+         Univ._ vol. xxxviii. p. 120.
+
+  [1279] In 1663 Philip IV. 'le honro con otra Capellania de honor en su
+         real Capilla.' _Vida de Calderon_, p. iv., prefixed to _Las
+         Comedias de Calderon_, edit. Keil, Leipsique, 1827.
+
+  [1280] 'Calderon is, in fact, the true poet of the Inquisition. Animated
+         by a religious feeling, which is too visible in all his pieces,
+         he inspires me only with horror for the faith which he
+         professes.' _Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe_, vol.
+         ii. p. 379. Compare _Lewes on the Spanish Drama_, pp. 176-179.
+
+  [1281] Salfi says, 'Calderon de la Barca excite encore plus une sorte
+         d'indignation, malgre son genie dramatique, qui le mit audessus
+         de Vega, son predecesseur. En lisant ses drames sans prevention,
+         vous diriez qu'il a voulu faire servir son talent uniquement a
+         confirmer les prejuges et les superstitions les plus ridicules
+         de sa nation.' _Ginguene_, _Histoire Litteraire d'Italie_, vol.
+         xii. p. 499, Paris, 1834.
+
+  [1282] 'Entro en el ano de 1622 a ser _Relator del Consejo de la General
+         Inquisicion_, cuyo empleo servio y desempeno con todo honor
+         muchos anos.' And he declared, 'en esta clausula de su
+         Testamento: "Y por quanto yo y mis hermanos y toda nuestra
+         familia nos hemos sustentado, autorizado y puesto en estado con
+         las honras y mercedes, que nos ha hecho el santo Oficio de la
+         Inquisicion, a quien hemos servido como nuestros antepassados;
+         encargo afectuosissimamente a todos mis successores le sean para
+         siempre los mas respetuosos servidores y criados, viviendo en
+         ocupacion de su santo servido, procurando adelantarse y
+         senalarse en el, quanto les fuere possible, en qualquiera de sus
+         ministerios; pues todos son tan dignos de estimacion y
+         veneracion."' _La Mosquea, por Villaviciosa_, Prologo,
+         pp. x.-xii., edit. Madrid, 1777.
+
+  [1283] 'Hardly a convent or a saint of any note in Spain, during the
+         sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, failed of especial
+         commemoration; and each of the religious orders and great
+         cathedrals had at least one historian, and most of them several.
+         The number of books on Spanish ecclesiastical history, is,
+         therefore, one that may well be called enormous.' _Ticknor's
+         History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 132. Forner assures
+         us, somewhat needlessly, of what no one ever doubted, that 'los
+         estudios sagrados jamas decayeron en Espana.' _Forner_, _Oracion
+         Apologetica_, Madrid, 1786, p. 141.
+
+Such, was the preponderance of the ecclesiastical profession, and such
+was the homage paid to ecclesiastical interests by the Spaniards during
+the seventeenth century.[1284] They did everything to strengthen the
+Church in that very age when other nations first set themselves in
+earnest to weaken it. This unhappy peculiarity was undoubtedly the
+effect of preceding events; but it was the immediate cause of the
+decline of Spain, since, whatever may have been the case in former
+periods, it is certain that, in modern times, the prosperity of nations
+depends on principles to which the clergy, as a body, are invariably
+opposed. Under Philip III. they gained an immense accession of strength;
+and in that very reign they signalized this new epoch of their power by
+obtaining, with circumstances of horrible barbarity, the expulsion of
+the whole Moorish nation. This was an act so atrocious in itself,[1285]
+and so terrible in its consequences, that some writers have ascribed to
+it alone, the subsequent ruin of Spain; forgetting that other causes,
+far more potent, were also at work, and that this stupendous crime could
+never have been perpetrated, except in a country which, being long
+accustomed to regard heresy as the most heinous of all offences, was
+ready, at any cost, to purge the land and to free itself from men whose
+mere presence was regarded as an insult to the Christian faith.
+
+  [1284] In 1623, Howell writes from Madrid: 'Such is the reverence they
+         bear to the church here, and so holy a conceit they have of all
+         ecclesiastics, that the greatest Don in Spain will tremble to
+         offer the meanest of them any outrage or affront.' _Howell's
+         Letters_, edit. London, 1754, p. 138. 'The reverence they show
+         to the holy function of the church is wonderful; Princes and
+         Queens will not disdain to kiss a Capuchin's sleeve, or the
+         surplice of a priest.' ... 'There are no such sceptics and
+         cavillers there, as in other places.' p. 496. In 1669, another
+         observer writes: 'En Espagne les Religieux sont les maitres, et
+         l'emportent partout ou ils se trouvent.' _Voyages faits en
+         divers Temps en Espagne_, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 35. And, to quote
+         one more authority, the following picture is given of Spanish
+         society in the reign of Philip IV.: 'No habia familia con quien
+         no estuvieran entroncados los frailes por amistad o parentesco;
+         ni casa que les cerrara sus puertas; ni conversacion en que no
+         se les cediera la palabra; ni mesa en que no se les obligara a
+         ocupar la primera silla; ni resolucion grave entre ricos o
+         pobres que se adoptara sin su consejo; y si no tomaban parte en
+         ellas, las satisfacciones domesticas no eran cabales.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. i. p. 94.
+
+  [1285] 'Le cardinal de Richelieu, qui n'etoit pas tres-susceptible de
+         pitie, l'appelle "le plus hardi et le plus barbare conseil dont
+         l'histoire de tous les siecles precedens fasse mention."'
+         _Sismondi_, _Histoire des Francais_, vol. xxii. p. 163, Paris,
+         1839.
+
+After the reduction, late in the fifteenth century, of the last
+Mohammedan kingdom in Spain, the great object of the Spaniards became to
+convert those whom they had conquered.[1286] They believed that the
+future welfare of a whole people was at stake; and finding that the
+exhortations of their clergy had no effect, they had recourse to other
+means, and persecuted the men they were unable to persuade. By torturing
+some, by burning others, and by threatening all, they at length
+succeeded; and we are assured that, after the year 1526, there was no
+Mohammedan in Spain, who had not been converted to Christianity.[1287]
+Immense numbers of them were baptized by force; but being baptized, it
+was held that they belonged to the Church, and were amenable to her
+discipline.[1288] That discipline was administered by the Inquisition,
+which, during the rest of the sixteenth century, subjected these new
+Christians, or Moriscoes, as they were now called,[1289] to the most
+barbarous treatment. The genuineness of their forced conversion was
+doubted; it therefore became the business of the Church to inquire into
+their sincerity.[1290] The civil government lent its aid; and among
+other enactments, an edict was issued by Philip II. in 1566, ordering
+the Moriscoes to abandon everything which by the slightest possibility
+could remind them of their former religion. They were commanded, under
+severe penalties, to learn Spanish, and to give up all their Arabic
+books. They were forbidden to read their native language, or to write
+it, or even to speak it in their own houses. Their ceremonies and their
+very games were strictly prohibited. They were to indulge in no
+amusements which had been practised by their fathers; neither were they
+to wear such clothes as they had been accustomed to. Their women were to
+go unveiled; and as bathing was a heathenish custom, all public baths
+were to be destroyed, and even all baths in private houses.[1291]
+
+  [1286] 'Porque los Reyes queriendo, que en todo el Reino fuesen
+         Christianos, embiaron a Frai Francisco Ximenez, que fue
+         Arzobispo de Toledo i Cardenal, para que los persuadiese. Mas
+         ellos, gente dura, pertinaz, nuevamente conquistada, estuvieron
+         recios,' _Mendoza_, _Guerra de Granada que hizo Felipe II.
+         contra los Moriscos_, Valencia, 1776, 4to. p. 10. The author of
+         this book was born early in the sixteenth century, at Granada,
+         where he lived for a considerable period.
+
+  [1287] 'L'annee 1526 vit donc disparaitre dans toutes les parties de
+         l'Espagne les signes exterieurs de l'islamisme.' _Circourt_,
+         _Hist. des Arabes d'Espagne_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 220. M.
+         Lafuente (_Historia de Espana_, vol. x. p. 132) says of 1502,
+         that 'desde entonces, por primera vez al cabo de ocho siglos, no
+         quedo un solo habitante en Espana que esteriormente diera culto
+         a Mahoma:' but in vol. xi. p. 447, he says that, in 1524,
+         'volvieron inmediatamente a sus ritos y ceremonias muslimicas.'
+         As M. de Circourt was well acquainted with all the materials
+         used by M. Lafuente, and is, moreover, a much more critical
+         writer, it seems likely that his statement is the correct one.
+
+  [1288] 'Ces malheureux auraient tous ete extermines, s'ils n'avaient
+         consenti a recevoir le bapteme. Au milieu des decombres de leurs
+         maisons, sur les cadavres fumans de leurs femmes, ils
+         s'agenouillerent. Les germanos, ivres de sang, firent l'office
+         de pretres; l'un d'eux prit un balai, aspergea la foule des
+         musulmans, en prononcant les paroles sacramentelles, et crut
+         avoir fait des chretiens. L'armee des germanos se repandit
+         ensuite dans le pays environnant, saccageant d'abord, baptisant
+         apres.' _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, vol. ii.
+         p. 175. See also p. 202.
+
+  [1289] That was their general name; but, in Aragon, they were termed
+         '"tornadizos," en lenguage insultante.' _Janer_, _Condicion de
+         los Moriscos de Espana_, Madrid, 1857, p. 26.
+
+  [1290] 'Recibieron el Sacramento por comodidad, no de voluntad, y asi
+         encubrian todo lo possible el viuir y morir en la secta de
+         Mahoma, siendo infieles apostatas.' _Vanderhammen's Filipe
+         Segundo_, p. 12. 'Porque la Inquisicion los comenzo a apretar
+         mas de lo ordinario.' _Mendoza_, _Guerra de Granada_, p. 20.
+         'Poner nuevo cuidado i diligencia en descubrir los motivos
+         destos hombres,' p. 26. And yet this very writer has the
+         impudence to declaim against Mohammedanism as a cruel religion.
+         'Cruel i abominable religion aplacar a Dios con vida i sangre
+         innocente!' pp. 107, 108.
+
+  [1291] Vanderhammen (_Filipe Segundo_, p. 12, Madrid, 1632) merely tells
+         us that 'Por cedula el ano sesenta y seis les mando dexassen el
+         habito, lengua y costumbres de Moros, y fuessen Christianos y lo
+         pareciessen.' But the exact provisions were, 'Que dentro de tres
+         anos aprendiesen los moriscos a hablar la lengua castellana, y
+         de alli adelante ninguno pudiese hablar, leer ni escriber
+         arabigo en publico ni en secreto: que todos los contratos que se
+         hiciesen en arabigo fuesen nulos: que todos los libros asi
+         escritos los llevasen en termino de treinta dias al presidente
+         de la audiencia de Granada para que los mandase examinar,
+         devolviendoseles aquellos que no ofrecieran inconveniente para
+         que los pudiesen guardar solo durante los tres anos: que no se
+         hicieran de nuevo marlotas, almalafas, calzas ni otra suerte de
+         vestidos de los que se usaban en tiempos de moros; que durante
+         este tiempo, las mujeres vestidas a la morisca llevarian la cara
+         descubierta; que no usasen de las ceremonias ni de los regocijos
+         moros en las bodas, sino conforme al uso de la Santa Madre
+         Iglesia, abriendo las puertas de sus casas en tales dias, y
+         tambien en los de fiesta, no haciendo zambras ni leylas con
+         instrumentos ni cantares moriscos, aunque no dijesen en ellos
+         cosas contraria a la religion cristiana,' &c. _Janer_,
+         _Condicion de los Moriscos_, pp. 31, 32, where other particulars
+         will be found, which should be compared with _Circourt_,
+         _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 278, 283, 459-463.
+
+By these and similar measures,[1292] these unhappy people were at length
+goaded into rebellion; and in 1568 they took the desperate step of
+measuring their force against that of the whole Spanish monarchy. The
+result could hardly be doubted; but the Moriscoes maddened by their
+sufferings, and fighting for their all, protracted the contest till
+1571, when the insurrection was finally put down.[1293] By this
+unsuccessful effort, they were greatly reduced in numbers and in
+strength; and, during the remaining twenty-seven years of the reign of
+Philip II. we hear comparatively little of them. Notwithstanding an
+occasional outbreak, the old animosities were subsiding, and in the
+course of time would probably have disappeared. At all events, there was
+no pretence for violence on the part of the Spaniards, since it was
+absurd to suppose that the Moriscoes, weakened in every way, humbled,
+broken, and scattered through the kingdom, could, even if they desired
+it, effect any thing against the resources of the executive government.
+
+  [1292] Some of the other steps which were taken, before 1566, to affront
+         the Moriscoes are enumerated in _Prescott's History of Philip
+         II._, vol. iii. p. 10, and elsewhere. In the reign of Charles
+         V., there were many acts of local tyranny which escape the
+         general historian. One of them, on the part of the Bishop of
+         Guadix, is worth quoting. 'On le vit pousser l'intolerance
+         jusqu'a faire raser les femmes et les obliger a racler leurs
+         ongles pour en faire disparaitre les traces du henne, cosmetique
+         inoffensif dont il abhorrait l'usage, en raison de ce que les
+         Arabes l'avaient introduit.' _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes
+         d'Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 226.
+
+  [1293] Its concluding scene, in March, 1571, is skilfully depicted in
+         _Prescott's History of Philip III._, vol. iii. pp. 148-151. The
+         splendid courage of the Moriscoes is attested by Mendoza in his
+         contemporary history of the war; but, in narrating the horrible
+         outrages which they undoubtedly committed, he makes no allowance
+         for the long-continued and insufferable provocations which they
+         had received from the Spanish Christians. What he mentions of
+         one of the battles is curious, and I do not remember to have
+         seen it elsewhere recorded. 'Fue porfiado por ambas partes el
+         combate hasta venir a las espadas, de que los Moros se
+         aprovechan menos que nosotros, por tener las suyas un filo i no
+         herir ellos de punta.' _Mendoza_, _Guerra de Granada_, edit.
+         4to. Valencia, 1776, p. 168.
+
+But, after the death of Philip II., that movement began which I have
+just described, and which, contrary to the course of affairs in other
+nations, secured to the Spanish clergy in the seventeenth century, more
+power than they had possessed in the sixteenth. The consequences of this
+were immediately apparent. The clergy did not think that the steps taken
+by Philip II. against the Moriscoes were sufficiently decisive; and even
+during his lifetime they looked forward to a new reign, in which these
+Christians of doubtful sincerity should be either destroyed or driven
+from Spain.[1294] While he was on the throne, the prudence of the
+government restrained in some degree the eagerness of the Church; and
+the king, following the advice of his ablest ministers, refused to adopt
+the measures to which he was urged, and to which his own disposition
+prompted him.[1295] But, under his successor, the clergy, as we have
+already seen, gained fresh strength, and they soon felt themselves
+sufficiently powerful to begin another and final crusade against the
+miserable remains of the Moorish nation.[1296]
+
+  [1294] An instance of this was exhibited in 1578, on the very day in
+         which Philip III. was born. 'Predicando en un lugar de Aragon,
+         todo de Moriscos, llamado Ricla, o Torrellas, un religioso,
+         llamado Vargas, el mismo dia que nacio su Magestad, viendo el
+         poco fruto que hacia con sus sermones, dixo, como en Profecia, a
+         aquella gente rebelde: Pues no quereis despedir de vuestros
+         pechos esta infernal secta, sabed, que ha nacido en Castilla vn
+         Principe que os ha de echar de Espana.' _Porreno_, _Dichos y
+         Hechos de Phelipe III._, in _Yanez_, _Memorias_, Madrid, 1723,
+         p. 224; and nearly the same words in _Janer_, _Condicion de los
+         Moriscos_, p. 60. Mr. Prescott, in his _History of Philip II._,
+         vol. iii. p. 139, quotes a Ms. letter from Don John of Austria
+         to Philip II., written in 1570, and stating that the Spanish
+         monks were openly preaching against the leniency with which the
+         king treated the Moriscoes. 'Predicando en los pulpitos
+         publicamente contra la benignidad y clemencia que V. M. ha
+         mandado usar con esta gente.'
+
+  [1295] In a recent work of considerable authority, it is denied that
+         Philip II. entertained the desire of expelling the Moriscoes.
+         'El caracter austero y la severidad de Felipe II. redundaban en
+         favor de los moriscos, porque no daba oidos a las instigaciones
+         de algunos personajes que senalaban la expulsion general como
+         unico remedio eficaz para los males que ofrecia al pais aquella
+         desventurada raza. Acababa el monarca de tocar los tristes
+         resultados de una emigracion por las funestas consecuencias de
+         la despoblacion del reino granadino, y preferia continuar en la
+         _senda de la conciliacion_, procurando de nuevo la ensenanza de
+         los conversos.' _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, Madrid,
+         1857, p. 59. But to say nothing of the fact that this is
+         contrary to all we know of the character of Philip, we have, on
+         the other side of the question, the testimony of Archbishop
+         Ribera, who had often communicated with the King on the subject,
+         and who distinctly states that Philip desired the expulsion of
+         the Moors from Spain, 'El hechar los Moros deste Reyno, ha sido
+         cosa muy desseada, y procurada por los Reyes Predecessores del
+         Rey nuestro Senor, aunque no executada.' ... 'El Rey Don Felipe
+         Segundo, nuestro Senor, despues de suceder en estos Reynos,
+         _tuvo el mismo desseo_; y assi mando, que se juntassen los
+         Prelados deste Reyno para buscar remedio el ano de 1568; siendo
+         Arcobispo desta Metropoli el Reverendissimo Don Hernando de
+         Lloazes. Hizieronse en aquella Junta algunas Constituciones de
+         consideracion. Visto que no aprovechaban, mando el ano 1587 que
+         se hiziesse otra Junta, _en la qual me halle yo_: anadimos
+         tambien algunas nuevas Constituciones. Y constando a su Magestad
+         que no eran bastantes las diligencias passadas, y que siempre
+         perseveraban en su heregia, se resolvio de mandarlos hechar del
+         Reyno, o por lo menos meterlos dentro de la tierra.' _Ximenez_,
+         _Vida de Ribera_, Roma, 1734, 4to. pp. 419, 420. This important
+         passage is decisive as to the real feelings of Philip, unless we
+         assume that Ribera has stated a deliberate falsehood. But,
+         strange to say, even the book in which so remarkable a passage
+         is contained, appears to be unknown either to M. Janer or to M.
+         Lafuente.
+
+  [1296] 'El rey Felipe III., hombre de rudo ingenio, se dejaba gobernar
+         con facilidad por aquellos que sabiendo los temores de su
+         conciencia, se aprovechaban de su imbecilidad para conseguir
+         cuanto querian. Muchos eclesiasticos, recordando las espulsiones
+         de judios y moros ejecutadas de orden de Fernando e Isabel, y
+         conociendo que a Felipe III. seria agradable imitar a estos
+         monarcas, le aconsejaron que condenase al destierro a todos los
+         moriscos que vivian en sus reynos; pues no solo se obstinaban en
+         seguir la ley mahometana, sino que tenian tratos con los turcos
+         y entre si para buscar sus libertades por medio del rigor de las
+         armas.' _Castro_, _Decadencia de Espana_, Cadiz, 1852,
+         pp. 101, 102.
+
+The Archbishop of Valencia was the first to take the field. In 1602,
+this eminent prelate presented a memorial to Philip III. against the
+Moriscoes; and finding that his views were cordially supported by the
+clergy, and not discouraged by the crown, he followed up the blow by
+another memorial having the same object.[1297] The Archbishop, who spoke
+as one having authority, and who from his rank and position was a
+natural representative of the Spanish Church, assured the king that all
+the disasters which had befallen the monarchy, had been caused by the
+presence of these unbelievers, whom it was now necessary to root out,
+even as David had done to the Philistines, and Saul to the
+Amalekites.[1298] He declared that the Armada, which Philip II. sent
+against England in 1588, had been destroyed, because God would not allow
+even that pious enterprise to succeed, while those who undertook it,
+left heretics undisturbed at home. For the same reason, the late
+expedition to Algiers had failed; it being evidently the will of Heaven
+that nothing should prosper while Spain was inhabited by
+apostates.[1299] He, therefore, exhorted the king to exile all the
+Moriscoes, except some whom he might condemn to work in the galleys, and
+others who could become slaves, and labour in the mines of
+America.[1300] This, he added, would make the reign of Philip glorious
+to all posterity, and would raise his fame far above that of his
+predecessors, who in this matter had neglected their obvious duty.[1301]
+
+  [1297] These memorials are printed in the Appendix to his Life by
+         Ximenez. See the very curious book, entitled _Vida y Virtudes
+         del Venerable Siervo de Dios D. Juan de Ribera_, _por el R. P.
+         Fr. Juan Ximenez_, Roma, 1734, 4to. pp. 367-374, 376-393. This
+         work is, I believe, extremely rare; at all events, I endeavoured
+         in vain to obtain a copy from Spain or Italy, and, after some
+         years' unsuccessful search, I met with the one I now have, on a
+         London book-stall. M. de Circourt, in his learned History of the
+         Spanish Arabs, does not appear to have been aware of its
+         existence, and he complains that he could not procure the works
+         of Ribera, whose Memorials he consequently quotes second-hand.
+         _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_, Paris, 1846, vol.
+         iii. pp. 168, 351. Nor does Watson seem to have known it; though
+         both he and M. de Circourt refer to Escriva's Life of Ribera.
+         _Watson's Philip III._, London, 1839, pp. 214-221. An abstract
+         of these Memorials is given by Geddes, who, though a learned and
+         accurate writer, had the mischievous habit of not indicating the
+         sources of his information. _Geddes' Tracts_, London, 1730,
+         vol. i. pp. 60-71.
+
+  [1298] 'Por lo qual se puede creer, que nuestro Senor ha querido
+         reservar esta obra tan digna de pecho Real para Vuestra
+         Magestad, como reservo la libertad e su pueblo para Moyses, la
+         entrada de la Tierra de Promission para Josue, la venganca de la
+         injuria antigua de los Amalequitas para Saul, y la victoria de
+         los Filisteos para David.' _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 370.
+         Again, p. 377: 'Y al primer Rey que tuvo el Mundo, en siendo
+         elegido por Dios, y confirmado en su Reyno, le embia a mandar
+         por un Propheta que destruya a los Amalequitas, sin dexar
+         hombres, ni mugeres, ni ninos, aunque sean de leche, en fin que
+         no quede rastro de ellos, ni des sus haziendas. Y porque no
+         cumplio exactamente su mandamiento, cayo en indignacion de Dios,
+         y fue privado del Reyno. Al segundo Rey, que fue David, le mando
+         Dios en siendo jurado, que destruyesse los Philisteos, como lo
+         hizo.'
+
+  [1299] 'El ano quando se perdio la poderosa Armada, que iba a
+         Inglaterra, confiado de la benignidad del Rey nuestro Senor, que
+         esta en el Cielo, me atrevi con el zelo de fiel vassallo y
+         Capellan, a dezir a Su Magestad; que aviendo gastado mucho
+         tiempo en discurrir, que causa podia aver para que Dios, nuestro
+         Senor, permitiesse aquel mal sucesso se me havia ofrecido una
+         cosa de mucha consideracion, y era, querer dezir la Magestad
+         Divina a Su Magestad Catolica; que mientras no ponia remedio en
+         estas Heregias de Espana, cuyos Reynos le avia encomendado, no
+         se debia ocupar en remediar las de los Beynos agenos. Y ahora
+         confiando en la misma benignidad, y clemencia de Vuestra
+         Magestad, me atrevo tambien a dezir, que aviendo considerado la
+         causa, porque Dios nos ha quitado de las manos la toma de Argel,
+         aviendose dispuesto todas las prevenciones para ella con la
+         mayor prudencia, y sagacidad, que hemos visto en nuestros
+         tiempos, y sirviendonos el mar, y los ayres, y las ocasiones, de
+         la manera, que podiamos dessear, tengo por sin duda, que ha
+         sido, querer nuestro Senor dar a Vuestra Magestad el ultimo
+         recuerdo de la obligacion, que tiene, de resolver esta platica.'
+         _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 373. It would be a pity if such
+         admirable specimens of theological reasoning were to remain
+         buried in an old Roman quarto. I congratulate myself and the
+         reader on my acquisition of this volume, which is a vast
+         repertory of powerful, though obsolete, weapons.
+
+ [1300] 'Todas estas cosas, y otras muchas, que dexo de dezir, por no ser
+         prolixo, me hazen evidencia, de que conviene para el servicio de
+         Dios nuestro Senor, y que Vuestra Magestad esta obligado en
+         conciencia, como Rey, y Supremo Senor, a quien toca de justicia
+         defender, y conservar sus Reynos, mandar desterrar de Espana
+         todos estos Moriscos, sin que quede hombre, ni muger grande, ni
+         pequeno; reservando tan solamente los ninos, y ninas, que no
+         llegaren a siete anos, para que se guarden entre nosotros,
+         repartien dolos por las casas particulares de Christianos
+         viejos. Y aun hay opinion de personas doctas, que estos tales
+         ninos y ninas, los puede Vuestra Magestad dar por esclavos, y lo
+         fundan con razones probables.' _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, pp.
+         379, 380. 'Destos que se han de desterrar, podra Vuestra
+         Magestad tomarlos que fuere servido por esclavos, para proveer
+         sus Galeras, o para embiar a las minas de las Indias, sin
+         escrupulo alguno de conciencia, lo que tambien sera de no poca
+         utilidad.' p. 384. To do this, was to be merciful; for they all
+         deserved capital punishment, 'merecian pena capital.' p. 381.
+
+  [1301] 'Aora, Catolica Magestad, vemos que Dios nuestro Senor ha
+         reservado para Vuestra Magestad, y para su Real Corona, el
+         nombre, y hechos de Rey Catholico: permitiendo por sus secretos
+         juizios, que los que han sido siempre enemigos de su Iglesia se
+         conserven, y que los que antes eran Catholicos, ayan degenerado,
+         y apostatado de su santa ley y assi va la honra de Dios nuestro
+         Senor, y el exemplo, y confusion de los otros Reyes, en que
+         Vuestra Magestad tenga sus Reynos limpios de Hereges, y
+         principalmente a Espana. Y quando esto huviesse de costar
+         grandes trabajos, y todo el oro, y plata, que hay en las Indias,
+         estaria muy bien empleado: pues se atraviessa la honra de Dios,
+         la de su Santa Iglesia, el antiguo renombre desta Corona,' &c.
+         _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 382. And on the neglect of duty
+         by Charles V. and Philip II., see p. 370.
+
+These remonstrances, besides being in accordance with the known views of
+the Spanish Church, were warmly supported by the personal influence of
+the Archbishop of Toledo, the primate of Spain. In only one respect did
+he differ from the views advocated by the Archbishop of Valencia. The
+Archbishop of Valencia thought that children under seven years of age
+need not share in the general banishment, but might, without danger to
+the faith, be separated from their parents, and kept in Spain. To this,
+the Archbishop of Toledo strongly objected. He was unwilling, he said,
+to run the risk of pure Christian blood being polluted by infidels; and
+he declared that sooner than leave one of these unbelievers to corrupt
+the land, he would have the whole of them, men, women, and children, at
+once put to the sword.[1302]
+
+  [1302] 'The most powerful promoter of their expulsion was Don Bernardo
+         de Roias y Sandoval, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and
+         Inquisitor-General and Chancellor of Spain. This great prelate,
+         who was brother to the Duke of Lerma, by whom the king for some
+         years before, and for some years after the expulsion was
+         absolutely governed, was so zealous to have the whole race of
+         the Moriscoes extinguished, that he opposed the detaining of
+         their children who were under seven years of age, affirming that
+         of the two he judged it more advisable to cut the throats of all
+         the Moriscoes, men, women, and children, than to have any of
+         their children left in Spain, to defile the true Spanish blood
+         with a mixture of the Moorish.' _Geddes' Tracts_, vol. i. pp.
+         85, 86. Navarrete has pronounced a glowing eulogy upon the piety
+         and other noble qualities of this prelate; and says that
+         'llenando de esplendor con su virtud tres sillas episcopales,
+         merecio que Clemente VIII. le honrase con el capelo, y fue
+         elevado a la primada de Toledo y al empleo de inquisidor
+         general.' _Vida de Cervantes_, pp. xcvii., xcviii., Barcelona,
+         1839.
+
+That they should all be slain, instead of being banished, was the desire
+of a powerful party in the Church, who thought that such signal
+punishment would work good by striking terror into the heretics of every
+nation. Bleda, the celebrated Dominican, one of the most influential men
+of his time, wished this to be done, and to be done thoroughly. He
+said, that, for the sake of example, every Morisco in Spain should have
+his throat cut, because it was impossible to tell which of them were
+Christians at heart, and it was enough to leave the matter to God, who
+knew his own, and who would reward in the next world those who were
+really Catholics.[1303]
+
+  [1303] 'He did assure all the old Christian laity, that whenever the
+         king should give the word, they might, without any scruple of
+         conscience, cut the throats of all the Moriscoes, and not spare
+         any of them upon their professing themselves Christians; but to
+         follow the holy and laudable example of the Croisado that was
+         raised against the Albigenses, who, upon their having made
+         themselves masters of the city of Bezeir; wherein were two
+         hundred thousand Catholics and hereticks, did ask Father Arnold,
+         a Cistercian monk, who was their chief preacher, "Whether they
+         should put any to the sword that pretended to be Catholics;" and
+         were answered by the holy Abbot, "That they should kill all
+         without distinction, and leave it to God, who knew his own, to
+         reward them for being true Catholics in the next world;" which
+         was accordingly executed.' _Geddes_, vol. i. p. 84.
+
+It was evident that the fate of the wretched remnant of a once splendid
+nation was now sealed. The religious scruples of Philip III. forbade him
+to struggle with the Church; and his minister Lerma would not risk his
+own authority by even the show of opposition. In 1609, he announced to
+the king, that the expulsion of the Moriscoes had become necessary. 'The
+resolution,' replied Philip, 'is a great one; let it be executed.'[1304]
+And executed it was, with unflinching barbarity. About one million of
+the most industrious inhabitants of Spain were hunted out like wild
+beasts, because the sincerity of their religious opinions was
+doubtful.[1305] Many were slain, as they approached the coast; others
+were beaten and plundered; and the majority, in the most wretched
+plight, sailed for Africa. During the passage, the crew, in many of the
+ships, rose upon them, butchered the men, ravished the women, and threw
+the children into the sea. Those who escaped this fate, landed on the
+coast of Barbary, where they were attacked by the Bedouins, and many of
+them put to the sword. Others made their way into the desert, and
+perished from famine. Of the number of lives actually sacrificed, we
+have no authentic account; but it is said, on very good authority, that
+in one expedition, in which 140,000 were carried to Africa, upwards of
+100,000 suffered death in its most frightful forms within a few months
+after their expulsion from Spain.[1306]
+
+  [1304] '"Grande resolucion!" contesto el debil monarca al ministro
+         favorito: "hacedlo vos, duque."' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xv. p. 375. But this reply, so far from being a
+         mark of weakness on the part of Philip, was a strictly logical
+         application of the principles which he entertained, and which,
+         indeed, were almost universal in Spain. We know from his
+         contemporary biographer, that 'Determino el Rey en los
+         principios de su Reynado, como Rey tan poderoso y Catolico, de
+         consagrar y dedicar a Dios la potencia de sus Consejos y Armas
+         para extinguir y acabar los enemigos de la Iglesia Santa.'
+         _Davila_, _Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero_, lib. i.
+         p. 44.
+
+  [1305] This is the average estimate. Some authors make it less, and some
+         more; while one writer says, 'The numbers expelled have been
+         estimated at four hundred thousand families, or two millions of
+         souls.' _Clarke's Internal State of Spain_, London, 1818, p. 33.
+         But this is incredible. M. Castro (_Decadencia de Espana_,
+         Cadiz, 1852, p. 105) says, 'Espana perdio en los moriscos un
+         millon de habitantes;' and M. Janer (_Condicion de los
+         Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 93), 'Sin entrar en calculos sobre
+         los que habia cuando se expidio el edicto de Valencia en 1609,
+         ni sobre los que fenecieron en las rebeliones, de mano armada,
+         de sed, de hambre o ahogados, creemos poder fijar,
+         aproximadamente, en novecientos mil los que llegaron a poner el
+         pie fuera de la peninsula, despidiendose para siempre de las
+         costas y fronteras de Espana, cuya cifra deducimos del examen y
+         contexto de unos y otros escritores, de las listas que nos han
+         quedado de los expulsos, de los datos de diversas relaciones,
+         estados y documentos examinados con este solo intento;' and
+         further on, p. 105, 'la expulsion de un millon, o novecientos
+         mil de sus habitantes.' Llorente (_Histoire de l'Inquisition_,
+         vol. iii. p. 430, Paris, 1818) says, 'un million d'habitans
+         utiles et laborieux;' Ximenez (_Vida de Ribera_, Roma, 1734,
+         4to. p. 70), 'novecientos mil;' and Boisel, who was in Spain,
+         fifty years after the expulsion, and collected the traditionary
+         evidence, says, 'Il sortit neuf cens tant de mille hommes de
+         compte fait, de Valence, d'Andalousie, et de Castille.'
+         _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_, Paris, 1669, 4to. p.
+         275.
+
+  [1306] _Watson's Philip III._, pp. 234-235. _Davila_, _Vida de Felipe
+         III._, p. 146. _Yanez_, _Memorias para la Historia de Felipe
+         III._, pp. 281, 290. _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, pp.
+         83, 84, 90. Some particulars respecting their expulsion may also
+         be seen in Cottington's Letters from Madrid, which were written
+         in 1609, but are of very little value. _Winwood's Memorials of
+         Affairs of State_, vol. iii. pp. 73, 91, 103, 118, London,
+         folio, 1725.
+
+Now, for the first time, the Church was really triumphant.[1307] For the
+first time, there was not a heretic to be seen between the Pyrenees and
+the Straits of Gibraltar. All were orthodox, and all were loyal. Every
+inhabitant of that great country obeyed the Church, and feared the king.
+And from this happy combination, it was believed that the prosperity and
+grandeur of Spain were sure to follow. The name of Philip III. was to be
+immortal, and posterity would never weary of admiring that heroic act by
+which the last remains of an infidel race were cast out from the land.
+Those who had even remotely participated in the glorious consummation,
+were to be rewarded by the choicest blessings. Themselves, and their
+families, were under the immediate protection of Heaven. The earth
+should bear more fruit, and the trees should clap their hands. Instead
+of the thorn should come up the fir-tree, and instead of the brier, the
+myrtle. A new era was now inaugurated, in which Spain, purged of her
+heresy, was to be at ease, and men, living in safety, were to sleep
+under the shade of their own vineyards, sow their gardens in peace, and
+eat of the fruit of the trees they had planted.[1308]
+
+  [1307] In a contemporary sermon in commemoration of their expulsion, the
+         preacher joyfully exclaims, 'Pues, que mayor honra podemos tener
+         en este Reyno, que ser todos los que vivimos en el, fieles a
+         Dios, y al Rey, sin compania de estos Hereges y traydores?'
+         _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, p. 423. Another clergyman cries
+         out, 'Al fin salieron estos, y quedo la tierra libre de la
+         infamia de este gente.' _Davila_, _Vida de Felipe Tercero_, p.
+         149. See also p. 151. 'Y es digno de poner en consideracion el
+         zelo que los Reyes de Espana tuvieron en todo tiempo de
+         sustentar la Fe Catolica; pues en diferentes expulsiones que han
+         hecho, han sacado de sus Reynos tres millones de Moros, y dos
+         millones de Judios, enemigos de nuestra Iglesia.'
