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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 1
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 1 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44493]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, I ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                                HISTORY
+                                   OF
+                        CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+                                   BY
+                          HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
+
+
+                           IN THREE VOLUMES.
+                                VOL. I.
+
+
+                             _NEW EDITION._
+
+
+                                TORONTO:
+                    ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
+                            60 YORK STREET.
+                                 1878.
+
+
+
+
+                     ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+  STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THE
+  REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND
+  PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE
+  CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES.
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+  Materials for writing history                                       1-3
+
+  Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians                   4-5
+
+  Object of the present work                                            6
+
+  Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due
+  to chance or to supernatural interference                             8
+
+  Probable origin of free-will and predestination                    9-12
+
+  Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis
+  of free-will                                                      12-16
+
+  The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which
+  exist either in the human mind or in the external world           18-20
+
+  Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and
+  of nature by man                                                  20-21
+
+  Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to
+  murder and other crimes                                           22-26
+
+  Similar proof respecting suicides                                 27-29
+
+  Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted       31-32
+
+  And respecting the number of letters sent undirected                 32
+
+  The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most
+  influenced human actions; and therefore there can be no
+  history without physical science                                  33-35
+
+  NOTE A. Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity             35-38
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+
+  INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY
+  AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS.
+
+  Man is affected by four classes of physical agents; namely,
+  climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature             39-41
+
+  Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth           41-51
+
+  Their operation on the distribution of wealth                     51-64
+
+  Illustrations of these principles from Ireland                    65-67
+
+  From Hindustan                                                    69-82
+
+  From Egypt                                                        82-93
+
+  From Central America                                              93-94
+
+  And from Mexico and Peru                                             95
+
+  Operation of physical laws in Brazil                            101-108
+
+  Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination
+  and the understanding                                           118-119
+
+  Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man;
+  under others, man more than nature                                  120
+
+  In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than
+  the understanding, and to this class all the earliest
+  civilizations belong                                            120-121
+
+  The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes         122-124
+
+  And by danger generally                                         125-126
+
+  Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious             126-130
+
+  From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are
+  mainly influenced by the imagination, those in Europe by the
+  understanding                                                   130-132
+
+  This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan
+  and Greece                                                      132-147
+
+  Further illustration from Central America                       147-148
+
+  Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food
+  and animal heat                                                 148-151
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOR DISCOVERING
+  MENTAL LAWS.
+
+  In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established,
+  which broadly separate Europe from other parts of the world     152-156
+
+  Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical
+  laws the mental are the more important for the history of
+  Europe                                                          156-157
+
+  Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizing
+  mental laws                                                     158-165
+
+  Failure of these methods                                        165-167
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.
+
+  MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND
+  INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE
+  PROGRESS OF SOCIETY.
+
+  The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to
+  the metaphysical method                                         168-174
+
+  The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual      174-175
+
+  Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element               175
+
+  There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve  176-177
+
+  Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the
+  circumstances under which the faculties come into play              178
+
+  The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes
+  of action must be variable                                          179
+
+  But moral truths have not changed                                   179
+
+  And intellectual truths are constantly changing                     181
+
+  Intellectual truths are the cause of progress                       182
+
+  Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity   183-185
+
+  Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain                       185-188
+
+  The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the
+  progress of knowledge                                           188-190
+
+  The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause 190-192
+
+  Illustrations from Russia and Turkey                            195-197
+
+  As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming
+  soldiers                                                            198
+
+  Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe     198-202
+
+  The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge
+  has lessened the warlike spirit are:
+  1. The invention of gunpowder                                   203-209
+  2. The discoveries made by political economists                 210-211
+  3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling           219-223
+
+  Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress       224-226
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+  INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND
+  GOVERNMENT.
+
+  Recapitulation of preceding arguments                               227
+
+  Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society
+  in the aggregate                                                228-229
+
+  This being as yet little understood, historians have not
+  collected proper materials for writing history                      230
+
+  Reasons why the present history is restricted to England        231-235
+
+  Comparison of the history of England with that of France        235-236
+
+  With that of Germany                                            237-240
+
+  With that of the United States of America                       240-242
+
+  Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual
+  progress                                                          243
+
+  Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories
+  of Germany, America, France, Spain, and Scotland                244-246
+
+  Deductive spirit in Scotland                                    246-252
+
+  Influence of religion on the progress of society                253-266
+
+  Illustration from the efforts of missionaries                   254-256
+
+  Illustration from the Hebrews                                   257-258
+
+  Illustration from the early history of Christianity             259-262
+
+  And from Sweden and Scotland                                    263-266
+
+  Influence of literature on the progress of society              268-272
+
+  Influence of government on the progress of society              272-287
+
+  Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws                          273-274
+
+  The best legislation abrogates former legislation                   275
+
+  The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade    276-278
+
+  Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes 278-280
+
+  They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury                  281-283
+
+  By their laws against usury they have increased usury           283-284
+
+  By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge       284-285
+
+  England has been less interfered with in these ways than
+  other nations, and is therefore more prosperous than they       286-287
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VI.
+
+  ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE
+  AGES.
+
+  Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations              288
+
+  An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw
+  light on the changes in society                                 289-290
+
+  The earliest histories are ballads                              291-295
+
+  One cause of error in history was the invention of writing      296-300
+
+  A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its
+  early history                                                   300-307
+
+  But the most active cause of all was the influence of the
+  clergy                                                          307-308
+
+  Absurdities which were consequently believed                    309-317
+
+  Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin  318-321
+
+  And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey                 321-325
+
+  The first improvement in writing history began in the
+  fourteenth and fifteenth centuries                                  325
+
+  But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines        327-328
+
+  And in the predictions of St[oe]ffler respecting the Deluge         330
+
+  Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth               331-332
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE
+  SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the
+  state of the age                                                    333
+
+  The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement        334
+
+  Hence the supreme importance of scepticism                      335-336
+
+  Origin of religious toleration in England                           337
+
+  Hooker contrasted with Jewel                                    339-343
+
+  Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects              343-346
+
+  This tendency displayed in Chillingworth                        347-350
+
+  Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel                        350
+
+  Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing
+  indifference to theological matters                             352-355
+
+  Great advantage of this                                         356-358
+
+  Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority
+  assumes a political character                                   359-361
+
+  Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court                363
+
+  Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne                 365-367
+
+  Its influence upon Boyle                                        367-370
+
+  It causes the establishment of the Royal Society                    371
+
+  Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the
+  clergy to oppose it                                                 372
+
+  The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because
+  it lessens their own power                                      372-373
+
+  Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and
+  agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics          375-380
+
+  Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite
+  of political degradation                                        380-386
+
+  These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring
+  spirit                                                          387-388
+
+  Aided by the vices of the king                                      388
+
+  And by his dislike of the church                                    389
+
+  He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy    390-393
+
+  The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with
+  James II.                                                       394-396
+
+  This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence    397-399
+
+  The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about
+  the Revolution of 1688                                          399-400
+
+  Importance of the Revolution                                    401-403
+
+  But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act          403
+
+  Hostility between them and William III.                         405-410
+
+  Hence a schism in the church                                    410-413
+
+  Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism                    413-414
+
+  Convocation first despised, and then abolished                  414-415
+
+  After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to
+  secular professions, and avoided entering the church                415
+
+  The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their
+  numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament                 416-418
+
+  The church rallied for a moment under Anne                      418-420
+
+  But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and
+  Whitefield                                                      420-424
+
+  Theology separated from morals and from politics                424-426
+
+  Rapid succession of sceptical controversies                     427-429
+
+  Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form       430-433
+
+  Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates    433-434
+
+  Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence       436
+
+  Corresponding change in the style of authors                    436-439
+
+  Hence great reforms became inevitable                           439-440
+
+  This tendency was aided by George I. and George II.             441-443
+
+  But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous
+  political reaction                                              444-446
+
+  Ignorance of George III.                                            446
+
+  Subserviency of Pitt                                            446-449
+
+  Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of
+  great men                                                       449-451
+
+  Deterioration of the House of Lords                             451-455
+
+  Ability and accomplishments of Burke                            458-461
+
+  He opposed the views of George III., and was neglected by him   462-467
+
+  Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence                  467-476
+
+  The king now favoured him                                       476-477
+
+  Policy of George III. respecting America                        478-482
+
+  This policy reacted upon England                                482-483
+
+  Policy in regard to France                                      483-486
+
+  This also reacted upon England                                      486
+
+  And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England    487-493
+
+  Which were zealously enforced by the executive                  494-496
+
+  Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth
+  century                                                         496-498
+
+  But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction
+  was preparing                                                   498-502
+
+  To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion,
+  England owes her great reforms of the nineteenth century        502-505
+
+
+
+
+                        LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED.
+
+
+[In order to assist those who wish to verify my references, and also
+with the view of indicating the nature and extent of the materials which
+I have used, I have drawn up the following list of the principal works
+quoted. When no edition is mentioned, the size is 8vo _et infra_. When
+the name of the author is enclosed between brackets, the book is
+anonymous; but in such cases I have usually subjoined some authority who
+gives evidence of the authorship.]
+
+[Aarsens de Sommerdyck] Voyage d'Espagne, fait en l'année 1655. Paris,
+1665. 4to. Barbier (_Dictionnaire des Ouvrages Anonymes_, vol. ii. p.
+468, Paris, 1806) refers to an edition of 1666.
+
+Abd-Allatif, Relation de l'Égypte, traduite par Silvestre de Sacy.
+Paris, 1810. 4to.
+
+Aberdeen: Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen,
+from 1398 to 1570, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1844. 4to.
+
+Ibid., from 1570 to 1625, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1848.
+4to.
+
+Abernethy (J.) The Hunterian Oration for the year 1819. London, 1819.
+
+Abernethy (M. I.) Physicke for the Soule. London, 1622. 4to.
+
+Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland from 1124 to 1707. London,
+1814-1844. 11 vols. folio.
+
+Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland,
+from 1560 to 1618. Edinburgh, 1839-1845. 3 vols. 4to.
+
+Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from 1638 to
+1842. Edinburgh, 1843.
+
+Adams (J.) Memoirs of the Life and Doctrines of John Hunter. 2nd edit.
+London, 1818.
+
+Adolphus (J.) History of England from the accession of George III.
+London, 1840-1845. 7 vols.
+
+Aguesseau (Chancelier d') Lettres inédites. Paris, 1823. 2 vols.
+
+Aikin (L.) Life of Addison. London, 1843. 2 vols.
+
+Albemarle (Earl of) Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham. Lond. 1852. 2
+vols.
+
+Alberoni (Cardinal) The History of. London, 1719.
+
+Alison (Sir A.) History of Europe, from the commencement of the French
+Revolution to 1815. Edinburgh, 1849, 1850. 14 vols.
+
+Allen (J.) Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England. London,
+1849. Anderson (J.) Prize Essay on the State of Society and Knowledge
+in the Highlands of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1827.
+
+Antequera (D. J. M.) Historia de la Legislacion Española. Madrid, 1849.