+
+  [1308] See the sermon by the Archbishop of Valencia, printed at length
+         in the Appendix to _Ximenez_, _Vida de Ribera_, pp. 411-428. I
+         would fain quote it all, but the reader must be content with
+         part of the peroration, pp. 426, 427. 'Entre las felizidades,
+         que cuenta el Espiritu Santo que tuvieron los hijos de Israel en
+         el govierno del Rey Salomon, es una; que vivian los hombres
+         seguros, durmiendo a la sombra de su parra, y de su higuera, sin
+         tener de quien temer. _Assi estaremos en este Reyno de aqui
+         adelante_, por la misericordia de nuestro Senor, y paternal
+         providencia de Su Magestad, todo nos sobrara, y la misma tierra
+         se fertilizara y dara fruto de bendicion. Brocardico es, de que
+         todos usabades, diziendo que despues, que estos se bautizaron,
+         no se avia visto un ano fertil; _aora todos lo seran_, porque
+         las heregias y blasfemias de estos tenian esterilizada,
+         abrasada, y inficionada la tierra, como dixo el Real Propheta
+         David, con tantos pecados y abominaciones.' ... 'Y edificaran en
+         las tierras, que antes eran desiertas, plantando vinas, y
+         bebiendo el vino de ellas, y sembraran huertas, y comeran del
+         fruto de los arboles, que han plantado, y nunca seran hechados
+         de sus casas, dize Dios. Todo esto promete nuestro Senor por dos
+         Prophetas suyos. _Todo (digo otra vez) nos sobrara._' All this
+         was to happen to the people; while, as to the king, he, in the
+         same sermon, p. 416, is likened to David; and it was declared by
+         another high authority, that his expulsion of the Moriscoes was
+         so great an exploit ('hazana'), that 'durara su memoria por los
+         venideros siglos.' _Porreno_, in _Yanez_, _Memorias para Felipe
+         III._, p. 281.
+
+These were the promises held out by the Church, and believed by the
+people. It is our business to inquire how far the expectations were
+fulfilled, and what the consequences were of an act which was instigated
+by the clergy, welcomed by the nation, and eagerly applauded by some of
+the greatest men of genius Spain has produced.[1309]
+
+  [1309] 'Amidst the devout exultation of the whole kingdom,--Cervantes,
+         Lope de Vega, and others of the principal men of genius then
+         alive, joining in the general jubilee.' _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp. 428, 429. Compare _Dunlop's
+         Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 16. Porreno says that it may be placed
+         among the seven wonders of the world; 'la podemos poner entre
+         las siete maravillas del mundo.' _Yanez_, _Memorias_, p. 297:
+         and Davila (_Vida de Felipe Tercero_, lib. ii. cap. 41, p. 139)
+         pronounces it to be the most glorious achievement which had been
+         seen since the days of Pelayo. All this is natural enough; but
+         what is really curious is, to trace the modern remains of this
+         feeling. Campomanes (_Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, vol. iv.
+         p. 130, Madrid, 1777), a very able man, and far more liberal
+         than most of his countrymen, is not ashamed to speak of 'la
+         justa expulsion de los moriscos desde 1610 a 1613.' Ortiz, in
+         1801, expresses himself with more hesitation, but is evidently
+         in favour of a measure which liberated Spain from 'la perniciosa
+         semilla de Mahoma que restaba en ella.' _Compendio de la
+         Historia de Espana_, vol. vi. pp. 304, 305. Nay, even in 1856,
+         the great modern historian of Spain, while admitting the serious
+         material injury which this horrible crime inflicted on the
+         country, assures us that it had the 'immense advantage' of
+         producing religious unity; unable to perceive that the very
+         unity of which he boasts, generates an acquiescence and
+         stagnation of mind fatal to all real improvement, because it
+         prevents that play and collision of opinions by which the wits
+         of men are sharpened and made ready for use, 'Con la expulsion
+         se completo el principio de la unidad religiosa en Espana, que
+         fue un bien inmenso, pero se consumo la ruina de la agricultura,
+         que fue un inmenso mal.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol.
+         xvii. p. 340, Madrid, 1856. And, the year after this sagacious
+         sentiment had been given to the world, another eminent Spaniard,
+         in a work crowned by the Royal Academy of History, went still
+         further, and declared, that not only did the expulsion of the
+         Moriscoes cause great benefit by securing unity of creed, but
+         that such unity was 'necessary on the Spanish soil.' 'Y si bajo
+         el aspecto economico reprobamos semejante medida por la
+         influencia perniciosa que tuvo desde el momento de dictarse, la
+         imparcialidad de historiadores nos obliga a respetarla por los
+         inmensos bienes que produjo en el orden religioso y en el orden
+         politico.' ... 'La unidad religiosa era necesaria en el suelo
+         espanol.' _Janer_, _Condicion Social de los Moriscos de Espana_,
+         Madrid, 1857, pp. 110, 114. What are we to think of a country in
+         which these opinions are expressed, not by some obscure fanatic,
+         from the platform or the pulpit, but by able and learned men,
+         who promulgate them with all the authority of their position,
+         being themselves deemed, if anything, rather too bold and too
+         liberal for the people to whom they address their works?
+
+The effects upon the material prosperity of Spain may be stated in a few
+words. From nearly every part of the country, large bodies of
+industrious agriculturists and expert artificers were suddenly
+withdrawn. The best systems of husbandry then known, were practised by
+the Moriscoes, who tilled and irrigated with indefatigable labour.[1310]
+The cultivation of rice, cotton, and sugar, and the manufacture of silk
+and paper, were almost confined to them.[1311] By their expulsion, all
+this was destroyed at a blow, and most of it was destroyed for ever.
+For, the Spanish Christians considered such pursuits beneath their
+dignity. In their judgment, war and religion were the only two
+avocations worthy of being followed. To fight for the king, or to enter
+the Church was honourable; but everything else was mean and
+sordid.[1312] When, therefore, the Moriscoes were thrust out of Spain,
+there was no one to fill their place; arts and manufactures either
+degenerated, or were entirely lost, and immense regions of arable land
+were left uncultivated. Some of the richest parts of Valencia and
+Granada were so neglected, that means were wanting to feed even the
+scanty population which remained there.[1313] Whole districts were
+suddenly deserted, and down to the present day have never been
+repeopled. These solitudes gave refuge to smugglers and brigands, who
+succeeded the industrious inhabitants formerly occupying them; and it is
+said, that from the expulsion of the Moriscoes is to be dated the
+existence of those organized bands of robbers, which, after this period,
+became the scourge of Spain, and which no subsequent government has been
+able entirely to extirpate.[1314]
+
+  [1310] 'Los moros eran muy diestros en todo lo que mira a obras de
+         agua.' _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, vol.
+         iii. p. cvii. 'The Moors were the most intelligent
+         agriculturists Spain ever had.' _Laborde's Spain_, vol. ii. p.
+         216. Even Jovellanos admits that 'except in the parts occupied
+         by the Moors, the Spaniards were almost totally unacquainted
+         with the art of irrigation.' _Clarke's Internal State of Spain_,
+         p. 116. See also _Circourt_, _Arabes d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 255,
+         vol. ii. p. 12, vol. iii. pp. 162, 222; _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de
+         l'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 170, 171; and _Townsend's Spain_, vol.
+         iii. p. 74. Remains of their splendid aqueducts still exist.
+         _Hoskins' Spain_, vol. i. pp. 120, 125, 291, 292. Compare _Spain
+         by an American_, vol. ii. p. 112 with _L'Estat de l'Espagne_,
+         Geneve, 1681, p. 399.
+
+  [1311] Compare _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, pp. 47, 48, with
+         _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, vol. iii.
+         p. xxii., and _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 13.
+
+  [1312] The more sensible among the Spaniards notice, with regret, this
+         national contempt for every form of useful industry. See
+         _Campomanes_, _Educacion Popular_, p. 128, and _Sempere_,
+         _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. pp. 277, 278. A traveller in
+         Spain in 1669, says of the people, 'ils meprisent tellement le
+         travail, que la plupart des artisans sont etrangers.' _Voyages
+         faits en divers Temps par M. M****_, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 80.
+         Another traveller, between 1693 and 1695, says, they 'think it
+         below the dignity of a Spaniard to labour and provide for the
+         future.' _Travels by a Gentleman_ (by Bromley?), London, 1702,
+         p. 35. A third observer, in 1679, assures us that 'ils souffrent
+         plus aisement la faim et les autres necessitez de la vie, que de
+         travailler, disent-ils, comme des mercenaires, ce qui
+         n'appartient qu'a des esclaves.' _D'Aulnoy_, _Relation du Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. pp. 369, 370. For further
+         illustrations of this, see _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne_, Paris,
+         1730, vol. i. pp. 285, 286. _Capmany_, _Queestiones Criticas_,
+         pp. 43, 49, 50. _Laborde's Spain_, vol. i. p. i. _Ranke's
+         Spanish Empire_, p. 103. _Townsend's Journey through Spain_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 240, 241.
+
+  [1313] 'Pudo, pues, decirse con razon de nuestra patria, que de Arabia
+         Feliz se habia convertido en Arabia Desierta, y de Valencia en
+         particular, que el bello jardin de Espana se habia convertido en
+         paramo seco y deslucido. Dejose en breve sentir en todas partes
+         el azote del hambre; y al alegre bullicio de las poblaciones
+         sucedio el melancolico silencio de los despoblados, y al
+         frecuente cruzar de los labradores y trajineros por los caminos
+         siguio el peligroso encuentro de los salteadores que los
+         infestaban, abrigandose en las ruinas de los pueblos desiertos.'
+         _Janer_, _Condicion de los Moriscos_, p. 100. See also _Dunlop's
+         Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 16. Campomanes says, 'El gran numero de
+         artesanos, que salieron con la expulsion de los moriscos, causo
+         un golpe mortal a las manufacturas, y a la labranza.' _Apendice
+         a la Educacion Popular_, vol. i. p. 13. And p. 268, 'El punto de
+         decadencia de nuestras manufacturas, puede fixarse desde el ano
+         de 1609, en que tubo principio la expulsion de los Moriscos.'
+
+  [1314] 'Sur la carte d'Espagne, en mille endroits est inscrit ce funeste
+         mot, _despoblado_; en mille endroits la nature sauvage a repris
+         la place des cultures. Etudiez la direction des despoblados, et
+         consultez les registres des commissaires de l'expulsion, vous
+         verrez presque toujours que les familles morisques couvraient
+         ces solitudes. Leur patrimoine abandonne forma le domaine des
+         voleurs, qui etablirent avec une sorte de securite leurs
+         correspondances effrontees a travers toute l'Espagne. Le
+         brigandage s'organisa comme une profession ordinaire; et la
+         contrebande, sa compagne, leva le front avec autant d'audace,
+         autant de succes.' _Circourt_, _Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne_,
+         vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.
+
+To these disastrous consequences, others were added, of a different,
+and, if possible, of a still more serious kind. The victory gained by
+the Church increased both her power and her reputation. During the rest
+of the seventeenth century, not only were the interests of the clergy
+deemed superior to the interests of laymen, but the interests of laymen
+were scarcely thought of. The greatest men, with hardly an exception,
+became ecclesiastics, and all temporal considerations, all views of
+earthly policy, were despised and set at nought. No one inquired; no one
+doubted; no one presumed to ask if all this was right. The minds of men
+succumbed and were prostrate. While every other country was advancing,
+Spain alone was receding. Every other country was making some addition
+to knowledge, creating some art, or enlarging some science. Spain,
+numbed into a death-like torpor, spellbound and entranced by the
+accursed superstition which preyed on her strength, presented to Europe
+a solitary instance of constant decay. For her, no hope remained; and,
+before the close of the seventeenth century, the only question was, by
+whose hands the blow should be struck, which would dismember that once
+mighty empire, whose shadow had covered the world, and whose vast
+remains were imposing even in their ruin.
+
+To indicate the different steps which mark the decline of Spain would be
+hardly possible, since even the Spaniards, who, when it was too late,
+were stung with shame, have abstained from writing what would only be
+the history of their own humiliation; so that there is no detailed
+account of the wretched reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II., which
+together comprise a period of nearly eighty years.[1315] Some facts,
+however, I have been able to collect, and they are very significant. At
+the beginning of the seventeenth century, the population of Madrid was
+estimated to be 400,000; at the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+less than 200,000.[1316] Seville, one of the richest cities in Spain,
+possessed in the sixteenth century upwards of sixteen thousand looms,
+which gave employment to a hundred and thirty thousand persons.[1317] By
+the reign of Philip V., these sixteen thousand looms had dwindled away
+to less than three hundred;[1318] and, in a report which the Cortes made
+to Philip IV., in 1662, it is stated that the city contained only a
+quarter of its former number of inhabitants, and that even the vines and
+olives cultivated in its neighbourhood, and which comprised a
+considerable part of its wealth, were almost entirely neglected.[1319]
+Toledo, in the middle of the sixteenth century, had upwards of fifty
+woollen manufactories; in 1665, it had only thirteen, almost the whole
+of the trade having been carried away by the Moriscoes, and established
+at Tunis.[1320] Owing to the same cause, the art of manufacturing silk,
+for which Toledo was celebrated, was entirely lost, and nearly forty
+thousand persons, who depended on it, were deprived of their means of
+support.[1321] Other branches of industry shared the same fate. In the
+sixteenth century, and early in the seventeenth, Spain enjoyed great
+repute for the manufacture of gloves, which were made in enormous
+quantities, and shipped to many parts, being particularly valued in
+England and France, and being also exported to the Indies. But Martinez
+de Mata, who wrote in the year 1655, assures us that at that time this
+source of wealth had disappeared; the manufacture of gloves having quite
+ceased, though formerly, he says, it had existed in every city in
+Spain.[1322] In the once-flourishing province of Castile, every thing
+was going to ruin. Even Segovia lost its manufactures, and retained
+nothing but the memory of its former wealth.[1323] The decay of Burgos
+was equally rapid; the trade of that famous city perished; and the
+deserted streets and empty houses formed such a picture of desolation,
+that a contemporary, struck by the havoc, emphatically declared that
+Burgos had lost every thing except its name.[1324] In other districts,
+the results were equally fatal. The beautiful provinces of the south,
+richly endowed by nature, had formerly been so wealthy, that their
+contributions alone sufficed, in time of need, to replenish the imperial
+treasury; but they now deteriorated with such rapidity, that, by the
+year 1640, it was found hardly possible to impose a tax on them which
+would be productive.[1325] During the latter half of the seventeenth
+century, matters became still worse, and the poverty and wretchedness of
+the people surpass all description. In the villages near Madrid, the
+inhabitants were literally famishing; and those farmers who had a stock
+of food refused to sell it, because, much as they needed money, they
+were apprehensive of seeing their families perish around them. The
+consequence was, that the capital was in danger of being starved; and
+ordinary threats producing no effect, it was found necessary, in 1664,
+that the President of Castile, with an armed force, and accompanied by
+the public executioner, should visit the adjacent villages, and compel
+the inhabitants to bring their supplies to the markets of Madrid.[1326]
+All over Spain, the same destitution prevailed. That once rich and
+prosperous country was covered with a rabble of monks and clergy, whose
+insatiate rapacity absorbed the little wealth yet to be found. Hence it
+happened, that the government, though almost penniless, could obtain no
+supplies. The tax-gatherers, urged to make up the deficiency, adopted
+the most desperate expedients. They not only seized the beds and all the
+furniture, but they unroofed the houses, and sold the materials of the
+roof, for whatever they would fetch. The inhabitants were forced to fly;
+the fields were left uncultivated; vast multitudes died from want and
+exposure; entire villages were deserted; and in many of the towns,
+upwards of two-thirds of the houses were, by the end of the seventeenth
+century, utterly destroyed.[1327]
+
+  [1315] 'Declino pues muy sensiblemente la vasta monarquia, y callaron
+         atonitos los historiadores, como huyendo la necesidad de traer a
+         la memoria lo que veian y apenas creian. Enmudecio pues la
+         historia de Espana en los dos reynados de Felipe IV. y Carlos
+         II. viendo continuaba nuestra decadencia, hasta quedar Espana al
+         nivel de los menos poderosos Estados de Europa. Este silencio
+         nos ha privado de saber no solo las causas de nuestra
+         decadencia, sino tambien de los acontecimientos civiles y
+         militares del siglo xvii.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. vi., Prologo, p. i. No attempt was made to supply
+         the deficiency complained of by Ortiz, until 1856, when M.
+         Lafuente published, in Madrid, the sixteenth and seventeenth
+         volumes of his History of Spain, which contain the reigns of
+         Philip IV. and Charles II. Of this work, I have no desire to
+         speak disrespectfully; on the contrary, it is impossible to read
+         it without interest, on account of the admirable clearness with
+         which the different topics are arranged, and also on account of
+         its beautiful style, which reminds us of the best days of
+         Castilian prose. But I feel constrained to say, that, as a
+         history, and especially as a history which undertakes to
+         investigate the causes of the decline of Spain, it is a complete
+         failure. In the first place, M. Lafuente has not emancipated
+         himself from those very prejudices to which the decline of his
+         country is owing. And, in the second place, he has, particularly
+         in the reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II., not used sufficient
+         diligence in searching for materials for studying the economical
+         changes through which Spain has passed. Looking too intently at
+         the surface, he mistakes symptoms for causes; so that the real
+         history of the Spanish people every where escapes his grasp. As
+         the object to which my studies are directed, compels me to
+         contemplate affairs from a larger and more general point of view
+         than he has done, it naturally happens that the conclusions at
+         which we arrive are very different; but I wish to bear my
+         testimony, whatever it may be worth, to the great merit of his
+         book as a work of art, though, as a work of science, it appears
+         to me that he has effected nothing, and has thrown no new light
+         on the real history of that unfortunate, albeit once splendid,
+         nation, of which his eloquence, his learning, and his taste,
+         make him one of the chiefest ornaments.
+
+  [1316] See _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 320; and the interesting
+         calculations in _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
+         Madrid, 1757, folio, pp. 35, 36. Owing to the ignorance which
+         formerly prevailed respecting statistics, such estimates are
+         necessarily imperfect; but, after the desolation of Spain in the
+         seventeenth century, an extraordinary diminution in the
+         population of the capital was inevitable. Indeed, a contemporary
+         of Charles II. states that in 1699, Madrid had only 150,000
+         inhabitants. _Memoires de Louville_, Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72.
+         This account is taken from 'un memoire manuscrit, en langue
+         espagnole, trouve dans les papiers du marquis de Louville.'
+         p. 67.
+
+  [1317] Capmany (_Queestiones Criticas_, p. 30), who seems to have written
+         his able, but not very accurate, work for the express purpose of
+         concealing the decline of his country, has given these figures
+         erroneously. My information is derived from an official report
+         made in 1701, by the trade-corporations ('gremios') of Seville.
+         'Fijan la epoca de la ruina de nuestras fabricas desde el
+         reynado de Felipe II. y anaden "haber llegado a tener solo en
+         esta ciudad al arte mayor, y menor de la sede, el numero de mas
+         de diez y seis mil telares, y se ocupaban en los exercicios
+         adherentes a el, mas de ciento treinta mil personas de ambos
+         sexos."' _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, vol.
+         i. p. 473, Madrid, 1775. See also _Uztariz_, _Theorica y
+         Practica de Comercio_, p. 14, 'diez y seis mil telares;' where,
+         however, no authority is quoted.
+
+  [1318] 'El principal origen y causa de que los 16,000 telares de seda,
+         lana, oro y plata, que se contaban en Sevilla, se hallen oy
+         reducidos a menos de 300.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica de Comercio_, p.
+         243.
+
+  [1319] _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 52, who refers to
+         the report of the Cortes published by Alonso Nunez de Castro.
+
+  [1320] _Laborde's Spain_, vol. iv. p. 338, where it is also said, that
+         Tunis became, in consequence of the expulsion of the Moriscoes,
+         famous for the manufacture of caps, which 'were subsequently
+         imitated at Orleans.' Compare, on the cap-manufactories of
+         Tunis, a note in _Campomanes_, _Apendice, a la Educacion
+         Popular_, vol. iv. p. 249.
+
+  [1321] 'Tolede, ou se mettaient en [oe]uvre 435,000 livres de soie,
+         avait deja perdu ce travail, qui suffisait autrefois a
+         l'existence de 38,484 personnes. La population de cette ville
+         avait eprouve un tiers de diminution, et vingt-cinq maisons de
+         ses familles les plus illustres etaient passees dans le domaine
+         de divers couvens.' _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii.
+         p. 50.
+
+  [1322] See his interesting essay, reprinted in the appendix to
+         _Campomanes_, vol. iv. p. 251. He says, 'La fabrica de los
+         guantes, que tenian pocos anos ha todas las ciudades de estos
+         reynos para el consumo de Espana y las Indias, era muy
+         considerable; y se ha destruido, despues que se dio entrada al
+         consumo de guantes estrangeros.' Such a statement, made by a
+         contemporary, is unimpeachable; but the reason he assigns is
+         inadequate.
+
+  [1323] Segovia, as it appeared in 1659, is thus described in _Boisel_,
+         _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_, Paris, 1669, 4to. p. 186:
+         'Autresfois, cette ville qui paroist assez grande, estoit fort
+         riche, tant a cause que les rois de Castille y demeuroient, qu'a
+         cause du grand commerce des laines et des beaux draps qui s'y
+         faisoient; mais a present le trafic n'y est plus, et on n'y fait
+         plus que fort peu de draps, de sorte que la ville est presque
+         desert et fort pauvre. Une marque de sa pauvrete, du mauvais
+         ordre d'Espagne, et du peu de prevoyance des Espagnols (quoy
+         qu'on dise de leur flegme), c'est que le jour que j'y arrivay
+         jusques a deux heures apres midy il n'y avoit point eu de pain
+         en toute la ville, et ils ne s'en etonnoient point.' The decline
+         of the silk and wool manufactures of Segovia is also noticed by
+         Martinez de la Mata, who wrote in 1650. See his _Dos Discursos_,
+         edited by Canga, Madrid, 1794, p. 8. Saint Simon, who was there
+         in 1722, says, 'A l'egard de leurs laines, j'en vis les
+         manufactures a Segovie qui me parurent peu de chose et fort
+         tombees de leur ancienne reputation.' _Memoires du Duc de Saint
+         Simon_, vol. xxxvii. p. 230, Paris, 1841. Segovia used to be
+         famous for the beautiful colour of its cloth, the dye of which
+         was taken from a shell-fish found in the West Indies, and is
+         supposed to be the same as the purpura of the ancients. See a
+         note in _Dillon's Spain_, Dublin, 1781, pp. 19, 20.
+
+  [1324] Such is the language of a Spaniard in the middle of the
+         seventeenth century. 'Porque a la ciudad de Burgos, cabeza de
+         Castilla, no le ha quedado sino el nombre, ni aun vestigios de
+         sus ruinas; reducida la grandeza de sus tratos, Prior, y
+         Consules, y ordenanzas para la conservacion de ellos, a 600
+         vecinos, que conservanel nombre y lustre de aquella antigua y
+         noble cuidad, que encerro en si mas de seis mil, sin la gente
+         suelta, natural, y forastera.' _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la
+         Educacion_, vol. i. p. 453, Madrid, 1765. An intelligent
+         Dutchman, who visited Spain in 1665, says of Burgos, 'elle a
+         este autrefois fort marchande, mais depuis peu, elle a presque
+         perdu tout son commerce.' _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1665, 4to. p. 16. To me, it certainly appears
+         that facts of this sort have more to do with the real history of
+         Spain than the details of kings, and treaties, and battles,
+         which the Spanish historians love to accumulate.
+
+  [1325] 'Could contribute little to the exigencies of the state.'
+         _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 285. Compare _Lamentos
+         Apologeticos_, in _Dos Discursos_, edit. Canga, Madrid, 1794, p.
+         82, on the state of things in 'lo mas fertil de Andalucia.' The
+         government first became alive to all this when it found that no
+         more money could be wrung from the people. In May 1667, a
+         council of state, convoked by the queen, reported that 'quant
+         aux ressources qu'on voudrait tirer de l'Espagne, sous forme de
+         dons volontaires ou autrement, le conseil estime qu'il est bien
+         difficile d'imposer aux peuples des charges nouvelles;' and in
+         November of that same year, at another meeting of the council, a
+         memoir was drawn up, stating that 'depuis le regne de Don
+         Ferdinand le Catholique jusqu'a ce jour, la monarchie d'Espagne
+         ne s'est pas encore vue si pres de sa ruine, si epuisee, si
+         denuee des ressources necessaires pour faire face a un grand
+         peril.' See extracts from the proceedings of the Councils,
+         published, for, I believe, the first time, by M. Mignet, in his
+         _Negociations relatives a la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp.
+         124, 601, Paris, 1835, 4to. See also, in the same valuable work,
+         vol. ii. p. 127, a letter to Louis XIV., from his ambassador at
+         Madrid, dated 2nd June, 1667, and stating that 'l'extremite est
+         ici si grande qu'il se fait une contribution volontaire de tous
+         les particuliers que l'on appelle _donativo_, pour fournir
+         quelque argent present pour les necessitee publiques.'
+
+  [1326] In 1664, Sir Richard Fanshawe writes from Madrid to Secretary
+         Bennet, 'Since my last to you, of yesterday, the President of
+         Castile, having, by the king's special and angry command, gone
+         forth to the neighbouring villages, attended with the hangman,
+         and whatsoever else of terror incident to his place and
+         derogatory to his person, the markets in this town begin to be
+         furnished again plentifully enough.' _Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe_,
+         _written by herself_, edit. London, 1830, p. 291.
+
+  [1327] Nothing but the precise and uncontradicted evidence of a
+         contemporary witness could make such things credible. In 1686,
+         Alvarez Osorio y Redin wrote his _Discursos_. They were
+         published in 1687 and 1688; they were reprinted at Madrid in
+         1775; and from the reprint, pp. 345-348, I extract the following
+         particulars: 'Es preciso decir con la mayor brevedad, que pide
+         el asunto, en la forma que los comisionantes continuamente estan
+         saqueando todos los lugares, con capa de servir a V.M. Entran en
+         ellos, intiman sus comisiones a las justicias, y ellas les
+         suplican, tengan misericordia de los moradores, que estan con
+         mucha necesidad. Y luego que toman el uso, dicen: que a ellos no
+         les toca dispensar en hacer gracias: que traen orden de cobrar
+         con todo rigor las cantidades, que deben los lugares; y tambien
+         dicen han de cobrar sus salarios. Y se van entrando por las
+         casas de los pobres labradores, y demas vecinos; y con mucha
+         cuenta y razon, les quitan el poco dinero, que tienen: y a los
+         que no tienen, les sacan prendas: y donde no las hallan, les
+         quitan las pobres camas, en que duermen: y se detienen en vender
+         las prendas, todo el tiempo que pueden.' ... 'Los saqueos
+         referidos van continuando, obligando a los mas vecinos de los
+         lugares, a que se vayan huyendo de sus casas, dexando baldias
+         sus haciendas de campo; y los cobradores no tienen lastima de
+         todas estas miserias, y asolaciones, como si entraran en lugares
+         de enemigos. Las casas, que hallan vacias, si hay quien se las
+         compre, las venden: y quando no pueden venderlas, las quitan los
+         texados; y venden la texa, y madera por qualquier dinero. Con
+         esta destruicion general, no han quedado en pie en los lugares
+         la tercera parte de casas, y han muerto de necesidad gran
+         multitud de personas. Con lo qual los lugares no tienen la mitad
+         de familias, que antiguamente habia en Espana. Y si no se pone
+         remedio a todo referido, sera preciso, que la vengan a poblar de
+         otros Reynos.'
+
+In the midst of these calamities, the spirit and energy of Spain were
+extinguished. In every department, all power and life disappeared. The
+Spanish troops were defeated at Rocroy in 1643; and several writers
+ascribe to that battle the destruction of the military reputation of
+Spain.[1328] This, however, was only one of many symptoms.[1329] In
+1656, it was proposed to fit out a small fleet; but the fisheries on
+the coast had so declined, that it was found impossible to procure
+sailors enough to man even the few ships which were required.[1330] The
+charts which had been made, were either lost or neglected; and the
+ignorance of the Spanish pilots became so notorious, that no one was
+willing to trust them.[1331] As to the military service, it is stated,
+in an account of Spain, late in the seventeenth century, that most of
+the troops had deserted their colours, and that the few who were
+faithful were clothed in rags, received no pay, and were dying of
+hunger.[1332] Another account describes this once mighty kingdom as
+utterly unprotected; the frontier towns ungarrisoned; the fortifications
+dilapidated and crumbling away; the magazines without ammunition; the
+arsenals empty; the workshops unemployed; and even the art of building
+ships entirely lost.[1333]
+
+  [1328] 'Alli acabo aquella antigua milicia espanola que desde el tiempo
+         de los reyes catolicos habia ganado tan gloriosos triunfos,
+         siendo el terror de sus enemigos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, vol. iii. p. 150, Madrid, 1840. 'La batalla de
+         Rocroy, en que el joven Conde recogio los laureles con que
+         engalano la dorado cuna del nino Luis XIV., acabo con la
+         reputacion que aun habian podido ir conservando los viejos
+         tercios espanoles de Flandres.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xvii. p. 368, Madrid, 1856.
+
+  [1329] In the _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. i. p. 275, Oxford, 1767,
+         folio, I find a letter written by Hopton to Secretary Windebank,
+         dated Madrid, 31st May, 1635. The author of this official
+         communication gives an account of the Spanish troops just
+         raised, and says, 'I have observed these levies, and I find the
+         horses are so weak, as the most of them will never be able to go
+         to the rendezvous, and those very hardly gotten, the infantry so
+         unwilling to serve, as they are carried like galley-slaves, in
+         chains, which serves not the turn, and so far short of the
+         number that was proposed, as they come not to one of three.'
+         This was eight years before the battle of Rocroy; after it,
+         matters became rapidly worse. A letter from Sir Edward Hyde to
+         Secretary Nicholas, dated Madrid, 18th March, 1649-50, states,
+         that Spanish 'affairs are really in huge disorder, and capable
+         of being rendered almost desperate;' and another letter, on 14th
+         April, 1650, 'if some miracle do not preserve them, this crown
+         must be speedily destroyed,' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. iii.
+         pp. 13, 17, Oxford, 1786. An official Report on the Netherlands,
+         presented to Louis XIV. in 1665, declares that the Dutch
+         'considered Spain so weakened, as to be out of condition to
+         renew the war within the next one hundred years.' _Raumer's
+         History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_,
+         _illustrated by Original Documents_, London, 1835, vol. i. p.
+         237. See also _Mignet_, _Negociations relatives a la Succession
+         d'Espagne_, Paris, 1835-1842, 4to. vol. i. pp. 37, 38, 314, 315,
+         vol. iii. p. 684, vol. iv. p. 218; and _L'Estat de l'Espagne_,
+         Geneve, 1681, pp. 83, 271. 'L'Espagne faisant en nos jours plus
+         de pitie que de peur a ceux qu'elle a tenus long-tems dans une
+         crainte perpetuelle, et dans une respectueuse veneration.' ...
+         'Aussi peut-on dire que les Espagnols qui etoient autrefois des
+         lions, ou des veritables hommes et incomparables en valeur, sont
+         maintenant des cerfs, ou des femmes, et enfin des personnes peu
+         propres a la guerre.' And finally, the Spanish explanation of
+         all this in _Yanez_, _Memorias_, Prologo, pp. 148, 149, Madrid,
+         1723. 'La Monarquia de Espana, cuya decadencia la avia ya Dios
+         decretado desde el ano de 1621,' &c.; blasphemously ascribing to
+         the Almighty, what was the result of their own folly, and
+         obstinately shutting their eyes to the real cause of their ruin.
+
+  [1330] 'A century ago, Spain had been as supreme at sea as on land; her
+         ordinary naval force was 140 galleys, which were the terror both
+         of the Mediterranean and Atlantic. But now' (1656), 'in
+         consequence of the decline of commerce and fisheries on the
+         coast, instead of the numerous squadrons of the Dorias and
+         Mendozas, which were wont to attend the movements of the first
+         great John of Austria and the Emperor Charles, the present
+         High-Admiral of Spain, and favourite son of its monarch, put to
+         sea with three wretched gallies, which, with difficulty, escaped
+         from some Algerine corsairs, and were afterwards nearly
+         shipwrecked on the coast of Africa.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. i.
+         p. 549. In 1663, 'Il n'y avait a Cadix ni vaisseaux ni galeres
+         en etat d'aller en mer. Les Maures insultaient audacieusement
+         les cotes de l'Andalousie, et prenaient impunement les barques
+         qui se hasardaient a une lieue de la rade. Le duc d'Albuquerque,
+         qui commandait les forces navales, se plaignait hautement de la
+         position humiliante dans laquelle on le laissait. Il avait
+         demande avec instance qu'on lui donnat des matelots et des
+         soldats pour mettre sur les vaisseaux; mais le Comte de
+         Castrillo, president du Conseil de Finances (de la _hacienda_)
+         avait declare qu'il n'avait ni argent, ni la possibilite d'en
+         trouver, et conseillait de renoncer a l'armee navale.' _Mignet_,
+         _Negociations relatives a la Succession d'Espagne_, vol. i. pp.
+         315, 316, Paris, 1835, 4to. from contemporary manuscripts. Even
+         in 1648, Spain had 'become so feeble in point of naval affairs
+         as to be obliged to hire Dutch vessels for carrying on her
+         American commerce.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii.
+         p. 435, London, 1805, 4to. And, to complete the chain of
+         evidence, there is a letter in the _Clarendon State Papers_,
+         vol. ii. p. 86, Oxford, 1773, folio, written from Madrid in June
+         1640, stating that, 'For ships they have few, mariners fewer,
+         landsmen not so many as they need, and, by all signs, money not
+         at all that can be spared.' The history of Spain during this
+         period never having been written, I am compelled, in my own
+         justification, to give these and similar passages with a fulness
+         which I fear will weary some readers.
+
+  [1331] And when they did, it was to their own cost, as Stanhope found,
+         at the beginning of his career as British minister to the court
+         of Madrid, in 1690. See his letter to Lord Shrewsbury, in
+         _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 3. 'We were
+         forced into a small port, called Ferrol, three leagues short of
+         the Groyne, and, by the ignorance of a Spanish pilot, our ships
+         fell foul one with another, and the admiral's ship was on ground
+         for some hours, but got off clear without any damage.' Indeed,
+         the Spanish seamen, once the boldest and most skilful navigators
+         in the world, so degenerated, that, early in the eighteenth
+         century, we find it stated as a matter of course, that 'to form
+         the Spaniard to marine affairs, is transporting them into
+         unknown countries.' _The History of Cardinal Alberoni_, London,
+         1719, p. 257.
+
+  [1332] 'Le peu de soldats qui resistaient a la desertion, etaient vetus
+         de haillons, sans solde, sans pain,' _Memoires de Louville_,
+         edit. Paris, 1818, vol. i. p. 72. 'Dans l'etat le plus
+         miserable.' p. 43. Compare Lefuente, in the reign of Philip IV.
+         (_Historia_, vol. xvi. p. 519), 'los soldados peleaban
+         andrajosos y medio desnudos;' and D'Aulnoy, in 1679 (_Relation
+         du Voyage d'Espagne_, vol. i. p. 168), 'Il est rare que dans
+         tout un regiment, il se trouve deux soldats qui ayent plus d'une
+         chemise.'
+
+  [1333] 'Ruinosos los muros de sus fortalezas, aun tenia Barcelona
+         abiertas las brechas, que hizo el duque de Vendoma; y desde
+         Rosas hasta Cadiz, no habia Alcazar, ni Castillo, no solo
+         presidiado, pero ni montada su artilleria. La misma negligencia
+         se admiraba en los puertos de Vizcaya, y Galicia; no tenian los
+         almazenes sus provisiones, faltaban fundidores de armas, y las
+         que habia, eran de ningun uso. Vacios los arsenales y
+         artilleros, se habia olvidado el arte de construir naves, y no
+         tenia el Rey mas que las destinadas al comercio de Indias, y
+         algunos galeones; seis galeras, consumidas del tiempo, y del
+         ocio, se ancoraban en Cartagena.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la
+         Guerra de Espana_, vol. i. p. 43. Another eye-witness describes
+         'the best fortresses consisting of ruined walls, mounted with
+         here and there a rusty cannon, and the man thought an able
+         engineer who knew how to fire them.' _Ripperda's Memoirs_,
+         second edition, London, 1740, p. 227.
+
+While the country at large was thus languishing, as if it had been
+stricken by some mortal distemper, the most horrible scenes were
+occurring in the capital, under the eyes of the sovereign. The
+inhabitants of Madrid were starving; and the arbitrary measures which
+had been adopted to supply them with food, could only produce temporary
+relief. Many persons fell down in the streets exhausted, and died where
+they fell; others were seen in the public highway evidently dying, but
+no one had wherewithal to feed them. At length the people became
+desperate, and threw off all control. In 1680, not only the workmen of
+Madrid, but large numbers of the tradesmen, organized themselves into
+bands, broke open private houses, and robbed and murdered the
+inhabitants in the face of day.[1334] During the remaining twenty years
+of the seventeenth century, the capital was in a state, not of
+insurrection, but of anarchy. Society was loosened, and seemed to be
+resolving itself into its elements. To use the emphatic language of a
+contemporary, liberty and restraint were equally unknown.[1335] The
+ordinary functions of the executive government were suspended. The
+police of Madrid, unable to obtain the arrears of their pay, disbanded,
+and gave themselves up to rapine. Nor did there seem any means of
+remedying these evils. The exchequer was empty, and it was impossible to
+replenish it. Such was the poverty of the court, that money was wanting
+to pay the wages of the king's private servants, and to meet the daily
+expenses of his household.[1336] In 1693, payment was suspended of
+every life-pension; and all officers and ministers of the crown were
+mulcted of one-third of their salaries.[1337] Nothing, however, could
+arrest the mischief. Famine and poverty continued to increase;[1338]
+and, in 1699, Stanhope, the British minister then residing in Madrid,
+writes, that never a day passed in which people were not killed in the
+streets scuffling for bread; that his own secretary had seen five women
+stifled to death by the crowd before a bakehouse; and that, to swell the
+catalogue of misery, upwards of twenty thousand additional beggars from
+the country had recently flocked into the capital.[1339]
+
+  [1334] _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225. In 1680, Madame de
+         Villars, the wife of the French Ambassador, writes from Madrid,
+         that such was the state of affairs there, that her husband
+         thought it advisable that she should return home. _Lettres de
+         Madame de Villars_, Amsterdam, 1769, p. 169. A letter written by
+         the Danish ambassador in 1677, describes every house in Madrid
+         as regularly armed from top to bottom; 'de haut en bas.'
+         _Mignet_, _Negociations relatives a la Succession_, vol. iv. p.
+         638, Paris, 1842, 4to. The deaths from starvation are said to
+         have been particularly numerous in Andalusia. See _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Espanola_, vol. iii. p. 167. 'En Andalucia
+         especialmente moria mucha gente de hambre, y el consulado de
+         Sevilla envio una diputacion para representar que aquella ciudad
+         habia quedado reducida a la cuarta parte de la poblacion que
+         habia tenido cincuenta anos antes.' On the state of the people
+         generally, in 1680, compare _Lettres de Villars_, pp. 145, 152,
+         161.
+
+  [1335] 'Point de libertes et point de frein.' _Mem. de Louville_,
+         vol. i. p. 68.
+
+  [1336] In 1681, the French ambassadress writes from Madrid, 'Je ne vous
+         parle point de la misere de ce royaume. La faim est jusques dans
+         le palais. J'etois hier avec huit ou dix camaristes, et La
+         Moline, qui disoient qu'il y avoit fort long-tems qu'on ne leur
+         donnoit plus ni pain ni viande. Aux ecuries du roi et de la
+         reine, de meme.' _Lettres de Madame la Marquise de Villars_,
+         Amsterdam, 1759, pp. 216, 217. The year after Charles II. died:
+         'II n'y avoit pas de fonds pour les choses les plus necessaires,
+         pour la cuisine, l'ecurie, les valets de pied,' &c. _Millot_,
+         _Memoires du Duc de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 26, ed. Petitot,
+         Paris, 1828. Among other reckless expedients, the currency was
+         so depreciated, that, in a letter from Martin to Dr. Frazer,
+         dated Madrid, March 6th, 1680, we hear of 'the fall of money to
+         one fourth part of its former value.' _Miscellany of the
+         Spalding Club_, vol. v. p. 187, Aberdeen, 4to. 1852.
+
+  [1337] 'The king has taken away, by a late decree, a third part of all
+         wages and salaries of all officers and ministers without
+         exception, and suspended for the ensuing year, 1694, all
+         pensions for life granted either by himself or his father.'
+         Letter from the English Ambassador, dated Madrid, November 18th,
+         1693, in _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._, London, 1840, p. 40.
+         This is also stated in _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. i.
+         p. 359, Paris, 1828; 'retranchant le tiers des depenses de sa
+         maison, et des appointemens de ses officiers tant militaires que
+         civils.' In the preceding reign, the pension had been stopped,
+         at all events for a time. In 1650, Sir Edward Hyde, writes from
+         Madrid, 'there is an universal stop of all pensions which have
+         been granted formerly.' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p.
+         538, Oxford, 1773. The next step which was taken was a proposal,
+         in 1667, to tax the salaries of the members of the Council of
+         Castile, Arragon, &c.; but this idea was abandoned, until at
+         length, they, like all other public servants, came under the
+         comprehensive edict of 1693. See the letter from the French
+         Ambassador to Louis XIV., dated Madrid, June 2nd, 1667, in
+         _Mignet_, _Negociations_, vol. ii. p. 128, Paris, 1835, 4to. The
+         only chance of recovering the history of Spain in the
+         seventeenth century, is by collating these and similar documents
+         with the meagre notices to be found in Spanish writers.
+
+  [1338] In 1695, 'the miserable poverty in this country.' _Travels
+         through Spain_, _performed by a Gentleman_, London, 1702, p. 62.
+         And, in the same year, 'L'Espagne, manquant de tout d'hommes, et
+         d'argent.' _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. i. p. 402. 'L'Espagne,
+         presque aneantie.' p. 424.
+
+  [1339] See the letters in _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._,
+         pp. 138-140. On the 21st of May, 'We have an addition of above
+         20,000 beggars, flocked from the country round, to share in that
+         little here is, who were starving at home, and look like
+         ghosts.' On the 27th of May, 'The scarcity of bread is growing
+         on apace towards a famine, which increases, by vast multitudes
+         of poor that swarm in upon us from the countries round about. I
+         shifted the best I could till this day, but the difficulty of
+         getting any without authority, has made me recur to the
+         Corregidor, as most of the foreign Ministers had done before;
+         he, very courteously, after inquiring what my family was, gave
+         me an order for twenty loaves every day: but I must send two
+         leagues, to Vallejas, to fetch it, as I have done this night,
+         and my servants with long guns to secure it when they have it,
+         otherwise it would be taken from them, for several people are
+         killed every day in the streets, in scuffles for bread, all
+         being lawful prize that any body can catch.' ... 'My secretary,
+         Don Francisco, saw yesterday five poor women stifled to death by
+         the crowd before a bakehouse.'
+
+If this state of things had continued for another generation, the
+wildest anarchy must have ensued, and the whole frame of society been
+broken up.[1340] The only chance of saving Spain from a relapse into
+barbarism, was that it should fall, and fall quickly, under foreign
+dominion. Such a change was indispensable; and there was reason to fear
+that it might come in a form which would have been inexpressibly odious
+to the nation. For, late in the seventeenth century, Ceuta was besieged
+by the Mohammedans; and as the Spanish Government had neither troops nor
+ships, the greatest apprehensions were entertained respecting the fate
+of this important fortress; there being little doubt, that if it fell,
+Spain would be again overrun by the infidels, who, this time, at least,
+would have found little difficulty in dealing with a people weakened by
+suffering, half famished, and almost worn out.[1341]
+
+  [1340] Even M. Lafuente, who having used scarcely any of the authorities
+         which I have quoted in the last few pages, can have no adequate
+         idea of the utter wretchedness of Spain, confesses that 'Jamas
+         monarca ni pueblo alguno se vieron en tan lastimosa situacion y
+         en tan misero trance como se hallaron en este tiempo' (1699).
+         'Carlos II. y la Espana.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_,
+         vol. xvii. p. 426, Madrid, 1856.
+
+  [1341] 'Les Maures d'Afrique assiegeoient Ceuta. Le roi d'Espagne
+         manquait non seulement de troupes, mais de vaisseaux pour
+         transporter le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit y envoyer: Louis XIV
+         lui fit offrir les troupes et les vaisseaux dont il auroit
+         besoin. Il s'agissoit non seulement de conserver Ceuta, mais de
+         plus Oran; par consequent d'empecher la prise de deux places
+         dont la conquete facilitoit aux Maures un retour en Espagne.'
+         _Memoires du Marquis de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 46, ed. Paris, 1828.
+         Respecting the attacks made on Ceuta, from 1696 to 1698, see
+         _Ortiz_, _Compendio de la Historia de Espana_, vol. vi. pp. 556,
+         567, 561.
+
+Fortunately, in the year 1700, when affairs were at their worst, Charles
+II., the idiot king, died; and Spain fell into the hands of Philip V.,
+the grandson of Louis XIV. This change from the Austrian dynasty to the
+Bourbon,[1342] brought with it many other changes. Philip, who reigned
+from 1700 to 1746,[1343] was a Frenchman, not only by birth and
+education, but also in feelings and habits.[1344] Just before he entered
+Spain, Louis charged him never to forget that he was a native of France,
+the throne of which he might some day ascend.[1345] After he became
+king, he neglected the Spaniards, despised their advice, and threw all
+the power he could command into the hands of his own countrymen.[1346]
+The affairs of Spain were now administered by subjects of Louis XIV.,
+whose ambassador at Madrid frequently performed the functions of prime
+minister.[1347] What had once been the most powerful monarchy in the
+world, became little else than a province of France; all important
+matters being decided in Paris, from whence Philip himself received his
+instructions.[1348]
+
+  [1342] A celebrated modern writer has made some remarks upon this, which
+         are too apposite to be omitted. 'Con el siglo xvii. acabo
+         tambien la dinastia austriaca en Espana, dejando a esta nacion
+         pobre, despoblada, sin fuerzas maritimas ni terrestres, y por
+         consiguiente a merced de las demas potencias que intentaron
+         repartir entre si sus colonias y provincias. Asi habia
+         desparecido en poco mas de un siglo aquella grandeza y poderio,
+         aquella fuerza y heroismo, aquella cultura e ilustracion con que
+         habia descollado entre todas las naciones.' _Biografia de
+         Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Opusculos_, vol. ii. p. 5, Madrid,
+         1848.
+
+  [1343] Except during the short interregnum of Louis, in 1724, which only
+         lasted a few months, and during which, the boy, though called
+         king, exercised no real power, and Philip remained the actual
+         ruler. 'Aun el nuevo rey no resolvia negocio de consideracion
+         sin asenso de su padre.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 374.
+
+  [1344] Saint Simon, who knew Philip well, and who was in Spain in 1721
+         and 1722, says of him, 'L'amour de la France lui sortait de
+         partout.' _Memoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. xxxvii. p. 3,
+         Paris, 1841. And, in 1746, shortly before his death, Noailles
+         writes from Aranjuez, 'Ce prince a le c[oe]ur tout francais.'
+         _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. iv. p. 191, Paris, 1829.
+
+  [1345] 'N'oubliez jamais que vous etes Francais, et ce qui peut vous
+         arriver.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 6.
+         Compare _Coxe's Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain_, London,
+         1815, vol. i. p. 103.
+
+  [1346] In 1702, Philip 'parlait moins que jamais, et seulement aux
+         Francais, comme s'ils eussent ete les seuls etres de son
+         espece.' _Memoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 276. 'Le degout que
+         Philippe laissait voir pour sa cour espagnole.' p. 333. A
+         Spanish statesman, celebrated, or, I would rather say,
+         notorious, at the close of the century, indignantly exclaims,
+         'It was on the accession of the Bourbon dynasty, that foreigners
+         came to govern us on our native soil.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, ed.
+         London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 271.
+
+  [1347] In 1701, it was the duty of the French ambassador, 'qu'il put au
+         besoin etre premier ministre d'Espagne.' _Millot_, _Memoires de
+         Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 31; 'que l'ambassadeur de sa Majeste soit
+         ministre du roi Catholique; que, sans en avoir le titre, il en
+         exerce les fonctions; qu'il aide au roi d'Espagne a connoitre
+         l'etat de ses affaires, et a gouverner par lui-meme.' p. 55. In
+         1702, Marsin writes to Louis XIV., 'Comme il est absolument
+         necessaire que l'ambassadeur de Votre Majeste en Espagne ait un
+         credit sans bornes aupres du Roy son petit-fils.' p. 183. In
+         1705, Amelot, the French ambassador, 'decidoit de tout en
+         Espagne.' _Memoires de Louville_, vol. ii. p. 165; and in 1706,
+         'etant a la tete des affaires, et joignant presque les fonctions
+         de premier ministre a celles d'ambassadeur.' _Noailles_,
+         vol. ii. p. 398.
+
+  [1348] In 1703, 'Il est clair que l'embarras de Philippe venoit surtout
+         de la crainte que ses decisions ne fussent point approuvees en
+         France, ou toutes les affaires importantes se decidoient.'
+         _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 244. 'The King of
+         France had always certain persons at Madrid, which compos'd a
+         Council, of which that of Versailles was the soul; and whose
+         members were all creatures of the French Court, and sent to
+         Madrid from time to time to direct all affairs there, according
+         to the views of the Most Christian King, and to give him an
+         account of every thing that pass'd in the Councils of the
+         Escurial. Alberoni got to be initiated in the mysteries of this
+         cabal.' _History of Cardinal Alberoni_, London, 1719, p. 70.
+
+         The Spanish historians are not very fond of admitting this
+         unquestionable fact; but Bacallar, after mentioning the
+         influence of the French Ambassador, frankly adds: 'Desde
+         entonces tomaron tanta mano sobre los de Espana los ministros
+         franceses, que dieron mas zelos a los Principes, viendo
+         estrechar la union a un grado, que todo se ponia al arbitrio de
+         Luis XIV.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de Espana_,
+         vol. i. p. 33.
+
+The truth is, that Spain, broken and prostrate, was unable to supply
+ability of any kind; and if the government of the country was to be
+carried on, it was absolutely necessary that foreigners should be
+called in.[1349] Even in 1682, that is, eighteen years before the
+accession of Philip V., there was not to be found a single native well
+acquainted with the art of war; so that Charles II. was obliged to
+intrust the military defence of the Spanish Netherlands to De Grana, the
+Austrian ambassador at Madrid.[1350] When, therefore, the War of the
+Succession broke out, in 1702, even the Spaniards themselves desired
+that their troops should be commanded by a foreigner.[1351] In 1704, the
+extraordinary spectacle was exhibited of the Duke of Berwick, an
+Englishman, leading Spanish soldiers against the enemy, and being in
+fact generalissimo of the Spanish army.[1352] The King of Spain,
+dissatisfied with his proceedings, determined to remove him; but,
+instead of filling his place with a native, he applied to Louis XIV. for
+another general; and this important post was confided to Marshal Tesse,
+a Frenchman.[1353] A little later, Berwick was again summoned to Madrid,
+and ordered to put himself at the head of the Spanish troops, and defend
+Estremadura and Castile.[1354] This he effected with complete success;
+and, in the battle of Almansa, which he fought in 1707, he overthrew the
+invaders, ruined the party of the pretender Charles,[1355] and secured
+the seat of Philip on the throne.[1356] As the war, however, still
+continued, Philip, in 1710, wrote to Paris for another general, and
+requested that the Duke de Vendome might be sent to him.[1357] This able
+commander, on his arrival, infused new vigour into the Spanish counsels,
+and utterly defeated the allies;[1358] so that the war by which the
+independence of Spain was established, owed its success to the ability
+of foreigners, and to the fact that the campaigns were planned and
+conducted, not by natives, but by French and English generals.
+
+  [1349] Even the veteran diplomatist was so struck by the escape of Spain
+         from complete ruin, that he ascribes its change of masters to
+         the direct interference of the Deity. 'Sa seule puissance avait
+         place Philippe V sur le trone d'Espagne; elle seule pouvait l'y
+         maintenir; les hommes n'avaient pas conduit ce grand evenement.'
+         _Memoires de Torcy_, vol. i. p. 333. 'Le trone ou Dieu l'avait
+         place.' p. 401. See also vol. ii. pp. 3, 227. 'The Spanish
+         people received him with unhesitating obedience to the deceased
+         king's will, and rejoiced at the prospect of a rule that would
+         at least have the merit of being different from that under which
+         they had so long withered.' _Memoirs of Peterborough_, London,
+         1853, vol. i. p. 102. 'Muchos espanoles recibieron por su
+         soberano a Felipe V., cansados de la dominacion de la casa de
+         Austria. Esperaban de la mudanza de la dinastia la felicidad y
+         el buen gobierno.' _Castro_, _Decadencia de Espana_, Cadiz,
+         1852, p. 131. To the same effect, _Millot_, _Memoires de
+         Noailles_, vol. i. pp. 420, 426, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+  [1350] He 'committed the military defence of these provinces to the
+         Marquis of Grana, the Austrian ambassador at Madrid, from the
+         want of any Spanish commander whose courage or military
+         endowments qualified him to repel such an enemy as the king of
+         France.' _Dunlop's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 232. Compare, on the
+         want of Spanish generals, _Memoires du Marechal de Gramont_,
+         vol. ii. p. 82, edit. Paris, 1827. The opinion which Grana
+         himself formed of the Spanish government, may be learned from a
+         conversation which he held at Madrid, in 1680, with the French
+         ambassadress, and which is preserved in her correspondence.
+         _Lettres de Madame la Marquise de Villars_, Amsterdam, 1759, pp.
+         118, 119.
+
+  [1351] See the letter of Philip V. to Louis XIV., dated June 22, 1702,
+         in _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257, Paris, 1828,
+         edit. Petitot.
+
+  [1352] See _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de Espana_, vol. i.
+         pp. 137, 166, where he is called 'el Duque de Bervich.' His own
+         account is, 'J'arrivai a Madrid le 15 fevrier' (1704), 'ou
+         d'abord S. M. Catholique me fit Capitaine-General de ses
+         armees.' _Memoires de Berwick_, Paris, 1778, vol. i. p. 227; and
+         see p. xxv. No one would suppose this, from the observations of
+         M. Lafuente, in his _Historia de Espana_, vol. xviii. p. 80,
+         Madrid, 1857.
+
+  [1353] 'Philippe n'etoit pas content de Berwick, ou plutot il temoigna
+         ne le pas etre, et il demanda un autre general a Louis XIV. On
+         lui envoya le marechal de Tesse, pour qui il avoit montre du
+         penchant.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 331.
+         Berwick himself ascribes his dismissal to the influence of
+         Gramont and of the Queen of Spain. _Memoires de Berwick_, vol.
+         i. pp. 269-273. At all events, the new general became supreme.
+         In December 1705, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid to
+         Madame de Maintenon, 'M. le marechal de Tesse, quand il est a
+         Madrid, est consulte, et decide sur toutes les affaires,
+         _autant, pour le moins, que M. l'ambassadeur_; et lorsqu'il est
+         a l'armee, il est le maitre absolu non seulement des troupes de
+         France, mais encore de celles d'Espagne, commandant aux
+         capitaines-generaux, ses anciens, contre l'usage du pays.'
+         _Lettres inedites de Madame de Maintenon et de Madame la
+         Princesse des Ursins_, vol. iii. p. 259, Paris, 1826.
+
+  [1354] In 1706, 'Le duc de Berwick, redemande par Philippe V., arrive a
+         Madrid le 11 mars, avec le titre de marechal de France, pour
+         defendre l'Estramadure et la Castille, ayant rassemble ce qu'il
+         peut de troupes espagnoles, empecha les ennemis d'entreprendre
+         le siege de Badajoz.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii.
+         p. 387. Philip 'pria le Roi, son grand-pere, d'envoyer un
+         general pour commander sur les frontieres de Portugal. Ce fut
+         donc sur moi que le choix tomba.' _Memoires de Berwick_, vol. i.
+         p. 305.
+
+  [1355] In a recently published work (_Memoirs of Peterborough_, London,
+         1853, vol. i. pp. 148, 155, 161, 206, 210, vol. ii. pp. 34, 93),
+         Charles is not only called King of Spain, which he never was, as
+         Spain always refused to accept him, but, in the teeth of all
+         history, he is actually termed Charles III.; while Philip V. is
+         merely 'Philip of Anjou.' If this were allowed, the consequence
+         would be, that the king whom the Spaniards now call Charles
+         III., would have to change his appellation, and become Charles
+         IV.; and Charles IV. would be changed into Charles V. It is
+         really too much when mere biographers obtrude, in this way,
+         their own little prepossessions into the vast field of history,
+         and seek to efface its established nomenclature, because they
+         are enamoured of the hero whose life they write.
+
+  [1356] 'This victory established the throne of Philip.' _Dunham's
+         History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 136. 'A victory which may be
+         justly said to have saved Spain.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. i. p. 408. Even Ortiz allows that if Berwick had
+         failed, Philip would have been ruined. 'Esta batalla de Almansa,
+         que las circunstancias hicieron ruidosa, comenzo a poner mejor
+         la corona de Espana en la cabeza de Felipe V.; y se tuvo por
+         indubitable que si la hubiera perdido, tambien hubiera perdido
+         la corona.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 116. See also
+         _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. xviii. p. 185. 'Berwick,
+         a quien, sin duda, debio su salvacion la Espana.'
+
+  [1357] 'Sa reputation etoit grande et bien etablie; le roi d'Espagne
+         avoit ete temoin de sa conduite en Lombardie; il demanda au Roi
+         un general si capable de commander ses armees.' _Memoires de
+         Torcy_, vol. i. p. 386. See also _History of Alberoni_, London,
+         1719, p. 45. 'Le duc de Vendome alloit enfin commander les
+         troupes d'Espagne.' _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 12.
+         According to Berwick, the offer was first made to himself.
+         _Memoires de Berwick_, vol. ii. pp. 106, 109. M. Lafuente,
+         without quoting any authority, says (_Historia de Espana_, vol.
+         xviii. p. 279), 'Luego que se perdio la batalla de Zaragoza
+         escribio Felipe al rey Cristianisimo, su abuelo, rogandole que,
+         ya que no pudiera socorrerle con tropas, le enviara al menos _al
+         duque de Berwick o al de Vendome_.' But, as Berwick must have
+         had the means of knowing the real state of the case, he is
+         probably correct in saying that the first application was in his
+         own favour.
+
+  [1358] 'Vendome arrived at this moment to call into action the spirit of
+         the monarch and the zeal of his subjects.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+         of Spain_, vol. ii. p. 41. 'The arrival of the Duke de Vendome
+         again changed the fate of Spain.' _Memoirs of Peterborough_,
+         vol. ii. p. 130.
+
+In the same way, the finances were, by the end of the seventeenth
+century, in such deplorable confusion, that Portocarrero, who at the
+accession of Philip V. was the nominal minister of Spain, expressed a
+desire that they should be administered by some one sent from Paris, who
+could restore them.[1359] He felt that no one in Spain was equal to the
+task, and he was by no means singular in this opinion. In 1701, Louville
+wrote to Torcy, that if a financier did not soon arrive from France,
+there would shortly be no finances to administer.[1360] The choice fell
+upon Orry, who reached Madrid in the summer of 1701.[1361] He found
+everything in the most miserable condition; and the incompetence of the
+Spaniards was so obvious, that he was soon forced to undertake the
+management, not only of the finances, but also of the war-department. To
+save appearances, Canalez became the ostensible minister at war; but he,
+being completely ignorant of affairs, merely performed the drudgery of
+that office, the real duties of which were fulfilled by Orry
+himself.[1362]
+
+  [1359] 'Portocarrero, abrumado con las dificultades de la gobernacion,
+         que excedian en mucho a sus escasas luces, no contento con haber
+         inducido al rey a que aumentara su consejo de gabinete con dos
+         ministros mas, que fueron el marques de Mancera, presidente del
+         de Aragon, y el duque de Montalto, del de Italia, pidio a Luis
+         XIV. le enviara una persona que pudiera establecer un plan de
+         hacienda en Espana, y corregir y reformar los abusos de la
+         administracion.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_, vol. xviii.
+         p. 15. On 22nd June 1701, Louis XIV. writes to the Duc
+         d'Harcourt, 'Qu'enfin le cardinal Porto-Carrero m'a fait
+         demander quelqu'un intelligent en matiere de finances pour voir
+         et connoitre l'etat de celles du roi d'Espagne, pour examiner
+         les moyens les plus propres de soulager ses sujets, et de
+         pourvoir aux plus pressans besoins du public; qu'il m'assure que
+         _toute l'Espagne le desire en general_: toutes ces raisons m'ont
+         determine a choisir le sieur Orry, pour l'envoyer a Madrid.'
+         _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 44.
+
+  [1360] 'Il faudra que l'homme que vous enverrez pour les finances (car
+         vous aurez la bonte d'en envoyer un, ou bien nous n'aurons plus
+         de finances).' _Memoires de Louville_, vol. i. p. 149.
+
+  [1361] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 181.
+
+  [1362] 'Canalez, qu'on a substitue a Rivas pour le departement de la
+         guerre, n'a aucun talent pour cet emploi, selon l'instruction;
+         et toute l'Espagne voit clairement qu'Orry ne le lui a procure
+         qu'afin d'en exercer les fonctions sous le nom d'un Espagnol.'
+         _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 305; under the
+         year 1704. See also, on the power of Orry in the war-department,
+         _Memoires de Berwick_, vol. i. pp. 226, 227, 306, 316, vol. ii.
+         p. 166. Berwick, who hated Orry, says of him (vol. i. p. 232),
+         'il se meloit de tout et faisoit tout,' But there can be no
+         doubt of his being a man of very considerable ability; and M.
+         Lafuente (_Historia de Espana_, vol. xix. p. 253, Madrid, 1857)
+         candidly says, 'Es lo cierto que hizo abrir mucho los ojos de
+         los espanoles en materia de administracion,' Compare vol. xviii.
+         p. 369; _Memoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. vii. pp. 102,
+         195, Paris, 1842; and _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de
+         Espana_, vol. i. pp. 82, 83, 99, 168, vol. ii. pp. 95, 107.
+         Bacallar treats him harshly.
+
+This dominion of the French continued, without interruption, until the
+second marriage of Philip V., in 1714, and the death of Louis XIV., in
+1715, both of which events weakened their influence, and for a time
+almost destroyed it. The authority, however, which they lost, was
+transferred, not to Spaniards, but to other foreigners. Between 1714 and
+1726, the two most powerful and conspicuous men in Spain were Alberoni,
+an Italian, and Ripperda, a Dutchman. Ripperda was dismissed in
+1726;[1363] and after his fall, the affairs of Spain were controlled by
+Konigseg, who was a German, and who, indeed, was the Austrian ambassador
+residing at Madrid.[1364] Even Grimaldo, who held office before and
+after the dismissal of Ripperda, was a disciple of the French school,
+and had been brought up under Orry.[1365] All this was not the result of
+accident, nor is it to be ascribed to the caprice of the court. In
+Spain, the national spirit had so died away, that none but foreigners,
+or men imbued with foreign ideas, were equal to the duties of
+government. To the evidence already quoted on this point, I will add two
+other testimonies. Noailles, a very fair judge, and by no means
+prejudiced against the Spaniards, emphatically stated, in 1710, that,
+notwithstanding their loyalty, they were incapable of ruling, inasmuch
+as they were ignorant both of war and of politics.[1366] In 1711, Bonnac
+mentions that a resolution had been formed to place no Spaniard at the
+head of affairs, because those hitherto employed had proved to be either
+unfortunate or unfaithful.[1367]
+
+  [1363] _Ripperda's Memoirs_, London, 1740, second edition, pp. 117, 118.
+         Saint Simon (_Memoires_, vol. xxxvi. p. 246) says, that Ripperda
+         was 'premier ministre aussi absolu que le fut jamais son
+         predecesseur, Alberoni.' The English pamphleteers and
+         politicians of the last century were very unjust to Alberoni,
+         who, notwithstanding the dangerous boldness of his nature, was
+         one of the best ministers who ever governed Spain. M. Lafuente,
+         while admitting his faults, says (_Historia de Espana_, vol.
+         xix. pp. 437, 438), 'Negarle gran capacidad seria una gran
+         injusticia. Tampoco puede desconocerse que reanimo y regenero la
+         Espana, levantandola a un grado de esplendor y de grandeza en
+         que nunca se habia vuelto a ver desde los mejores tiempos de
+         Felipe II.' See also a good summary of what he did for Spain, in
+         _Tapia_, _Historia de la Civilizacion Espanola_, Madrid, 1840,
+         vol. iv. pp. 50, 51.
+
+  [1364] 'The all-powerful Konigseg.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_,
+         vol. iii. p. 154; 'the prime mover of the Spanish counsels,' p.
+         159; in 1727-8, 'Konigseg usurped the control over every
+         operation of government,' p. 190; and see p. 235. His great
+         power is likewise noticed in _Lafuente_, _Historia de Espana_,
+         vol. xix. p. 71: 'el hombre de mas influjo y valimiento en la
+         corte.'
+
+  [1365] 'Originally a clerk under Orry, he gained the favour of his
+         employer,' &c. _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iii. p. 39.
+         Coxe had access to a large mass of letters, which were written
+         in the eighteenth century, by persons connected with Spain, and
+         many of which are still unpublished. This makes his book very
+         valuable; and, as a recital of political events, it is superior
+         to anything the Spaniards have produced, though the author is, I
+         need hardly say, far inferior to M. Lafuente as a writer, and
+         also as an artistic arranger of facts.
+
+  [1366] 'Que les Espagnols depuis longtemps ignoroient la guerre et la
+         politique; qu'on devoit etre sensible a leurs demonstrations
+         d'attachement et de zele, sans les croire, suffisantes pour
+         soutenir un Etat' ... 'l'incapacite des sujets pour le
+         gouvernement.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. iii. pp.
+         24, 25.
+
+  [1367] 'C'etoit un parti pris, comme l'observe Bonnac, de ne plus mettre
+         le gouvernement entre leurs mains. On avoit trouve parmi eux peu
+         d'hommes capables des grands emplois: ceux a qui on les avoit
+         confies, malheureux ou infideles, avoient inspire de
+         l'eloignement pour les autres.' _Millot_, _Memoires de
+         Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 81.
+
+The government of Spain being taken from the Spaniards, now began to
+show some signs of vigour. The change was slight, but it was in the
+right direction, though, as we shall presently see, it could not
+regenerate Spain, owing to the unfavourable operation of general causes.
+Still, the intention was good. For the first time, attempts were made to
+vindicate the rights of laymen, and to diminish the authority of
+ecclesiastics. Scarcely had the French established their dominion, when
+they suggested that it might be advisable to relieve the necessities of
+the state, by compelling the clergy to give up some of the wealth which
+they had accumulated in their churches.[1368] Even Louis XIV. insisted
+that the important office of President of Castile should not be
+conferred on an ecclesiastic, because, he said, in Spain the priests and
+monks had already too much power.[1369] Orry, who for several years
+possessed immense influence, exerted it in the same direction. He
+endeavoured to lessen the immunities possessed by the clergy, in regard
+to taxation, and also in regard to their exemption from lay
+jurisdiction. He opposed the privilege of sanctuary; he sought to
+deprive churches of their right of asylum. He even attacked the
+Inquisition, and worked so powerfully on the mind of the king, that
+Philip, at one time, determined to suspend that dreadful tribunal, and
+abolish the office of grand inquisitor.[1370] This intention was very
+properly abandoned; for there can be no doubt that if it had been
+enforced, it would have caused a revolution, in which Philip would
+probably have lost his crown.[1371] In such case, a reaction would have
+set in, which would have left the Church stronger than ever. Many
+things, however, were done for Spain in spite of the Spaniards.[1372] In
+1707, the clergy were forced to contribute to the state a small part of
+their enormous wealth; the tax being disguised under the name of a
+loan.[1373] Ten years later, during the administration of Alberoni, this
+disguise was thrown off; and not only did government exact what was now
+called 'the ecclesiastical tax,' but it imprisoned or exiled those
+priests who, refusing to pay, stood up for the privileges of their
+order.[1374] This was a bold step to be taken in Spain, and it was one
+on which, at that time, no Spaniard would have ventured. Alberoni,
+however, as a foreigner, was unversed in the traditions of the country,
+which, indeed, on another memorable occasion, he set at defiance. The
+government of Madrid, acting in complete unison with public opinion, had
+always been unwilling to negotiate with infidels; meaning by infidels
+every people whose religious notions differed from their own. Sometimes,
+such negotiations were unavoidable, but they were entered into with fear
+and trembling, lest the pure Spanish faith should be tainted by too
+close a contact with unbelievers. Even in 1698, when it was evident that
+the monarchy was at its last gasp, and that nothing could save it from
+the hands of the spoiler, the prejudice was so strong, that the
+Spaniards refused to receive aid from the Dutch, because the Dutch were
+heretics. At that time, Holland was in the most intimate relation with
+England, whose interest it was to secure the independence of Spain
+against the machinations of France. Obvious, however, as this was, the
+Spanish theologians, being consulted respecting the proposal, declared
+that it was inadmissible, since it would enable the Dutch to propagate
+their religious opinions; so that, according to this view, it was better
+to be subjugated by a Catholic enemy, than to be assisted by a
+Protestant friend.[1375]
+
+  [1368] In 1701, 'Les eglises d'Espagne ont des richesses immenses en or
+         et en argenterie, qui augmentent tous les jours par le credit
+         des religieux; et cela rend l'espece tres-rare dans le commerce.
+         On propose d'obliger le clerge a vendre une partie de cette
+         argenterie. Avant que de prendre ce parti, il en faudroit bien
+         examiner non seulement l'utilite, que l'on connoit, mais aussi
+         les inconveniens qu'un pareil ordre pourroit produire.'
+         _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 60.
+
+  [1369] 'Il insistoit sur la necessite de ne pas donner a un
+         ecclesiastique, ni a une creature du cardinal, la presidence de
+         Castille, quand on rempliroit cette importante place; les
+         pretres et les moines n'avoient deja que trop de pouvoir.'
+         _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. ii. p. 77. Compare pp.
+         71, 72; a letter from Louville to Torcy, dated August 5th, 1701.
+
+  [1370] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 163-165. _Memoires
+         de Noailles_, vol. iii. p. 143.
+
+  [1371] In 1714, it was thought necessary, that Philip V., not having had
+         the benefit of a Spanish education, should be enlightened on the
+         subject of the Inquisition. He was, therefore, informed, 'que la
+         pureza de la religion Catolica en estos reynos se debia a la
+         vigilancia de la Inquisicion y sus ministros, todos justos,
+         clementes y circunspectos, no rigidos, violentos ni crueles,
+         como por error o malicia los pintan comunmente los Franceses. Y
+         que _la conservacion de la Monarquia dependia en gran parte de
+         mantener ilibata la religion Catolica_.' _Ortiz_, _Compendio_,
+         vol. vii. p. 286. Bacallar (_Comentarios_, vol. ii. pp. 122-125)
+         gives an interesting account of the attacks made on the rights
+         of the Church, and which, he says, p. 122, were 'poco ajustados
+         a la doctrina de los Santos Padres, a la Inmunidad de la
+         Iglesia, y que sonaban a heregia.' He significantly adds, p.
+         125, 'Los pueblos de Espana, que son tan religiosos, y professan
+         la mayor veneracion a la Iglesia, creian que esta se
+         atropellaba, _y huvo alguna interna inquietud, no sin fomento de
+         los adversos al Rey, cuyo puro, y sincero corazon podia ser
+         enganado_; pero no inducido a un evidente error contra los
+         Sagrados Canones,' &c. Such passages, proceeding, in the
+         eighteenth century, from a man like the Marquis de San Phelipe,
+         are of no slight importance in the history of the Spanish mind.