+
+Argyll (The Duke of) Presbytery Examined. London, 1848.
+
+Arnold (Dr.) Lectures on Modern History. London, 1843.
+
+Arnot (H.) The History of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1788. 4to.
+
+Asiatic Researches. London and Calcutta, 1799-1836. 20 vols. 4to.
+
+Aubrey (J.) Letters and Lives of Eminent Men. London, 1813. 2 vols.
+
+Audigier (M.) L'Origine des François. Paris, 1676. 2 vols.
+
+Azara (F.) Voyages dans l'Amérique Méridionale. Paris, 1809. 4 vols.
+
+
+Bacallar (V.) Commentarios de la Guerra de España, e Historia de su Rey
+Phelipe V. Genova. 2 vols. 4to (no date).
+
+Bacon (J. F.) Six Years in Biscay. London, 1838.
+
+Baillie (R.) Letters and Journals from 1637 to 1662, edited by D. Laing.
+Edinburgh, 1841-1842. 3 vols.
+
+Bain (A.) The Senses and the Intellect. London, 1855.
+
+Bakewell (R.) Introduction to Geology. London, 1838.
+
+Balfour (Sir J.) Historical Works, containing the Annals of Scotland.
+London, 1825. 4 vols.
+
+Balfour (J. H.) A Manual of Botany. London, 1849.
+
+Bancroft (G.) History of the American Revolution. London, 1852-1854. 3
+vols.
+
+Bannatyne (J.) Journal of Transactions in Scotland, from 1570 to 1573.
+Edinburgh, 1806.
+
+Barante (M.) Tableau de la Littérature Française au XVIII^e Siècle.
+Paris, 1847.
+
+Barrington (D.) Observations on the Statutes. 5th edit. London, 1796.
+4to.
+
+Barruel (L'Abbé) Mémoires pour l'Histoire du Jacobinisme. Hambourg,
+1803. 5 vols.
+
+Barry (G.) History of the Orkney Islands. Edinburgh, 1805. 4to.
+
+Bassompierre (Maréchal de) Mémoires. Paris, 1822, 1823. 3 vols.
+
+Bates (G.) Account of the late Troubles in England. London, 1685. 2
+vols.
+
+Baxter (R.) Life and Times, by himself. Published by M. Sylvester.
+London, 1696. Folio. 3 parts.
+
+Bazin (M. A.) Histoire de France sous Louis XIII. Paris, 1838. 4 vols.
+
+Beausobre (M.) Histoire Critique de Manichée et du Manichéisme.
+Amsterdam, 1734-9. 2 vols. 4to.
+
+Béclard (P. A.) Éléments d'Anatomie Générale. Paris, 1852.
+
+Bedford Correspondence, edited by Lord J. Russell. 1842-1846. 3 vols.
+
+Beechey (F. W.) Voyage to the Pacific. London, 1831. 2 vols. Belsham
+(W.) History of Great Britain, from 1688 to 1802. London, 1805. 12 vols.
+[Of this work I have used only the last seven volumes, which refer to a
+period for which Belsham was a contemporary authority. The earlier
+volumes are worthless.]
+
+[Benoist] Histoire de l'Édit de Nantes. Delft, 1693-1695. 5 vols. 4to.
+
+Berkeley (Bishop of Cloyne) Works. London, 1843. 2 vols.
+
+Berwick (Maréchal de) Mémoires écrits par lui-même. Paris, 1778. 2 vols.
+
+Bichat (X.) Traité des Membranes. Paris, 1802.
+
+Bichat (X.) Anatomie Générale. Paris, 1821. 4 vols.
+
+Bichat (X.) Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort, édit. Magendie. Paris,
+1829.
+
+Binning (H.) Sermons, edited by J. Cochrane. Edinburgh, 1839, 1840. 3
+vols.
+
+Biographie Universelle. Paris, 1811-1828. 52 vols.
+
+Birch (T.) Life of Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury. London, 1753.
+
+Bisset (R.) Life of Edmund Burke. 2nd edit. London, 1800. 2 vols.
+
+Black (J.) Lectures on Chemistry, edited by John Robison. Edinburgh,
+1803. 2 vols. 4to.
+
+Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England. London, 1809. 4 vols.
+
+Blainville (D.) Physiologie Générale et Comparée. Paris, 1833. 3 vols.
+
+Blair (R.) Autobiography, from 1593 to 1636; with a continuation to
+1680, by W. Row, edited by T. M'Crie for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh,
+1848.
+
+Blanqui (M.) Histoire de l'Économie Politique en Europe. Paris, 1845. 2
+vols.
+
+Bogue (D.) and Bennett (J.) History of the Dissenters, from 1688 to
+1808. London, 1808-1812. 4 vols.
+
+Bohlen (P.) Das alte Indien, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Aegypten.
+Königsberg, 1830. 2 vols.
+
+[Boisel] Journal du Voyage d'Espagne. Paris, 1669. 4to. See Barbier,
+_Dict. des Ouvr. Anonymes_, vol. ii. p. 621, Paris. 1806.
+
+Bordas-Demoulin, Le Cartésianisme. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.
+
+Bossuet (Évêque de Meaux) Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle. Paris,
+1844.
+
+Boston (T.) Sermons. Glasgow, 1752.
+
+Boston (T.) Human Nature in its Four-fold State. Reprinted, London,
+1809.
+
+Bouillaud (J.) Philosophie Médicale. Paris, 1836.
+
+Bouillé (M. de) Mémoires sur la Révolution Française. Paris, 1801-9. 2
+vols.
+
+Bouillier (M.) Histoire des divers Corps de la Maison Militaire des Rois
+de France. Paris, 1818.
+
+Boulainvilliers (Comte) Histoire de l'Ancien Gouvernement de la France.
+La Haye, 1727. 3 vols.
+
+Bourgoing (J. F.) Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne,
+quatrième édition. Paris, 1807. 3 vols.
+
+Bouterwek (F.) History of Spanish and Portuguese Literature. London,
+1823. 2 vols.
+
+Bowdich (T. E.) Mission to Ashantee. London, 1819. 4to.
+
+Bower (A.) History of the University of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1817-1830.
+3 vols.
+
+Bowles (G.) Introduccion á la Historia Natural y á la Geografía Física
+de España. Tercera edicion. Madrid, 1789. 4to.
+
+Bowles (W. L.) Life of Bishop Ken. London, 1830, 1831. 2 vols.
+
+Boyle (R.) Works. London, 1744. 5 vols. folio.
+
+Brand (A.) Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland-Firth, and
+Caithness. Edinburgh, 1701.
+
+Brande (W. T.) A Manual of Chemistry. London, 1848. 2 vols.
+
+Brewster (Sir D.) Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton. Edinburgh, 1855. 2 vols.
+
+Brienne (L. H. de Loménie) Mémoires inédits. Paris, 1828. 2 vols.
+
+Brissot (J. P.) Mémoires. Paris, 1830. 2 vols.
+
+British Association for Advancement of Science, Reports of. London,
+1833-1853. 21 vols.
+
+Brodie (Sir B.) Lectures on Pathology and Surgery. London, 1846.
+
+Brodie (Sir B.) Physiological Researches. London, 1851.
+
+Brougham (Lord) Sketches of Statesmen in the time of George III. London,
+1845. 6 vols.
+
+Brougham (Lord) Lives of Men of Letters and Science in the time of
+George III. London, 1845-1847. 2 vols.
+
+Brougham (Lord) Political Philosophy. 2nd edit. London, 1849. 3 vols.
+
+Broussais (F. J. V.) Examen des Doctrines Médicales. Paris, 1829-1834. 4
+vols.
+
+Broussais (F. J. V.) Cours de Phrénologie. Paris, 1836.
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+
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+
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+
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+1848. 4to.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+                  HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+                        _GENERAL INTRODUCTION._
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+     STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF
+     THE REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY
+     MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE
+     STUDIED, AND THERE CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES.
+
+
+Of all the great branches of human knowledge, history is that upon which
+most has been written, and which has always been most popular. And it
+seems to be the general opinion that the success of historians has, on
+the whole, been equal to their industry; and that if on this subject
+much has been studied, much also is understood.
+
+This confidence in the value of history is very widely diffused, as we
+see in the extent to which it is read, and in the share it occupies in
+all plans of education. Nor can it be denied that, in a certain point of
+view, such confidence is perfectly justifiable. It cannot be denied that
+materials have been collected which, when looked at in the aggregate,
+have a rich and imposing appearance. The political and military annals
+of all the great countries in Europe, and of most of those out of
+Europe, have been carefully compiled, put together in a convenient form,
+and the evidence on which they rest has been tolerably well sifted.
+Great attention has been paid to the history of legislation, also to
+that of religion: while considerable, though inferior, labour has been
+employed in tracing the progress of science, of literature, of the fine
+arts, of useful inventions, and, latterly, of the manners and comforts
+of the people. In order to increase our knowledge of the past,
+antiquities of every kind have been examined; the sites of ancient
+cities have been laid bare, coins dug up and deciphered, inscriptions
+copied, alphabets restored, hieroglyphics interpreted, and, in some
+instances, long-forgotten languages reconstructed and re-arranged.
+Several of the laws which regulate the changes of human speech have been
+discovered, and, in the hands of philologists, have been made to
+elucidate even the most obscure periods in the early migration of
+nations. Political economy has been raised to a science, and by it much
+light has been thrown on the causes of that unequal distribution of
+wealth which is the most fertile source of social disturbance.
+Statistics have been so sedulously cultivated, that we have the most
+extensive information, not only respecting the material interests of
+men, but also respecting their moral peculiarities; such as, the amount
+of different crimes, the proportion they bear to each other, and the
+influence exercised over them by age, sex, education, and the like. With
+this great movement physical geography has kept pace: the phenomena of
+climate have been registered, mountains measured, rivers surveyed and
+tracked to their source, natural productions of all kinds carefully
+studied, and their hidden properties unfolded: while every food which
+sustains life has been chemically analysed, its constituents numbered
+and weighed, and the nature of the connexion between them and the human
+frame has, in many cases, been satisfactorily ascertained. At the same
+time, and that nothing should be left undone which might enlarge our
+knowledge of the events by which man is affected, there have been
+instituted circumstantial researches in many other departments; so that
+in regard to the most civilized people, we are now acquainted with the
+rate of their mortality, of their marriages, the proportion of their
+births, the character of their employments, and the fluctuations both
+in their wages and in the prices of the commodities necessary to their
+existence. These and similar facts have been collected, methodized, and
+are ripe for use. Such results, which form, as it were, the anatomy of a
+nation, are remarkable for their minuteness; and to them there have been
+joined other results less minute, but more extensive. Not only have the
+actions and characteristics of the great nations been recorded, but a
+prodigious number of different tribes in all the parts of the known
+world have been visited and described by travellers, thus enabling us to
+compare the condition of mankind in every stage of civilization, and
+under every variety of circumstance. When we moreover add, that this
+curiosity respecting our fellow-creatures is apparently insatiable; that
+it is constantly increasing; that the means of gratifying it are also
+increasing, and that most of the observations which have been made are
+still preserved;--when we put all these things together, we may form a
+faint idea of the immense value of that vast body of facts which we now
+possess, and by the aid of which the progress of mankind is to be
+investigated.
+
+But if, on the other hand, we are to describe the use that has been made
+of these materials, we must draw a very different picture. The
+unfortunate peculiarity of the history of man is, that although its
+separate parts have been examined with considerable ability, hardly any
+one has attempted to combine them into a whole, and ascertain the way in
+which they are connected with each other. In all the other great fields
+of inquiry, the necessity of generalization is universally admitted, and
+noble efforts are being made to rise from particular facts in order to
+discover the laws by which those facts are governed. So far, however, is
+this from being the usual course of historians, that among them a
+strange idea prevails, that their business is merely to relate events,
+which they may occasionally enliven by such moral and political
+reflections as seem likely to be useful. According to this scheme, any
+author who from indolence of thought, or from natural incapacity, is
+unfit to deal with the highest branches of knowledge, has only to pass
+some years in reading a certain number of books, and then he is
+qualified to be an historian; he is able to write the history of a great
+people, and his work becomes an authority on the subject which it
+professes to treat.
+
+The establishment of this narrow standard has led to results very
+prejudicial to the progress of our knowledge. Owing to it, historians,
+taken as a body, have never recognized the necessity of such a wide and
+preliminary study as would enable them to grasp their subject in the
+whole of its natural relations. Hence the singular spectacle of one
+historian being ignorant of political economy; another knowing nothing
+of law; another nothing of ecclesiastical affairs and changes of
+opinion; another neglecting the philosophy of statistics, and another
+physical science: although these topics are the most essential of all,
+inasmuch as they comprise the principal circumstances by which the
+temper and character of mankind have been affected, and in which they
+are displayed. These important pursuits being, however, cultivated, some
+by one man, and some by another, have been isolated rather than united:
+the aid which might be derived from analogy and from mutual illustration
+has been lost; and no disposition has been shown to concentrate them
+upon history, of which they are, properly speaking, the necessary
+components.
+
+Since the early part of the eighteenth century, a few great thinkers
+have indeed arisen, who have deplored the backwardness of history, and
+have done everything in their power to remedy it. But these instances
+have been extremely rare: so rare, that in the whole literature of
+Europe there are not more than three or four really original works which
+contain a systematic attempt to investigate the history of man according
+to those exhaustive methods which in other branches of knowledge have
+proved successful, and by which alone empirical observations can be
+raised to scientific truths.
+
+Among historians in general, we find, after the sixteenth century, and
+especially during the last hundred years, several indications of an
+increasing comprehensiveness of view, and of a willingness to
+incorporate into their works subjects which they would formerly have
+excluded. By this means their assemblage of topics has become more
+diversified, and the mere collection and relative position of parallel
+facts has occasionally suggested generalizations no traces of which can
+be found in the earlier literature of Europe. This has been a great
+gain, in so far as it has familiarized historians with a wider range of
+thought, and encouraged those habits of speculation, which, though
+liable to abuse, are the essential condition of all real knowledge,
+because without them no science can be constructed.
+
+But, notwithstanding that the prospects of historical literature are
+certainly more cheering now than in any former age, it must be allowed
+that, with extremely few exceptions, they are only prospects, and that
+as yet scarcely anything has been done towards discovering the
+principles which govern the character and destiny of nations. What has
+been actually effected I shall endeavour to estimate in another part of
+this introduction: at present it is enough to say, that for all the
+higher purposes of human thought history is still miserably deficient,
+and presents that confused and anarchical appearance natural to a
+subject of which the laws are unknown, and even the foundation
+unsettled.[1]
+
+  [1] A living writer, who has done more than any other to raise the
+      standard of history, contemptuously notices 'l'incohérente
+      compilation de faits déjà improprement qualifiée _d'histoire_.'
+      _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. v. p. 18. There is much in
+      the method and in the conclusions of this great work with which I
+      cannot agree; but it would be unjust to deny its extraordinary
+      merits.
+
+Our acquaintance with history being so imperfect, while our materials
+are so numerous, it seems desirable that something should be done on a
+scale far larger than has hitherto been attempted, and that a strenuous
+effort should be made to bring up this great department of inquiry to a
+level with other departments, in order that we may maintain the balance
+and harmony of our knowledge. It is in this spirit that the present
+work has been conceived. To make the execution of it fully equal to the
+conception is impossible: still I hope to accomplish for the history of
+man something equivalent, or at all events analogous, to what has been
+effected by other inquirers for the different branches of natural
+science. In regard to nature, events apparently the most irregular and
+capricious have been explained, and have been shown to be in accordance
+with certain fixed and universal laws. This has been done because men of
+ability, and, above all, men of patient, untiring thought, have studied
+natural events with the view of discovering their regularity: and if
+human events were subjected to a similar treatment, we have every right
+to expect similar results. For it is clear that they who affirm that the
+facts of history are incapable of being generalized, take for granted
+the very question at issue. Indeed they do more than this. They not only
+assume what they cannot prove, but they assume what in the present state
+of knowledge is highly improbable. Whoever is at all acquainted with
+what has been done during the last two centuries, must be aware that
+every generation demonstrates some events to be regular and predictable,
+which the preceding generation had declared to be irregular and
+unpredictable: so that the marked tendency of advancing civilization is
+to strengthen our belief in the universality of order, of method, and of
+law. This being the case, it follows that if any facts, or class of
+facts, have not yet been reduced to order, we, so far from pronouncing
+them to be irreducible, should rather be guided by our experience of the
+past, and should admit the probability that what we now call
+inexplicable will at some future time be explained. This expectation of
+discovering regularity in the midst of confusion is so familiar to
+scientific men, that among the most eminent of them it becomes an
+article of faith: and if the same expectation is not generally found
+among historians, it must be ascribed partly to their being of inferior
+ability to the investigators of nature, and partly to the greater
+complexity of those social phenomena with which their studies are
+concerned.
+
+Both these causes have retarded the creation of the science of history.
+The most celebrated historians are manifestly inferior to the most
+successful cultivators of physical science: no one having devoted
+himself to history who in point of intellect is at all to be compared
+with Kepler, Newton, or many others that might be named.[2] And as to
+the greater complexity of the phenomena, the philosophic historian is
+opposed by difficulties far more formidable than is the student of
+nature; since, while on the one hand, his observations are more liable
+to those causes of error which arise from prejudice and passion, he, on
+the other hand, is unable to employ the great physical resource of
+experiment, by which we can often simplify even the most intricate
+problems in the external world.
+
+  [2] I speak merely of those who have made history their main pursuit.
+      Bacon wrote on it, but only as a subordinate object; and it
+      evidently cost him nothing like the thought which he devoted to
+      other subjects.
+
+It is not, therefore, surprising that the study of the movements of Man
+should be still in its infancy, as compared with the advanced state of
+the study of the movements of Nature. Indeed the difference between the
+progress of the two pursuits is so great, that while in physics the
+regularity of events, and the power of predicting them, are often taken
+for granted even in cases still unproved, a similar regularity is in
+history not only not taken for granted, but is actually denied. Hence it
+is that whoever wishes to raise history to a level with other branches
+of knowledge, is met by a preliminary obstacle; since he is told that in
+the affairs of men there is something mysterious and providential, which
+makes them impervious to our investigations, and which will always hide
+from us their future course. To this it might be sufficient to reply,
+that such an assertion is gratuitous; that it is by its nature incapable
+of proof; and that it is moreover opposed by the notorious fact that
+everywhere else increasing knowledge is accompanied by an increasing
+confidence in the uniformity with which, under the same circumstances,
+the same events must succeed each other. It will, however, be more
+satisfactory to probe the difficulty deeper, and inquire at once into
+the foundation of the common opinion that history must always remain in
+its present empirical state, and can never be raised to the rank of a
+science. We shall thus be led to one vast question, which indeed lies at
+the root of the whole subject, and is simply this: Are the actions of
+men, and therefore of societies, governed by fixed laws, or are they the
+result either of chance or of supernatural interference? The discussion
+of these alternatives will suggest some speculations of considerable
+interest.
+
+For, in reference to this matter, there are two doctrines, which appear
+to represent different stages of civilization. According to the first
+doctrine, every event is single and isolated, and is merely considered
+as the result of a blind chance. This opinion, which is most natural to
+a perfectly ignorant people, would soon be weakened by that extension of
+experience which supplies a knowledge of those uniformities of
+succession and of co-existence that nature constantly presents. If, for
+example, wandering tribes, without the least tincture of civilization,
+lived entirely by hunting and fishing, they might well suppose that the
+appearance of their necessary food was the result of some accident which
+admitted of no explanation. The irregularity of the supply, and the
+apparent caprice with which it was sometimes abundant and sometimes
+scanty, would prevent them from suspecting anything like method in the
+arrangements of nature; nor could their minds even conceive the
+existence of those general principles which govern the order of events,
+and by a knowledge of which we are often able to predict their future
+course. But when such tribes advance into the agricultural state, they,
+for the first time, use a food of which not only the appearance, but the
+very existence, seems to be the result of their own act. What they sow,
+that likewise do they reap. The provision necessary for their wants is
+brought more immediately under their own control, and is more palpably
+the consequence of their own labour. They perceive a distinct plan, and
+a regular uniformity of sequence, in the relation which the seed they
+put into the ground bears to the corn when arrived at maturity. They are
+now able to look to the future, not indeed with certainty, but with a
+confidence infinitely greater than they could have felt in their former
+and more precarious pursuits.[3] Hence there arises a dim idea of the
+stability of events; and for the first time there begins to dawn upon
+the mind a faint conception of what at a later period are called the
+Laws of Nature. Every step in the great progress will make their view of
+this more clear. As their observations accumulate, and as their
+experience extends over a wider surface, they meet with uniformities
+that they had never suspected to exist, and the discovery of which
+weakens that doctrine of chance with which they had originally set out.
+Yet a little further, and a taste for abstract reasoning springs up; and
+then some among them generalize the observations that have been made,
+and despising the old popular opinion, believe that every event is
+linked to its antecedent by an inevitable connexion, that such
+antecedent is connected with a preceding fact; and that thus the whole
+world forms a necessary chain, in which indeed each man may play his
+part, but can by no means determine what that part shall be.
+
+  [3] Some of the moral consequences of thus diminishing the
+      precariousness of food are noticed by M. Charles Comte in his
+      _Traité de Législation_, vol. ii. pp. 273-275. Compare _Mill's
+      History of India_, vol. i. pp. 180-181. But both these able writers
+      have omitted to observe that the change facilitates a perception of
+      the regularity of phenomena.