+
+  [1372] So early as May 1702, Philip V., in a letter to Louis XIV.,
+         complained that the Spaniards opposed him in every thing. 'Je
+         crois etre oblige de vous dire que je m'apercois de plus en plus
+         du peu de zele que les Espagnols out pour mon service, dans les
+         petites choses comme dans les grandes, et qu'ils s'opposent a
+         tout ce que je desire.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noailles_, vol.
+         ii. p. 136. The dislike which the Spaniards felt for the liberal
+         reforms advocated by the French, went on increasing, until, in
+         1709, 'se renovaron los antiguos odios entre las dos naciones,
+         con tanto ardor, que deseaban las tropas espanolas el haber de
+         combatir con los Franceses.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios_, vol. i.
+         p. 360.
+
+  [1373] 'L'opulence de l'Eglise devoit evidemment fournir des secours a
+         la patrie. Un emprunt de quatre millions, fait sur le clerge
+         l'annee precedente, 1707, avoit cependant fort deplu au Pape ou
+         a ses ministres.' _Millot_, _Memoires de Noaules_, vol. ii. p.
+         412.
+
+  [1374] 'He' (Alberoni) 'continued also the exaction of the
+         ecclesiastical tax, in spite of the papal prohibitions,
+         imprisoning or banishing the refractory priests who defended the
+         privileges of their order.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_,
+         vol. ii. p. 288.
+
+  [1375] On January 2nd, 1698, Stanhope, the British Minister at Madrid,
+         writes from that capital: 'This Court is not at all inclined to
+         admit the offer of the Dutch troops to garrison their places in
+         Flanders. They have consulted their theologians, who declare
+         against it as a matter of conscience, since it would give great
+         opportunities to the spreading of heresy. They have not yet sent
+         their answer but it is believed it will be in the negative, and
+         that they will rather choose to lie at the mercy of the French,
+         as being Catholics.' _Mahon's Spain under Charles II._,
+         pp. 98, 99.
+
+Still, much as the Spaniards hated Protestants, they hated Mohammedans
+yet more.[1376] They could never forget how the followers of that creed
+had once conquered nearly the whole of Spain, and had, during several
+centuries, possessed the fairest portion of it. The remembrance of this
+strengthened their religious animosity, and caused them to be the chief
+supporters of nearly every war which was waged against the Mohammedans,
+both of Turkey and of Africa.[1377] But Alberoni, being a foreigner, was
+unmoved by these considerations, and, to the astonishment of all Spain,
+he, on the mere ground of political expediency, set at naught the
+principles of the Church, and not only concluded an alliance with the
+Mohammedans, but supplied them with arms and with money.[1378] It is,
+indeed, true, that, in these and similar measures, Alberoni opposed
+himself to the national will, and that he lived to repent of his
+boldness. It is, however, also true, that his policy was part of a great
+secular and anti-theological movement, which, during the eighteenth
+century, was felt all over Europe. The effects of that movement were
+seen in the government of Spain, but not in the people. This was because
+the government for many years was wielded by foreigners, or by natives
+imbued with a foreign spirit. Hence we find that, during the greater
+part of the eighteenth century, the politicians of Spain formed a class
+more isolated, and, if I may so say, more living on their own
+intellectual resources, than the politicians of any other country during
+the same period. That this indicated a state of disease, and that no
+political improvement can produce real good, unless it is desired by the
+people before being conferred on them, will be admitted by whoever has
+mastered the lessons which history contains. The results actually
+produced in Spain, we shall presently see. But it will first be
+advisable that I should give some further evidence of the extent to
+which the influence of the Church had prostrated the national
+intellect, and by discouraging all inquiry, and fettering all freedom of
+thought, had at length reduced the country to such a plight, that the
+faculties of men, rusted by disuse, were no longer equal to fulfil the
+functions required from them; so that in every department, whether of
+political life, or of speculative philosophy, or even of mechanical
+industry, it was necessary that foreigners should be called in, to do
+that work, which the natives had become unable to perform.
+
+  [1376] 'Entre el catolicismo y las diferentes sectas que brotaron en las
+         imaginaciones de Calvino y de Lutero podia mediar tolerancia, y
+         aun transaccion, si bien, como dice un escritor politico, cuando
+         se comienza a transigir sobre un principio, ese principio
+         comienza a perder su imperio sobre las sociedades humanas. Pero
+         entre el cristianismo de los espanoles y el mahometismo de los
+         moriscos era imposible todo avenimiento.' _Janer_, _Condicion
+         Social de los Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 112.
+
+  [1377] The Marquis of San Phelipe, who wrote in 1725, says, 'Es ley
+         fundamental de los Reyes Catholicos, nunca hacer la paz con los
+         Mahometanos; y esta guerra permanece desde el Rey Don Pelayo,
+         por mas de siete siglos, sin hacer jamas paces, ni treguas con
+         ellos, como cada dia las hacen el Emperador, y otros Principes
+         Catholicos.' _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de Espana_,
+         vol. ii. p. 169. And, in the most influential work on commerce
+         which the reign of Philip V. produced, I find the following
+         instructive passage: 'Aunque en los Puertos de las dilatadas
+         Costas, que de Europa, Asia y Africa bana el Mediterraneo, se
+         hace comercio muy considerable, y util por diversas naciones, no
+         podra Espana tener gran parte en el, mientras se observare la
+         maxima de hacer continua guerra a todos los Moros y Turcos, en
+         cuyo dominio se hallan la mayor parte de aquellas Provincias;
+         sin embargo de ser constante, que _en esta guerra, aunque
+         procedida de zelo Christiano, es mayor el dano que recibimos,
+         que el que ocasionamos a los Infieles_' (the way the mercantile
+         spirit peeps out here, is extremely curious) 'a lo menos de
+         muchos anos a esta parte, como lo he explicado en diversos
+         capitulos.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
+         Madrid, 1757, p. 399. This is the third edition of a book,
+         which, considering the circumstances under which it was written,
+         is a very remarkable production.
+
+  [1378] Compare _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, London, 1815, vol. ii.
+         p. 314, with _The History of Alberoni_, London, 1719, pp. 119,
+         253; and _Bacallar_, _Comentarios de la Guerra de Espana_, vol.
+         ii. pp. 168, 169. The outcry which this caused, may be easily
+         imagined; and Alberoni, finding himself in great peril, took
+         advantage of the secrecy of the negotiations, to deny part, at
+         least, of the charges made against him. See his indignant, but
+         yet cautious, letter to the Pope, in _History of Alberoni_,
+         1719, p. 124. Ortiz, who had evidently not looked into the
+         evidence, is so ill-informed as to suppose that this was a
+         calumnious accusation brought against Alberoni after his fall.
+         'Caido ya por entonces Alberoni de su grandeza, expelido
+         ignominiosamente de Espana, y aun perseguido por el Rey en
+         Italia, preso en Roma por orden del Papa, etc., no era dificil
+         atribuirle culpas agenas o no cometidas.' _Note in Ortiz_,
+         _Compendio_, vol. vii. p. 321.
+
+The ignorance in which the force of adverse circumstances had sunk the
+Spaniards, and their inactivity, both bodily and mental, would be
+utterly incredible, if it were not attested by every variety of
+evidence. Gramont, writing from personal knowledge of the state of
+Spain, during the latter half of the seventeenth century, describes the
+upper classes as not only unacquainted with science or literature, but
+as knowing scarcely any thing even of the commonest events which
+occurred out of their own country. The lower ranks, he adds, are equally
+idle, and rely upon foreigners to reap their wheat, to cut their hay,
+and to build their houses.[1379] Another observer of society, as it
+existed in Madrid in 1679, assures us that men, even of the highest
+position, never thought it necessary that their sons should study; and
+that those who were destined for the army could not learn mathematics,
+if they desired to do so, inasmuch as there were neither schools nor
+masters to teach them.[1380] Books, unless they were books of devotion,
+were deemed utterly useless; no one consulted them; no one collected
+them; and, until the eighteenth century, Madrid did not possess a single
+public library.[1381] In other cities professedly devoted to purposes of
+education, similar ignorance prevailed. Salamanca was the seat of the
+most ancient and most famous university in Spain, and there, if
+anywhere, we might look for the encouragement of science.[1382] But De
+Torres, who was himself a Spaniard, and was educated at Salamanca,
+early in the eighteenth century, declares that he had studied at that
+university for five years before he had heard that such things as the
+mathematical sciences existed.[1383] So late as the year 1771, the same
+university publicly refused to allow the discoveries of Newton to be
+taught; and assigned as a reason, that the system of Newton was not so
+consonant with revealed religion as the system of Aristotle.[1384] All
+over Spain, a similar plan was adopted. Everywhere, knowledge was
+spurned, and inquiry discouraged. Feijoo, who, notwithstanding his
+superstition, and a certain slavishness of mind, from which no Spaniard
+of that age could escape, did, on matters of science, seek to enlighten
+his countrymen, has left upon record his deliberate opinion, that
+whoever had acquired all that was taught in his time under the name of
+philosophy, would, as the reward of his labour, be more ignorant than he
+was before he began.[1385] And there can be no doubt that he was right.
+There can be no doubt that, in Spain, the more a man was taught, the
+less he would know. For, he was taught that inquiry was sinful, that
+intellect must be repressed, and that credulity and submission were the
+first of human attributes. The Duke de Saint Simon, who, in 1721 and
+1722, was the French ambassador at Madrid, sums up his observations by
+the remark, that, in Spain, science is a crime, and ignorance a
+virtue.[1386] Fifty years later, another shrewd observer, struck with
+amazement at the condition of the national mind, expresses his opinion
+in a sentence equally pithy and almost equally severe. Searching for an
+illustration to convey his sense of the general darkness, he
+emphatically says, that the common education of an English gentleman
+would, in Spain, constitute a man of learning.[1387]
+
+  [1379] 'Leur paresse, et l'ignorance non seulement des sciences et des
+         arts, mais quasi generalement de tout ce qui se passe hors de
+         l'Espagne, et on peut dire meme hors du lieu ou ils habitent,
+         vont presque de pair, et sont inconcevables. La pauvrete est
+         grande parmi eux, ce qui provient de leur extreme paresse; car
+         si nombre de nos Francais n'alloient faucher leurs foins, couper
+         leurs bles et faire leurs briques, je crois qu'ils courroient
+         fortune de se laisser mourir de faim, et de se tenir sous des
+         tentes pour ne se pas donner la peine de batir des maisons.' ...
+         'L'education de leurs enfans est semblable a celle qu'ils ont eu
+         de leurs peres, c'est-a-dire sans qu'ils apprennent ni sciences
+         ni exercices; et je ne crois par que parmi tous les grands que
+         j'ay pratiques, il s'en trouvat un seul qui sut decliner son
+         nom.' ... 'Ils n'ont nulle curiosite de voir les pays
+         etrangers, et encore moins de s'enquerir de ce qui s'y passe.'
+         _Memoires du Marechal de Gramont_, vol. ii. pp. 77, 78, 82, 83,
+         in _Collection des Memoires par Petitot et Monmerque_, vol.
+         lvii. See also _Aarsens de Sommerdyck_, _Voyage d'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1665, 4to. p. 124. 'La terre mesme n'y est pas toute
+         cultiuee par des gens du pays: au tempe du labourage, des
+         semailles et de la recolte, il leur vient quantite de paysans du
+         Bearn et d'autres endroits de France, qui gagnent beaucoup
+         d'argent, pour leur mettre leurs bleds en terre et pour les
+         recueillir. Les architectes et charpentiers y sont aussi pour la
+         plupart estrangers, qui se font payer au triple de ce qu'ils
+         gagneroient en leur pays. Dans Madrid on ne voit pas un porteur
+         d'eau qui ne soit estranger, et la plupart des cordonniers et
+         tailleurs le sont aussi.'
+
+  [1380] 'Mais aussi de quelle maniere les eleve-t-on? Ils n'etudient
+         point; on neglige de leur donner d'habiles precepteurs; des
+         qu'on les destine a l'epee, on ne se soucie plus qu'ils
+         apprennent le latin ni l'histoire. On devroit au moins leur
+         enseigner ce qui est de leur mestier, les mathematiques, a faire
+         des armes et a monter a cheval. Ils n'y pensent seulement pas.
+         Il n'y a point ici d'Academie ni de maitres qui montrent ces
+         sortes de choses. Les jeunes hommes passent le tems qu'ils
+         devroient emploier a s'instruire dans un oisivete pitoiable.'
+         Letter from Madrid, dated 27th June 1679, in _D'Aulnoy_,
+         _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. pp. 232,
+         233.
+
+  [1381] 'Madrid etant la capitale d'une monarchie aussi vaste, il n'y eut
+         dans cette ville jusqu'a l'epoque du regne de Philippe V aucune
+         bibliotheque publique.' _Sempere_, _De la Monarchie Espagnole_,
+         Paris, 1826, vol. ii. p. 79.
+
+  [1382] The university was transferred from Palencia to Salamanca, early
+         in the thirteenth century. _Forner_, _Oracion Apologetica por la
+         Espana_, Madrid, 1786, p. 170. By the beginning of the fifteenth
+         century, it had become very prosperous (_Sempere_, _De la
+         Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. i. p. 65); and in 1535, it is
+         described as 'a great Universitie, conteyning seven or eight
+         thowsand students.' See a letter from John Mason, dated
+         Valladolid, 3rd July, 1635, in _Ellis's Original Letters_, second
+         series, vol. ii. p. 56, London, 1827. But, like every thing else
+         which was valuable in Spain, it declined in the seventeenth
+         century; and Monconys, who carefully examined it in 1628, and
+         praises some of its arrangements which were still in force,
+         adds, 'Mais je suis aussi contraint de dire apres tant de
+         loueanges, que les ecoliers qui etudient dans cette universite
+         sont des vrais ignorans.' _Les Voyages de Monsieur de Monconys_,
+         Quatrieme Partie, vol. v. p. 22, Paris, 1695. However, their
+         ignorance, of which Monconys gives some curious instances, did
+         not prevent Spanish writers, then, and long afterwards, from
+         deeming the University of Salamanca to be the greatest
+         institution of its kind in the world. 'La mayor del orbe, madre
+         gloriosisima de todas las ciencias y de los mas vehementes
+         ingenios, que han ilustrado las edades.' _Vida de Calderon de la
+         Barca_, pp. iii. iv., reprinted in Keil's edition of _Calderon_,
+         Leipsique, 1827. Compare Davila (_Felipe Tercero_, p. 81),
+         'Salamanca, madre de ciencias y letras;' Yanez (_Memorias_, p.
+         228), 'Universidad insigne, y Oficina de las buenas Letras de
+         Espana;' Bacallar (_Comentarios_, vol. i. p. 238), 'El emporio
+         de las ciencias;' and Ximenez (_Vida de Ribera_, p. 6),
+         'Salamanca, cathedra universal de las artes, y emporio de todas
+         ciencias.'
+
+  [1383] 'Says, that, after he had been five years in one of the schools
+         of the university there, it was by accident he learned the
+         existence of the mathematical sciences.' _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 223. A celebrated Spanish
+         writer of the eighteenth century, actually boasts of the
+         ignorance of his countrymen concerning mathematics, and
+         discerns, in their neglect of that foolish pursuit, a decisive
+         proof of their superiority over other nations. 'No se dexe
+         deslumbrar con los asperos calculos e intrincadas demostraciones
+         geometricas, con que, astuto el entendimiento, disimula el
+         engano con los disfraces de la verdad. El uso de las matematicas
+         es la alquimia en la fisica, que da apariencias de oro a lo que
+         no lo es.' _Forner_, _Oracion Apologetica por la Espana y su
+         Merito Literario_, Madrid, 1786, p. 38. Compare his contemptuous
+         notice (p. 66) of those insignificant persons, who 'con titulo
+         de filosofos han dado algun aumento a las matematicas;' and his
+         comparison (p. 222) of Mercado with Newton.
+
+  [1384] 'L'universite de Salamanque, excitee par le Conseil, a reformer
+         ses etudes, en l'annee 1771, lui repondit "qu'elle ne pouvait se
+         separer du peripatetisme, parce que les systemes de Newton,
+         Gassendi et Descartes, ne concordent pas autant avec les verites
+         revelees que ceux d'Aristote."' _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 152. This reply, says M. Sempere, p.
+         153, may be found 'dans la collection des ordonnances royales.'
+         In _Letters from Spain by an English Officer_, London, 1788,
+         vol. ii. p. 256, it is stated, that, in all the Spanish
+         universities, 'Newton, and modern philosophy, is still
+         prohibited. Nothing can supplant Aristotle, and the
+         superstitious fathers and doctors of the Church.'
+
+  [1385] Or, as he, in one place, expresses himself, would know 'very
+         little more than nothing.' 'El que estudio Logica, y
+         Metaphysica, con lo demas que, debaxo del nombre de Philosofia,
+         se ensena en las Escuelas, por bien que sepa todo, sabe muy poco
+         mas que nada; pero suena mucho. Dicese, que es un gran
+         Philosofo; y no es Philosofo grande, ni chico,' _Feijoo_,
+         _Theatro Critico Universal_, vol. ii. p. 187, quinta impression,
+         Madrid, 1741.
+
+  [1386] 'La science est un crime, l'ignorance et la stupidite la premiere
+         vertu.' _Memoires du Duc de Saint Simon_, vol. xxxv. p. 209,
+         Paris, 1840. Elsewhere (vol. xxxvi. p. 252) he says, 'Les
+         jesuites savants partout et en tout genre de science, ce qu ne
+         leur est pas meme dispute par leurs ennemis, les jesuites,
+         dis-je, sont ignorants en Espagne, mais d'une ignorance a
+         surprendre.'
+
+  [1387] 'The common education of an English gentleman would constitute a
+         man of learning here; and, should he understand Greek, he would
+         be quite a phenomenon.' _Swinburne's Travels through Spain in
+         1775 and 1776_, vol. ii. pp. 212, 213, 2d edit., London, 1787.
+
+Those who know what the common education of an English gentleman was
+eighty years ago, will appreciate the force of this comparison, and will
+understand how benighted a country must have been, to which such a taunt
+was applicable. To expect that, under such a state of things, the
+Spaniards should make any of the discoveries which accelerate the march
+of nations, would be idle indeed; for they would not even receive the
+discoveries, which other nations had made for them, and had cast into
+the common lap. So loyal and orthodox a people had nothing to do with
+novelties, which, being innovations on ancient opinions, were fraught
+with danger. The Spaniards desired to walk in the ways of their
+ancestors, and not have their faith in the past rudely disturbed. In the
+inorganic world, the magnificent discoveries of Newton were
+contumeliously rejected; and, in the organic world, the circulation of
+the blood was denied, more than a hundred and fifty years after Harvey
+had proved it.[1388] These things were new, and it was better to pause
+a little, and not receive them too hastily. On the same principle, when,
+in the year 1760, some bold men in the government proposed that the
+streets of Madrid should be cleansed, so daring a suggestion excited
+general anger. Not only the vulgar, but even those who were called
+educated, were loud in their censure. The medical profession, as the
+guardians of the public health, were desired, by the government, to give
+their opinion. This, they had no difficulty in doing. They had no doubt
+that the dirt ought to remain. To remove it, was a new experiment; and
+of new experiments, it was impossible to foresee the issue. Their
+fathers having lived in the midst of it, why should not they do the
+same? Their fathers were wise men, and must have had good reasons for
+their conduct. Even the smell, of which some persons complained, was
+most likely wholesome. For, the air being sharp and piercing, it was
+extremely probable that bad smells made the atmosphere heavy, and in
+that way deprived it of some of its injurious properties. The physicians
+of Madrid were, therefore, of opinion that matters had better remain as
+their ancestors had left them, and that no attempts should be made to
+purify the capital by removing the filth which lay scattered on every
+side.[1389]
+
+  [1388] So late as 1787, Townsend, a very accomplished man, who travelled
+         through Spain with the express object of noting the state of
+         knowledge, as well as the economical condition of the country,
+         and who, by previous study, had well qualified himself for such
+         an undertaking, says, 'I have observed in general, that the
+         physicians with whom I have had occasion to converse, are
+         disciples of their favourite doctor Piquer, who denied, or at
+         least doubted of, the circulation of the blood.' _Townsend's
+         Journey through Spain_, 2d ed., London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 281.
+         At that time, the Spanish physicians were, however, beginning to
+         read Hoffmann, Cullen, and other heretical speculators, in whose
+         works they would find, to their astonishment, that the
+         circulation of the blood was assumed, and was not even treated
+         as a debatable question. But the students were obliged to take
+         such matters on trust; for, adds Townsend, p. 282, 'In their
+         medical classes, they had no dissections.' Compare _Laborde's
+         Spain_, vol. i. p. 76, vol. iii. p. 315, London, 1809, and
+         _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 157. Godoy,
+         speaking of the three colleges of surgery at Madrid, Barcelona,
+         and Cadiz, says that until his administration in 1793, 'In the
+         capital, even that of San Carlos had not a lecture-room for
+         practical instruction.'
+
+  [1389] This little episode is noticed by Cabarrus, in his _Elogio de
+         Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xiv. 'La salubridad del
+         ayre, la limpieza y seguridad de las calles,' ... 'Pero ?quien
+         creera que este noble empeno produxo las mas vivas quejas: que
+         se conmovio el vulgo de todas clases; y que tuvo varias
+         autoridades a su favor la extrana doctrina de que los vapores
+         mefiticos eran un correctivo saludable de la rigidez del clima?'
+         But the fullest detail will be found in the recently published
+         and very elaborate History of Charles III. by M. Rio, from which
+         I will give one or two extracts. 'Para la limpieza de las calles
+         poseia mayores o menores fondos el ayuntamiento, y cuando el Rey
+         quiso poner la mano en este ramo de policia, le presentaron
+         dictamenes de medicos en que se defendia el absurdo de ser
+         elemento de salubridad la basura.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado
+         de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p. 54. See also vol. i.
+         pp. 267, 268, where it is mentioned, that when the minister,
+         Esquilache, persevered in his attempts to have the streets of
+         Madrid cleaned, the opponents of the scheme made inquiries into
+         the opinions of their fathers on that subject; and the result
+         was, 'que le presentaron cierta originalisima consulta hecha por
+         los medicos bajo el reinado de uno de los Felipes de Austria, y
+         reducida a demostrar que, siendo sumamente sutil el aire de la
+         poblacion a causa de estar proxima la sierra de Guadarrama,
+         ocasionaria los mayores estragos si no se impregnara en los
+         vapores de las inmundicias desparramadas por las calles.' That
+         this idea had long been entertained by the physicians of Madrid,
+         we also know from another testimony, with which none of the
+         Spanish historians are acquainted. Sir Richard Wynne, who
+         visited that capital in 1623, describes a disgusting practice of
+         the inhabitants, and adds, 'Being desirous to know why so
+         beastly a custom is suffered, they say it's a thing prescribed
+         by their physicians; for they hold the air to be so piercing and
+         subtle, that this kind of corrupting it with these ill vapours
+         keeps it in good temper.' _The Autobiography and Correspondence
+         of Sir Simonds D'Ewes_, edited by J. O. Halliwell, London, 1845,
+         vol. ii. p. 446.
+
+While such notions prevailed respecting the preservation of
+health,[1390] it is hardly to be supposed that the treatment of disease
+should be very successful. To bleed and to purge, were the only remedies
+prescribed by the Spanish physicians.[1391] Their ignorance of the
+commonest functions of the human body was altogether surprising, and can
+only be explained on the supposition, that in medicine, as in other
+departments, the Spaniards of the eighteenth century knew no more than
+their progenitors of the sixteenth. Indeed, in some respects, they
+appeared to know less. For, their treatment was so violent, that it was
+almost certain death to submit to it for any length of time.[1392] Their
+own king, Philip V., did not dare to trust himself in their hands, but
+preferred having an Irishman for his physician.[1393] Though the Irish
+had no great medical reputation, anything was better than a Spanish
+doctor.[1394] The arts incidental to medicine and surgery, were equally
+backward. The instruments were rudely made, and the drugs badly
+prepared. Pharmacy being unknown, the apothecaries' shops, in the
+largest towns, were entirely supplied from abroad; while, in the smaller
+towns, and in districts remote from the capital, the medicines were of
+such a quality, that the best which could be hoped of them was, that
+they might be innocuous. For, in the middle of the eighteenth century,
+Spain did not possess one practical chemist. Indeed, we are assured by
+Campomanes himself, that, so late as the year 1776, there was not to be
+found in the whole country a single man who knew how to make the
+commonest drugs, such as magnesia, Glauber's salts, and the ordinary
+preparations of mercury and antimony. This eminent statesman adds,
+however, that a chemical laboratory was about to be established in
+Madrid; and although the enterprise, being without a precedent, would
+surely be regarded as a portentous novelty, he expresses a confident
+expectation, that, by its aid, the universal ignorance of his countrymen
+would in time be remedied.[1395]
+
+  [1390] Even thirty years later, it was said, with good reason, that 'es
+         menester _deshacer todo lo que se ha hecho_,' and 'confiar
+         exclusivamente el precioso deposito de la sanidad publica a las
+         manos capaces de conservarlo y mejorarlo.' _Cartas por el Conde
+         de Cabarrus_, Madrid, 1813, p. 280. These letters, which, though
+         little known, contain some interesting statements, were written
+         in 1792 and 1793. See p. 34, and Prologo, p. i.
+
+  [1391] Bleeding, however, had the preference. See the curious evidence
+         in _Townsend's Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787_, vol. ii.
+         pp. 37-39. Townsend, who had some knowledge of medicine, was
+         amazed at the ignorance and recklessness of the Spanish
+         physicians. He says, 'The science and practice of medicine are
+         at the lowest ebb in Spain, but more especially in the
+         Asturias.' Compare _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol.
+         iii. p. 217, Paris, 1815, with _Winwood's Memorials_, London,
+         1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 219. The last reference shows the
+         terrible 'purging and letting blood,' to which the unfortunate
+         Spaniards were exposed in the reign of Philip III. Another
+         observer, much later, states that 'La saignee leur est assez
+         familiere. Ils se la font faire hors du lit tant que leurs
+         forces le permettent, et _lorsqu'ils en usent par precaution,
+         ils se font tirer du sang deux jours de suite du bras droit et
+         du gauche, disant qu'il faut egaliser le sang_. On peut juger de
+         la, si la circulation leur est connue.' _Voyages faits en
+         Espagne, par Monsieur M****_, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 112. See
+         further _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation_,
+         London, 4to. 1763, p. 55, and _Spain by an American_, London,
+         1831, vol. ii. p. 321.
+
+  [1392] In 1790, poor Cumberland, when in Madrid, was as nearly as
+         possible murdered by three of their surgeons in a very few days;
+         the most dangerous of his assailants being no less a man than
+         the 'chief surgeon of the Gardes de Corps,' who, says the
+         unfortunate sufferer, was 'sent to me by authority.' See
+         _Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written by himself_, London,
+         1807, vol. ii. pp. 67, 68.
+
+  [1393] Duclos says of Philip V., 'Il etoit fort attentif sur sa sante;
+         son medecin, s'il eut ete intriguant, auroit pu jouer un grand
+         role. Hyghens, Irlandois, qui occupoit cette premiere place,
+         fort eloigne de l'intrigue et de la cupidite, instruit dans son
+         art, s'en occupoit uniquement. Apres sa mort, la reine fit
+         donner la place a Servi, son medecin particulier.' _Memoires par
+         Duclos_, 2^e edit. Paris, 1791, vol. ii. pp. 200, 201. 'Hyghens,
+         premier medecin, etait Irlandais.' _Memoires du Duc de Saint
+         Simon_, vol. xxxvi. p. 215, ed. Paris, 1841.
+
+  [1394] In the eighteenth century, the Spaniards, generally, began to
+         admit this; since they could not shut their eyes to the fact
+         that their friends and relations succumbed so rapidly under
+         professional treatment, that sickness and death were almost
+         synonymous. Hence, notwithstanding their hatred of the French
+         nation, they availed themselves of the services of French
+         physicians and French surgeons, whenever they had an opportunity
+         of doing so. In 1707, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid
+         to Madame de Maintenon, 'Les chirurgiens espagnols sont
+         mesestimes meme de ceux de leur nation;' and, in another letter,
+         'Les Espagnols conviennent que les medecins francais sont
+         beaucoup plus savants que les leurs; ils s'en servent meme
+         tres-volontiers, mais ils sont persuades que ceux de la faculte
+         de Montpellier l'emportent sur les autres.' _Lettres inedites de
+         Madame de Maintenon et de la Princesse des Ursins_, vol. iii. p.
+         412, vol. iv. p. 90.
+
+  [1395] Campomanes (_Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, Madrid, 1776,
+         vol. iii. pp. 74, 75), speaking of a work on distillation, says,
+         'La tercera (parte) describe la preparacion de los productos
+         quimicos solidos: esto es la preparacion de varias sustancias
+         terreas, como argamasa, magnesia blanca, ojos de cangrejo, etc.,
+         la de varios sales, como sal de glaubero, amoniaco, cristal
+         mineral, borax refinado, etc., y la del antimonio, mercurio,
+         plomo, litargirio, etc., comunicando sobre todo lo expresado
+         varias noticias, que demuestran lo mucho que conducen a los
+         progresos del arte, las observaciones del fisico reflexivo:
+         unidas a la practica de un profesor experimentado. _Este arte en
+         toda su extension falta en Espana._ Solo le tenemos para
+         aguardientes, rosolis, y mistelas. _La salud publica es
+         demasiado importante, para depender de los estranos en cosas
+         esenciales_; quando no estimulase nuestra industria la
+         manutencion de muchas familias.' ... 'Gran parte de estas cosas
+         se introducen de fuera, por no conocerse bien las operaciones
+         quimicas. No son dificultosas en la execucion; pero _es
+         necesario ensenarlas, y conocer los instrumentos que son
+         aproposito_. Un laboratorio quimico, que _se va a establecer en
+         Madrid_, producira maestros para las capitales del reyno.'
+
+Whatever was useful in practice, or whatever subserved the purposes of
+knowledge, had to come from abroad. Ensenada, the well-known minister of
+Ferdinand VI., was appalled by the darkness and apathy of the nation,
+which he tried, but tried in vain, to remove. When he was at the head of
+affairs, in the middle of the eighteenth century, he publicly declared
+that in Spain there was no professorship of public law, or of physics,
+or of anatomy, or of botany. He further added, that there were no good
+maps of Spain, and that there was no person who knew how to construct
+them. All the maps which they had, came from France and Holland. They
+were, he said, very inaccurate; but the Spaniards, being unable to make
+any, had nothing else to rely on. Such a state of things he pronounced
+to be shameful. For, as he bitterly complained, if it were not for the
+exertions of Frenchmen and Dutchmen, it would be impossible for any
+Spaniard to know either the position of his own town, or the distance
+from one place to another.[1396]
+
+  [1396] 'Su ministro el celebre Ensenada, que tenia grandes miras en
+         todos los ramos de la administracion publica, deseaba
+         ardientemente mejorar la ensenanza, lamentandose del atraso en
+         que esta se hallaba. "Es menester, decia hablando de las
+         universidades, reglar sus catedras, reformar las superfluas y
+         establecer las que faltan con nuevas ordenanzas para asegurar el
+         mejor metodo de estudios. No se que haya catedra alguna de
+         derecho publico, de fisica esperimental, de anatomia y botanica.
+         No hay puntuales cartas geograficas del reino y de sus
+         provincias, _ni quien las sepa grabar, ni tenemos otras que las
+         imperfectas que vienen de Francia y Holanda_. De esto proviene
+         que ignoramos la verdadera situacion de los pueblos y sus
+         distancias, que es una vergueenza."' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 268, 269. See also
+         _Biografia de Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Coleccion de
+         Opusculos_, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 21, 22. 'Le parecia
+         vergonzoso que para conocer la situacion y distancias
+         respectivas de nuestros mismos pueblos y lugares, dependiesemos
+         de los franceses y holandeses, quienes por sus mapas imperfectas
+         de la peninsula extraian de ella sumas considerables.' Eighty
+         years after this complaint was made by Ensenada, we find a
+         traveller in Spain stating that 'a decent map of any part, even
+         of the country round the gates of the capital, cannot be found.'
+         _Cook's Spain from 1829 to 1832_, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 322.
+         Compare _Notices of Geological Memoirs_, p. 1, at the end of the
+         _Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society_, vol. vi., London,
+         1850; 'even a good geographical map of the Peninsula does not
+         exist.'
+
+The only remedy for all this, seemed to be foreign aid; and Spain being
+now ruled by a foreign dynasty, that aid was called in. Cervi
+established the Medical Societies of Madrid and of Seville; Virgili
+founded the College of Surgery at Cadiz; and Bowles endeavoured to
+promote among the Spaniards the study of mineralogy.[1397] Professors
+were sought for, far and wide; and application was made to Linnaeus to
+send a person from Sweden who could impart some idea of botany to
+physiological students.[1398] Many other and similar steps were taken by
+the government, whose indefatigable exertions would deserve our warmest
+praise, if we did not know how impossible it is for any government to
+enlighten a nation, and how absolutely essential it is that the desire
+for improvement should, in the first place, proceed from the people
+themselves. No progress is real, unless it is spontaneous. The movement,
+to be effective, must emanate from within, and not from without; it must
+be due to general causes acting on the whole country, and not to the
+mere will of a few powerful individuals. During the eighteenth century,
+all the means of improvement were lavishly supplied to the Spaniards;
+but the Spaniards did not want to improve. They were satisfied with
+themselves; they were sure of the accuracy of their own opinions; they
+were proud of the notions which they inherited, and which they did not
+wish either to increase or to diminish. Being unable to doubt, they
+were, therefore, unwilling to inquire. New and beautiful truths,
+conveyed in the clearest and most attractive language, could produce no
+effect upon men whose minds were thus hardened and enslaved.[1399] An
+unhappy combination of events, working without interruption since the
+fifth century, had predetermined the national character in a particular
+direction, and neither statesmen, nor kings, nor legislators, could
+effect aught against it. The seventeenth century was, however, the
+climax of all. In that age, the Spanish nation fell into a sleep, from
+which, as a nation, it has never since awakened. It was a sleep, not of
+repose, but of death. It was a sleep, in which the faculties, instead of
+being rested, were paralyzed, and in which a cold and universal torpor
+succeeded that glorious, though partial, activity, which, while it made
+the name of Spain terrible in the world, had insured the respect even of
+her bitterest enemies.
+
+  [1397] M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. i. p. 185)
+         mentions this in a very characteristic manner. 'Varios
+         extranjeros distinguidos _hallaron fraternidad entre los
+         espanoles, y correspondieron hidalgamente al hospedaje_: Cervi
+         dio vida a las sociedades medicas de Madrid y Sevilla; Virgili
+         al colegio de Cirugia de Cadiz; Quer trabajo sin descanso para
+         que el Jardin Botanico no fuera un simple lugar de recreo, sino
+         principalmente de estudio; Bowles comunico grande impulso a la
+         mineralogia,' &c.
+
+  [1398] I have mislaid the evidence of this fact; but the reader may rely
+         on its accuracy.
+
+  [1399] Townsend (_Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787_, vol. ii.
+         p. 275) says, 'Don Antonio Solano, professor of experimental
+         philosophy, merits attention for the clearness and precision of
+         his demonstrations: but, unfortunately, although his lectures
+         are delivered gratis, such is the want of taste for science in
+         Madrid, that nobody attends them.'
+
+Even the fine arts, in which the Spaniards had formerly excelled,
+partook of the general degeneracy, and, according to the confession of
+their own writers, had, by the beginning of the eighteenth century,
+fallen into complete decay.[1400] The arts which secure national
+safety, were in the same predicament as those which minister to national
+pleasure. There was no one in Spain who could build a ship; there was no
+one who knew how to rig it, after it was built. The consequence was,
+that, by the close of the seventeenth century, the few ships which Spain
+possessed, were so rotten, that, says an historian, they could hardly
+support the fire of their own guns.[1401] In 1752, the government, being
+determined to restore the navy, found it necessary to send to England
+for shipwrights; and they were also obliged to apply to the same quarter
+for persons who could make ropes and canvass; the skill of the natives
+being unequal to such arduous achievements.[1402] In this way, the
+ministers of the Crown, whose ability and vigour, considering the
+difficult circumstances in which the incapacity of the people placed
+them, were extremely remarkable, contrived to raise a fleet superior to
+any which had been seen in Spain for more than a century.[1403] They
+also took many other steps towards putting the national defences into a
+satisfactory condition; though in every instance, they were forced to
+rely on the aid of foreigners. Both the military and the naval service
+were in utter confusion, and had to be organized afresh. The discipline
+of the infantry was remodelled by O'Reilly, an Irishman, to whose
+superintendence the military schools of Spain were intrusted.[1404] At
+Cadiz, a great naval academy was formed, but the head of it was Colonel
+Godin, a French officer.[1405] The artillery, which like everything
+else, had become almost useless, was improved by Maritz, the Frenchman;
+while the same service was rendered to the arsenals by Gazola, the
+Italian.[1406]
+
+  [1400] 'La ignorancia reinante en los ultimos anos del siglo xvii.
+         depravo en tal manera el buen gusto, que a principios del xviii.
+         las artes se hallaban en la mas lastimosa decadencia.' _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Espanola_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. p. 346. See
+         also, on this decline, or rather destruction, of taste,
+         _Valasquez_, _Origines de la Poesia Castellana_, Malaga, 1754,
+         4to. 'Un siglo, corrompido, en que las letras estaban
+         abandonadas, y el buen gusto casi desterrado de toda la nacion.'
+         p. 70. 'Al passo que la nacion perdia el buen gusto, y las
+         letras iban caminando a su total decadencia.' p. 107. 'Los
+         caminos por donde nuestros poetas en el siglo pasado se
+         apartaron del buen gusto en esta parte.' p. 170.
+
+  [1401] 'Solo cuatro navios de linea y seis de poco porte dejaron los
+         reyes de origen austriaco, y todos tan podridos que apenas
+         podian aguantar el fuego de sus propias baterias.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. i.
+         p. 184.
+
+  [1402] 'Se mandaron construir 12 navios a la vez, y se contrataron
+         otros. Por medio de D. Jorge Juan se trajeron de Inglaterra los
+         mas habiles constructores y maestros para las fabricas de
+         jarcia, lona y otras.' _Biografia de Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_,
+         _Coleccion de Opusculos_, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. p. 18. M. Rio,
+         taking all this as a matter of course, quietly says, 'D. Jorge
+         Juan fue a Londres para estudiar la construccion de navios.'
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p.
+         485.
+
+  [1403] M. Lafuente says that Ensenada was the restorer, and almost the
+         creator, of the Spanish navy; 'de la cual fue el restaurador, y
+         casi pudiera decirse el creador.' _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xix. p. 344, Madrid, 1857.
+
+  [1404] 'C'est par un Irlandais aussi, Oreilly, que la discipline de
+         l'infanterie est reformee.' _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne
+         Moderne_, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. p. 142. 'Las escuelas militares
+         del puerto de Sta. Maria para la infanteria, que dirigio con
+         tanto acierto el general Ofarril bajo las ordenes del conde de
+         O'Reilly.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_, vol. iv. p. 128.
+
+  [1405] 'Vino a dirigir la academia de guardias marinas de Cadiz.'
+         _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_, vol. iv. p. 79. 'Godin figuro
+         como director del colegio de Guardias marinas.' _Rio_, _Historia
+         de Carlos III._, vol. i. p. 186. Compare _Biographie
+         Universelle_, vol. xvii. p. 564, Paris, 1816.
+
+  [1406] See the interesting remarks in _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne
+         Moderne_, Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 96, 142. With good reason,
+         therefore, was it stated, some years afterwards, that 'c'est a
+         des etrangers que l'Espagne doit presque tous les plans, les
+         reformes utiles, et les connoissances dont elle a eu besoin.'
+         _Voyage en Espagne par le Marquis de Langle_, 1785, vol. ii.
+         p. 159.
+
+The mines, which form one of the greatest natural sources of the wealth
+of Spain, had likewise suffered from that ignorance and apathy into
+which the force of circumstances had plunged the country. They were
+either completely neglected, or if worked, they were worked by other
+nations. The celebrated cobalt-mine, situated in the valley of Gistan,
+in Aragon, was entirely in the hands of the Germans, who, during the
+first half of the eighteenth century, derived immense profit from
+it.[1407] In the same way, the silver-mines of Guadalcanal, the richest
+in Spain, were undertaken, not by natives, but by foreigners. Though
+they had been discovered in the sixteenth century, they, as well as
+other matters of importance, had been forgotten in the seventeenth, and
+were reopened, in 1728, by English adventurers; the enterprise, the
+tools, the capital, and even the miners, all coming from England.[1408]
+Another, and still more famous, mine is that of Almaden in La Mancha,
+which produces mercury of the finest quality, and in great profusion.
+This metal, besides being indispensable for many of the commonest arts,
+was of peculiar value to Spain, because without it the gold and silver
+of the New World could not be extracted from their ores. From Almaden,
+where every natural facility exists for collecting it, and where the
+cinnibar in which it is found is unusually rich, vast supplies had
+formerly been drawn; but they had for some time been diminishing,
+although the demand, especially from foreign countries, was on the
+increase. Under these circumstances, the Spanish government, fearing
+that so important a source of wealth might altogether perish, determined
+to institute an inquiry into the manner in which the mine was worked.
+As, however, no Spaniard possessed the knowledge requisite for such an
+investigation, the advisers of the Crown were obliged to call on
+foreigners to help them. In 1752, an Irish naturalist, named Bowles, was
+commissioned to visit Almaden, and ascertain the cause of the failure.
+He found that the miners had acquired a habit of sinking their shafts
+perpendicularly, instead of following the direction of the vein.[1409]
+So absurd a process was quite sufficient to account for their want of
+success; and Bowles reported to the government, that if a shaft were to
+be sunk obliquely, the mine would, no doubt, again be productive. The
+government approved of the suggestion, and ordered it to be carried into
+effect. But the Spanish miners were too tenacious of their old customs
+to give way. They sank their shafts in the same manner as their fathers
+had done; and what their fathers had done must be right. The result was,
+that the mine had to be taken out of their hands; but as Spain could
+supply no other labourers, it was necessary to send to Germany for fresh
+ones.[1410] After their arrival, matters rapidly improved. The mine,
+being superintended by an Irishman, and worked by Germans, assumed quite
+a different appearance; and, notwithstanding the disadvantages with
+which new comers always have to contend, the immediate consequence of
+the change was, that the yield of mercury was doubled, and its cost to
+the consumer correspondingly lowered.[1411]
+
+  [1407] 'Como los del pais entendian poco de trabajar minas, vinieron de
+         Alemania algunos practicos para ensenarlos.' ... 'Los Alemanes
+         sacaron de dicha mina por largo tiempo cosa de 500 a 600
+         quintales de cobalto al ano.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de
+         Espana_, Madrid, 1789, 4to. pp. 418, 419. See also _Dillon's
+         Spain_, Dublin, 1781, pp. 227-229.
+
+  [1408] 'In 1728, a new adventurer undertook the work of opening the
+         mines of Guadalcanal. This was Lady Mary Herbert, daughter of
+         the Marquis of Powis.' ... 'Lady Mary departed from Madrid for
+         Guadalcanal, to which miners and engines had been sent from
+         England at her expense, and at that of her relation, Mr. Gage,
+         who accompanied her, and of her father, the marquis.' _Jacob's
+         Historical Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the
+         Precious Metals_, London, 1831, vol. i. pp. 278, 279.
+
+  [1409] 'Los mineros de Almaden nunca hicieron los socavones siguiendo la
+         inclinacion de las betas, sino perpendiculares, y baxaban a
+         ellos puestos en una especie de cubos atados desde arriba con
+         cuerdas. De este mal metodo se origino todo al desorden de la
+         mina, porque al paso que los operarios penetraban dentro de
+         tierra, era forzoso que se apartasen de las betas y las
+         perdiesen.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de Espana_, Madrid,
+         1789, 4to. p. 14.
+
+  [1410] 'Fue mi proyecto bien recibido del Ministerio, y _habiendo hecho
+         venir mineros Alemanes_, le han executado en gran parte con
+         mucha habilidad. Los mineros Espanoles de Almaden son atrevidos
+         y tienen robustez, mana y penetracion quanta es menester, de
+         suerte que _con el tiempo seran excelentes mineros, pues no les
+         falta otra cosa que la verdadera ciencia de las minas_.'
+         _Historia Natural de Espana_, p. 16. The latter part of this
+         sentence is an evident struggle between the interests of truth,
+         and the exigencies of a book printed at the Royal Press of
+         Madrid, and licensed by the Spanish authorities.
+
+  [1411] 'Encargado por el gobierno el laborioso extrangero Bowles de
+         proponer los medios convenientes para beneficiar con mas acierto
+         las famosas minas de azogue del Almaden, descubrio algunos
+         nuevos procedimientos por medio de los cuales casi se duplicaron
+         los productos de aquellas, y bajo una mitad el precio de los
+         azogues.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_, vol. iv. p. 117.
+
+Such ignorance, pervading the whole nation, and extending to every
+department of life, is hardly conceivable, considering the immense
+advantages which the Spaniards had formerly enjoyed. It is particularly
+striking, when contrasted with the ability of the government, which, for
+more than eighty years, constantly laboured to improve the condition of
+the country. Early in the eighteenth century, Ripperda, in the hopes of
+stimulating Spanish industry, established a large woollen manufactory at
+Segovia, which had once been a busy and prosperous city. But the
+commonest processes had now been forgotten; and he was obliged to import
+manufacturers from Holland, to teach the Spaniards how to make up the
+wool, though that was an art for which in better days they had been
+especially famous.[1412] In 1757, Wall, who was then minister,
+constructed, upon a still larger scale, a similar manufactory at
+Guadalajara in New Castile. Soon, however, something went wrong with the
+machinery; and as the Spaniards neither knew nor cared anything about
+these matters, it was necessary to send to England for a workman to put
+it right.[1413] At length the advisers of Charles III., despairing of
+rousing the people by ordinary means, devised a more comprehensive
+scheme, and invited thousands of foreign artisans to settle in Spain;
+trusting that their example, and the suddenness of their influx might
+invigorate this jaded nation.[1414] All was in vain. The spirit of the
+country was broken, and nothing could retrieve it. Among other attempts
+which were made, the formation of a National Bank was a favourite idea
+of politicians, who expected great things from an institution which was
+to extend credit, and make advances to persons engaged in business.
+But, though the design was executed, it entirely failed in effecting its
+purpose. When the people are not enterprising, no effort of government
+can make them so. In a country like Spain, a great bank was an exotic,
+which might live with art, but could never thrive by nature. Indeed,
+both in its origin and in its completion, it was altogether foreign,
+having been first proposed by the Dutchman Ripperda,[1415] and owing its
+final organization to the Frenchman Cabarrus.[1416]
+
+  [1412] _Memoirs of Ripperda_, 2d ed., London, 1740, pp. 23, 62, 91, 104.
+         'A ship arrived at Cadiz with fifty manufacturers on board, whom
+         the Baron de Ripperda had drawn together in Holland.' ... 'The
+         new manufactures at Segovia, which, though at this time wholly
+         managed by foreigners, he wished, in the next age, might be
+         carried on by the Spaniards themselves, and by them only.'
+
+  [1413] 'The minister, Wall, an Irishman, contrived to decoy over one
+         Thomas Bevan, from Melksham, in Wiltshire, to set the machinery
+         and matters to rights.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 525.
+
+  [1414] 'Ademas de la invitacion que se hizo a millares de operarios
+         extrangeros para venir a establecerse en Espana,' &c. _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Espanola_, vol. iv. pp. 112, 113. In 1768, Harris,
+         who travelled from Pampeluna to Madrid, writes, 'I did not
+         observe a dozen men either at plough or any other kind of
+         labour, on the road.' _Diaries and Correspondence of James
+         Harris, Earl of Malmesbury_, London, 1844, vol. i. p. 38.
+
+  [1415] 'A national bank, a design originally suggested by Ripperda.'
+         _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 202.
+
+  [1416] Bourgoing, not aware of Ripperda's priority, says (_Tableau de
+         l'Espagne Moderne_, vol. ii. p. 49), 'L'idee de la banque
+         nationale fut donnee au gouvernement par un banquier francais,
+         M. Cabarrus.' Compare _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+         III._, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123: 'Banco nacional de San Carlos;
+         propusolo Cabarrus, apoyolo Floridablanca, y sancionolo el
+         Soberano por Real cedula de 2 de junio de 1782.' This sounds
+         well; but the inevitable catastrophe soon came. 'Charles IV.,'
+         says the Prince of the Peace, 'had just ascended the throne; the
+         bank of St. Carlos was rapidly falling, and on the verge of
+         bankruptcy.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 124.
+
+In everything, the same law prevailed. In diplomacy, the ablest men were
+not Spaniards, but foreigners; and during the eighteenth century the
+strange spectacle was frequently exhibited, of Spain being represented
+by French, Italian, and even Irish ambassadors.[1417] Nothing was
+indigenous; nothing was done by Spain herself. Philip V., who reigned
+from 1700 to 1746, and possessed immense power, always clung to the
+ideas of his own country, and was a Frenchman to the last. For thirty
+years after his death, the three most prominent names in Spanish
+politics were, Wall, who was born in France, of Irish parents;[1418]
+Grimaldi, who was a native of Genoa; [1419] and Esquilache, who was a
+native of Sicily.[1420] Esquilache administered the finances for several
+years; and, after enjoying the confidence of Charles III. to an extent
+rarely possessed by any minister, was only dismissed, in 1766, in
+consequence of the discontents of the people at the innovations
+introduced by this bold foreigner.[1421] Wall, a much more remarkable
+man, was, in the absence of any good Spanish diplomatist, sent envoy to
+London in 1747; and after exercising great influence in matters of
+state, he was placed at the head of affairs in 1754, and remained
+supreme till 1763.[1422] When this eminent Irishman relinquished office,
+he was succeeded by the Genoese, Grimaldi, who ruled Spain from 1763 to
+1777, and was entirely devoted to the French views of policy.[1423] His
+principal patron was Choiseul, who had imbued him with his own notions,
+and by whose advice he was chiefly guided.[1424] Indeed, Choiseul, who
+was then the first minister in France, used to boast, with exaggeration,
+but not without a considerable amount of truth, that his influence in
+Madrid was even greater than it was in Versailles.[1425]
+
+  [1417] 'A Londres, a Stockholm, a Paris, a Vienne et a Venise, le
+         souverain est represente par des etrangers. Le prince de
+         Masserano, Italien, ambassadeur en Angleterre; le comte de Lacy
+         Irlandais, ministre a Stockholm; le marquis de Grimaldi,
+         ambassadeur en France, avant de parvenir au ministere; le comte
+         de Mahoni, Irlandais, ambassadeur a Vienne; le marquis de
+         Squilaci, ambassadeur a Venise, apres sa retraite du ministere.'
+         _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143. To
+         this, I may add that, in the reign of Philip V., an Italian, the
+         Marquis de Beretti Landi, was the representative of Spain in
+         Switzerland, and afterwards at the Hague (_Ripperda's Memoirs_,
+         1740, pp. 37, 38); and that in, or just before, 1779, Lacy
+         filled the same post at St. Petersburg. _Malmesbury's Diaries
+         and Correspondence_, 1844, vol. i. p. 261. So, too, M. Rio
+         (_Historia de Carlos III._, vol. i. pp. 288, 289) says of the
+         important negotiations which took place in 1761, between Spain,
+         England, and France, 'Y asi de las negociaciones en que Luis XV.
+         trataba de enredar a Carlos III. quedaron absolutamente
+         excluidos los espanoles, como que por una parte las iban a
+         seguir el duque de Choiseul y el marques de Ossun, franceses, y
+         por otra el irlandes D. Ricardo Wall, y el genoves marques de
+         Grimaldi.' About the same time, Clarke writes (in his _Letters
+         concerning the Spanish Nation_, London, 1763, 4to. p. 331),
+         'Spain has, for many years past, been under the direction of
+         foreign ministers. Whether this hath been owing to want of
+         capacity in the natives, or disinclination in the sovereign, I
+         will not take upon me to say; such as it is, the native nobility
+         lament it as a great calamity.'
+
+  [1418] Lord Stanhope, generally well informed on Spanish affairs, says
+         that Wall was 'a native of Ireland.' _Mahon's History of
+         England_, vol. iv. p. 182, 3d edit., London, 1853; but in
+         _Memoires de Noailles_, vol. iv. p. 47, edit. Paris, 1829, he is
+         called 'irlandais d'origine, ne en France.' See also _Biografia
+         de Ensenada_, in _Navarrete_, _Opusculos_, Madrid, 1848, vol.
+         ii. p. 26, 'D. Ricardo Wall, irlandes de origen, nacido en
+         Francia.' Swinburne, who knew him personally, and has given some
+         account of him, does not mention where he was born. _Swinburne's
+         Travels through Spain_, second edition, London, 1787, vol. i.
+         pp. 314-318.
+
+  [1419] 'A Genoese, and a creature of France.' _Dunham's History of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 170.
+
+  [1420] 'Era siciliano.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. i. p. 244.
+
+  [1421] The fullest account of his dismissal is given by M. Rio, in the
+         first chapter of the second volume of his _Historia del Reinado
+         de Carlos III._, which should, however, be compared with _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 340-346. Coxe terms him
+         Squilaci; but I follow the orthography of the Spanish writers,
+         who always call him Esquilache. Such was his influence over the
+         King, that, according to Coxe (vol. iv. p. 347), Charles III.
+         'publicly said that, "if he was reduced to a morsel of bread, he
+         would divide it with Squilaci."'
+
+  [1422] _Coxe's Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 15, 135. _Rio_, _Historia
+         de Carlos III._, vol. i. pp. 246, 247, 400, 401. _Navarrete_,
+         _Biografia de Ensenada_, pp. 26-28.
+
+  [1423] He resigned in 1776, but held office till the arrival of his
+         successor, Florida Blanca, in 1777. _Rio_, _Historia de Carlos
+         III._, vol. iii. pp. 171, 174. In reference to his appointment,
+         in 1763, M. Rio observes (vol. i. p. 402), 'De que Grimaldi
+         creciera en fortuna se pudo congratular no Roma, sino Francia.'
+         In 1770, Harris, the diplomatist, who was then in Spain, writes,
+         'His doctrine is absolutely French; guided in everything by the
+         French closet,' &c. _Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence_,
+         vol. i. p. 56, London, 1844.
+
+  [1424] 'Guided in his operations by the counsels of Choiseul.' _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 339. 'The prosecution of
+         the schemes which he had concerted with Choiseul.' p. 373. 'His
+         friend and patron.' p. 391, and vol. v. p. 6.
+
+  [1425] 'Personne n'ignoroit le credit prodigieux que M. de Choiseul
+         avoit sur le roi d'Espagne, dont il se vantoit lui-meme, au
+         point que je lui ai oui dire, qu'il etoit plus sur de sa
+         preponderance dans le cabinet de Madrid, que dans celui de
+         Versailles.' _Memoires du Baron de Besenval_, _ecrits par
+         lui-meme_, vol. ii. pp. 14, 15, Paris, 1805.
+
+However this may be, it is certain that four years after Grimaldi took
+office, the ascendency of France was exhibited in a remarkable way.
+Choiseul, who hated the Jesuits, and had just expelled them from France,
+endeavoured also to expel them from Spain.[1426] The execution of the
+plan was confided to Aranda, who, though a Spaniard by birth, derived
+his intellectual culture from France, and had contracted, in the society
+of Paris, an intense hatred of every form of ecclesiastical power.[1427]
+The scheme, secretly prepared, was skilfully accomplished.[1428] In
+1767, the Spanish government, without hearing what the Jesuits had to
+say in their defence, and indeed, without giving them the least notice,
+suddenly ordered their expulsion; and with such animosity were they
+driven from the country, in which they sprung up, and had long been
+cherished, that not only was their wealth confiscated, and they
+themselves reduced to a wretched pittance, but even that was directed to
+be taken from them, if they published anything in their own vindication;
+while it was also declared that whoever ventured to write respecting
+them, should, if we were a subject of Spain, be put to death, as one
+guilty of high treason.[1429]
+
+  [1426] M. Muriel (_Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III._, Madrid, 1839,
+         pp. 44, 45) terms their expulsion from Spain 'este acto de
+         violencia hecho meramente por complacer al duque de Choiseul,
+         ministro de Francia y protector del partido filosofico.' See
+         also _Cretineau-Joly_, _Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus_, vol.
+         v. p. 291, Paris, 1845; and _Georgel_, _Memoires pour servir a
+         l'Histoire des Evenemens depuis 1760_, vol. ii. p. 95, Paris,
+         1817.
+
+  [1427] Archdeacon Coxe, in a somewhat professional tone, says of Aranda,
+         'In France he had acquired the graces of polished society, and
+         _imbibed that freedom of sentiment_ which then began to be
+         fashionable, _and has since been carried to such a dangerous
+         excess_.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 402. His
+         great enemy, the Prince of the Peace, wishing to be severe,
+         unintentionally praises him; and observes, that he was
+         'connected with the most distinguished literary Frenchmen of the
+         middle of the last century,' and that he was 'divested of
+         religious prejudices, though swayed by philosophical
+         enthusiasm.' _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. i. p. 319.
+         The hostility of some men is extremely valuable. The Prince
+         further adds, that Aranda 'could only lay claim to the inferior
+         merit of a sectarian attachment,' forgetting that, in a country
+         like Spain, every enlightened person must belong to a miserably
+         small sect.
+
+  [1428] Cabarrus (_Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xxiv.)
+         says, rather magniloquently, 'El acierto de la execucion que
+         correspondio al pulso y prudencia con que se habia deliberado
+         esta providencia importante, pasara a la ultima posteridad.'
+
+  [1429] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 362. M. Rio, in the
+         second volume of his _History of Charles III._, Madrid, 1856,
+         has given a long, but not very philosophical, nor very accurate,
+         account of the expulsion of the Jesuits, which he considers
+         solely from the Spanish point of view; overlooking the fact,
+         that it was part of an European movement headed by France. He
+         denies the influence of Choiseul, p. 125; censures the perfectly
+         correct statement of Coxe, p. 123; and finally ascribes this
+         great event to the operation of causes confined to the
+         Peninsula. 'De ser los jesuitas adversarios del regalismo emano
+         su ruina en Espana, cuando triunfaban las opiniones sostenidas
+         con heroico teson desde mucho antes por doctisimos
+         jurisconsultos.' p. 519.
+
+Such boldness on the part of the government[1430] caused even the
+Inquisition to tremble. That once omnipotent tribunal, threatened and
+suspected by the civil authorities, became more wary in its proceedings,
+and more tender in its treatment of heretics. Instead of extirpating
+unbelievers by hundreds or by thousands, it was reduced to such pitiful
+straits, that between 1746 and 1759, it was only able to burn ten
+persons; and between 1759 and 1788, only four persons.[1431] The
+extraordinary diminution during the latter period, was partly owing to
+the great authority wielded by Aranda, the friend of the encyclopaedists
+and of other French sceptics. This remarkable man was President of
+Castile till 1773,[1432] and he issued an order forbidding the
+Inquisition to interfere with the civil courts.[1433] He also formed a
+scheme for entirely abolishing it; but his plan was frustrated, owing to
+its premature announcement by his friends in Paris, to whom it had been
+confided.[1434] His views, however, were so far successful, that after
+1781, there is no instance in Spain of a heretic being burned; the
+Inquisition being too terrified by the proceedings of government
+to do anything which might compromise the safety of the Holy
+Institution.[1435]
+
+  [1430] One of the most recent historians of the Jesuits indignantly
+         observes, 'Depuis deux cent vingt ans les Jesuites vivent et
+         prechent en Espagne. Ils sont combles de bienfaits par des
+         monarques dont ils etendent la souverainete. Le clerge et les
+         masses acceptent avec bonheur leur intervention. Tout a coup
+         l'Ordre se voit declare coupable d'un crime de lese-majeste,
+         d'un attentat public que personne ne peut specifier. La sentence
+         prononce la peine sans enoncer le delit.' _Cretineau-Joly_,
+         _Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus_, vol. v. p. 295, Paris,
+         1845.
+
+  [1431] _Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 285, where the facts are
+         well brought together. The valuable _History of the
+         Inquisition_, by Llorente, is not quite precise enough in these
+         matters; though it is a very accurate, and, what is still more
+         surprising, a very honest book.
+
+  [1432] _Rio_, _Historia de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 103-107, which
+         must be compared with the account of Coxe, who derived some of
+         his information from a friend of Aranda's. _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+         of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 401-415. A good life of Aranda would be
+         very interesting. That contained in the _Biographie Universelle_
+         is extremely meagre, and carelessly written.
+
+  [1433] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 407.
+
+  [1434] 'When at Paris, in 1786, I received the following anecdote from a
+         person connected with the encyclopaedists. During his residence
+         in that capital, D'Aranda had frequently testified to the
+         literati with whom he associated, his resolution to obtain the
+         abolition of the Inquisition, should he ever be called to power.
+         His appointment was, therefore, exultingly hailed by the party,
+         particularly by D'Alembert; and he had scarcely begun his
+         reforms before an article was inserted in the Encyclopaedia, then
+         printing, in which this event was confidently anticipated, from
+         the liberal principles of the minister. D'Aranda was struck on
+         reading this article, and said, "This imprudent disclosure will
+         raise such a ferment against me, that my plans will be foiled."
+         He was not mistaken in his conjecture.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. iv. p. 408.
+
+  [1435] Even the case in 1781 appears to have been for witchcraft rather
+         than for heresy. 'La derniere victime qui perit dans les flammes
+         fut une _beate_: on la brula a Seville, le 7 novembre 1781,
+         comme ayant fait un pacte, et entretenu un commerce charnel avec
+         le Demon, et pour avoir ete impenitente negative. Elle eut pu
+         eviter la mort en s'avouant coupable du crime dont on
+         l'accusait.' _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1818, vol. iv. p. 270. About this time, torture began to
+         be disused in Spain. See an interesting note in _Johnston's
+         Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain_, London, 1825, p. 263.
+
+In 1777, Grimaldi, one of the chief supporters of that anti-theological
+policy which France introduced into Spain, ceased to be Minister; but he
+was succeeded by Florida Blanca, who was his creature, and to whom he
+transmitted his policy as well as his power.[1436] The progress,
+therefore, of political affairs continued in the same direction. Under
+the new minister, as under his immediate predecessors, a determination
+was shown to abridge the authority of the Church, and to vindicate the
+rights of laymen. In everything, the ecclesiastical interests were
+treated as subordinate to the secular. Of this, many instances might be
+given; but one is too important to be omitted. We have seen, that early
+in the eighteenth century, Alberoni, when at the head of affairs, was
+guilty of what in Spain was deemed the enormous offence of contracting
+an alliance with Mohammedans; and there can be no doubt that this was
+one of the chief causes of his fall, since it was held, that no prospect
+of mere temporal advantages could justify an union, or even a peace,
+between a Christian nation and a nation of unbelievers.[1437] But the
+Spanish government, which, owing to the causes I have related, was far
+in advance of Spain itself, was gradually becoming bolder, and growing
+more and more disposed to force upon the country, views, which,
+abstractedly considered, where extremely enlightened, but which the
+popular mind was unable to receive. The result was, that, in 1782,
+Florida Blanca concluded a treaty with Turkey, which put an end to the
+war of religious opinions; to the astonishment, as we are told, of the
+other European powers, who could hardly believe that the Spaniards would
+thus abandon their long-continued efforts to destroy the infidels.[1438]
+Before, however, Europe had time to recover from its amazement, other
+and similar events occurred equally startling. In 1784, Spain signed a
+peace with Tripoli; and in 1785, one with Algiers.[1439] And scarcely
+had these been ratified, when, in 1786, a treaty was also concluded with
+Tunis.[1440] So that the Spanish people to their no small surprise,
+found themselves on terms of amity with nations, whom for more than ten
+centuries they had been taught to abhor, and whom, in the opinion of the
+Spanish Church, it was the first duty of a Christian government to make
+war upon, and, if possible, to extirpate.
+
+  [1436] 'Menesteres decir que el marques de Grimaldi cayo venciendo a sus
+         enemigos, pues, lejos de legarles el poder, a que aspiraban con
+         anhelo, trasmitiolo a una de sus mas legitimas hechuras; que tal
+         era y por tal se reconocia el conde de Floridablanca.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 151, 152.
+
+  [1437] In 1690, it was stated that 'since the expulsion of the Moors,'
+         there was no precedent for the King of Spain ever sending an
+         envoy to a Mohammedan prince. See _Mahon's Spain under Charles
+         II._, p. 5. In that year an envoy was sent to Morocco; but this
+         was merely concerning the redemption of prisoners, and certainly
+         without the remotest intention of concluding a peace.
+
+  [1438] 'The other European courts, with surprise and regret, witnessed
+         the conclusion of a treaty which terminated the political and
+         religious rivalry so long subsisting between Spain and the
+         Porte.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 152, 153.
+         'Une des maximes de la politique espagnole avait ete celle de
+         maintenir une guerre perpetuelle contre les mahometans, meme
+         apres la conquete de Grenade. Ni les pertes incalculables
+         eprouvees par suite de ce systeme, ni l'exemple de la France et
+         d'autres puissances catholiques qui ne se faisaient point
+         scrupule d'etre en paix avec les Turcs, n'avaient suffi pour
+         detromper l'Espagne sur l'inconvenance d'une telle politique. Le
+         genie eclaire de Charles III corrigea un prejuge aussi
+         dangereux; dicta la paix avec les empereurs de Turquie et
+         d'autres potentats mahometans; delivra ses sujets de la terrible
+         piraterie des corsaires, et ouvrit a leur commerce de nouvelles
+         voies pour speculer avec de plus grands avantages.' _Sempere_,
+         _La Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 160.
+
+  [1439] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 11-13.
+
+  [1440] _Ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 16, 17.
+
+Putting aside, for a moment, the remote and intellectual consequences of
+these transactions, there can be no doubt that the immediate and
+material consequences were very salutary; though, as we shall presently
+see, they produced no lasting benefit, because they were opposed by the
+unfavourable operation of more powerful and more general causes. Still,
+it must be confessed that the direct results were extremely
+advantageous; and to those who take only a short view of human affairs,
+it might well appear that the advantages would be permanent. The immense
+line of coast from the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco to the furthest
+extremity of the Turkish empire was no longer allowed to pour forth
+those innumerable pirates who, heretofore, swept the seas, captured
+Spanish ships, and made slaves of Spanish subjects. Formerly, vast sums
+of money were annually consumed in ransoming these unhappy
+prisoners;[1441] but now all such evils were ended. At the same time,
+great impetus was given to the commerce of Spain; a new trade was thrown
+open, and her ships could safely appear in the rich countries of the
+Levant. This increased her wealth; which was moreover aided by another
+circumstance growing out of these events. For, the most fertile parts of
+Spain are those which are washed by the Mediterranean, and which had for
+centuries been the prey of Mohammedan corsairs, who frequently landing
+by surprise, had at length caused such constant fear, that the
+inhabitants gradually retired towards the interior, and abstained from
+cultivating the richest soil in their country. But, by the treaties just
+concluded, such dangers were at once removed; the people returned to
+their former abodes; the earth again gave forth its fruits; regular
+industry reappeared; villages sprung up; even manufactures were
+established; and the foundation seemed to be laid for a prosperity, the
+like of which had not been known since the Mohammedans were driven out
+of Granada.[1442]
+
+  [1441] 'Ha sido notable el numero de cautivos, que los piratas de
+         Berberia han hecho sobre nuestras costas por tres centurias. En
+         el siglo pasado se solian calcular existentes a la vez en Argel,
+         treinta mil personas espanolas. Su rescate a razon de mil pesos
+         por cada persona a lo menos, ascendia a 30 millones de pesos.'
+         _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, vol. i. p. 373,
+         Madrid, 1775. On the precautions which had to be used to guard
+         the coasts of Spain against the Mohammedan corsairs, see
+         _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_, Madrid, 1757,
+         folio, pp. 172, 173, 222-226; and _Lafuente_, _Historia de
+         Espana_, vol. xv. p. 476, Madrid, 1855. In the middle of the
+         eighteenth century, a regular watch had to be kept along the
+         Mediterranean coast of Spain, 'in order to give the alarm upon
+         the appearance of the enemy.' See _A Tour through Spain by Udal
+         ap Rhys_, 2d edit., London, 1760, p. 170. As to the state of
+         things in the seventeenth century, see _Janer_, _Condicion de
+         los Moriscos_, Madrid, 1857, p. 63.
+
+  [1442] 'De esta suerte quedaron los mares limpios de piratas desde los
+         reinos de Fez y Marruecos hasta los ultimos dominios del
+         emperador Turco, por el Mediterraneo todo; viose a menudo la
+         bandera espanola en Levante, y las mismas naciones mercantiles
+         que la persiguieron indirectamente, preferianla ahora,
+         resultando el aumento del comercio y de la Real marina, y la
+         pericia de sus tripulaciones, y el mayor brillo de Espana y de
+         su augusto Soberano: termino hubo la esclavitud de tantos
+         millares de infelices con abandono de sus familias e indelebles
+         perjuicios de la religion y el Estado, cesando tambien la
+         continua extraccion de enormes sumas para los rescates que, al
+         paso que nos empobrecian, pasaban a enriquecer a nuestros
+         contrarios, y a facilitar sus armamentos para ofendernos; y se
+         empezaban a cultivar rapidamente en las costas del Mediterraneo
+         leguas de terrenos los mas fertiles del mundo, desamparados y
+         eriales hasta entonces por miedo a los piratas, y donde se
+         formaban ya pueblos enteros para dar salida a los frutos y las
+         manufacturas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. iv. pp. 17, 18.
+
+I have now laid before the reader a view of the most important steps
+which were taken by those able and vigorous politicians, who ruled Spain
+during the greater part of the eighteenth century. In considering how
+these reforms were effected, we must not forget the personal character
+of Charles III., who occupied the throne from 1759 to 1788.[1443] He was
+a man of great energy, and though born in Spain, had little in common
+with it. When he became king, he had been long absent from his native
+country, and had contracted a taste for customs, and, above all, for
+opinions, totally dissimilar to those natural to the Spaniards.[1444]
+Comparing him with his subjects, he was enlightened indeed. They
+cherished in their hearts, the most complete, and therefore the worst,
+form of spiritual power which has ever been exhibited in Europe. That
+very power, he made it his business to restrain. In this, as in other
+respects, he far surpassed Ferdinand VI. and Philip V., though they,
+under the influence of French ideas, had proceeded to what was deemed a
+dangerous length.[1445] The clergy, indignant at such proceedings,
+murmured, and even threatened.[1446] They declared that Charles was
+despoiling the Church, taking away her rights, insulting her ministers,
+and thus ruining Spain beyond human remedy.[1447] The king, however,
+whose disposition was firm, and somewhat obstinate, persevered in his
+policy; and as he and his ministers were men of undoubted ability, they,
+notwithstanding the opposition they encountered, succeeded in
+accomplishing most of their plans. Mistaken and short-sighted though
+they were, it is impossible to refrain from admiring the honesty, the
+courage, and the disinterestedness, which they displayed in endeavouring
+to alter the destiny of that superstitions and half barbarous country
+over which they ruled. We must not, however, conceal from ourselves,
+that in this, as in all similar cases, they, by attacking evils which
+the people were resolved to love, increased the affection which the
+evils inspired. To seek to change opinions by laws is worse than futile.