+
+Thus it is that, in the ordinary march of society, an increasing
+perception of the regularity of nature destroys the doctrine of Chance,
+and replaces it by that of Necessary Connexion. And it is, I think,
+highly probable that out of these two doctrines of Chance and Necessity
+there have respectively arisen the subsequent dogmas of Free Will and
+Predestination. Nor is it difficult to understand the manner in which,
+in a more advanced state of society, this metamorphosis would occur. In
+every country, as soon as the accumulation of wealth has reached a
+certain point, the produce of each man's labour becomes more than
+sufficient for his own support: it is therefore no longer necessary that
+all should work; and there is formed a separate class, the members of
+which pass their lives for the most part in the pursuit of pleasure; a
+very few, however, in the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge. Among
+these last there are always found some who, neglecting external events,
+turn their attention to the study of their own minds;[4] and such men,
+when possessed of great abilities, become the founders of new
+philosophies and new religions, which often exercise immense influence
+over the people who receive them. But the authors of these systems are
+themselves affected by the character of the age in which they live. It
+is impossible for any man to escape the pressure of surrounding
+opinions; and what is called a new philosophy or a new religion is
+generally not so much a creation of fresh ideas, but rather a new
+direction given to ideas already current among contemporary thinkers.[5]
+Thus, in the case now before us, the doctrine of Chance in the external
+world corresponds to that of Free Will in the internal: while the other
+doctrine of Necessary Connexion is equally analogous to that of
+Predestination; the only difference being that the first is a
+development by the metaphysician, the second by the theologian. In the
+first instance, the metaphysician setting out with the doctrine of
+Chance, carries into the study of the mind this arbitrary and
+irresponsible principle, which in its new field becomes Free Will; an
+expression by which all difficulties seem to be removed, since perfect
+freedom, itself the cause of all actions, is caused by none, but, like
+the doctrine of Chance, is an ultimate fact admitting of no further
+explanation.[6] In the second instance, the theologian taking up the
+doctrine of Necessary Connexion recasts it into a religious shape; and
+his mind being already full of conceptions of order and of uniformity,
+he naturally ascribes such undeviating regularity to the prescience of
+Supreme Power; and thus to the magnificent notion of One God there is
+added the dogma that by Him all things have from the beginning been
+absolutely pre-determined and preordained.
+
+  [4] On the relation between this and the previous creation of wealth,
+      see _Tennemann_, _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 30; 'Ein
+      gewisser Grad von Cultur und Wohlstand ist eine nothwendige äussere
+      Bedingung der Entwickelung des philosophischen Geistes. So lange
+      der Mensch noch mit den Mitteln seiner Existenz und der Befriedigung
+      seiner thierischen Bedürfnisse beschäftiget ist, so lange gehet die
+      Entwickelung und Bildung seiner Geisteskräfte nur langsam von
+      statten, und er nähert sich nur Schritt vor Schritt einer freiern
+      Vernunftthätigkeit.' ... 'Daher finden wir, dass man nur in denen
+      Nationen anfing zu philosophiren, welche sich zu einer
+      beträchtlichen Stufe des Wohlstandes und der Cultur emporgehoben
+      hatten.' Hence, as I shall endeavour to prove in the next chapter,
+      the immense importance of the physical phenomena which precede and
+      often control the metaphysical. In the history of the Greek mind we
+      can distinctly trace the passage from physical to metaphysical
+      inquiries. See _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. iv. p. 519, edit.
+      1847. That the atomic doctrine, in its relation to chance, was a
+      natural precursor of Platonism, is remarked in _Broussais_, _Examen
+      des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. i. pp. 53, 54, an able though
+      one-sided work. Compare, respecting the Chance of the atomists,
+      _Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 553; an
+      hypothesis, as Ritter says, 'destructive of all inner energy;'
+      consequently antagonistic to the psychological hypothesis which
+      subsequently sprang up and conquered it. That physical researches
+      came first, is moreover attested by Diogenes Laertius: [Greek: Merê
+      de philosophias tria, physikon, êthikon, dialektikon; physikon men,
+      to peri kosmou, kai tôn en autô; êthikon de, to peri biou kai tôn
+      pros hêmas; dialektikon de, to amphoterôn tous logous presbeuon;
+      kai mechri men' Archelaou to physikon eidos ên apo de Sôkratous,
+      hôs proeirêtai, to êthikon; apo de Zênônos tou 'Eleatou, to
+      dialektikon.] _De Vitis Philosophorum Pro[oe]m._ segm. 18, vol. i.
+      p. 12: compare lib. ii. segm. 16, vol. i. p. 89.
+
+  [5] Beausobre has some good remarks on this in his learned work
+      _Histoire Critique de Manichée_, vol. i. p. 179, where he says that
+      the great religious heresies have been founded on previous
+      philosophies. Certainly no one acquainted with the history of
+      opinions will admit the sweeping assertion of M. Stahl that 'la
+      philosophie d'un peuple a sa racine dans sa théologie.' _Klimrath_,
+      _Travaux_, vol. ii. p. 454, Paris, 1843.
+
+  [6] 'Also ist ein Wille, dem die blose gesetzgebende Form der Maxime
+      allein zum Gesetze dienen kann, ein freier Wille.' _Kritik der
+      praktischen Vernunft_ in _Kant's Werke_, vol. iv. p. 128. 'Hat
+      selber für sich eigentlich keinen Bestimmungsgrund.' _Metaphysik
+      der Sitten_ in _Werke_, vol. v. p. 12. 'Die unbedingte Causalität
+      der Ursache.' _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_ in _Werke_, vol. ii.
+      p. 339. See also _Prolegomena zu jeder künftigen Metaphysik_ in
+      vol. iii. p. 268.
+
+These opposite doctrines of free will and predestination[7] do, no
+doubt, supply a safe and simple solution of the obscurities of our
+being; and as they are easily understood, they are so suited to the
+average capacity of the human mind, that even at the present day an
+immense majority of men are divided between them; and they have not only
+corrupted the sources of our knowledge, but have given rise to religious
+sects, whose mutual animosities have disturbed society, and too often
+embittered the relations of private life. Among the more advanced
+European thinkers there is, however, a growing opinion that both
+doctrines are wrong or, at all events, that we have no sufficient
+evidence of their truth. And as this is a matter of great moment, it is
+important, before we proceed further, to clear up as much of it as the
+difficulties inherent in these subjects will enable us to do.
+
+  [7] That these doctrines, when treated according to the ordinary
+      methods of reasoning, not only oppose but exclude each other, would
+      be universally admitted if it were not for a desire generally felt
+      to save certain parts of each: it being thought dangerous to give
+      up free will on account of weakening moral responsibility, and
+      equally dangerous to give up predestination on account of impugning
+      the power of God. Various attempts have therefore been made to
+      reconcile liberty with necessity, and make the freedom of man
+      harmonize with the foreknowledge of the Deity. Compare on this
+      point a remarkable letter from Locke to Molyneux (_Locke's Works_,
+      vol. viii. p. 305), with the argument in one of Bentley's Sermons
+      (_Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8); also _Ritter's Hist.
+      of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv. pp. 143, 144; _Tennemann_, _Gesch.
+      der Philosophie_, vol. iv. pp. 301-304; _Copleston's Inquiry into
+      the Doctrines of Necessity and Predestination_, pp. 6, 7, 46, 69,
+      70, 85, 92, 108, 136; _Mosheim's Ecclesiastical Hist._, vol. i.
+      p. 207, vol. ii. p. 96; _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. iv.
+      pp. 294, 389-391; _Bishop of Lincoln on Tertullian_, 1845, p. 323;
+      _Hodgson on Buddhism_, in _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii.
+      p. 232.
+
+Whatever doubts may be thrown on the account which I have given of the
+probable origin of the ideas of free will and predestination, there
+can, at all events, be no dispute as to the foundation on which those
+ideas are now actually based. The theory of predestination is founded on
+a theological hypothesis; that of free will on a metaphysical
+hypothesis. The advocates of the first proceed on a supposition for
+which, to say the least of it, they have as yet brought forward no good
+evidence. They require us to believe that the Author of Creation, whose
+beneficence they at the same time willingly allow, has, notwithstanding
+His supreme goodness, made an arbitrary distinction between the elect
+and the non-elect; that He has from all eternity doomed to perdition
+millions of creatures yet unborn, and whom His act alone can call into
+existence: and that He has done this, not in virtue of any principle of
+justice, but by a mere stretch of despotic power.[8] This doctrine owes
+its authority among Protestants to the dark though powerful mind of
+Calvin; but in the early Church it was first systematically methodized
+by Augustin, who appears to have borrowed it from the Manicheans.[9] At
+all events, and putting aside its incompatibility with other notions
+which are supposed to be fundamental,[10] it must, in a scientific
+investigation, be regarded as a barren hypothesis, because, being beyond
+the province of our knowledge, we have no means of ascertaining either
+its truth or its falsehood.
+
+  [8] Even Ambrose, who never went so far as Augustin, states this
+      principle in its repulsive nakedness: 'Deus quos dignat vocat, quos
+      vult religiosos facit.' _Neander_, vol. iv. p. 287. Calvin declares
+      'that God, in predestinating from all eternity one part of mankind
+      to everlasting happiness, and another to endless misery, was led to
+      make this distinction by no other motive than His own good pleasure
+      and free will.' _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._, vol. ii. p. 103, see also
+      p. 100; and _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. i.
+      p. 552.
+
+  [9] On the Manichæan origin of Augustin's opinions, compare _Potter_,
+      _Esprit de l'Eglise_, vol. ii. p. 171, Paris, 1821; _Tomline's
+      Refutation of Calvinism_, 1817, pp. 571-576; _Southey's Book of the
+      Church_, 1824, vol. i. pp. 301, 302; _Matter_, _Hist. du
+      Gnosticisme_, 1828, vol. i. p. 325. However, Beausobre (_Histoire
+      de Manichée_, vol. ii. pp. 33-40) seems to have proved a difference
+      between the election of Augustin and that of Basilides.
+
+  [10] On the absurdity of 'an omnipotent arbitrary Deity,' and on the
+       incongruity of such a combination with [Greek: physei kalon kai
+       dikaion], see _Cudworth's Intellect. Syst._, vol. i. pp. 45, 419,
+       vol. iii. p. 241, vol. iv. p. 160. See also _Theodicee_ in _Kant's
+       Werke_, vol. vi. pp. 141, 142, and _Metaphysik der Sitten_ in vol.
+       v. p. 332, upon 'den göttlichen Zweck in Ansehung des menschlichen
+       Geschlechts.'