+It not only fails, but it causes a reaction, which leaves the opinions
+stronger than ever. First alter the opinion, and then you may alter the
+law. As soon as you have convinced men that superstition is mischievous,
+you may with advantage take active steps against those classes who
+promote superstition and live by it. But, however pernicious any
+interest or any great body may be, beware of using force against it,
+unless the progress of knowledge has previously sapped it at its base,
+and loosened its hold over the national mind. This has always been the
+error of the most ardent reformers, who, in their eagerness to effect
+their purpose, let the political movement outstrip the intellectual one,
+and, thus inverting the natural order, secure misery either to
+themselves or to their descendants. They touch the altar, and fire
+springs forth to consume them. Then comes another period of superstition
+and of despotism; another dark epoch in the annals of the human race.
+And this happens merely because men will not bide their time, but will
+insist on precipitating the march of affairs. Thus, for instance, in
+France and Germany, it is the friends of freedom who have strengthened
+tyranny; it is the enemies of superstition who have made superstition
+more permanent. In those countries, it is still believed that government
+can regenerate society; and therefore, directly they who hold liberal
+opinions get possession of the government, they use their power too
+lavishly, thinking that by doing so, they will best secure the end at
+which they aim. In England, the same delusion, though less general, is
+far too prevalent; but as, with us, public opinion controls politicians,
+we escape from evils which have happened abroad, because we will not
+allow any government to enact laws which the nation disapproves. In
+Spain, however, the habits of the people were so slavish, and their
+necks had so long been bowed under the yoke, that though the
+government, in the eighteenth century, opposed their dearest prejudices,
+they rarely ventured to resist, and they had no legal means of making
+their voice heard. But not the less did they feel. The materials for
+reaction were silently accumulating; and before that century had passed
+away the reaction itself was manifest. As long as Charles III. lived, it
+was kept under; and this was owing partly to the fear which his active
+and vigorous government inspired, and partly to the fact that many of
+the reforms which he introduced were so obviously beneficial as to shed
+a lustre on his reign, which all classes could perceive. Besides the
+exemption which his policy insured from the incessant ravages of
+pirates, he also succeeded in obtaining for Spain the most honourable
+peace which any Spanish government had signed for two centuries; thus
+recalling to the popular mind the brightest and most glorious days of
+Philip II.[1448] When Charles came to the throne, Spain was hardly a
+third-rate power; when he died, she might fairly claim to be a
+first-rate one, since she had for some years negotiated on equal terms
+with France, England, and Austria, and had taken a leading part in the
+councils of Europe. To this, the personal character of Charles greatly
+contributed; he being respected for his honesty, as well as feared for
+his vigour.[1449] Merely as a man, he bore high repute; while, as a
+sovereign, none of his contemporaries were in any way equal to him,
+except Frederick of Prussia, whose vast abilities, were, however,
+tarnished by a base rapacity, and by an incessant desire to overreach
+his neighbours. Charles III. had nothing of this; but he carefully
+increased the defences of Spain, and, raising her establishments to a
+war-footing, he made her more formidable than she had been since the
+sixteenth century. Instead of being liable to insult from every petty
+potentate who chose to triumph over her weakness, the country had now
+the means of resisting, and if need be, of attacking. While the army was
+greatly improved in the quality of the troops, in their discipline, and
+in the attention paid to their comforts, the navy was nearly doubled in
+number, and more than doubled in efficiency.[1450] And this was done
+without imposing fresh burdens on the people. Indeed, the national
+resources were becoming so developed, that, in the reign of Charles
+III., a large amount of taxation could have been easier paid than a
+small one under his predecessors. A regularity, hitherto unknown, was
+introduced into the method both of assessing imposts, and of collecting
+them.[1451] The laws of mortmain were relaxed, and steps were taken
+towards diminishing the rigidity of entails.[1452] The industry of the
+country was liberated from many of the trammels which had long been
+imposed upon it, and the principles of free trade were so far
+recognized, that, in 1765, the old laws respecting corn were repealed;
+its exportation was allowed, and also its transit from one part of Spain
+to another, uninterrupted by those absurd precautions, which preceding
+governments had thought it advisable to invent.[1453]
+
+  [1443] M. Rio, whose voluminous History of the reign of Charles III. is,
+         notwithstanding its numerous omissions, a work of considerable
+         value, has appreciated the personal influence of the king more
+         justly than any previous writer; he having had access to
+         unpublished papers, which show the great energy and activity of
+         Charles. 'Entre sus mas notables figuras ninguna aventaja a la
+         de Carlos III.; y no por el lugar jerarquico que ocupa, sino por
+         el brillante papel que representa, ora tome la iniciativa, ora
+         el consejo, para efectuar las innumerables reformas que le
+         valieron inextinguible fama. Ya se que algunos tachan a este
+         Monarca de cortedad de luces y de estrechez de miras; y que
+         algunos otros suponen que sus ministros le enganaron o
+         sorprendieron para dictar ciertas providencias. Cuarenta y ocho
+         tomos de cartas semanales y escritas de su puno desde octubre de
+         1759 hasta marzo de 1783 al marques de Tanucci, existentes en el
+         archivo de Simancas, por mi leidas hoja tras hoja, sacando de
+         ellas largos apuntes, sirven a maravilla para pintarle tal como
+         era, y penetrar hasta sus mas reconditos pensamientos, y
+         contradecir a los que le juzgan a bulto.' _Rio_, _Historia del
+         Reinado de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. i. pp. xxii. xxiii.
+
+  [1444] 'Although born and educated in Spain, Charles had quitted the
+         country at too early an age to retain a partiality to its
+         customs, laws, manners, and language; while, from his residence
+         abroad, and his intercourse with France, he had formed a natural
+         predilection for the French character and institutions.' _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. p. 337.
+
+  [1445] He 'far surpassed his two predecessors in his exertions to reform
+         the morals, and restrain the power of the clergy.' _Ibid._
+         vol. v. p. 215.
+
+  [1446] His measures 'alarmaron al clero en general, que empezo a
+         murmurar con impaciencia, y aun algunos de sus individuos se
+         propasaron a violentos actos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_,
+         vol. iv. p. 98.
+
+  [1447] A popular charge against the government was, 'que se despojara a
+         la Iglesia de sus inmunidades.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de
+         Carlos III._, vol. ii. p. 54. See also at pp. 201, 202, a
+         letter, in 1766, from the Bishop of Cuenca to the King's
+         confessor, in which that prelate stated, 'que Espana corria a su
+         ruina que ya no corria, sino que volaba, y que ya estaba perdida
+         sin remedio humano;' and that the cause of this was the
+         persecution of the poor Church, which was 'saqueada en sus
+         bienes, ultrajada en sus ministros, y atropellada en su
+         inmunidad.'
+
+  [1448] Coxe (_Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 144) calls the peace
+         of 1783 'the most honourable and advantageous ever concluded by
+         the crown of Spain since the peace of St. Quintin.' Similarly,
+         M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p.
+         397), 'Siglos habian pasado para Espana de continuas y porfiadas
+         contiendas, sin llegar nunca, desde la famosa jornada de San
+         Quintin y al alborear el reinado de Felipe II., tan
+         gloriosamente al reposo.'
+
+  [1449] Towards the close of his reign, we find a contemporary observer,
+         who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing testimony
+         to 'the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic
+         Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements,'
+         _Letter by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 329.
+         Compare Muriel (_Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III._, Madrid,
+         1839, p. 34), 'Tan conocido llego a ser Carlos III. en los
+         reinos estranos por la rectitud de su caracter, que en las
+         desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos, todos consentian
+         en tomarle por arbitro, y se sometian a sus decisiones;' and
+         Cabarrus (_Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. xl.),
+         'Esta probidad llega a ser el resorte politico de la Europa;
+         todas las cortes penetradas de respeto a sus virtudes le buscan
+         por arbitro y mediador.' Evidence of the great respect paid to
+         Charles III. by foreign powers, will also be found in _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 41-43, 253.
+
+  [1450] On the increase of the navy, compare _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, vol. iv. p. 127, with _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
+         Carlos III._, pp. 73, 82.
+
+  [1451] These financial improvements were due, in a great measure, to the
+         Frenchman, Cabarrus. See _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+         III._, vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.
+
+  [1452] Rio, _ibid._ vol. iv. pp. 164-166, and _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.
+
+  [1453] 'La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra
+         agricultura fue sin duda la real pragmatica de 11 de julio de
+         1765, por la cual se abolio la tasa de los granos, y se permitio
+         el libre comercio de ellos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_,
+         vol. iv. p. 105. See also _Dillon's Spain_, p. 69, and
+         _Townsend's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this
+         great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that
+         year, 'Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz
+         que por mar se transportare de unas provincias a otras de estos
+         dominios.' This document, which is important for the history of
+         political economy, is printed in the Appendix to _Campomanes_,
+         _Educacion Popular_, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.
+
+It was also in the reign of Charles III. that the American Colonies
+were, for the first time, treated according to the maxims of a wise and
+liberal policy. The behaviour of the Spanish government in this respect,
+contrasts most favourably with the conduct pursued at the same time
+towards our great Colonies by that narrow and incompetent man who then
+filled the English throne. While the violence of George III. was
+fomenting rebellion in the British Colonies, Charles III. was busily
+engaged in conciliating the Spanish ones. Towards this end, and with the
+object of giving fair play to the growth of their wealth, he did
+everything which the knowledge and resources of that age allowed him to
+do. In 1764, he accomplished, what was then considered the great feat of
+establishing every month a regular communication with America, in order
+that the reforms which he projected might be more easily introduced, and
+the grievances of the Colonies attended to.[1454] In the very next
+year, free trade was conceded to the West Indian Islands, whose
+abundant commodities were now, for the first time, allowed to circulate,
+to their own benefit, as well as to the benefit of their
+neighbours.[1455] Into the Colonies generally, vast improvements were
+introduced, many oppressions were removed, the tyranny of officials was
+checked, and the burdens of the people were lightened.[1456] Finally, in
+1778, the principles of free trade having been successfully tried in the
+American Islands, were now extended to the American Continent; the ports
+of Peru and of New Spain were thrown open; and by this means an immense
+impetus was given to the prosperity of those magnificent colonies, which
+nature intended to be rich, but which the meddling folly of man had
+forced to be poor.[1457]
+
+  [1454] 'Pronto se establecieron los correos maritimos y se comunicaron
+         con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entonces la
+         metropoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de
+         24 de agosto de 1764, salia el primero de cada mes un paquebot
+         de la Coruna con toda la correspondencia de las Indias;
+         desembarcabala en la Habana, y desde alli se distribuia en
+         balandras y otros bajeles a proposito para puntear los vientos
+         escasos, a Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y
+         provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian a la
+         Habana, de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro
+         paquebot para la Coruna.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos
+         III._, vol. i. p. 452. That part of the plan, however, which
+         aimed at making Coruna a rival of Cadiz, appears to have been
+         unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruna, written in 1774, in
+         _Dalrymple's Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 99.
+
+  [1455] See the edicts in _Campomanes_, _Apendice_, vol. ii. pp. 37-47,
+         Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.
+
+  [1456] It was said, with reason, by Alaman, 'que el gobierno de America
+         llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 151. And
+         Humboldt observes (_Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la
+         Nouvelle-Espagne_, Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), 'C'est le
+         roi Charles III surtout qui, par des mesures aussi sages
+         qu'energiques, est devenu le bienfaiteur des indigenes; il a
+         annule les _Encomiendas_; il a defendu les _Repartimientos_, par
+         lesquels les corregidors se constituoient arbitrairement les
+         creanciers, et par consequent les maitres du travail des natifs,
+         en les pourvoyant, a des prix exageres, de chevaux, de mulets et
+         de vetemens (_ropa_).'
+
+  [1457] _Cabarrus_, _Elogio de Carlos III._, Madrid, 1789, p. xlii., and
+         Canga's note in _Martinez de la Mata_, _Dos Discursos_, Madrid,
+         1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar
+         with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.
+
+All this reacted upon the mother country with such rapidity, that
+scarcely was the old system of monopoly broken up, when the trade of
+Spain began to advance, and continued to improve, until the exports and
+imports had reached a height that even the authors of the reform could
+hardly have expected; it being said that the export of foreign
+commodities was tripled, that the export of home-produce was multiplied
+fivefold, and the returns from America ninefold.[1458]
+
+  [1458] 'Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken towards the
+         adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with
+         America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change
+         was introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly
+         produced the most beneficial consequences. The export of foreign
+         goods was tripled, of home-produce quintupled; and the returns
+         from America augmented in the astonishing proportion of nine to
+         one. The produce of the customs increased with equal rapidity.'
+         _Clarke's Examination of the Internal State of Spain_, London,
+         1818, p. 72.
+
+Many of the taxes, which bore heavily on the lower ranks, were repealed,
+and the industrious classes, being relieved of their principal burdens,
+it was hoped that their condition would speedily improve.[1459] And to
+benefit them still more, such alterations were effected in the
+administration of the law, as might enable them to receive justice from
+the public tribunals, when they had occasion to complain of their
+superiors. Hitherto, a poor man had not the least chance of succeeding
+against a rich one; but in the reign of Charles III., government
+introduced various regulations, by which labourers and mechanics could
+obtain redress, if their masters defrauded them of their wages, or broke
+the contracts made with them.[1460]
+
+  [1459] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 197, 317, 318.
+
+  [1460] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 331; 'to facilitate to artisans and
+         journeymen the scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the
+         privileges and interest of the powerful.'
+
+Not only the labouring classes, but also the literary and scientific
+classes, were encouraged and protected. One source of danger, to which
+they had long been exposed, was considerably lessened by the steps which
+Charles took to curtail the power of the Inquisition. The king, was,
+moreover, always ready to reward them; he was a man of cultivated
+tastes, and he delighted in being thought the patron of learning.[1461]
+Soon after his accession, he issued an order, exempting from military
+service all printers, and all persons immediately connected with
+printing, such as casters of type, and the like.[1462] He, also, as far
+as he was able, infused new life into the old universities, and did all
+that was possible towards restoring their discipline and
+reputation.[1463] He founded schools, endowed colleges, rewarded
+professors, and granted pensions. In these matters his munificence
+seemed inexhaustible, and is of itself sufficient to account for the
+veneration with which literary Spaniards regard his memory. They have
+reason to regret that, instead of living now, they had not lived when he
+was king. In his reign, it was supposed that their interests must be
+identical with the interests of knowledge; and these last were rated so
+highly, that, in 1771, it was laid down as a settled principle of
+government, that of all the branches of public policy, the care of
+education is the most important.[1464]
+
+  [1461] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 317,
+         318, and elsewhere.
+
+  [1462] '"Desde mi feliz advenimiento al trono" (dijo el Rey en la
+         ordenanza de reemplazos) "ha merecido mi Real proteccion el arte
+         de la imprenta, y, para que pueda arraigarse solidamente en
+         estos reinos, vengo en declarar la exencion del sorteo y
+         servicio militar, no solo a los impresores, sino tambien a los
+         fundidores que se empleen de continuo en este ejercicio, y a los
+         abridores de punzones y matrices."' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado
+         de Carlos III._, vol. iii. p. 213.
+
+  [1463] On the steps taken to reform the universities between 1768 and
+         1774, see _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol.
+         iii. pp. 185-210. Compare vol. iv. pp. 296-299.
+
+  [1464] 'La educacion de la juventud por los maestros de primeras letras
+         es uno y aun el mas principal ramo de la policia y buen gobierno
+         del Estado.' _Real Provision de 11 de julio de 1771_, printed in
+         Rio, vol. iii. p. 182.
+
+But this is not all. It is no exaggeration to say, that in the reign of
+Charles III., the face of Spain underwent greater changes than it had
+done during the hundred and fifty years which had elapsed since the
+final expulsion of the Mohammedans. At his accession, in 1759, the wise
+and pacific policy of his predecessor, Ferdinand VI., had enabled that
+prince not only to pay many of the debts owed by the crown, but also to
+accumulate and leave behind him a considerable treasure.[1465] Of this
+Charles availed himself, to begin those works of public splendour,
+which, more than any other part of his administration, was sure to
+strike the senses, and to give popularity to his reign. And when, by the
+increase of wealth, rather than by the imposition of fresh burdens,
+still larger resources were placed at his command, he devoted a
+considerable part of them to completing his designs. He so beautified
+Madrid, that forty years after his death, it was stated, that, as it
+then stood, all its magnificence was owing to him. The public buildings
+and the public gardens, the beautiful walks round the capital, its noble
+gates, its institutions, and the very roads leading from it to the
+adjacent country, are all the work of Charles III., and are among the
+most conspicuous trophies which attest his genius and the sumptuousness
+of his taste.[1466]
+
+  [1465] M. Lafuente, who has justly praised the love of peace displayed
+         by Ferdinand VI. (_Historia de Espana_, vol. i. p. 202, vol.
+         xix. pp. 286, 378), adds (vol. xix. p. 384), 'De modo que con
+         razon se admira, y es el testimonio mas honroso de la buena
+         administracion economica de este reinado, que al morir este buen
+         monarca dejara, no diremos nosotros repletas y apuntaladas las
+         arcas publicas, como hiperbolicamente suele decirse, pero si con
+         el considerable sobrante de trescientos millones de reales,
+         despues de cubiertas todas las atenciones del Estado: fenomeno
+         que puede decirse se veia por primera vez en Espana, y resultado
+         satisfactorio, que aun supuesta una buena administracion, solo
+         pudo obtenerse a favor de su prudente politica de neutralidad y
+         de paz.'
+
+  [1466] 'But it is to Charles III. that Madrid owes all its present
+         magnificence. Under his care, the royal palace was finished, the
+         noble gates of Alcala and San Vincente were raised; the
+         custom-house, the post-office, the museum, and royal
+         printing-office, were constructed; the academy of the three
+         noble arts improved; the cabinet of natural history, the botanic
+         garden, the national bank of San Carlos, and many gratuitous
+         schools established; while convenient roads leading from the
+         city, and delightful walks planted within and without it, and
+         adorned by statues and fountains, combine to announce the
+         solicitude of this paternal king.' _Spain by an American_,
+         London, 1831, vol. i. p. 206; see also p. 297.
+
+In other parts of the country, roads were laid down, and canals were
+dug, with the view of increasing trade by opening up communications
+through tracts previously impassable. At the accession of Charles III.,
+the whole of the Sierra Morena was unoccupied, except by wild beasts
+and banditti, who took refuge there.[1467] No peaceful traveller would
+venture into such a place; and commerce was thus excluded from what
+nature had marked as one of the greatest highways in Spain, standing as
+it does between the basins of the Guadiana and Guadalquivir, and in the
+direct course between the ports on the Mediterranean and those on the
+Atlantic. The active government of Charles III. determined to remedy
+this evil; but the Spanish people not having the energy to do what was
+required, six thousand Dutch and Flemish were, in 1767, invited to
+settle in the Sierra Morena. On their arrival, lands were allotted to
+them, roads were cut through the whole of the district, villages were
+built; and that which had just been an impervious desert, was suddenly
+turned into a smiling and fruitful territory.[1468]
+
+  [1467] The following passage describes its state so late as the year
+         1766: 'Por temor o por connivencia de los venteros, dentro de
+         sus casas concertaban frecuentemente los ladrones sus robos, y
+         los ejecutaban a mansalva, ocultandose en guaridas de que
+         ahuyentaban a las fieras. Acaso a muy largas distancias se
+         descubrian entre contados caserios algunos pastores como los que
+         alli hizo encontrar el ilustre manco de Lepanto al ingenioso
+         hidalgo de la Mancha. Parte de la Sierra estuvo poblada en
+         tiempo de moros; actualmente ya no habia mas que espesos
+         matorrales hasta en torno de la ermita de Santa Elena, donde
+         resonaron canticos de gracias al Cielo por el magnifico triunfo
+         de las Navas.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. iii. p. 9. On the condition of the Sierra Morena a hundred
+         years before this, see _Boisel_, _Journal du Voyage d'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1669, 4to. pp. 62, 296; where it is termed 'le lieu le
+         plus desert, et ou il n'y a que quelques _ventas_ sans
+         villages.'
+
+  [1468] _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iii. pp. 9-11,
+         35. By 1771, 'sin auxilio de la Real hacienda pudieron
+         mantenerse al fin los colonos.' p. 42. See also vol. iv. pp.
+         114, 115. On the subsequent history of this settlement, see
+         _Inglis' Spain_, vol. ii. pp. 29-31, London, 1831.
+
+Nearly all over Spain, the roads were repaired; a fund having been, so
+early as 1760, specially set apart for that purpose.[1469] Many new
+works were begun; and such improvements were introduced, while at the
+same time, such vigilance was employed to prevent peculation on the part
+of officials, that in a very few years the cost of making public
+highways was reduced to less than half of what it used to be.[1470] Of
+the undertakings which were brought to a successful issue, the most
+important were, a road now first constructed from Malaga to
+Antequera,[1471] and another from Aquilas to Lorca.[1472] In this way,
+means of intercourse were supplied between the Mediterranean and the
+interior of Andalusia and of Mercia. While these communications were
+established in the south and south-east of Spain, others were opened up
+in the north and north-west. In 1769, a road was begun between Bilbao
+and Osma;[1473] and soon after, one was completed between Galicia and
+Astorga.[1474] These and similar works were so skilfully executed, that
+the Spanish highways, formerly among the worst in Europe, were now
+classed among the best. Indeed, a competent, and by no means
+over-friendly, judge gives it as his opinion, that at the death of
+Charles III. better roads were to be found in Spain than in any other
+country.[1475]
+
+  [1469] 'En 1760 se destino por primera vez un fondo especial para la
+         construccion de caminos.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion Espanola_,
+         vol. iv. p. 123.
+
+  [1470] Indeed, M. Rio says, that the expense was reduced by two-thirds,
+         and, in some parts, by three-fourths. 'Antes se regulaba en un
+         millon de reales la construccion de cada legua; ahora solo
+         ascendia a la tercera o cuarta parte de esta suma.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. p. 117.
+
+  [1471] A note in _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de Espana_, Madrid, 1789,
+         4to. p. 158, terms this 'un camino alineado y solido.' In
+         _Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 209, it is called 'a
+         magnificent road.'
+
+  [1472] 'Para dar salida a los frutos, que regaban los pantanos de Lorca,
+         ejecutose una bien trazada via al puerto de las Aguilas.' _Rio_,
+         _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._, vol. iv. pp. 115, 116.
+
+  [1473] In 1769, Baretti writes, in great surprise, 'the Biscayans are
+         actually making a noble road, which is to go from Bilbao to
+         Osma.' _Baretti's Journey through England, Portugal, Spain, and
+         France_, London, 1770, vol. iv. p. 311.
+
+  [1474] 'Otras diferentes carreteras, construidas de nuevo o
+         rehabilitadas, multiplicaron las comunicaciones durante los
+         nueve primeros anos de estar a cargo de Floridablanca la
+         superintendencia general de caminos, haciendose de facil y
+         comodo transito puntos escabrosos como el del Puerto de la
+         Cadena y los que median entre Astorga y Galicia, y Malaga y
+         Antequera.' _Rio_, _Historia del Reinado de Carlos III._,
+         vol. iv. p. 115.
+
+  [1475] 'The reigns of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third produced
+         the most beneficial changes in this important branch of
+         political economy. New roads were opened, which were carefully
+         levelled, and constructed with solidity. There are at the
+         present time in Spain several superb roads, such as may vie with
+         the finest in Europe; indeed, they have been made with superior
+         judgment, and upon a grander scale.' _Laborde's Spain_, edit.
+         London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 427.
+
+In the interior, rivers were made navigable, and canals were formed to
+connect them with each other. The Ebro runs through the heart of Aragon
+and part of Old Castile, and is available for purposes of traffic as
+high up as Logrono, and from thence down to Tudela. But between Tudela
+and Saragossa, the navigation is interrupted by its great speed, and by
+the rocks in its bed. Consequently, Navarre is deprived of its natural
+communication with the Mediterranean. In the enterprising reign of
+Charles V., an attempt was made to remedy this evil; but the plan
+failed, was laid aside, and was forgotten, until it was revived, more
+than two hundred years later, by Charles III. Under his auspices, the
+great canal of Aragon was projected, with the magnificent idea of
+uniting the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. This, however, was one of
+many instances in which the government of Spain was too far in advance
+of Spain itself; and it was necessary to abandon a scheme, to which the
+resources of the country were unequal. But what was really effected, was
+of immense value. A canal was actually carried to Saragossa, and the
+waters of the Ebro were made available not only for transport, but also
+for irrigating the soil. The means of a safe and profitable trade were
+now supplied even to the western extremity of Aragon. The old land,
+becoming more productive, rose in value, and new land was brought under
+the plough. From this, other parts of Spain also benefited. Castile, for
+example, had in seasons of scarcity always depended for supplies on
+Aragon, though that province could, under the former system, only
+produce enough for its own consumption. But by this great canal, to
+which, about the same time, that of Tauste was also added,[1476] the
+soil of Aragon became far more productive than it had ever yet been; and
+the rich plains of the Ebro yielded so abundantly, that they were able
+to supply wheat and other food to the Castilians, as well as to the
+Aragonese.[1477]
+
+  [1476] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 287.
+
+  [1477] _Ibid._ vol. v. pp. 198, 199, 286, 287. _Townsend's Spain_, vol.
+         i. pp. 212-215. _Laborde's Spain_, vol. ii. p. 271. This canal,
+         which was intended to establish a free communication between the
+         Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, is slightly noticed in
+         _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. iv. pp. 95, 96: a
+         learned and valuable work, but very imperfect as regards Spain.
+         The economical value of this great enterprise, and the extent to
+         which it succeeded, are seriously under-estimated in _Ford's
+         Spain_, p. 587; a book which, notwithstanding the praise that
+         has been conferred upon it, is carelessly composed, and is sure
+         to mislead readers who have not the means of comparing it with
+         other authorities. M. Rio's History of Charles III. contains
+         some interesting information on the subject; but, unfortunately,
+         I omitted to mark the passages.
+
+The government of Charles III., moreover, constructed a canal between
+Amposta and Alfaques,[1478] which irrigated the southern extremity of
+Catalonia, and brought into cultivation a large district, which, from
+the constant lack of rain, had hitherto been untilled. Another and still
+greater enterprise belonging to the same reign, was an attempt, only
+partly successful, to establish a water-communication between the
+capital and the Atlantic, by running a canal from Madrid to Toledo,
+whence the Tagus would have conveyed goods to Lisbon, and all the trade
+of the west would have been opened up.[1479] But this and many other
+noble projects were nipped in the bud by the death of Charles III., with
+whom every thing vanished. When he passed away, the country relapsed
+into its former inactivity, and it was clearly seen that these great
+works were not national, but political; in other words that they were
+due merely to individuals, whose most strenuous exertions always come to
+naught, if they are opposed by the operation of those general causes,
+which are often undiscerned, but to which even the strongest of us, do,
+in our own despite, pay implicit obedience.
+
+  [1478] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. pp. 288, 289, on the
+         authority or Florida Blanca himself.
+
+  [1479] _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 199. _Townsend's
+         Spain_, vol. i. p. 304.
+
+Still for a time much was done; and Charles, reasoning according to the
+ordinary maxims of politicians, might well indulge the hope, that what
+he had effected would permanently change the destiny of Spain. For these
+and other works which he not only planned but executed,[1480] were not
+paid for, as is too often the case, by taxes which oppressed the people,
+and trammelled their industry. At his side, and constantly advising him,
+there were men who really aimed at the public good, and who never would
+have committed so fatal an error. Under his rule the wealth of the
+country greatly increased, and the comforts of the lower classes,
+instead of being abridged, were multiplied. The imposts were more fairly
+assessed than they had ever been before. Taxes, which, in the
+seventeenth century, all the power of the executive could not wring from
+the people, were now regularly paid, and, owing to the development of
+the national resources, they became at once more productive and less
+onerous. In the management of the public finances, an economy was
+practised, the first example of which had been set in the preceding
+reign, when the cautious and pacific policy of Ferdinand VI. laid a
+foundation for many of the improvements just narrated. Ferdinand
+bequeathed to Charles III. a treasure which he had not extorted, but
+saved. Among the reforms which he introduced, and which an unwillingness
+to accumulate details has compelled me to omit, there is one very
+important, and also very characteristic of his policy. Before his reign,
+Spain had annually been drained of an immense amount of money, on
+account of the right which the Pope claimed of presenting to certain
+rich benefices, and of receiving part of their produce; probably as a
+recompense for the trouble he had taken. Of this duty the Pope was
+relieved by Ferdinand VI., who secured to the Spanish crown the right of
+conferring such preferment, and thus saved to the country those enormous
+sums on which the Roman Court had been wont to revel.[1481] This was
+just the sort of measure which would be hailed with delight by Charles
+III., as harmonizing with his own views; and we accordingly find, that,
+in his reign, it was not only acted upon, but extended still further.
+For, perceiving that, in spite of his efforts, the feeling of the
+Spaniards on these matters was so strong as to impel them to make
+offerings to him whom they venerated as the Head of the Church, the
+king determined to exercise control over even these voluntary gifts. To
+accomplish this end, various devices were suggested; and at length one
+was hit upon, which was thought sure to be effectual. A royal order was
+issued, directing that no person should send money to Rome, but that if
+he had occasion to make remittances there, they should pass not through
+the ordinary channels, but through the ambassadors, ministers, or other
+agents of the Spanish crown.[1482]
+
+  [1480] See Florida Blanca's statement in _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of
+         Spain_, vol. v. p. 289. 'In many other parts similar works have
+         been promoted, for canals of irrigation, and for encouraging
+         agriculture and traffic. The canals of Manzanares and Guadarrama
+         are continued by means of the national bank, which has
+         appropriated one-half of the profits derived from the export of
+         silver to this end.' ... 'The town of Almuradiel, formed in the
+         middle of the _campo nuevo_ of Andalusia, for the rugged pass of
+         Despena Perros, is another example of agriculture for the
+         neighbouring places; since, instead of woods and frightful
+         deserts, we have seen in a few years public buildings, houses,
+         plantations, and cultivated lands, producing every species of
+         grain and fruits, which border the road, and banish the danger
+         of robbers and banditti.' See also _Muriel_, _Gobierno del Rey
+         Don Carlos III._, p. 5. 'Habiendo sido el reinado de Carlos III.
+         una serie continua de mejoras en todos ramos;' and the striking
+         picture (p. 15), 'Agricultura, artes mecanicas, comercio,
+         ensenanza, milicia, navegacion, ciencias, letras, legislacion,
+         en una palabra, todo cuanto puede influir en la prosperidad del
+         Estado, todo llamo la atencion de los ministros, y en todo
+         hicieron las mejoras que permitian las circunstancias.' On the
+         improvements in internal communications, see the same valuable
+         work, pp. 187-192.
+
+  [1481] Respecting this step, which as effected in 1754, see _Tapia_,
+         _Civilizacion Espanola_, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 81, 82. 'Fue
+         este tratado utilisimo para la Espana, pues por el se liberto
+         del pago de enormes sumas que hasta entonces habian pasado a los
+         estados pontificos. En el informe canonico-legal escrito a
+         virtud de real orden en 1746 por el fiscal de la camara de
+         Castilla Don Blas de Jover, se decia; que segun el testimonio
+         del historiador Cabrera, en el espacio de 30 anos el solo
+         renglon de las coadjutorias y dispensas habia hecho pasar a Roma
+         de la corona de Castilla millon y medio de ducados romanos. Y
+         anade el mismo Jover que a principios del siglo xviii. subia aun
+         esta contribucion cada ano en todos los estados de la monarquia
+         espanola a 500,000 escudos romanos, que era _un tercio poco mas
+         o menos de lo que Roma percibia de toda la cristiandad_.'
+
+  [1482] See Appendix I. to _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v.
+         p. 334.
+
+If we now review the transactions which I have narrated, and consider
+them as a whole, extending from the accession of Philip V. to the death
+of Charles III., over a period of nearly ninety years, we shall be
+struck with wonder at their unity, at the regularity of their march, and
+at their apparent success. Looking at them merely in a political point
+of view, it may be doubted if such vast and uninterrupted progress has
+ever been seen in any country either before or since. For three
+generations, there was no pause on the part of the government; not one
+reaction, not one sign of halting. Improvement upon improvement, and
+reform upon reform, followed each other in swift succession. The power
+of the Church, which has always been the crying evil of Spain, and which
+hitherto none of the boldest politicians had dared to touch, was
+restricted in every possible way, by a series of statesmen, from Orry to
+Florida Blanca, whose efforts were latterly, and for nearly thirty
+years, zealously aided by Charles III., the ablest monarch who has sat
+on the throne since the death of Philip II. Even the Inquisition was
+taught to tremble, and made to loosen its hold over its victims. The
+burning of heretics was stopped. Torture was disused. Prosecutions for
+heresy were discouraged. Instead of punishing men for imaginary
+offences, a disposition was shown to attend to their real interests, to
+alleviate their burdens, to increase their comforts, and to check the
+tyranny of those who were set over them. Attempts were made to restrain
+the cupidity of the clergy, and prevent them from preying at will upon
+the national wealth. With this view, the laws of mortmain were revised,
+and various measures taken to interpose obstacles in the way of persons
+who desired to waste their property by bequeathing it for ecclesiastical
+purposes. In this, as in other matters, the true interests of society
+were preferred to the fictitious ones. To raise the secular classes
+above the spiritual; to discountenance the exclusive attention hitherto
+paid to questions respecting which nothing is known, and which it is
+impossible to solve; to do this, and, in the place of such barren
+speculations, to substitute a taste for science, or for literature,
+became the object of the Spanish government for the first time since
+Spain had possessed a government at all. As part of the same scheme, the
+Jesuits were expelled, the right of sanctuary was infringed, and the
+whole hierarchy, from the highest bishop down to the lowest monk, were
+taught to fear the law, to curb their passions, and to restrain the
+insolence with which they had formerly treated every rank except their
+own. These would have been great deeds in any country; in such a country
+as Spain, they were marvellous. Of them I have given an abridged, and
+therefore an imperfect, account, but still sufficient to show how the
+government laboured to diminish superstition, to check bigotry, to
+stimulate intellect, to promote industry, and to rouse the people from
+their death-like slumber. I have omitted many measures of considerable
+interest, and which tended in the same direction; because, here, as
+elsewhere, I seek to confine myself to those salient points which most
+distinctly mark the general movement. Whoever will minutely study the
+history of Spain during this period, will find additional proof of the
+skill and vigour of those who were at the head of affairs, and who
+devoted their best energies to regenerating the country which they
+ruled. But, for these special studies, special men are required; and I
+shall be satisfied, if I have firmly grasped the great march and outline
+of the whole. It is enough for my purpose, if I have substantiated the
+general proposition, and have convinced the reader of the clearness
+with which the statesmen of Spain discerned the evils under which their
+country was groaning, and of the zeal with which they set themselves to
+remedy the mischief, and to resuscitate the fortunes of what had once
+not only been the chief of European monarchies, but had borne sway over
+the most splendid and extensive territory that had been united under a
+single rule since the fall of the Roman Empire.
+
+They who believe that a government can civilize a nation, and that
+legislators are the cause of social progress, will naturally expect that
+Spain reaped permanent benefit from those liberal maxims, which now, for
+the first time, were put into execution. The fact, however, is, that
+such a policy, wise as it appeared, was of no avail, simply because it
+ran counter to the whole train of preceding circumstances. It was
+opposed to the habits of the national mind, and was introduced into a
+state of society not yet ripe for it. No reform can produce real good,
+unless it is the work of public opinion, and unless the people
+themselves take the initiative. In Spain, during the eighteenth century,
+foreign influence, and the complications of foreign politics, bestowed
+enlightened rulers upon an unenlightened country.[1483] The consequence
+was, that, for a time, great things were done. Evils were removed,
+grievances were redressed, many important improvements were introduced;
+and a spirit of toleration was exhibited, such as had never before been
+seen in that priest-ridden and superstitious land. But the mind of Spain
+was untouched. While the surface, and as it were the symptoms, of
+affairs were ameliorated, affairs themselves remained unchanged. Below
+that surface, and far out of reach of any political remedy, large
+general causes were at work, which had been operating for many
+centuries, and which were sure, sooner or later, to force politicians to
+retrace their steps, and compel them to inaugurate a policy which would
+suit the traditions of the country, and harmonize with the circumstances
+under which those traditions had been formed.