+
+The other doctrine, which has long been celebrated under the name of
+Free Will, is connected with Arminianism; but it in reality rests on the
+metaphysical dogma of the supremacy of human consciousness. Every man,
+it is alleged, feels and knows that he is a free agent: nor can any
+subtleties of argument do away with our consciousness of possessing a
+free will.[11] Now the existence of this supreme jurisdiction, which is
+thus to set at defiance all the ordinary methods of reasoning, involves
+two assumptions: of which the first, though possibly true, has never
+been proved; and the other is unquestionably false. These assumptions
+are, that there is an independent faculty called consciousness, and that
+the dictates of that faculty are infallible. But, in the first place, it
+is by no means certain that consciousness is a faculty; and some of the
+ablest thinkers have been of opinion that it is merely a state or
+condition of the mind.[12] Should this turn out to be the case, the
+argument falls to the ground; since, even if we admit that all the
+faculties of the mind, when completely exercised, are equally accurate,
+no one will make the same claim for every condition into which the mind
+itself may be casually thrown. However, waiving this objection, we may,
+in the second place, reply, that even if consciousness is a faculty, we
+have the testimony of all history to prove its extreme fallibility.[13]
+All the great stages through which, in the progress of civilization,
+the human race has successively passed, have been characterized by
+certain mental peculiarities or convictions, which have left their
+impress upon the religion, the philosophy, and the morals of the age.
+Each of these convictions has been to one period a matter of faith, to
+another a matter for derision;[14] and each of them has, in its own
+epoch, been as intimately bound up with the minds of men, and become as
+much a part of their consciousness, as is that opinion which we now term
+freedom of the will. Yet it is impossible that all these products of
+consciousness can be true, because many of them contradict each other.
+Unless, therefore, in different ages there are different standards of
+truth, it is clear that the testimony of a man's consciousness is no
+proof of an opinion being true; for if it were so, then two propositions
+diametrically opposed to each other might both be equally accurate.
+Besides this, another view may be drawn from the common operations of
+ordinary life. Are we not in certain circumstances conscious of the
+existence of spectres and phantoms; and yet is it not generally admitted
+that such beings have no existence at all? Should it be attempted to
+refute this argument by saying that such consciousness is apparent and
+not real, then I ask, What is it that judges between the consciousness
+which is genuine and that which is spurious?[15] If this boasted
+faculty deceives us in some things, what security have we that it will
+not deceive us in others? If there is no security, the faculty is not
+trustworthy. If there is a security, then, whatever it may be, its
+existence shows the necessity for some authority to which consciousness
+is subordinate, and thus does away with that doctrine of the supremacy
+of consciousness, on which the advocates of free will are compelled to
+construct the whole of their theory. Indeed, the uncertainty as to the
+existence of consciousness as an independent faculty, and the manner in
+which that faculty, if it exists, has contradicted its own suggestions,
+are two of the many reasons which have long since convinced me that
+metaphysics will never be raised to a science by the ordinary method of
+observing individual minds; but that its study can only be successfully
+prosecuted by the deductive application of laws which must be
+discovered historically, that is to say, which must be evolved by an
+examination of the whole of those vast phenomena which the long course
+of human affairs presents to our view.
+
+  [11] Johnson said to Boswell, 'Sir, we _know_ our will is free, and
+       there's an end on't.' _Boswell's Life of Johnson_, edit. Croker,
+       1848, p. 203. 'La question: Sommes-nous libres? me paraît
+       au-dessous de la discussion. Elle est résolue par le témoignage de
+       la conscience attestant que dans certains cas nous pourrions faire
+       le contraire de ce que nous faisons.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+       Philosophie_, I. Série, vol. i. pp. 190, 191. 'Die Freiheit des
+       Menschen, als moralischen Wesens, gründet sich auf das sittliche
+       Bewusstseyn.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philosophie_, vol. v.
+       p. 161. That this is the only ground for believing in the freedom
+       of the will is so evident, that we need not notice the mystical
+       proof of Philo (_Ritter's Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv. p. 447);
+       nor the physical one of the Basilidian monads (_Beausobre_, _Hist.
+       de Manichée_, vol. ii. p. 23); still less the argument of
+       Bardesanes, who thought to demonstrate freedom by the variety of
+       human customs! _Matter_, _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 323,
+       which should be compared with _Burdach's Physiologie comme Science
+       d'Observation_, vol. v. p. 50, Paris, 1839.
+
+  [12] Mr. James Mill (_Analysis of the Mind_, vol. i. pp. 171, 172) says
+       that consciousness and belief are the same, and that great error
+       has arisen from calling 'consciousness a feeling distinct from all
+       other feelings.' According to Locke (_Essay concerning Human
+       Understanding_, book ii. chap. i., Works, vol. i. p. 89),
+       'consciousness is the perception of what passes in a man's own
+       mind.' Brown (_Philosophy of the Mind_, pp. 67, 68) denies that
+       consciousness is a faculty: and Sir W. Hamilton complains of
+       'Reid's degradation of consciousness into a special faculty.'
+       _Notes to Reid's Works_, pp. 223, 297, 373. M. Cousin (_Hist. de
+       la Philosophie_, II. Série, vol. i. p. 131) pronounces
+       consciousness to be 'phénomène complexe;' and at p. 94, 'la
+       _condition_ nécessaire de l'intelligence c'est la conscience:'
+       while a still later writer (_Jobert's New System of Philosophy_,
+       vol. i. p. 25) declares that 'we have the consciousness of our
+       consciousness--this is certain.' The statement in Alciphron,
+       Dialogue vii. (_Berkeley's Works_, vol. i. pp. 505, 506) is equally
+       unsatisfactory: and what still further perplexes the question is
+       the existence of what is now recognised as 'double consciousness.'
+       See on this extraordinary phenomenon _Elliotson's Physiology_,
+       pp. 367-369, 1165; _Mayo's Physiology_, pp. 195, 196; _Prichard's
+       Treatise on Insanity_, pp. 450, 451; _Carpenter's Human
+       Physiology_, p. 379.
+
+  [13] This requires explanation. Consciousness is infallible as to the
+       _fact_ of its testimony; but fallible as to the _truth_. That we
+       are conscious of certain phenomena, is a proof that those phenomena
+       exist in the mind, or are presented to it; but to say that this
+       demonstrates the truth of the phenomena is to go a step further,
+       and not only offer a testimony, but also pass a judgment. The
+       moment we do this, we introduce the element of fallibility; because
+       consciousness and judgment put together cannot be always right,
+       inasmuch as judgment is often wrong.
+
+The late Blanco White, a thinker of considerable subtlety, says: 'The
+important distinction between _libertas a necessitate_ and _libertas a
+coactione_, is seldom attended to. Nothing whatever can _force_ my will:
+every man is more or less conscious of that fact: but at the same time
+we are, or may be, equally conscious that we are never decided without a
+motive.' _Life of B. White_, by Himself, 1845, vol. iii. p. 90. But how
+can a man be conscious 'that nothing whatever _can_ force his will'?
+This is not consciousness, but judgment: it is a judgment of what may
+be, not a consciousness of what is. If there is any meaning in the word
+'consciousness,' it must refer solely to the present, and can never
+include future contingencies as to what _may_ be or _can_ be.
+
+  [14] As Herder says, 'Was diese Nation ihrem Gedankenkreise
+       unentbehrlich hält, daran hat jene nie gedacht oder hält es gar
+       für schädlich.' _Ideen zur Gesch. der Menschheit_, vol. ii. p. 130.
+
+  [15] Plato was struck by the extreme difficulty of finding a standard
+       in the human mind whereby we may test the truth or falsehood of
+       spectral phenomena and dreams. And the only conclusion to which
+       this consummate thinker could arrive, was that whatever appears
+       true to the individual mind is true for him: which, however, is an
+       evasion of the problem, not a solution of it. See the Theætetus,
+       where Plato, as usual, puts his own speculations into the mouth of
+       Socrates. He opens the question at the beginning of sec. 39
+       (_Platonis Opera_, vol. iii. p. 426, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826),
+       [Greek: Mê toinun apolipômen rhson elleipon autou. lepetai de
+       enupniôn te peri kai nosôn, tôn te allôn kai manias], &c. These are
+       the supposed sources of error; but Socrates, after discussing them,
+       and entangling Theætetus in a maze, sums up at the end of sec. 45,
+       p. 434, [Greek: alêthês ara emoi êh emê aisthêsis.] See further,
+       p. 515, on the formation of erroneous judgments; and respecting the
+       assertions made by many of the Greeks that [Greek: pasa phantsia
+       alêthês] and [Greek: pasa duxa alêthês], compare _Cudworth_,
+       vol. iii. p. 379, vol. iv. p. 118. For physiological considerations
+       concerning the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+       insanity, see _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_,
+       vol. i. p. 406; his _Cours de Phrénologie_, p. 49; _Esquirol_,
+       _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. p. 97, vol. ii. p. 790; _Simon's
+       Pathology_, p. 204; _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 434; _Henle_,
+       _Anatomie Générale_, vol. ii. p. 287; _Burdach_, _Traité de
+       Physiologie_, vol. v. p. 223. See, too, the passages in Tennemann
+       which connect this difficulty with the theory of representation
+       (_Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 357, vol. ii. pp. 119,
+       159, vol. iii. p. 406, vol. iv. p. 418); and the attempt of
+       Berkeley (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 93, 101, 176) to turn it into a
+       defence of his own system, on the ground that our belief respecting
+       the external world may be as false when we are awake as when we
+       dream. The solution offered by the Stoics is merely a verbal and
+       unproved distinction: [Greek: diapherei de phantasia kai phantasma.
+       phantasma men gar esti dokêsis dianoias oia ginetai kata tous
+       upnous; phantasia de esti tupôsis en psuchê toutestin alloiôsis,
+       hôs ho Chrusippos en tê duôdekatê peri psuchês uphistatai.] _Diog.
+       Laert. de Vitis Philos._ lib. vii. segm. 50, vol. i. p. 395.
+
+Fortunately, however, for the object of this work, the believer in the
+possibility of a science of history is not called upon to hold either
+the doctrine of predestined events, or that of freedom of the will;[16]
+and the only positions which, in this stage of the inquiry, I shall
+expect him to concede are the following: That when we perform an action,
+we perform it in consequence of some motive or motives; that those
+motives are the results of some antecedents; and that, therefore, if we
+were acquainted with the whole of the antecedents, and with all the laws
+of their movements, we could with unerring certainty predict the whole
+of their immediate results. This, unless I am greatly mistaken, is the
+view which must be held by every man whose mind is unbiased by system,
+and who forms his opinions according to the evidence actually before
+him.[17] If, for example, I am intimately acquainted with the character
+of any person, I can frequently tell how he will act under some given
+circumstances. Should I fail in this prediction, I must ascribe my error
+not to the arbitrary and capricious freedom of his will, nor to any
+supernatural pre-arrangement, for of neither of these things have we the
+slightest proof; but I must be content to suppose either that I had been
+misinformed as to some of the circumstances in which he was placed, or
+else that I had not sufficiently studied the ordinary operations of his
+mind. If, however, I were capable of correct reasoning, and if, at the
+same time, I had a complete knowledge both of his disposition and of all
+the events by which he was surrounded, I should be able to foresee the
+line of conduct which, in consequence of those events, he would
+adopt.[18]
+
+  [16] Meaning by free will, a cause of action residing in the mind, and
+       exerting itself independently of motives. If any one says that we
+       have this power of acting without motives, but that in the
+       practical exercise of the power we are always guided by motives
+       either conscious or unconscious--if any one says this, he asserts
+       a barren proposition, which does not interfere with my views, and
+       which may or may not be true, but which most assuredly no one has
+       ever yet succeeded in proving.
+
+  [17] That is, according to the phenomenal evidence presented to the
+       understanding, and estimated by the ordinary logic with which the
+       understanding is conversant. But Kant has made a most remarkable
+       attempt to avoid the practical consequences of this, by asserting
+       that freedom, being an idea produced by the reason, must be
+       referred to transcendental laws of the reason; that is, to laws
+       which are removed from the domain of experience, and cannot be
+       verified by observation. In regard, however, to the scientific
+       conceptions of the understanding (as distinguished from the Reason)
+       he fully admits the existence of a Necessity destructive of
+       Liberty. In Note A, at the end of this chapter, I shall put
+       together the most important passages in which Kant unfolds this
+       view.
+
+  [18] This is, of course, an hypothetical case, merely given as an
+       illustration. We never can know the whole of any man's antecedents,
+       or even the whole of our own; but it is certain that the nearer we
+       approach to a complete knowledge of the antecedent, the more
+       likely we shall be to predict the consequent.
+
+Rejecting, then, the metaphysical dogma of free will, and the
+theological dogma of predestined events,[19] we are driven to the
+conclusion that the actions of men, being determined solely by their
+antecedents, must have a character of uniformity, that is to say, must,
+under precisely the same circumstances, always issue in precisely the
+same results. And as all antecedents are either in the mind or out of
+it, we clearly see that all the variations in the results, in other
+words, all the changes of which history is full, all the vicissitudes of
+the human race, their progress or their decay, their happiness or their
+misery, must be the fruit of a double action; an action of external
+phenomena upon the mind, and another action of the mind upon the
+phenomena.
+
+  [19] The doctrine of providential interference is bound up with that of
+       predestination, because the Deity, foreseeing all things, must have
+       foreseen His own intention to interfere. To deny this foresight, is
+       to limit the omniscience of God. Those, therefore, who hold that,
+       in particular cases, a special providence interrupts the ordinary
+       course of events, must also hold that in each case the interruption
+       had been predestined; otherwise they impeach one of the Divine
+       attributes. For, as Thomas Aquinas puts it (_Neander's History of
+       the Church_, vol. viii. p. 176), 'knowledge, as knowledge, does not
+       imply, indeed, causality; but in so far as it is a knowledge
+       belonging to the artist who forms, it stands in the relation of
+       causality to that which is produced by his art.'
+
+       The same argument is stated by Alciphron, though not quite so
+       conclusively; _Dialogue_ vii. sec. 20 in _Berkeley's Works_,
+       vol. i. p. 515: and as to the impossibility of Omniscience having
+       new knowledge or an afterthought, see _Hitchcock's Religion of
+       Geology_, 1851, pp. 267, 328; an ingenious work, but one which
+       leaves all the real difficulties untouched. Compare _Ritter's Hist.
+       of Ancient Philos._ vol. iv. pp. 326, 327, with _Tennemann_,
+       _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. vi. pp. 151, 342-345, vol. ix. pp. 81-94,
+       vol. xi. p. 178; and in particular, the question raised (vol. viii.
+       p. 242), 'Ob das Vorherwissen Gottes die Ursache der künftigen
+       Dinge sey, oder nicht.' It was to meet all this, that some asserted
+       the eternity of matter, and others the existence of two original
+       principles, one good and one evil. _Beausobre_, _Histoire de
+       Manichée_, vol. ii. pp. 145, 146, 252, 336.
+
+These are the materials out of which a philosophic history can alone be
+constructed. On the one hand, we have the human mind obeying the laws of
+its own existence, and, when uncontrolled by external agents, developing
+itself according to the conditions of its organization. On the other
+hand, we have what is called Nature, obeying likewise its laws; but
+incessantly coming into contact with the minds of men, exciting their
+passions, stimulating their intellect, and therefore giving to their
+actions a direction which they would not have taken without such
+disturbance. Thus we have man modifying nature, and nature modifying
+man; while out of this reciprocal modification all events must
+necessarily spring.
+
+The problem immediately before us, is to ascertain the method of
+discovering the laws of this double modification: and this, as we shall
+presently see, leads us into a preliminary inquiry as to which of the
+two modifications is the more important; that is to say, whether the
+thoughts and desires of men are more influenced by physical phenomena,
+or whether the physical phenomena are more influenced by them. For it is
+evident that whichever class is the more active, should if possible be
+studied before the other; and this, partly because its results will be
+more prominent, and therefore more easy to observe; and partly because
+by first generalizing the laws of the greater power we shall leave a
+smaller residue of unexplained facts than if we had begun by
+generalizing the laws of the lesser power. But, before entering into
+this examination, it will be convenient to state some of the most
+decisive proofs we now possess of the regularity with which mental
+phenomena succeed each other. By this means the preceding views will be
+considerably strengthened; and we shall, at the same time, be able to
+see what those resources are which have been already employed in
+elucidating this great subject.
+
+That the results actually effected are extremely valuable is evident,
+not only from the wide surface which the generalizations cover, but also
+from the extraordinary precautions with which they have been made. For
+while most moral inquiries have depended on some theological or
+metaphysical hypothesis, the investigations to which I allude are
+exclusively inductive; they are based on collections of almost
+innumerable facts, extending over many countries, thrown into the
+clearest of all forms, the form of arithmetical tables; and finally,
+they have been put together by men who, being for the most part mere
+government officials,[20] had no particular theory to maintain, and no
+interest in distorting the truth of the reports they were directed to
+make.
+
+  [20] _Dufau_, _Traité de Statistique_, pp. 75, 148.
+
+The most comprehensive inferences respecting the actions of men, which
+are admitted by all parties as incontestable truths, are derived from
+this or from analogous sources; they rest on statistical evidence, and
+are expressed in mathematical language. And whoever is aware of how much
+has been discovered by this single method, must not only recognize the
+uniformity with which mental phenomena succeed each other, but must, I
+think, feel sanguine that still more important discoveries will be made,
+so soon as there are brought into play those other powerful resources
+which even the present state of knowledge will abundantly supply.
+Without, however, anticipating future inquiries, we are, for the moment,
+only concerned with those proofs of the existence of a uniformity in
+human affairs which statisticians have been the first to bring forward.
+
+The actions of men are by an easy and obvious division separated into
+two classes, the virtuous and the vicious; and as these classes are
+correlative, and when put together compose the total of our moral
+conduct, it follows that whatever increases the one, will in a relative
+point of view diminish the other; so that if we can in any period detect
+a uniformity and a method in the vices of a people, there must be a
+corresponding regularity in their virtues; or if we could prove a
+regularity in their virtues, we should necessarily infer an equal
+regularity in their vices; the two sets of actions being, according to
+the terms of the division, merely supplementary to each other.[21] Or,
+to express this proposition in another way, it is evident that if it can
+be demonstrated that the bad actions of men vary in obedience to the
+changes in the surrounding society, we shall be obliged to infer that
+their good actions, which are, as it were, the residue of their bad
+ones, vary in the same manner; and we shall be forced to the further
+conclusion, that such variations are the result of large and general
+causes, which, working upon the aggregate of society, must produce
+certain consequences, without regard to the volition of those
+particular men of whom the society is composed.
+
+  [21] Some moralists have also established a third class of actions,
+       which they call indifferent, as belonging neither to virtue nor to
+       vice; and hence there arose the famous doctrine of probability,
+       set up by several eminent Romish casuists, and hotly attacked by
+       Pascal. But this, if we put aside its worst feature, namely its
+       practical bearings, is merely a question of definition; inasmuch
+       as every indifferent act must lean on the side either of evil or
+       of good, and may therefore be referred to the category to which it
+       inclines; and certainly every increase of vice diminishes virtue
+       relatively, though not always absolutely. Among the Greek
+       philosophers there was a schism on this point: [Greek: Areskei de
+       autois] (i.e. the Stoics) [Greek: mêden meson einai aretês kai
+       kakias; tôn peripatêtikôn metaxu aretês kai kakias einai legontôn
+       tên prokopên]. _Diog. Laert. de Vitis Philosophorum_, lib. vii.
+       segm. 127, vol. i. p. 445.
+
+Such is the regularity we expect to find, if the actions of men are
+governed by the state of the society in which they occur; while, on the
+other hand, if we can find no such regularity, we may believe that their
+actions depend on some capricious and personal principle peculiar to
+each man, as free will or the like. It becomes, therefore, in the
+highest degree important to ascertain whether or not there exists a
+regularity in the entire moral conduct of a given society; and this is
+precisely one of those questions for the decision of which statistics
+supply us with materials of immense value.
+
+For the main object of legislation being to protect the innocent against
+the guilty, it naturally followed that European governments, so soon as
+they became aware of the importance of statistics, should begin to
+collect evidence respecting the crimes they were expected to punish.
+This evidence has gone on accumulating, until it now forms of itself a
+large body of literature, containing, with the commentaries connected
+with it, an immense array of facts, so carefully compiled, and so well
+and clearly digested, that more may be learned from it respecting the
+moral nature of Man than can be gathered from all the accumulated
+experience of preceding ages.[22] But as it will be impossible in this
+Introduction to give anything like a complete statement of those
+inferences which, in the actual state of statistics, we are authorized
+to draw, I shall content myself with examining two or three of the most
+important, and pointing out the connexion between them.
+
+  [22] I say this advisedly: and whoever has examined these subjects must
+       be aware of the way in which writers on morals repeat the
+       commonplace and hackneyed notions of their predecessors; so that a
+       man, after reading everything that has been written on moral
+       conduct and moral philosophy, will find himself nearly as much in
+       the dark as when his studies first began. The most accurate
+       investigators of the human mind have hitherto been the poets,
+       particularly Homer and Shakespeare; but these extraordinary
+       observers mainly occupied themselves with the concrete phenomena
+       of life; and if they analyzed, as they probably did, they have
+       concealed the steps of the process, so that now we can only verify
+       their conclusions empirically. The great advance made by the
+       statisticians consists in applying to these inquiries the doctrine
+       of averages, which no one thought of doing before the eighteenth
+       century.