+
+  [1483] It is important to observe, that the Cortes, where alone the
+         voice of the people had a chance of being heard, was assembled
+         but three times during the whole of the eighteenth century, and
+         then merely for the sake of form. 'Les Cortes ne se reunirent
+         que trois fois pendant le dix-huitieme siecle, et plutot encore
+         comme des solennites formulaires pour la prestation du serment
+         aux princes heritiers de la couronne, que comme etant
+         necessaires pour de nouvelles lois et des contributions.'
+         _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortes d'Espagne_, Bordeaux, 1815,
+         p. 270.
+
+At length the reaction came. In 1788, Charles III. died; and was
+succeeded by Charles IV., a king of the true Spanish breed, devout,
+orthodox, and ignorant.[1484] It was now seen how insecure everything
+was, and how little reliance can be placed on reforms, which, instead of
+being suggested by the people, are bestowed on them by the political
+classes. Charles IV., though a weak and contemptible prince,[1485] was
+so supported in his general views by the feelings of the Spanish nation,
+that, in less than five years, he was able completely to reverse that
+liberal policy which it had taken three generations of statesmen to
+build up. In less than five years everything was changed. The power of
+the Church was restored; the slightest approach towards free discussion
+was forbidden; old and arbitrary principles, which had not been heard of
+since the seventeenth century, were revived; the priests re-assumed
+their former importance; literary men were intimidated, and literature
+was discouraged; while the Inquisition, suddenly starting up afresh,
+displayed an energy, which caused its enemies to tremble, and proved
+that all the attempts which had been made to weaken it, had been unable
+to impair its vigour, or to daunt its ancient spirit.
+
+  [1484] By combining these three qualities, he has deserved and received
+         the cordial approbation of the present Bishop of Barcelona, who,
+         in his recent work on the Spanish Church, styles him 'un monarca
+         tan piadoso.' _Observaciones sobre El Presente y El Porvenir de
+         la Iglesia en Espana_, _por Domingo Costa y Borras_, Barcelona,
+         1857, p. 80.
+
+  [1485] Even in _Alison's History of Europe_, where men of his character
+         are usually made much of, he is treated with moderate disdain.
+         'Charles IV. was not destitute of good qualities, but he was a
+         weak, incapable prince.' Vol. viii. p. 382, Edinburgh, 1849.
+
+The ministers of Charles III., and the authors of those great reforms
+which signalized his reign, were dismissed, to make way for other
+advisers, better suited to this new state of things. Charles IV. loved
+the Church too well to tolerate the presence of enlightened statesmen.
+Aranda and Florida Blanca were both removed from office, and both were
+placed in confinement.[1486] Jovellanos was banished from court, and
+Cabarrus was thrown into prison.[1487] For, now, work had to be done, to
+which these eminent men would not put their hands. A policy which had
+been followed with undeviating consistency for nearly ninety years, was
+about to be rescinded, in order that the old empire of the seventeenth
+century, which was the empire of ignorance, of tyranny, and of
+superstition, might be resuscitated, and, if possible, restored to its
+pristine vigour.
+
+  [1486] _Sempere_, _Monarchie Espagnole_, vol. ii. p. 167. I need hardly
+         say, that not the slightest credit is to be attached to the
+         account given in Godoy's Memoirs. Every one tolerably acquainted
+         with Spanish history, will see that his book is an attempt to
+         raise his own reputation, by defaming the character of some of
+         the ablest and most high-minded of his contemporaries.
+
+  [1487] _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 277,
+         278.
+
+Once more was Spain covered with darkness; once more did the shadows of
+night overtake that wretched land. The worst forms of oppression, says a
+distinguished writer, seemed to be settling on the country with a new
+and portentous weight.[1488] At the same time, and indeed as a natural
+part of the scheme, every investigation likely to stimulate the mind,
+was prohibited, and an order was actually sent to all the universities,
+forbidding the study of moral philosophy; the minister, who issued the
+order, justly observing, that the king did not want to have
+philosophers.[1489] There was, however, little fear of Spain producing
+anything so dangerous. The nation not daring, and, what was still worse,
+not wishing, to resist, gave way, and let the king do as he liked.
+Within a very few years, he neutralized the most valuable reforms which
+his predecessors had introduced. Having discarded the able advisers of
+his father, he conferred the highest posts upon men as narrow and
+incompetent as himself; he reduced the country to the verge of
+bankruptcy; and, according to the remark of a Spanish historian, he
+exhausted all the resources of the state.[1490]
+
+  [1488] 'In all its worst forms, therefore, oppression, civil, political,
+         and religious, appeared to be settling down, with a new and
+         portentous weight, on the whole country.' _Ticknor's History of
+         Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 318.
+
+  [1489] 'Caballero, fearing the progress of all learning, which might
+         disturb the peace of the Court, sent, not long since, a circular
+         order to the universities, forbidding the study of moral
+         philosophy. "His Majesty," it was said in the order, "was not in
+         want of philosophers, but of good and obedient subjects."'
+         _Doblado's Letters from Spain_, p. 358.
+
+  [1490] 'Le gouvernement de Charles IV avait epuise toutes les ressources
+         de l'Etat.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortes d'Espagne_, p. 323.
+
+Such was the condition of Spain, late in the eighteenth century. The
+French invasion quickly followed; and that unhappy country underwent
+every form of calamity and of degradation. Herein, however, lies a
+difference. Calamities may be inflicted by others; but no people can be
+degraded except by their own acts. The foreign spoiler works mischief;
+he cannot cause shame. With nations, as with individuals, none are
+dishonoured if they are true to themselves. Spain, during the present
+century, has been plundered and oppressed, and the opprobrium lights on
+the robbers, not on the robbed. She has been overrun by a brutal and
+licentious soldiery; her fields laid waste, her towns sacked, her
+villages burned. It is to the criminal, rather than to the victim, that
+the ignominy of these acts must belong. And, even in a material point of
+view, such losses are sure to be retrieved, if the people who incur them
+are inured to those habits of self-government, and to that feeling of
+self-reliance, which are the spring and the source of all real
+greatness. With the aid of these, every damage may be repaired, and
+every evil remedied. Without them, the slightest blow may be fatal. In
+Spain, they are unknown; and it seems impossible to establish them. In
+that country, men have so long been accustomed to pay implicit
+deference to the Crown and the Church, that loyalty and superstition
+have usurped the place of those nobler emotions, to which all freedom is
+owing, and in the absence of which, the true idea of independence can
+never be attained.
+
+More than once, indeed, during the nineteenth century, a spirit has
+appeared, from which better things might have been augured. In 1812, in
+1820, and in 1836, a few ardent and enthusiastic reformers attempted to
+secure liberty to the Spanish people, by endowing Spain with a free
+constitution. They succeeded for a moment, and that was all. The forms
+of constitutional government they could bestow; but they could not find
+the traditions and the habits, by which the forms are worked. They
+mimicked the voice of liberty; they copied her institutions; they aped
+her very gestures. And what then? At the first stroke of adverse
+fortune, their idol fell to pieces. Their constitutions were broken up,
+their assemblies dissolved, their enactments rescinded. The inevitable
+reaction quickly followed. After each disturbance, the hands of the
+government were strengthened, the principles of despotism were
+confirmed, and the Spanish liberals were taught to rue the day, in which
+they vainly endeavoured to impart freedom to their unhappy and
+ill-starred country.[1491]
+
+  [1491] In Spain, the voice of the people has always been opposed to the
+         liberal party, as many writers have observed, without being
+         aware of the reason. Mr. Walton (_Revolutions of Spain_, London,
+         1837, vol. i. pp. 322, 323) says of the Cortes, 'Public
+         indignation hurled them from their seats in 1814; and in 1823
+         they were overpowered, not by the arms of France, but by the
+         displeasure of their own countrymen,' &c. See also p. 290; and
+         _Quin's Memoirs of Ferdinand the Seventh_, London, 1824, p. 121,
+         where it is mentioned, that 'in all the towns through which the
+         King passed, the multitude, excited by the friars and clergy,
+         overturned the constitutional stone, and uttered the most
+         atrocious insults against the Constitution, the Cortes, and the
+         Liberals.' Compare _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortes_, p. 335, and
+         _Bacon's Six Years in Biscay_, p. 40. Indeed, a very intelligent
+         writer on Spanish affairs in 1855, asserts, with, I believe,
+         perfect truth, that Spain is 'un pays ou les populations sont
+         toujours, a coup sur moins liberales que les gouvernemens.'
+         _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, Paris, 1855, p. 266.
+
+What makes these failures the more worthy of observation is, that the
+Spaniards did possess, at a very early period, municipal privileges and
+franchises, similar to those which we had in England, and to which our
+greatness is often ascribed. But such institutions, though they preserve
+freedom, can never create it. Spain had the form of liberty without its
+spirit; hence the form, promising as it was, soon died away. In England,
+the spirit preceded the form, and therefore the form was durable. Thus
+it is, that though the Spaniards could boast of free institutions a
+century before ourselves, they were unable to retain them, simply
+because they had the institutions and nothing more. We had no popular
+representation till 1264;[1492] but in Castile they had it in
+1169,[1493] and in Aragon in 1133.[1494] So, too, while the earliest
+charter was granted to an English town in the twelfth century,[1495] we
+find, in Spain, a charter conferred on Leon as early as 1020; and in the
+course of the eleventh century the enfranchisement of towns was as
+secure as laws could make it.[1496]
+
+  [1492] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 117.
+
+  [1493] _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i.
+         p. xlviii.
+
+  [1494] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. xcvi.
+
+  [1495] _Hallam's Middle Ages_, ninth edition, London, 1846, vol. ii.
+         pp. 153-157, which must be compared with _Hallam's Supplemental
+         Notes_, London, 1848, pp. 323-327.
+
+  [1496] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 373. _Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella_,
+         vol. i. pp. xlv. xlvi.
+
+The fact, however, is, that in Spain these institutions, instead of
+growing out of the wants of the people originated in a stroke of policy
+on the part of their rulers. They were conceded to the citizens, rather
+than desired by them. For, during the war with the Mohammedans, the
+Christian kings of Spain, as they advanced southwards, were naturally
+anxious to induce their subjects to settle in the frontier towns, where
+they might face and repel the enemy. With this object they granted
+charters to the towns, and privileges to the inhabitants.[1497] And as
+the Mohammedans were gradually beaten back from the Asturias to Granada,
+the frontiers changed, and the franchises were extended to the new
+conquests, in order that what was the post of danger, might also be the
+place of reward. But, meanwhile, those general causes, which I have
+indicated, were predetermining the nation to habits of loyalty and of
+superstition, which grew to a height fatal to the spirit of liberty.
+That being the case the institutions were of no avail. They took no
+root; and as they were originated by one political combination, they
+were destroyed by another. Before the close of the fourteenth century,
+the Spaniards were so firmly seated in the territories they had lately
+acquired that there was little danger of their being again
+expelled[1498] while, on the other hand, there was no immediate prospect
+of their being able to push their conquests further, and drive the
+Mohammedans from the strongholds of Granada. The circumstances,
+therefore, which gave rise to the municipal privileges had changed; and
+as soon as this was apparent, the privileges began to perish. Being
+unsuited to the habits of the people, they were sure to fall, on the
+first opportunity.[1499] Late in the fourteenth century, their decline
+was perceptible; by the close of the fifteenth century, they were almost
+extinct; and, early in the sixteenth century, they were finally
+overthrown.[1500]
+
+  [1497] 'Ce fut alors que les successeurs de Pelage descendirent de leurs
+         montagnes dans les plaines, de leurs forteresses perchees sur
+         des rocs inaccessibles dans les villes populeuses, le long des
+         fleuves, dans de fertiles vallees et sur les cotes de la mer; ce
+         fut alors que la ville d'Astorgue revint du pouvoir des Arabes a
+         celui des Asturiens et chassa toute la partie musulmane de ces
+         habitants; ce fut alors, enfin, que commencerent en Espagne ces
+         concessions de franchises municipales par lesquelles les rois et
+         les seigneurs chretiens chercherent a attirer des populations
+         chretiennes dans les lieux d'ou ils avaient chasse les
+         Musulmans.' _Fauriel_, _Histoire de la Gaule Meridionale_,
+         Paris, 1836, vol. iii. p. 215. See also _Sempere_, _Monarchie
+         Espagnole_, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.
+
+  [1498] On the increasing confidence of the Spaniards in the middle of
+         the fourteenth century, see an interesting passage in _Mariana_,
+         _Historia de Espana_, vol. iv. pp. 172, 173.
+
+  [1499] The deputies of the towns did, in fact, eventually overthrow
+         their own liberties, as a Spanish historian truly remarks. 'Il
+         n'est pas etonnant que les monarques espagnols tachassent
+         d'affermir leur autorite autant que possible, et encore moins
+         que leurs conseillers et leurs, ministres cooperassent a leurs
+         desseins. L'histoire de toutes les nations nous offre de
+         nombreux exemples de cette politique; mais _ce qu'il y a de plus
+         remarquable dans celle d'Espagne, c'est que les deputes des
+         villes qui auraient du etre les plus zeles defenseurs de leurs
+         droits, conspirerent ouvertement contre le tiers-etat_, et
+         tenterent d'aneantir les restes de l'ancienne representation
+         nationale.' _Sempere_, _Histoire des Cortes d'Espagne_, p. 213.
+         It strikes one as singular, that M. Sempere should never have
+         inquired, why this happened in Spain, and not elsewhere. A later
+         writer, reflecting on the destruction of the municipal element
+         by the royal authority, gives a solution, which, like many other
+         so-called solutions, is merely a statement of the same fact in
+         different words. 'Al fin la autoridad real logro alcanzar un
+         gran predominio en el gobierno municipal de los pueblos,
+         _porque_ los corregidores y alcaldes mayores llegaron a eclipsar
+         la influencia de los adelantados y alcaldes elegidos por los
+         pueblos.' _Antequera_, _Historia de la Legislacion Espanola_,
+         Madrid, 1849, p. 287. This, instead of explaining the event, is
+         simply narrating it afresh.
+
+  [1500] The final destruction of popular liberty is ascribed by many
+         writers to the battle of Villalar, in 1521; though it is quite
+         certain that, if the royalists had lost that battle, instead of
+         gaining it, the ultimate result would have been the same. At one
+         time, I had purposed tracing the history of the municipal and
+         representative elements during the fifteenth century; and the
+         materials which I then collected, convinced me that the spirit
+         of freedom never really existed in Spain, and that therefore the
+         marks and forms of freedom were sure, sooner or later, to be
+         effaced.
+
+It is thus that general causes eventually triumph over every obstacle.
+In the average of affairs, and on a comparison of long periods, they are
+irresistible. Their operation is often attacked, and occasionally, for a
+little time, stopped by politicians, who are always ready with their
+empirical and short-sighted remedies. But when the spirit of the age is
+against those remedies, they can at best only succeed for a moment; and
+after that moment has passed, a reaction sets in, and the penalty for
+violence has to be paid. Evidence of this will be found in the annals of
+every civilized country, by whoever will confront the history of
+legislation with the history of opinion. The fate of the Spanish towns
+has afforded us one good proof; the fate of the Spanish Church will
+supply us with another. For more than eighty years after the death of
+Charles II. the rulers of Spain attempted to weaken the ecclesiastical
+power; and the end of all their efforts was, that even such an
+insignificant and incompetent king as Charles IV. was able, with the
+greatest ease, rapidly to undo what they had done. This is because,
+during the eighteenth century, while the clergy were assailed by law,
+they were favoured by opinion. The opinions of a people invariably
+depend on large general causes, which influence the whole country; but
+their laws are too often the work of a few powerful individuals, in
+opposition to the national will. When the legislators die, or lose
+office, there is always a chance of their successors holding opposite
+views, and subverting their plans. In the midst, however, of this play
+and fluctuation of political life, the general causes remain steady,
+though they are often kept out of sight, and do not become visible,
+until politicians, inclining to their side, bring them to the surface,
+and invest them with open and public authority.
+
+This is what Charles IV. did in Spain; and when he took measures to
+favour the Church, and to discourage free inquiry, he merely sanctioned
+those national habits which his predecessors had disregarded. The hold
+which the hierarchy of that country possess over public opinion has
+always been proverbial; but it is even greater than is commonly
+supposed. What it was in the seventeenth century, we have already seen;
+and in the eighteenth century, there were no signs of its diminution,
+except among a few bold men, who could effect nothing, while the popular
+voice was so strong against them. Early in the reign of Philip V.,
+Labat, who travelled in Spain, informs us, that when a priest performed
+mass, nobles of the highest rank deemed it an honour to help him to
+dress, and that they would go down on their knees to him, and kiss his
+hands.[1501] When this was done by the proudest aristocracy in Europe,
+we may suppose what the general feeling must have been. Indeed, Labat
+assures us, that a Spaniard would hardly be considered of sound faith,
+if he did not leave some portion of his property to the Church; so
+completely had respect for the hierarchy become an essential part of the
+national character.[1502]
+
+  [1501] 'Ceux qui servent la Messe en Espagne, soit Religieux, ou
+         Seculiers, ne manquent jamais d'aider le Pretre a s'habiller, et
+         le font avec beaucoup de respect. Les plus grande Seigneurs s'en
+         font honneur, et a mesure qu'ils presentent au Pretre quelque
+         partie des ornemens, ils lui baisent la main. On se met a genoux
+         pour donner a laver au Pretre pendant la Messe, et apres qu'il a
+         essuye ses doigts, celui qui lui a donne l'eau demeurant a
+         genoux lui presente le bassin retourne, sur lequel le Pretre met
+         sa main pour la lui laisser baiser. Au retour a la Sacristie, il
+         ne manque pas d'aider le Pretre a se deshabiller, apres quoi il
+         se met a genoux pour recevoir sa benediction et baiser sa main.'
+         _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne et en Italie_, Paris, 1730, vol. i.
+         p. 36.
+
+  [1502] 'Telle est la coutume du Pais, on s'exposeroit a laisser douter
+         de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chretien nouveau,
+         si on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers a
+         l'Eglise.' _Labat_, _Voyages en Espagne_, vol. i. p. 268.
+
+A still more curious instance was exhibited on the occasion of the
+expulsion of the Jesuits. That once useful, but now troublesome, body
+was, during the eighteenth century, what it is in the nineteenth--the
+obstinate enemy of progress and of toleration. The rulers of Spain,
+observing that it opposed all their schemes of reform, resolved to get
+rid of an obstacle, which met them at every turn. In France, the Jesuits
+had just been treated as a public nuisance, and suppressed at a blow,
+and without difficulty. The advisers of Charles III. saw no reason why
+so salutary a measure should not be imitated in their country; and, in
+1767, they, following the example which had been set by the French in
+1764, abolished this great mainstay of the Church.[1503] Having done
+this, the government supposed that it had taken a decisive step towards
+weakening ecclesiastical power, particularly as the sovereign cordially
+approved of the proceeding. The year after this occurred, Charles III.,
+according to his custom, appeared in the balcony of the palace, on the
+festival of St. Charles, ready to grant any request which the people
+might make to him, and which usually consisted of a prayer for the
+dismissal of a minister, or for the repeal of a tax. On this occasion,
+however, the citizens of Madrid, instead of occupying themselves with
+such worldly matters, felt that still dearer interests were in peril;
+and, to the surprise and terror of the court, they demanded, with one
+voice, that the Jesuits should be allowed to return, and wear their
+usual dress, in order that Spain might be gladdened by the sight of
+these holy men.[1504]
+
+  [1503] It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this act, had
+         endangered his own soul. 'Dans un bref adresse a Charles III; il
+         declara: "Que les actes du Roi contre les Jesuites mettaient
+         evidemment son salut en danger."' _Cretineau-Joly_, _Histoire de
+         la Compagnie de Jesus_, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.
+
+  [1504] As this circumstance, which is noticed by Cretineau-Joly
+         (_Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus_, vol. v. p. 311) and other
+         writers (_Dunham's History of Spain_, vol. v. p. 180), has been
+         much misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I
+         will transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information
+         respecting the reign of Charles III. was derived from
+         eye-witnesses. 'A remarkable and alarming proof of their
+         influence was given at Madrid, the year after their expulsion.
+         At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed himself
+         to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed
+         to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of
+         the whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one
+         accord, demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission
+         for them to wear the habit of the secular clergy. This
+         unexpected incident alarmed and mortified the King; and, after a
+         vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to banish the Cardinal
+         Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the secret
+         instigators of this tumultuary petition.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings
+         of Spain_, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The
+         remarks made on this event by M. Rio (_Historia del Reinado de
+         Carlos III._, Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197-199) are not very
+         creditable, either to his criticism or to his candour. It is
+         uncritical to doubt the statement of a contemporary, when that
+         statement relates what is probable in itself, and what those who
+         lived nearest to the period never denied. Indeed, so far from
+         denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of Coxe's work
+         into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is
+         surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to
+         impute to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and
+         then proving that, owing to circumstances connected with the
+         Archbishop of Toledo, it could not have happened in that year.
+         For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that it was in 1768; 'the year
+         _after_ their expulsion.'
+
+What can you do with a nation like this? What is the use of laws when
+the current of public opinion thus sets in against them? In the face of
+such obstacles, the government of Charles III., notwithstanding its good
+intentions, was powerless. Indeed, it was worse than powerless: it did
+harm; for, by rousing popular sympathy in favour of the Church, it
+strengthened what it sought to weaken. On that cruel and persecuting
+Church, stained as it was with every sort of crime, the Spanish nation
+continued to bestow marks of affection, which, instead of being
+diminished, were increased. Gifts and legacies flowed in freely and from
+every side; men being willing to beggar themselves and their families,
+in order to swell the general contribution. And to such a height was
+this carried, that, in 1788, Florida Blanca, minister of the crown,
+stated that, within the last fifty years, the ecclesiastical revenues
+had increased so rapidly, that many of them had doubled in value.[1505]
+
+  [1505] See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to _Coxe's
+         Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the
+         Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV.,
+         in 1788, 'the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing
+         number of monks of all orders and of all ages.' _Godoy's
+         Memoirs_, edit. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the
+         state of ecclesiastical establishments in the same year, some
+         interesting remarks in the Letters of Cabarrus; 'con que
+         horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos esteriles a
+         los operarios utiles y preciosos.' _Cartas escritas por el Conde
+         de Cabarrus_, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.
+
+Even the Inquisition, the most barbarous institution which the wit of
+man has ever devised, was upheld by public opinion against the attacks
+of the crown. The Spanish government wished to overthrow it, and did
+everything to weaken it; but the Spanish people loved it as of old, and
+cherished it as their best protection against the inroads of
+heresy.[1506] An illustration of this was exhibited in 1778, when, on
+occasion of a heretic being sentenced by the Inquisition, several of the
+leading nobles attended as servants, being glad to have an opportunity
+of publicly displaying their obedience and docility to the Church.[1507]
+
+  [1506] Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V. boastfully
+         says, 'Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente a Naturales y
+         Estrangeros.' _Uztariz_, _Theorica y Practica de Comercio_,
+         tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man
+         as Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what
+         was felt by the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and
+         far more orthodox. M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold
+         passage, frankly admits that it was the pressure of public
+         opinion which prevented Charles III. from abolishing the
+         Inquisition. 'Estrano pareceria que habiendose hecho tanto en
+         aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y acabar
+         con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso
+         tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que
+         el rey despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda
+         providencia que pudiese contrariar la opinion publica; y el
+         creia que los espanoles querian la inquisicion, como se lo
+         manifesto al ministro Roda y al conde de Aranda, anadiendo que
+         en nada coartaba su autoridad.' _Tapia_, _Civilizacion
+         Espanola_, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the Inquisition
+         seems rather a singular object for men to set their affections
+         on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no doubt.
+         'L'Inquisition si reveree en Espagne.' _Memoires de Louville_,
+         vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (_Tracts_, London, 1730, vol. i. p.
+         400) tells us that 'the Inquisition is not only established by
+         law, but by a wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts
+         and affections of the people, that one that should offer the
+         least affront to another, for having been an informer or witness
+         in the Inquisition, would be torn in a thousand pieces.'
+
+  [1507] 'The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others,
+         grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or
+         swords.' _Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain_, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419.
+         This was in the great case of Olavide.
+
+All these things were natural, and in order. They were the result of a
+long train of causes, the operation of which I have endeavoured to
+trace, during thirteen centuries, since the outbreak of the Arian war.
+Those causes forced the Spaniards to be superstitious, and it was idle
+mockery to seek to change their nature by legislation. The only remedy
+for superstition is knowledge. Nothing else can wipe out that
+plague-spot of the human mind. Without it, the leper remains unwashed,
+and the slave unfreed. It is to a knowledge of the laws and relations of
+things, that European civilization is owing; but it is precisely this in
+which Spain has always been deficient. And until that deficiency is
+remedied, until science, with her bold and inquisitive spirit, has
+established her right to investigate all subjects, after her own
+fashion, and according to her own method, we may be assured that, in
+Spain, neither literature, nor universities, nor legislators, nor
+reformers of any kind, will ever be able to rescue the people from that
+helpless and benighted condition into which the course of affairs has
+plunged them.
+
+That no great political improvement, however plausible or attractive it
+may appear, can be productive of lasting benefit, unless it is preceded
+by a change in public opinion, and that every change of public opinion
+is preceded by changes in knowledge, are propositions which all history
+verifies, but which are particularly obvious in the history of Spain.
+The Spaniards have had everything except knowledge. They have had
+immense wealth, and fertile and well-peopled territories, in all parts
+of the globe. Their own country, washed by the Atlantic and the
+Mediterranean, and possessed of excellent harbours, is admirably
+situated for the purposes of trade between Europe and America, being so
+placed as to command the commerce of both hemispheres.[1508] They had,
+at a very early period, ample municipal privileges; they had independent
+parliaments; they had the right of choosing their own magistrates, and
+managing their own cities. They have had rich and flourishing towns,
+abundant manufactures, and skilful artizans, whose choice productions
+could secure a ready sale in every market in the world. They have
+cultivated the fine arts with eminent success; their noble and exquisite
+paintings, and their magnificent churches, being justly ranked among the
+most wonderful efforts of the human hand. They speak a beautiful,
+sonorous, and flexible language, and their literature is not unworthy of
+their language. Their soil yields treasures of every kind. It overflows
+with wine and oil, and produces the choicest fruits in an almost
+tropical exuberance.[1509] It contains the most valuable minerals, in a
+profuse variety unexampled in any other part of Europe. No where else do
+we find such rare and costly marbles, so easily accessible, and in such
+close communication with the sea, where they might safely be shipped,
+and sent to countries which require them.[1510] As to the metals, there
+is hardly one which Spain does not possess in large quantities. Her
+mines of silver and of quicksilver are well known. She abounds in
+copper,[1511] and her supply of lead is enormous.[1512] Iron and coal,
+the two most useful of all the productions of the inorganic
+world,[1513] are also abundant in that highly favoured country. Iron is
+said to exist in every part of Spain, and to be of the best
+quality;[1514] while the coal-mines of Asturias are described as
+inexhaustible.[1515] In short, nature has been so prodigal of her
+bounty, that it has been observed, with hardly an hyperbole, that the
+Spanish nation possesses within itself nearly every natural production
+which can satisfy either the necessity or the curiosity of
+mankind.[1516]
+
+  [1508] An accomplished modern geographer says: 'From the extent of its
+         coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and
+         natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages
+         than any other country of Europe.' _Johnston's Dictionary of
+         Physical, Statistical, and Historical Geography_, London, 1850,
+         p. 1213.
+
+  [1509] 'No quiero hablar de los frutos de Espana, no obstante que los
+         produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo dire que sus
+         naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que
+         de Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa.
+         En fin, Espana es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones,
+         por la fragrancia de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus
+         granadas, por sus azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta
+         del gran Ciceron, y sus almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.'
+         _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de Espana_, Madrid, 1789, 4to.
+         p. 236.
+
+  [1510] 'The marbles of Spain are in greater variety and beauty than
+         those of any country in Europe, and most valuable kinds of them
+         are in situations of easy access and communication with the sea;
+         but they have long been entirely neglected, the greater part
+         being unknown, even to the more intelligent of the natives.'
+         _Cook's Spain_, London, 1834, vol. ii. p. 51. In the Cabinet of
+         Natural History at Madrid, 'the specimens of marbles are
+         splendid, and show what treasures yet remain buried in the
+         Peninsula.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 413.
+
+  [1511] 'Hay infinitas minas de cobre en Espana las quales nunca se han
+         tocado.' _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de Espana_, Discurso
+         Preliminar, p. 34.
+
+  [1512] In 1832, Cook writes, 'The lead-mines of the Sierra de Gador are
+         in a state of repletion at present from the enormous quantity of
+         the mineral, and the facility of raising it.' ... 'Lead abounds
+         in other parts of the same chain, nearer to Almeria.' _Cook's
+         Spain_, vol. ii. p. 75. 'The most valuable of the existing
+         Spanish mines are those of lead in Granada; and the supplies
+         obtained from them during the last twenty years have been so
+         large, that they have occasioned the abandonment of several less
+         productive mines in other countries, and a considerable fall in
+         the price of lead.' _M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
+         Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 705.
+
+  [1513] I use the popular language in referring coal to the inorganic
+         world, despite its cellular tissue and vegetable origin.
+
+  [1514] 'The most valuable of the whole mineral riches of Spain will be,
+         in all probability, in a few years, the iron, which is found
+         every where, and of the best qualities.' _Cook's Spain_, vol.
+         ii. p. 78. See also _Bowles_, _Historia Natural de Espana_,
+         pp. 56, 67, 106, 273, 346, 415, and _Ford's Spain_, pp. 565, 618.
+
+  [1515] 'The quantity is inexhaustible, the quality excellent, the
+         working of extraordinary facility, and they possess an easy
+         communication with the sea; yet they are practically useless,
+         and afford only a miserable existence to a few labourers and
+         mules used in conveying the mineral to Gijon.' _Cook's Spain_,
+         vol. ii. pp. 79, 80. 'In the immediate neighbourhood of Oviedo
+         are some of the largest coal-fields in Europe.' _Ford's Spain_,
+         p. 381; compare pp. 392, 606.
+
+  [1516] 'La nacion espanola posee casi quantas producciones naturales
+         puede apetecer la necesidad, o curiosidad de los hombres.'
+         _Campomanes_, _Apendice a la Educacion Popular_, vol. iv. p. vi.
+         Madrid, 1777.
+
+These are splendid gifts; it is for the historian to tell how they have
+been used. Certainly, the people who possess them have never been
+deficient in natural endowments. They have had their full share of great
+statesmen, great kings, great magistrates, and great legislators. They
+have had many able and vigorous rulers; and their history is ennobled by
+the frequent appearance of courageous and disinterested patriots, who
+have sacrificed their all, that they might help their country. The
+bravery of the people has never been disputed; while, as to the upper
+classes, the punctilious honour of a Spanish gentleman has passed into a
+bye-word, and circulated through the world. Of the nation generally, the
+best observers pronounce them to be high-minded, generous, truthful,
+full of integrity, warm and zealous friends, affectionate in all the
+private relations of life, frank, charitable, and humane.[1517] Their
+sincerity in religious matters is unquestionable;[1518] they are,
+moreover, eminently temperate and frugal.[1519] Yet, all these great
+qualities have availed them nothing, and will avail them nothing, so
+long as they remain ignorant. What the end of all this will be, and
+whether in their unhappy country the right path will ever be taken, is
+impossible for any one to say.[1520] But if it is not taken, no
+amelioration which can possibly be effected will penetrate below the
+surface. The sole course is, to weaken the superstition of the people;
+and this can only be done by that march of physical science, which,
+familiarizing men with conceptions of order and of regularity, gradually
+encroaches on the old notions of perturbation, of prodigy, and of
+miracle, and by this means accustoms the mind to explain the
+vicissitudes of affairs by natural considerations, instead of, as
+heretofore, by those which are purely supernatural.
+
+  [1517] 'Ils sont fort charitables, tant a cause du merite que l'on
+         s'acquiert par les aumones, que par l'inclination naturelle
+         qu'ils ont a donner, et la peine effective qu'ils souffrent
+         lorsqu'ils sont obliges, soit par leur pauvrete, soit par
+         quelqu'autre raison, de refuser ce qu'on leur demande. Ils ont
+         encore la bonne qualite de ne point abandonner leurs amis
+         pendant qu'ils sont malades.' ... 'De maniere que des personnes
+         qui ne se voyent point quatre fois en un an, se voyent tous les
+         jours deux ou trois fois, des qu'ils souffrent.' _D'Aulnoy_,
+         _Relation du Voyage d'Espagne_, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. p. 374.
+         'They are grave, temperate, and sober; firm and warm in their
+         friendships, though cautious and slow in contracting them.' _A
+         Tour through Spain by Udal ap Rhys_, second edition, London,
+         1760, p. 3. 'When they have once professed it, none are more
+         faithful friends.' ... 'They have great probity and integrity of
+         principle.' _Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation_,
+         London, 1763, 4to. p. 334. 'To express all that I feel, on the
+         recollection of their goodness, would appear like adulation; but
+         I may venture at least to say, that simplicity, sincerity,
+         generosity, a high sense of dignity, and strong principles of
+         honour, are the most prominent and striking features of the
+         Spanish character.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_, second
+         edition, London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 353. 'The Spaniards, though
+         naturally deep and artful politicians, have still something so
+         nobly frank and honest in their disposition.' _Letters from
+         Spain by an English Officer_, London, 1788, vol. ii. p. 171.
+         'The Spaniards have fewer bad qualities than any other people
+         that I have had the opportunity to know.' _Croker's Travels
+         through Spain_, London, 1799, pp. 237, 238. 'Spanish probity is
+         proverbial, and it conspicuously shines in commercial
+         relations.' _Laborde's Spain_, London, 1809, vol. iv. p. 423.
+         'Certainly, if it be taken in the mass, no people are more
+         humane than the Spaniards, or more compassionate and kind in
+         their feelings to others. They probably excel other nations,
+         rather than fall below them, in this respect.' _Cook's Spain_,
+         London, 1834, vol. i. p. 189. 'The Spaniards are kind-hearted in
+         all the relations of life.' _Hoskins' Spain_, London, 1851, vol.
+         ii. p. 58. Finally, I will adduce the testimony of two
+         professional politicians, both of whom were well acquainted with
+         the Spaniards. In 1770 Mr. Harris, afterwards Lord Malmesbury,
+         writes, 'They are brave, honest, and generous.' _Diaries and
+         Correspondence of the Earl of Malmesbury_, London, 1844, vol. i.
+         p. 48. And Lord Holland, according to Moore, deemed 'that the
+         Spaniards altogether are amongst the best people of Europe.'
+         _Moore's Memoirs_, _edited by Lord John Russell_, vol. iii.
+         p. 253, London, 1853.
+
+  [1518] This their whole history decisively proves; and as to their more
+         recent state, the author of _Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol.
+         i. p. 340, says: 'But religion is so deeply rooted in the
+         national character, that the most furious political storms,
+         which prostrate everything else, blow over this and leave it
+         unscathed. It is only amongst the educated male population that
+         any lack of fervour is witnessed.'
+
+  [1519] 'The habitual temperance of these people is really astonishing: I
+         never saw a Spaniard drink a second glass of wine. With the
+         lower order of people, a piece of bread with an apple, an onion,
+         or pomegranate, is their usual repast.' _Croker's Travels in
+         Spain_, London, 1799, p. 116. 'They are temperate, or rather
+         abstemious, in their living to a great degree: _borracho_ is the
+         highest term of reproach; and it is rare to see a drunken man,
+         except it be among the carriers or muleteers.' _Dalrymple's
+         Travels through Spain_, London, 1777, 4to. p. 174. 'Drunkenness
+         is a vice almost unknown in Spain among people of a respectable
+         class, and very uncommon even among the lower orders.'