+
+Of all offences, it might well be supposed that the crime of murder is
+one of the most arbitrary and irregular. For when we consider that this,
+though generally the crowning act of a long career of vice, is often the
+immediate result of what seems a sudden impulse; that when premeditated,
+its committal, even with the least chance of impunity, requires a rare
+combination of favourable circumstances for which the criminal will
+frequently wait; that he has thus to bide his time, and look for
+opportunities he cannot control; that when the time has come his heart
+may fail him; that the question whether or not he shall commit the crime
+may depend on a balance of conflicting motives, such as fear of the law,
+a dread of the penalties held out by religion, the prickings of his own
+conscience, the apprehension of future remorse, the love of gain,
+jealousy, revenge, desperation;--when we put all these things together,
+there arises such a complication of causes, that we might reasonably
+despair of detecting any order or method in the result of those subtle
+and shifting agencies by which murder is either caused or prevented. But
+now, how stands the fact? The fact is, that murder is committed with as
+much regularity, and bears as uniform a relation to certain known
+circumstances, as do the movements of the tides, and the rotations of
+the seasons. M. Quetelet, who has spent his life in collecting and
+methodizing the statistics of different countries, states, as the result
+of his laborious researches, that 'in everything which concerns crime,
+the same numbers re-occur with a constancy which cannot be mistaken; and
+that this is the case even with those crimes which seem quite
+independent of human foresight, such, for instance, as murders, which
+are generally committed after quarrels arising from circumstances
+apparently casual. Nevertheless, we know from experience that every
+year there not only take place nearly the same number of murders, but
+that even the instruments by which they are committed are employed in
+the same proportion.'[23] This was the language used in 1835 by
+confessedly the first statistician in Europe, and every subsequent
+investigation has confirmed its accuracy. For later inquiries have
+ascertained the extraordinary fact that the uniform reproduction of
+crime is more clearly marked, and more capable of being predicted, than
+are the physical laws connected with the disease and destruction of our
+bodies. Thus, for instance, the number of persons accused of crime in
+France between 1826 and 1844 was, by a singular coincidence, about equal
+to the male deaths which took place in Paris during the same period, the
+difference being that the fluctuations in the amount of crime were
+actually smaller than the fluctuations in the mortality; while a similar
+regularity was observed in each separate offence, all of which obeyed
+the same law of uniform and periodical repetition.[24]
+
+  [23] 'Dans tout ce qui se rapporte aux crimes, les mêmes nombres se
+       reproduisent avec une constance telle, qu'il serait impossible de
+       la méconnaître, même pour ceux des crimes qui sembleraient devoir
+       échapper le plus à toute prévision humaine, tels que les meurtres,
+       puisqu'ils se commettent, en général, à la suite de rixes qui
+       naissent sans motifs, et dans les circonstances, en apparence,
+       les plus fortuites. Cependant l'expérience prouve que non-seulement
+       les meurtres sont annuellement à peu près en même nombre, mais
+       encore que les instrumens qui servent à les commettre sont employés
+       dans les mêmes proportions.' _Quetelet sur l'Homme_, Paris, 1835,
+       vol. i. p. 7; see also vol. ii. pp. 164, 247.
+
+  [24] 'Thus in twenty years' observations, the number of persons accused
+       of various crimes in France, and registered under their respective
+       ages, scarcely varies at any age from year to year, comparing the
+       proportion per cent. under each age with the totals. The number of
+       persons accused in all France, in the years 1826 to 1844, was about
+       equal to the deaths of males registered in Paris; but singularly
+       enough, the former results are more regular than the latter,
+       notwithstanding the accidental causes which might affect
+       them;--notwithstanding even a revolution in Paris, which convulsed
+       society and brought in a new dynasty.' _Brown on the Uniform Action
+       of the Human Will_, in _The Assurance Magazine_, no. viii., July
+       1852, pp. 349, 350. That the variations in crime are less than
+       those of mortality, is also noticed in _Statistique Morale_,
+       pp. 18, 34, in _Mémoires de l'Académie de Belgique_, vol. xxi.,
+       Bruxelles, 1848, 4to.
+
+This, indeed, will appear strange to those who believe that human
+actions depend more upon the peculiarities of each individual than on
+the general state of society. But another circumstance remains behind
+still more striking. Among public and registered crimes there is none
+which seems so completely dependent on the individual as suicide.
+Attempts to murder or to rob may be, and constantly are, successfully
+resisted; baffled sometimes by the party attacked, sometimes by the
+officers of justice. But an attempt to commit suicide is much less
+liable to interruption. The man who is determined to kill himself is not
+prevented at the last moment by the struggles of an enemy; and, as he
+can easily guard against the interference of the civil power,[25] his
+act becomes as it were isolated; it is cut off from foreign
+disturbances, and seems more clearly the product of his own volition
+than any other offence could possibly be. We may also add that, unlike
+crimes in general, it is rarely caused by the instigation of
+confederates; so that men, not being goaded into it by their companions,
+are uninfluenced by one great class of external associations which
+might hamper what is termed the freedom of their will. It may,
+therefore, very naturally be thought impracticable to refer suicide to
+general principles, or to detect anything like regularity in an offence
+which is so eccentric, so solitary, so impossible to control by
+legislation, and which the most vigilant police can do nothing to
+diminish. There is also another obstacle that impedes our view: this is,
+that even the best evidence respecting suicide must always be very
+imperfect. In cases of drowning, for example, deaths are liable to be
+returned as suicides which are accidental; while, on the other hand,
+some are called accidental which are voluntary.[26] Thus it is, that
+self-murder seems to be not only capricious and uncontrollable, but also
+very obscure in regard to proof; so that on all these grounds it might
+be reasonable to despair of ever tracing it to those general causes by
+which it is produced.
+
+  [25] The folly of lawgivers thinking that by their enactments they can
+       diminish suicide, is exposed by M. C. Comte in his _Traité de
+       Législation_, vol. i. p. 486. See also some good remarks by
+       Jefferson, in his observations on criminal law in _Appendix to
+       Jefferson's Memoirs, by Randolph_, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. Heber
+       (_Journey through India_, vol. i. pp. 389, 390) found that the
+       English Government had vainly attempted to check the suicides
+       frequently committed at Benares by drowning: and in our country
+       the interference of legislators is met by the perjury of jurors,
+       since, as Bentham says, English juries do not hesitate to violate
+       their oaths by declaring the suicide to be _non compos_.
+       _Principles of Penal Law_, in _Bentham's Works_, edit. Bowring,
+       1843, vol. i. pp. 479, 480. In regard to the determination of the
+       individual, and the impossibility of baffling his intention, there
+       are cases recorded of persons who, being deprived of the ordinary
+       means of destruction, put an end to life by holding their breath;
+       while others effected their purpose by turning back the tongue so
+       as to exclude air from the larynx. _Elliotson's Human Physiology_,
+       pp. 491, 492.
+
+  [26] This also applies to other cases besides those of drowning. See
+       _Taylor's Medical Jurisprudence_, 1846, pp. 587, 597; and on the
+       difficulty of always distinguishing a real suicide from an apparent
+       one, see _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. p. 575. From a
+       third to a half of all suicides are by drowning. Compare _Dufau_,
+       _Traité de Statistique_, p. 304; _Winslow's Anatomy of Suicide_,
+       1840, p. 277; _Quetelet_, _Statistique Morale_, p. 66. But among
+       these, many are no doubt involuntary; and it is certain that
+       popular opinion grossly exaggerates the length of time during which
+       it is possible to remain under water. _Brodie's Surgery_, 1846,
+       pp. 89-92.
+
+These being the peculiarities of this singular crime, it is surely an
+astonishing fact, that all the evidence we possess respecting it points
+to one great conclusion, and can leave no doubt on our minds that
+suicide is merely the product of the general condition of society, and
+that the individual felon only carries into effect what is a necessary
+consequence of preceding circumstances.[27] In a given state of
+society, a certain number of persons must put an end to their own life.
+This is the general law; and the special question as to who shall commit
+the crime depends, of course, upon special laws; which, however, in
+their total action, must obey the large social law to which they are all
+subordinate. And the power of the larger law is so irresistible, that
+neither the love of life nor the fear of another world can avail
+anything towards even checking its operation. The causes of this
+remarkable regularity I shall hereafter examine; but the existence of
+the regularity is familiar to whoever is conversant with moral
+statistics. In the different countries for which we have returns, we
+find year by year the same proportion of persons putting an end to their
+own existence; so that, after making allowance for the impossibility of
+collecting complete evidence, we are able to predict, within a very
+small limit of error, the number of voluntary deaths for each ensuing
+period; supposing, of course, that the social circumstances do not
+undergo any marked change. Even in London, notwithstanding the
+vicissitudes incidental to the largest and most luxurious capital in the
+world, we find a regularity greater than could be expected by the most
+sanguine believer in social laws; since political excitement, mercantile
+excitement, and the misery produced by the dearness of food, are all
+causes of suicide, and are all constantly varying.[28] Nevertheless, in
+this vast metropolis, about 240 persons every year make away with
+themselves; the annual suicides oscillating, from the pressure of
+temporary causes, between 266, the highest, and 213, the lowest. In
+1846, which was the great year of excitement caused by the railway
+panic, the suicides in London were 266; in 1847 began a slight
+improvement, and they fell to 256; in 1848 they were 247; in 1849 they
+were 213; and in 1850 they were 229.[29]
+
+  [27] 'Tout semble dépendre de causes déterminées. Ainsi, nous trouvons
+       annuellement à peu près le même nombre de suicides, non-seulement
+       en général, mais encore en faisant la distinction des sexes, celle
+       des âges, ou même celle des instruments employés pour se détruire.
+       Une année reproduit si fidèlement les chiffres de l'année qui a
+       précédé, qu'on peut prévoir ce qui doit arriver dans l'année qui
+       va suivre.' _Quetelet_, _Statistique Morale_, 1848, p. 35; see
+       also p. 40.
+
+  [28] On the causes of suicides, see _Burdach's Traité de Physiologie_,
+       vol. v. pp. 476-478; and _Forry's Climate and its Endemic
+       Influences_, p. 329. The latest researches of M. Casper confirm
+       the statement of earlier statisticians, that suicide is more
+       frequent among Protestants than among Catholics. _Casper_,
+       _Denkwürdigkeiten zur medicinischen Statistik_, Berlin, 1846,
+       p. 139.
+
+  [29] See the tables in the _Assurance Magazine_, no. iv. p. 309, no.
+       v. p. 34, no. viii. p. 350. These are the only complete
+       consecutive returns of London suicides yet published; those issued
+       by the police being imperfect. _Assurance Magazine_, no. v. p. 53.
+       From inquiries made for me at the General Register Office, in
+       January 1856, I learnt that there was an intention of completing
+       the yearly returns, but I do not know if this has since been done.
+
+Such is some, and only some, of the evidence we now possess respecting
+the regularity with which, in the same state of society, the same crimes
+are necessarily reproduced. To appreciate the full force of this
+evidence, we must remember that it is not an arbitrary selection of
+particular facts, but that it is generalized from an exhaustive
+statement of criminal statistics, consisting of many millions of
+observations, extending over countries in different grades of
+civilization, with different laws, different opinions, different morals,
+different habits. If we add to this, that these statistics have been
+collected by persons specially employed for that purpose, with every
+means of arriving at the truth, and with no interest to deceive, it
+surely must be admitted that the existence of crime according to a fixed
+and uniform scheme, is a fact more clearly attested than any other in
+the moral history of man. We have here parallel chains of evidence
+formed with extreme care, under the most different circumstances, and
+all pointing in the same direction; all of them forcing us to the
+conclusion, that the offences of men are the result not so much of the
+vices of the individual offender as of the state of society into which
+that individual is thrown.[30] This is an inference resting on broad and
+tangible proofs accessible to all the world; and as such cannot be
+overturned, or even impeached, by any of those hypotheses with which
+metaphysicians and theologians have hitherto perplexed the study of
+past events.