+         Esmenard's note in _Godoy's Memoirs_, London, 1836, vol. ii. p.
+         321.
+
+  [1520] 'This is the most wonderful country under the sun; for here,
+         intellect wields no power.' _Inglis' Spain_, London, 1831,
+         vol. i. p. 101. 'Tandis que l'activite publique, en Espagne, se
+         porte depuis quelques annees dans la sphere des interets
+         pratiques et materiels, il semble, au contraire, qu'il y ait une
+         sorte de ralentissement dans la vie intellectuelle.' _Annuaire
+         des Deux Mondes_ for 1850, p. 410. 'La vie intellectuelle n'est
+         point, malheureusement, la sphere ou se manifeste le plus
+         d'activite en Espagne.' _Ibid._ for 1856-1857, p. 356. Now,
+         listen to the practical consequences of not giving free and
+         fearless scope to the intellect. 'It is singular, upon landing
+         in the Peninsula, and making a short excursion for a few miles
+         in any direction, to see reproduced the manners of England _five
+         centuries back_,--to find yourself thrown into the midst of a
+         society which is a close counterpart of that _extinct
+         semi-civilization_ of which no trace is to be found in our
+         history later than the close of the fourteenth century and the
+         reign of Richard the Second.' _Revelations of Spain in_ 1845 _by
+         an English Resident_, vol. ii. p. 1.
+
+To this, in the most advanced countries of Europe, every thing has been
+tending for nearly three centuries. But in Spain, unfortunately,
+education has always remained, and still remains, in the hands of the
+clergy, who steadily oppose that progress of knowledge, which they are
+well aware would be fatal to their own power.[1521] The people,
+therefore, resting ignorant, and the causes which kept them in
+ignorance continuing, it avails the country nothing, that, from time to
+time, enlightened rulers have come forward, and liberal measures been
+adopted. The Spanish reformers have, with rare exceptions, eagerly
+attacked the Church, whose authority they clearly saw ought to be
+diminished. But what they did not see is, that such diminution can be of
+no real use unless it is the result of public opinion urging on
+politicians to the work. In Spain, politicians took the initiative, and
+the people lagged behind. Hence, in Spain, what was done at one time was
+sure to be undone at another. When the liberals were in power, they
+suppressed the Inquisition; but Ferdinand VII. easily restored it,
+because, though it had been destroyed by Spanish legislators, its
+existence was suited to the habits and traditions of the Spanish
+nation.[1522] Fresh changes occurring, this odious tribunal was, in
+1820, again abolished. Still, though its form is gone, its spirit
+lives.[1523] The name, the body, and the visible appearance of the
+Inquisition, are no more; but the spirit which generated the Inquisition
+is enshrined in the hearts of the people, and, on slight provocation,
+would burst forth, and reinstate an institution which is the effect, far
+more than the cause, of the intolerant bigotry of the Spanish nation.
+
+  [1521] 'That the Spaniards, as a people, are ignorant, supremely
+         ignorant, it is impossible to dissemble; but this comes from the
+         control of education being altogether in the hands of the
+         clergy, who exert themselves to maintain that ignorance to which
+         they are indebted for their power.' _Spain by an American_, vol.
+         ii. p. 360. 'The schools in Madrid are all conducted by Jesuits;
+         and the education received in them, is such as might be expected
+         from their heads.' _Inglis' Spain_, vol. i. p. 156. 'Private
+         education here, is almost entirely in the hands of the clergy.'
+         _Revelations of Spain in 1845_, vol. ii. p. 27. In Spain, as in
+         all countries, Catholic or Protestant, the clergy, considered as
+         a body, inculcate belief instead of inquiry, and, by a sort of
+         conservative instinct, discourage that boldness of investigation
+         without which there can be no real knowledge, although there may
+         be much erudition and mere book-learning. In Spain, the clergy
+         are stronger than in any other country; therefore in Spain they
+         display this tendency more fearlessly. A good instance of this
+         may be seen in a work lately published by the Bishop of
+         Barcelona, in which a violent attack upon all physical and
+         philosophical knowledge is concluded in the following terms: 'No
+         intento recriminar a ningun catolico de los que se asocian al
+         nuevo sistema de filosofar y de extender indefinidamente el
+         imperio de esta ciencia, pero deseo que fijen toda su atencion
+         en los puntos que no hare sino indicar. Primero, que las
+         escuelas de Holanda, Alemania, Inglaterra y Francia desafectas
+         al Catolicismo, han iniciado y promovido con el mayor empeno
+         ciertas discusiones filosoficas, presentandolas como un triunfo
+         de la razon sobre la Religion, de la filosofia sobre la
+         teologia, del materialismo sobre el espiritualismo. Segundo, que
+         sus maximas no son, en gran parte, mas que reproducciones o
+         nuevas evoluciones de errores mil veces refutados y condenados
+         por la sana filosofia y por la Iglesia; bajo cuyo concepto no
+         tienen por que felicitarse en razon de su progreso, sino mas
+         bien avergonzarse por su retroceso.' _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia
+         en Espana_, Barcelona, 1857, p. 150.
+
+  [1522] 'Immediately after his arrival in Madrid, Ferdinand
+         re-established the Inquisition; and his decree for that purpose
+         was hailed throughout all Spain with illuminations,
+         thanksgivings, and other rejoicings. '_Quin's Memoirs of
+         Ferdinand VII._, London, 1824, pp. 189, 190. This and similar
+         acts gave such delight to the Church as well as to the people,
+         that, according to a great divine, the return of Ferdinand to
+         Spain is to be deemed the immediate act of Divine Providence,
+         watching over the interests of Spain. 'La divina Providencia
+         abrevio los dias de prueba, y la catolica Espana respiro cenida
+         con los laureles del triunfo, recobrando luego a su tan deseado
+         monarca, el senor rey don Fernando VII.' _Costa y Borras_,
+         _Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en Espana_, Barcelona, 1857,
+         p. 91.
+
+  [1523] 'The spirit of the Inquisition is still alive; for no king,
+         cortes, or constitution, ever permits in Spain any approach to
+         any religious toleration.' _Ford's Spain_, London, 1847, p. 60.
+         'Les cortes auraient beau permettre l'exercice du culte
+         protestant ou juif, il n'est point certain que cela ne suscitat
+         de perilleux conflits.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, _ou Histoire
+         Generale des Divers Etats_, 1854-1855, vol. v. p. 272, Paris,
+         1855; a work of considerable ability, planned on the same scheme
+         as the _Annual Register_, but far superior to it. Respecting the
+         chance of the Inquisition being again restored, compare two
+         interesting passages in _Spain by an American_, 1831, vol. ii.
+         p. 330, and _Inglis' Spain_, 1831, vol. i. p. 85. Since then,
+         the balance of affairs has, on the whole, been in favour of the
+         Church, which received a further accession of strength by the
+         success of the essentially religious war recently waged against
+         the Moors. Hence, if any fresh political catastrophe were to
+         occur in Spain, I should not be at all surprised to hear that
+         the Inquisition was re-established.
+
+In the same way, other and more systematic attacks which were made on
+the Church, during the present century, succeeded at first, but were
+sure to be eventually baffled.[1524] Under Joseph, in 1809, the monastic
+orders were suppressed, and their property was confiscated.[1525]
+Little, however, did Spain gain by this. The nation was on their
+side;[1526] and as soon as the storm passed away, they were restored. In
+1836, there was another political movement, and the liberals being at
+the head of affairs, Mendizabal secularized all the Church property, and
+deprived the clergy of nearly the whole of their enormous and ill-gotten
+wealth.[1527] He did not know how foolish it is to attack an
+institution, unless you can first lessen its influence. Overrating the
+power of legislation, he underrated the power of opinion. This, the
+result clearly showed. Within a very few years, the reaction began. In
+1845, was enacted what was called the law of devolution, by which the
+first step was taken towards the re-endowment of the clergy.[1528] In
+1851, their position was still further improved by the celebrated
+Concordat, in which the right of acquiring, as well as of possessing,
+was solemnly confirmed to them.[1529] With all this, the nation heartily
+concurred.[1530] Such, however, was the madness of the liberal party,
+that, only four years afterwards, when they for a moment obtained power,
+they forcibly annulled these arrangements, and revoked concessions which
+had been made to the Church, and which, unhappily for Spain, public
+opinion had ratified.[1531] The results might have been easily foreseen.
+In Aragon and in other parts of Spain, the people flew to arms; a
+Carlist insurrection broke out, and a cry ran through the country, that
+religion was in danger.[1532] It is impossible to benefit such a nation
+as this. The reformers were, of course, overthrown, and by the autumn of
+1856 their party was broken up. The political reaction now began, and
+advanced so rapidly, that, by the spring of 1857, the policy of the two
+preceding years was completely reversed. Those who idly thought that
+they could regenerate their country by laws, saw all their hopes
+confounded. A ministry was formed, whose measures were more in
+accordance with the national mind. In May 1857, Cortes assembled. The
+representatives of the people sanctioned the proceedings of the
+executive government, and, by their united authority, the worst
+provisions of the Concordat of 1851 were amply confirmed, the sale of
+Church property was forbidden, and all the limitations which had been
+set to the power of the bishops were at once removed.[1533]
+
+  [1524] Compare some very sensible remarks in _Bacon's Six Years in
+         Biscay_, London, 1838, pp. 40, 41, 50, with _Quin's Memoirs of
+         Ferdinand the Seventh_, pp. 192, 193.
+
+  [1525] _Walton's Revolutions of Spain_, London, 1837, vol. ii. p. 343.
+
+  [1526] Very shortly before the suppression of the monastic orders, 'Le
+         respect pour le froc en general est pousse si loin, qu'on lui
+         attribue une vertu preservative, meme au-dela de la vie, quelque
+         peu reguliere qu'elle ait ete. Aussi n'y a-t-il rien de si
+         commun que de voir les morts ensevelis en robe de moines, et
+         conduits ainsi a leur derniere demeure a visage decouvert.' ...
+         'De meme que le froc accompagne les Espagnols au tombeau, de
+         meme il en saisit quelques-uns au sortir du berceau. Il n'est
+         pas rare de rencontrer de petits moines de quatre a cinq ans
+         polissonnant dans la rue.' _Bourgoing_, _Tableau de l'Espagne_,
+         Paris, 1808, vol. ii. pp. 330, 331.
+
+  [1527] The confiscation took place at different periods between 1835 and
+         1841. Compare _Ford's Spain_, p. 48. _Revelations of Spain by an
+         English Resident_, vol. i. p. 366. _Costa y Borras_, _Iglesia en
+         Espana_, p. 95. _Annuaire des Deux Mondes for 1850_, Paris,
+         1851, p. 369. I have sought in vain for any detailed history of
+         these transactions.
+
+  [1528] 'Des 1845, une loi dite de _devolution_, en attendant un
+         reglement definitif, applique a la dotation du clerge une
+         portion des biens ecclesiastiques non vendus.' _Annuaire des
+         Deux Mondes_, 1851-2, Paris, 1852, p. 318.
+
+  [1529] 'Il y a ici un reglement solennel, sous la forme d'un traite, de
+         toutes les affaires relatives a l'eglise; c'est le concordat de
+         1851. Le concordat reconnait a l'eglise le droit d'acquerir et
+         de posseder.' _Ibid._ 1854, 1855, p. 273, Paris, 1855.
+
+  [1530] The very year in which the Concordat became law, Mr. Hoskins, the
+         well-known traveller in Africa, a gentleman evidently of
+         considerable intelligence, published, on his return from Spain,
+         an account of that country. His work is valuable, as showing the
+         state of public feeling just before the Concordat, and while the
+         Spanish clergy were still suffering from the well-intentioned,
+         but grossly injudicious acts of the liberal party. 'We visited
+         these churches on a Sunday, and were surprised to find them all
+         crowded to excess. The incomes of the clergy are greatly
+         reduced, but their fortunes are gradually reviving.' _Hoskins'
+         Spain_, London, 1851, vol. i. p. 25. 'The priests are slowly
+         re-establishing their power in Spain,' vol. ii. p. 201. 'The
+         crowded churches, and, notwithstanding the appropriation of
+         their revenues, the absence of all appearance of anything like
+         poverty in the chapels and services, prove that the Spaniards
+         are now as devout worshippers, and as zealous friends of the
+         Church, as they were in her palmy days,' vol. ii. p. 281.
+
+  [1531] 'La loi de desamortissement promulguee le 1^{er} mai, 1855,
+         ordonne, comme on sait, la mise en vente de tous les biens de
+         main-morte, et en particulier des biens qui restent encore a
+         l'eglise.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1855, 1856, p. 310. See
+         also _Annuaire_, 1854, 1855, p. 274. For an account of other
+         steps taken against the Church in the spring and summer of 1855,
+         see _Costa y Borras_, _Observaciones sobre la Iglesia en
+         Espana_, Barcelona, 1857, pp. 119, 286, 292; and respecting the
+         law of the 1st of May, see p. 247.
+
+  [1532] 'Aussi le premier mot d'ordre de l'insurrection a ete la defense
+         de la religion.' _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1854, 1855, p. 275.
+
+  [1533] _Annuaire des Deux Mondes_, 1856, 1857, pp. 315-317, 324-331,
+         336.
+
+The reader will now be able to understand the real nature of Spanish
+civilization. He will see how, under the high-sounding names of loyalty
+and religion, lurk the deadly evils which those names have always
+concealed, but which it is the business of the historian to drag to
+light and expose. A blind spirit of reverence, taking the form of an
+unworthy and ignominious submission to the Crown and the Church, is the
+capital and essential vice of the Spanish people. It is their sole
+national vice, and it has sufficed to ruin them. From it all nations
+have grievously suffered, and many still suffer. But nowhere in Europe,
+has this principle been so long supreme as in Spain. Therefore, nowhere
+else in Europe are the consequences so manifest and so fatal. The idea
+of liberty is extinct, if, indeed, in the true sense of the word, it
+ever can be said to have existed. Outbreaks, no doubt, there have been,
+and will be; but they are bursts of lawlessness, rather than of liberty.
+In the most civilized countries, the tendency always is, to obey even
+unjust laws, but while obeying them, to insist on their repeal. This is
+because we perceive that it is better to remove grievances than to
+resist them. While we submit to the particular hardship, we assail the
+system from which the hardship flows. For a nation to take this view,
+requires a certain reach of mind, which, in the darker periods of
+European history, was unattainable. Hence we find, that, in the middle
+ages, though tumults were incessant, rebellions were rare. But, since
+the sixteenth century, local insurrections, provoked by immediate
+injustice, are diminishing, and are being superseded by revolutions,
+which strike at once at the source from whence the injustice proceeds.
+There can be no doubt that this change is beneficial; partly because it
+is always good to rise from effects to causes, and partly because
+revolutions being less frequent than insurrections, the peace of society
+would be more rarely disturbed, if men confined themselves entirely to
+the larger remedy. At the same time, insurrections are generally wrong;
+revolutions are always right. An insurrection is too often the mad and
+passionate effort of ignorant persons, who are impatient under some
+immediate injury, and never stop to investigate its remote and general
+causes. But a revolution, when it is the work of the nation itself, is a
+splendid and imposing spectacle, because to the moral quality of
+indignation produced by the presence of evil, it adds the intellectual
+qualities of foresight and combination; and, uniting in the same act
+some of the highest properties of our nature, it achieves a double
+purpose, not only punishing the oppressor, but also relieving the
+oppressed.
+
+In Spain, however, there never has been a revolution, properly so
+called; there never has even been one grand national rebellion. The
+people, though often lawless, are never free. Among them, we find still
+preserved that peculiar taint of barbarism, which makes men prefer
+occasional disobedience to systematic liberty. Certain feelings there
+are of our common nature, which even their slavish loyalty cannot
+eradicate, and which, from time to time, urge them to resist injustice.
+Such instincts are happily the inalienable lot of humanity, which we
+cannot forfeit, if we would, and which are too often the last resource
+against the extravagances of tyranny. And this is all that Spain now
+possesses. The Spaniards, therefore, resist, not because they are
+Spaniards, but because they are men. Still, even while they resist, they
+revere. While they will rise up against a vexatious impost, they crouch
+before a system, of which the impost is the smallest evil. They smite
+the tax-gatherer, but fall prostrate at the feet of the contemptible
+prince for whom the tax-gatherer plies his craft. They will even revile
+the troublesome and importunate monk, or sometimes they will scoff at
+the sleek and arrogant priest; while such is their infatuation, that
+they would risk their lives in defence of that cruel Church, which has
+inflicted on them hideous calamities, but to which they still cling, as
+if it were the dearest object of their affections.
+
+Connected with these habits of mind, and in sooth forming part of them,
+we find a reverence for antiquity, and an inordinate tenacity of old
+opinions, old beliefs, and old habits, which remind us of those tropical
+civilizations which formerly flourished. Such prejudices were once
+universal even in Europe; but they began to die out in the sixteenth
+century, and are now, comparatively speaking, extinct, except in Spain,
+where they have always been welcomed. In that country, they retain their
+original force, and produce their natural results. By encouraging the
+notion, that all the truths most important to know are already known,
+they repress those aspirations, and dull that generous confidence in the
+future, without which nothing really great can be achieved. A people who
+regard the past with too wistful an eye, will never bestir themselves to
+help the onward progress; they will hardly believe that progress is
+possible. To them, antiquity is synonymous with wisdom, and every
+improvement is a dangerous innovation. In this state, Europe lingered
+for many centuries; in this state, Spain still lingers. Hence the
+Spaniards are remarkable for an inertness, a want of buoyancy, and an
+absence of hope, which, in our busy and enterprizing age, isolate them
+from the rest of the civilized world. Believing that little can be done,
+they are in no hurry to do it. Believing that the knowledge they have
+inherited, is far greater than any they can obtain, they wish to
+preserve their intellectual possessions whole and unimpaired; inasmuch
+as the least alteration in them might lessen their value. Content with
+what has been already bequeathed, they are excluded from that great
+European movement, which, first clearly perceptible in the sixteenth
+century, has ever since been steadily advancing, unsettling old
+opinions, destroying old follies, reforming and improving on every side,
+influencing even such barbarous countries as Russia and Turkey; but
+leaving Spain unscathed. While the human intellect has been making the
+most prodigious and unheard-of strides, while discoveries in every
+quarter are simultaneously pressing upon us, and coming in such rapid
+and bewildering succession, that the strongest sight, dazzled by the
+glare of their splendour, is unable to contemplate them as a whole;
+while other discoveries still more important, and still more remote from
+ordinary experience, are manifestly approaching, and may be seen looming
+in the distance, whence they are now obscurely working on the advanced
+thinkers who are nearest to them, filling their minds with those
+ill-defined, restless, and almost uneasy, feelings, which are the
+invariable harbingers of future triumph; while the veil is being rudely
+torn, and nature, violated at all points, is forced to disclose her
+secrets, and reveal her structure, her economy, and her laws, to the
+indomitable energy of man; while Europe is ringing with the noise of
+intellectual achievements, with which even despotic governments affect
+to sympathize, in order that they may divert them from their natural
+course, and use them as new instruments whereby to oppress yet more the
+liberties of the people; while, amidst this general din and excitement,
+the public mind, swayed to and fro, is tossed and agitated,--Spain
+sleeps on, untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiving no impressions
+from the rest of the world, and making no impressions upon it. There she
+lies, at the further extremity of the Continent, a huge and torpid mass,
+the sole representative now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of
+the Middle Ages. And, what is the worst symptom of all, she is satisfied
+with her own condition. Though she is the most backward country in
+Europe, she believes herself to be the foremost. She is proud of every
+thing of which she should be ashamed. She is proud of the antiquity of
+her opinions; proud of her orthodoxy; proud of the strength of her
+faith; proud of her immeasurable and childish credulity; proud of her
+unwillingness to amend either her creed or her customs; proud of her
+hatred of heretics, and proud of the undying vigilance with which she
+has baffled their efforts to obtain a full and legal establishment on
+her soil.
+
+All these things conspiring together, produce, in their aggregate, that
+melancholy exhibition to which we give the collective name of Spain. The
+history of that single word is the history of nearly every vicissitude
+of which the human species is capable. It comprises the extremes of
+strength and of weakness, of unbounded wealth and of abject poverty. It
+is the history of the mixture of different races, languages, and bloods.
+It includes almost every political combination which the wit of man can
+devise; laws infinite in variety, as well as in number; constitutions of
+all kinds, from the most stringent to the most liberal. Democracy,
+monarchy, government by priests, government by municipalities,
+government by nobles, government by representative bodies, government by
+natives, government by foreigners, have been tried, and tried in vain.
+Material appliances have been lavishly used; arts, inventions, and
+machines introduced from abroad, manufactures set up, communications
+opened, roads made, canals dug, mines worked, harbours formed. In a
+word, there has been every sort of alteration, except alterations of
+opinion; there has been every possible change, except changes in
+knowledge. And the result is, that in spite of the efforts of successive
+governments, in spite of the influence of foreign customs, and in spite
+of those physical ameliorations, which just touch the surface of
+society, but are unable to penetrate beneath, there are no signs of
+national progress; the priests are rather gaining ground than losing it;
+the slightest attack on the Church rouses the people; while, even the
+dissoluteness of the clergy, and the odious vices which, in the present
+century, have stained the throne, can do naught to lessen either the
+superstition or the loyalty which the accumulated force of many
+centuries has graven on the minds, and eaten into the hearts of the
+Spanish nation.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                        END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
+
+
+                           LONDON: PRINTED BY
+                 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+                          AND PARLIAMENT STREET
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.
+
+Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
+
+The ligature oe has been marked as [oe] and the tilde above e as [~e]
+
+The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
+
+The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
+
+  p. v: minority of Louis XIII -> XIII.
+  p. 3: _Geoffroy Saint Hilaire_ -> _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_
+  p. 6: vol. iv. p. 511, 4to. -> 4to,
+  p. 10: vol. xviii. pp. 431-436: -> 431-436;
+  p. 10: _Hist. de la Sorbonne_ -> _Hist. de la Sorbonne_,
+  p. 11: _Benoist_ -> _Benoist_,
+  p. 12: vol. xi. pp. 30, 77, 131. -> 131;
+  p. 23: _Mably's Observations_, vol. iii. p. 220: -> 220;
+  p. 24: humane and enlightend -> enlightened
+  p. 24: Historiettes de Tallement -> Tallemant
+  p. 25: prevents them from doing so. - > so.'
+  p. 27: read the contemporay -> contemporary
+  p. 29: endeavoured to instil -> instill
+  p. 30: innocence of a religious life. -> life.'
+  p. 30: Hist. of Louis XIII. -> XIII
+  p. 31: convoked at Mantes -> Nantes
+  p. 32: _Mem. de Retz_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 32: vol. v. pp. 51, seq. -> 51 seq.
+  p. 34: Tallemant des Reaux -> Reaux
+  p. 35: fils aine de l'Eglise -> l'Eglise'
+  p. 35: _[OE]conomies Royales_ -> _[OE]conomies Royales_,
+  p. 36: prix que ce fust -> fut
+  p. 37: 'Sismondi says, under -> Sismondi
+  p. 37: Felice Hist. -> Felice's Hist.
+  p. 40: livre ii. chap -> chap.
+  p. 41: interests were alogether -> altogether
+  p. 41: Element ist zurueckge reten -> zurueckgetreten
+  p. 42: with infinte -> infinite
+  p. 49: vol. xi. p. 450, vol. xii. p. -> pp.
+  p. 53: conscientiously be tolerant. -> tolerant.'
+  p. 54: Lettres d'un Francais -> Francois
+  p. 56: processions whorever -> wherever
+  p. 60: Tallement des Reaux -> Tallemant des Reaux
+  p. 62: Bearn demanderent aussytost -> aussytot
+  p. 63: Mem. de Montglat -> Mem. de Montglat
+  p. 63: Mem de Montglat -> Mem. de Montglat
+  p. 75: 'The Edict of Nismes -> The
+  p. 78: Hist. des Mathemat. -> Mathemat.
+  p. 78: vol. ii. pp. 419-421 -> pp. 419-421;
+  p. 79: _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 364: -> p. 364;
+  p. 80: greatest mathemetician -> mathematician
+  p. 83: tout ce qu -> qui
+  p. 88: p. 432. Compare vol -> vol.
+  p. 88: _Berkeley's Works_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 90: _[OE]uvres de Descartes_, vol. ii -> vol. ii.
+  p. 91: _[OE]uvres_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 91: 8vo. 1847 -> 8vo., 1847
+  p. 91: _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii, pp. 220 -> vol. ii. p. 220
+  p. 91: Auf das innigste verbunden -> 'Auf
+  p. 94: 242, 342, 498 -> 242, 342, 498,
+  p. 95: _Lettres de Patin_, vol. iii. p. 153: -> p. 153;
+  p. 95: _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 258: -> p. 258;
+  p. 95: _Leslie's Nat. Philos._ p. 121: -> p. 121;
+  p. 97: Hist de l'Edit de Nantes -> Hist.
+  p. 100: _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 110: faith, of sceptism -> scepticism
+  p. 111: vol. i. pp. 5, 64: -> 64;
+  p. 114: Mills's Hist. of Chivalry -> Mills' Hist. of Chivalry
+  p. 115: Brougham's Polit. Philos -> Philos.
+  p. 117: Compare, _Meyer_ -> Compare _Meyer_
+  p. 120: canaille, des qu on -> qu'on
+  p. 121: Les etats-generaux -> 'Les etats-generaux
+  p. 122: began to excercise -> exercise
+  p. 123: energique de la centralisation') -> centralisation'
+  p. 123: couvent ni college -> college
+  p. 125: 1843, _in_ -> in
+  p. 125: _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol, -> vol.
+  p. 129: p. 118: _Saint Aulaire_ -> p. 118; _Sainte-Aulaire_
+  p. 135: which deprived knightnood -> knighthood
+  p. 136: _Hist. de France_ -> _Hist. de France_,
+  p. 137: _Milice Francoise_ -> _Milice Francaise_
+  p. 137: vol. ii. p. 582; _Sully_ -> _Sully_,
+  p. 137: vol. iv. pp. 27, 28, 152, -> 152;
+  p. 143: Collier's Eccles. Hist -> Hist.
+  p. 144: (reprinted London, 1842), p -> p.
+  p. 149: 401, 476: -> 476;
+  p. 149: p. 78; Hutchison's -> Hutchinson's
+  p. 150: Mem. de Retz -> Mem. de Retz
+  p. 152: part. i. pp. 28, 29 -> part i. pp. 28, 29
+  p. 153: _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 154: laid, the slighest -> slightest
+  p. 158: Holland the linke-boy -> link-boy
+  p. 158: part. i. p. 167. -> part i. p. 167.
+  p. 166: _Mem. d'Omer Talon_, vol. iii. p. 6.; -> p. 6;
+  p. 168: Saint Aulaire -> Saint-Aulaire
+  p. 168: _Mem. de Retz_ vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 169: _Mem. de Motteville_ -> _Mem. de Motteville_,
+  p. 170: vol ii. p. 357 -> vol. ii. p. 357
+  p. 178: Capefigue's Louis XIV -> XIV.
+  p. 178: tyranny of the clergy -> clergy.
+  p. 179: the feet of others -> others.
+  p. 180: vol. v. pp 887-889 -> vol. v. pp. 887-889
+  p. 181: _Hist. de l'Economie Politique_, vol. ii, -> vol.
+  p. 181: les plus industrieux," -> industrieux,'
+  p. 182: brillant d'une clarte -> clarte
+  p. 187: apostles of knowlege -> knowledge
+  p. 190: _Philos Pos._ -> _Philos. Pos._
+  p. 190: vol. ii. pp. 627, 628 -> vol. ii. pp. 627, 628.
+  p. 191: _Aubrey's Letters_. -> _Aubrey's Letters_,
+  p. 191: vol ii. p. 624. -> vol. ii. p. 624.
+  p. 192: et de Booerhaave -> Boerhaave
+  p. 195: part. ii. p 42 -> part. ii. p. 42
+  p. 199: _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 200: _Royal Society_. -> _Royal Society_,
+  p. 201: corner-stone of the Linnean -> Linnaean
+  p. 201: Gesch der Botanik -> Gesch. der Botanik
+  p. 207: _Ibid._ xxiii. p, 496. -> p. 496.
+  p. 207: vol. xxxvi p. 42 -> vol. xxxvi p. 42.
+  p. 208: state of degradation.' -> degradation.
+  p. 209: both in 1639. _Biog. Univ_ -> _Biog. Univ._
+  p. 211: was only saved by -> 'was only saved by
+  p. 211: Lock, who was -> Locke, who was
+  p. 212: Lady Mary Wortley Montague -> Montagu
+  p. 213: Hist. des Francais -> Francais
+  p. 213: _Duclos_, _Memoires_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 214: Lettres de Sevigne -> Sevigne
+  p. 215: sur la poesie epique. -> epique.'
+  p. 216: ses amities, il n'etait -> n'etait
+  p. 217: vol. i. 341 -> vol. i. p. 341
+  p. 218: _Le Blanc_, _Lettres_, vol. 1. -> vol. i.
+  p. 218: _Corresp._ vol. 1. p. 352; -> vol. i. p. 352,
+  p. 219: Mem de Morellet -> Mem. de Morellet
+  p. 220: _Biog Univ._ iii. 253 -> _Biog. Univ._ iii. 253
+  p. 221: _Biog. Univ._ l. 42. -> _Biog. Univ._ i. 42.
+  p. 221: _Murray's Life of Bruce_, 121, -> 121;
+  p. 223: _Biog. Univ._ xlviii. 217. 218. -> 217, 218.
+  p. 227: vol. ii. p. 291.' -> 291.
+  p. 228: even from the king himself. -> himself.'
+  p. 234: croire que les ministres -> ministres
+  p. 238: by Reboulet, in 1752: -> in 1752;
+  p. 238: Anomalies, de l'Organisation -> Anomalies de l'Organisation
+  p. 241: _Biog. Univ._ xi. 314 -> xi. p. 314
+  p. 242: Vie de Rosseau -> Rousseu
+  p. 242: Quel est aujourd'hui -> 'Quel est aujourd'hui
+  p. 242: _Grimm_. _Corresp._ -> _Grimm_, _Corresp._
+  p. 243: de cachet pour enleve -> enlever
+  p. 245: vol. i. p. 141, vol -> vol.
+  p. 246: Les reproches d'avoir -> 'Les
+  p. 248: first heard in France -> France.
+  p. 253: vol. iii. pp. 178, 179: -> 179;
+  p. 253: Dieu d'etre protestants. -> protestants.'
+  p. 259: the most obnoxious laws -> laws.
+  p. 262: to ecclesiastical dogmas, -> dogmas.
+  p. 265: et regna dix ans -> et regna dix ans,'
+  p. 265: conseillers, pour scauoir -> scavoir
+  p. 266: vol. viii. p. 101-117 -> vol. viii. pp. 101-117
+  p. 270: _Methode pour etudier l'Histoire_ -> _l'Histoire_,
+  p. 271: undergone from the griping -> gripping
+  p. 271: la cour.' _Le Long_ -> _Le Long_,
+  p. 273: _Francois, in Memoires_ -> _Francois_, in _Memoires_
+  p. 275: _Etablissement de Louis_ -> _Etablissement de Louis XIV_
+  p. 276: Lettres de Sevigne -> Sevigne
+  p. 277: Madame de Sevigne -> Sevigne
+  p. 277: Lettres de Sevigne -> Sevigne
+  p. 283: Lettres de Sevigne -> Sevigne
+  p. 283: _Lettres de Sevigne_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 283: stated by Sismondi -> _Sismondi_
+  p. 293: Charles XII, l'homme -> 'Charles
+  p. 300: descriptions de sieges -> sieges
+  p. 301: combats et des sieges -> sieges
+  p. 303: _Milman's History of Christianity_, 1840, vol -> vol.
+  p. 303: _in [OE]uvres de Voltaire_ -> in _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_
+  p. 303: History of the Church. -> Church
+  p. 311: article on Chronology, vol -> vol.
+  p. 318: livre xiv. chap. ii, -> chap. ii.,
+  p. 320: _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 326: intuitives Erkenntniss klaerer -> klarer
+  p. 326: an sichgleich -> an sich gleich
+  p. 330: Mem. sur Lebrun -> Le Brun
+  p. 330: _Brougham's Men of Letters_, vol, -> vol.
+  p. 334: letter written in 1751 -> 1751.
+  p. 335: Lavalle -> Lavallee
+  p. 339: Stauedlin -> Staeudlin
+  p. 352: Hist. du Jacobin -> Jacobin.
+  p. 352: vol. ii. pp. 250 350 -> 250, 350
+  p. 353: their awowed -> avowed
+  p. 360: L'imagination est la -> 'L'imagination
+  p. 391: _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp. 23-25 -> 23-25.
+  p. 391: (vol. ii p. 8) -> (vol. ii. p. 8)
+  p. 395: environ huit mille especes; -> especes;'
+  p. 398: Hence the removal -> removal
+  p. 404: a son histoire.' _Georget_ -> _Georget_,
+  p. 407: vol. x. p. 341, vol -> vol.
+  p. 412: Mem. sur Marie Antoinette -> Mem. sur Marie-Antoinette
+  p. 416: _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 432: frightful desolation there. -> there.'
+  p. 440: 509, 561. _Lafuente_ -> _Lafuente_,
+  p. 445: Isabella may be -> 'Isabella may be
+  p. 446: vol. i. p. 23, London, 1857 -> 1857.
+  p. 450: vol. xxxiv, p. 273. -> vol. xxxiv. p. 273.
+  p. 453: One of the most -> [60] One of the most
+  p. 454: et action necessaire. -> necessaire,
+  p. 454: devinast le reste. -> reste,
+  p. 459: je vous l'ai deja -> deja
+  p. 459: vous conduise, je na'i -> n'ai?
+  p. 471: tenement or pelting farm. -> farm.'
+  p. 472: _Historia de Felipe Tercero_ -> _Historia de Felipe Tercero_,
+  p. 473: desmedido.' _Lafuente_ -> _Lafuente_,
+  p. 480: _Ibid._ vol. ii, -> vol. ii.
+  p. 481: de su santo servido. -> servido,
+  p. 483: decayeron en Espana. -> Espana.'
+  p. 489: M. Janer or to M. Lafuente.' -> Lafuente.
+  p. 494: evidence, says, "Il -> says, 'Il
+  p. 496: people. It is ou -> our
+  p. 496: expectations were ulfilled -> fulfilled
+  p. 502: _Theorica de Comercio_. -> _Theorica de Comercio_,
+  p. 510: et point de frein. -> frein.'
+  p. 510: 'In 1681, the French -> In
+  p. 510: de la reine, de meme. -> meme.'
+  p. 512: _Historia de Espana_ -> _Historia de Espana_,
+  p. 520: a clerk under Orri -> Orry
+  p. 520: l'incapacite des sujets -> 'l'incapacite
+  p. 527: Ellis' Original Letters -> Ellis's Original Letters
+  p. 529: parce que les systemes -> systemes
+  p. 533: London, 1831, vol -> vol.
+  p. 533: son medecin particulier, -> particulier.'
+  p. 539: Dublin, 1781, pp. 227-229 -> 227-229.
+  p. 546: ecclesiastical power[26] -> power[264]
+  p. 547: vol. v. p. 295. Paris -> 295, Paris
+  p. 553: Civilizacion, Espanola -> Civilizacion Espanola
+  p. 553: atropellada en su inmunidad. -> inmunidad.'
+  p. 556: Historia de ->  del
+  p. 560: Reinado de Carlos III -> III.
+  p. 568: the regularity of them -> their
+  p. 568: Looking at their -> them
+  p. 574: que les gouvernemens. -> gouvernemens.'
+  p. 575: Prescott's History of Ferdidinand -> Ferdinand
+  p. 587: order of people, a peace -> piece
+  p. 590: De meme que le froc -> 'De meme que le froc
+  p. 591: vol. ii. p. 281 -> 281.
+  p. 595: but leaving Spain unscathed -> unscathed.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,
+Vol. 2 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
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