+
+  [30] 'L'expérience démontre en effet, avec toute l'évidence possible,
+       cette opinion, qui pourra sembler paradoxale au premier abord, que
+       _c'est la société qui prépare le crime, et que le coupable n'est
+       que l'instrument qui l'exécute_.' _Quetelet sur l'Homme_, vol. ii.
+       p. 325.
+
+Those readers who are acquainted with the manner in which in the
+physical world the operations of the laws of nature are constantly
+disturbed, will expect to find in the moral world disturbances equally
+active. Such aberrations proceed, in both instances, from minor laws,
+which at particular points meet the larger laws, and thus alter their
+normal action. Of this, the science of mechanics affords a good example
+in the instance of that beautiful theory called the parallelogram of
+forces; according to which the forces are to each other in the same
+proportion as is the diagonal of their respective parallelograms.[31]
+This is a law pregnant with great results; it is connected with those
+important mechanical resources, the composition and resolution of
+forces; and no one acquainted with the evidence on which it stands, ever
+thought of questioning its truth. But the moment we avail ourselves of
+it for practical purposes, we find that in its action it is warped by
+other laws, such as those concerning the friction of air, and the
+different density of the bodies on which we operate, arising from their
+chemical composition, or, as some suppose, from their atomic
+arrangement. Perturbations being thus let in, the pure and simple action
+of the mechanical law disappears. Still, and although the results of the
+law are incessantly disturbed, the law itself remains intact.[32] Just
+in the same way, the great social law, that the moral actions of men
+are the product not of their volition, but of their antecedents, is
+itself liable to disturbances which trouble its operation without
+affecting its truth. And this is quite sufficient to explain those
+slight variations which we find from year to year in the total amount of
+crime produced by the same country. Indeed, looking at the fact that the
+moral world is far more abundant in materials than the physical world,
+the only ground for astonishment is that these variations should not be
+greater; and from the circumstance that the discrepancies are so
+trifling, we may form some idea of the prodigious energy of those vast
+social laws, which, though constantly interrupted, seem to triumph over
+every obstacle, and which, when examined by the aid of large numbers,
+scarcely undergo any sensible perturbation.[33]
+
+  [31] The diagonal always giving the resultant when each side represents
+       a force; and if we look on the resultant as a compound force, a
+       comparison of diagonals becomes a comparison of compounds.
+
+  [32] A law of nature being merely a generalization of relations, and
+       having no existence except in the mind, is essentially intangible;
+       and therefore, however small the law may be, it can never admit of
+       exceptions, though its operation may admit of innumerable
+       exceptions. Hence, as Dugald Stewart (_Philosophy of the Mind_,
+       vol. ii. p. 211) rightly says, we can only refer to the laws of
+       nature 'by a sort of figure or metaphor.' This is constantly lost
+       sight of even by authors of repute; some of whom speak of laws as
+       if they were causes, and therefore liable to interruption by larger
+       causes; while other writers pronounce them to be 'delegated
+       agencies' from the Deity. Compare _Prout's Bridgewater Treatise_,
+       pp. 318, 435, 495; _Sadler's Law of Population_, vol. ii. p. 67;
+       _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. i. p. 160. Mr. Paget, in his able
+       work, _Lectures on Pathology_, vol. i. p. 481, vol. ii. p. 542,
+       with much greater accuracy calls such cases 'apparent exceptions'
+       to laws; but it would be better to say, 'exceptions to the
+       operations of laws.' The context clearly proves that Mr. Paget
+       distinctly apprehends the difference; but a slight alteration of
+       this kind would prevent confusion in the minds of ordinary readers.
+
+  [33] Mr. Rawson, in his _Inquiry into the Statistics of Crime in England
+       and Wales_ (published in the _Journal of the Statistical Society_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 316-344), says, p. 327, 'No greater proof can be given
+       of the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard to
+       crime, than the fact which appears in the following table, that the
+       greatest variation which has taken place during the last three
+       years, in the proportion of any class of criminals at the same
+       period of life, has not exceeded a half per cent.' See also _Report
+       of British Association for 1839, Transac. of Sec._, p. 118. Indeed,
+       all writers who have examined the evidence are forced to admit this
+       regularity, however they may wish to explain it. M. Dufau (_Traité
+       de Statistique_, p. 144) says, 'Les faits de l'ordre moral sont,
+       aussi bien que ceux de l'ordre naturel, le produit de causes
+       constantes et régulières,' &c.; and at p. 367, 'C'est ainsi que le
+       monde moral se présente à nous, de ce point de vue, comme offrant,
+       de même que le monde physique, un ensemble continu d'effets dus à
+       des causes constantes et régulières, dont il appartient surtout à
+       la statistique de constater l'action.' See to the same effect
+       _Moreau-Christophe des Prisons en France_, Paris, 1838, pp. 53,
+       189.
+
+Nor is it merely the crimes of men which are marked by this uniformity
+of sequence. Even the number of marriages annually contracted, is
+determined, not by the temper and wishes of individuals, but by large
+general facts, over which individuals can exercise no authority. It is
+now known that marriages bear a fixed and definite relation to the price
+of corn;[34] and in England the experience of a century has proved that,
+instead of having any connexion with personal feelings, they are simply
+regulated by the average earnings of the great mass of the people:[35]
+so that this immense social and religious institution is not only
+swayed, but is completely controlled, by the price of food and by the
+rate of wages. In other cases, uniformity has been detected, though the
+causes of the uniformity are still unknown. Thus, to give a curious
+instance, we are now able to prove that even the aberrations of memory
+are marked by this general character of necessary and invariable order.
+The post-offices of London and of Paris have latterly published returns
+of the number of letters which the writers, through forgetfulness,
+omitted to direct; and, making allowance for the difference of
+circumstances, the returns are year after year copies of each other.
+Year after year the same proportion of letter-writers forget this simple
+act; so that for each successive period we can actually foretell the
+number of persons whose memory will fail them in regard to this
+trifling and, as it might appear, accidental occurrence.[36]
+
+  [34] 'It is curious to observe how intimate a relation exists between
+       the price of food and the number of marriages.' ... 'The relation
+       that subsists between the price of food and the number of marriages
+       is not confined to our own country; and it is not improbable that,
+       had we the means of ascertaining the facts, we should see the like
+       result in every civilized community. We possess the necessary
+       returns from France; and these fully bear out the view that has
+       been given.' _Porter's Progress of the Nation_, vol. ii. pp. 244,
+       245, London, 1838.
+
+  [35] 'The marriage returns of 1850 and 1851 exhibit the excess which
+       since 1750 has been invariably observed when the substantial
+       earnings of the people are above the average.' _Journal of
+       Statistical Society_, vol. xv. p. 185.
+
+  [36] See _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. ii. pp. 409-411, which,
+       says this able writer, proves that 'forgetfulness as well as free
+       will is under constant laws.' But this is using the word 'free
+       will' in a sense different from that commonly employed.
+
+To those who have a steady conception of the regularity of events, and
+have firmly seized the great truth that the actions of men, being guided
+by their antecedents, are in reality never inconsistent, but, however
+capricious they may appear, only form part of one vast scheme of
+universal order, of which we in the present state of knowledge can
+barely see the outline--to those who understand this, which is at once
+the key and the basis of history, the facts just adduced, so far from
+being strange, will be precisely what would have been expected and ought
+long since to have been known. Indeed, the progress of inquiry is
+becoming so rapid and so earnest, that I entertain little doubt that
+before another century has elapsed, the chain of evidence will be
+complete, and it will be as rare to find an historian who denies the
+undeviating regularity of the moral world, as it now is to find a
+philosopher who denies the regularity of the material world.
+
+It will be observed, that the preceding proofs of our actions being
+regulated by law, have been derived from statistics; a branch of
+knowledge which, though still in its infancy,[37] has already thrown
+more light on the study of human nature than all the sciences put
+together. But although the statisticians have been the first to
+investigate this great subject by treating it according to those methods
+of reasoning which in other fields have been found successful; and
+although they have, by the application of numbers, brought to bear upon
+it a very powerful engine for eliciting truth--we must not, on that
+account, suppose that there are no other resources remaining by which it
+may likewise be cultivated: nor should we infer that because the
+physical sciences have not yet been applied to history, they are
+therefore inapplicable to it. Indeed, when we consider the incessant
+contact between man and the external world, it is certain that there
+must be an intimate connexion between human actions and physical laws;
+so that if physical science had not hitherto been brought to bear upon
+history, the reason is, either that historians have not perceived the
+connexion, or else that, having perceived it, they have been destitute
+of the knowledge by which its workings can be traced. Hence there has
+arisen an unnatural separation of the two great departments of inquiry,
+the study of the internal and that of the external: and although, in the
+present state of European literature, there are some unmistakable
+symptoms of a desire to break down this artificial barrier, still it
+must be admitted that as yet nothing has been actually accomplished
+towards effecting so great an end. The moralists, the theologians, and
+the metaphysicians, continue to prosecute their studies without much
+respect for what they deem the inferior labours of scientific men; whose
+inquiries, indeed, they frequently attack, as dangerous to the interests
+of religion, and as inspiring us with an undue confidence in the
+resources of the human understanding. On the other hand, the cultivators
+of physical science, conscious that they are an advancing body, are
+naturally proud of their own success; and, contrasting their discoveries
+with the more stationary position of their opponents, are led to despise
+pursuits the barrenness of which has now become notorious.
+
+  [37] Achenwall, in the middle of the eighteenth century, is usually
+       considered to be the first systematic writer on statistics, and is
+       said to have given them their present name. See _Lewis_, _Methods
+       of Observation and Reasoning in Politics_, 1852, vol. i. p. 72;
+       _Biographie Universelle_, vol. i. p. 140; _Dufau_, _Traité de
+       Statistique_, pp. 9, 10. Even so late as 1800, the Bishop of
+       Llandaff wrote to Sir John Sinclair, 'I must think the kingdom is
+       highly indebted to you for bringing forward a species of knowledge
+       (statistics) wholly new in this country, though not new in other
+       parts of Europe.' _Sinclair's Correspondence_, vol. i. p. 230.
+       Sinclair, notwithstanding his industry, was a man of slender
+       powers, and did not at all understand the real importance of
+       statistics, of which, indeed, he took a mere practical view.
+       Since then statistics have been applied extensively to medicine;
+       and still more recently, and on a smaller scale, to philology and
+       to jurisprudence. Compare _Bouillaud_, _Philosophie Médicale_,
+       pp. 96, 186; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii. pp. 474,
+       475; _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. ii. pp. 665-667;
+       _Holland's Medical Notes_, pp. 5, 472; _Vogel's Pathological
+       Anatomy_, pp. 15-17; _Simon's Pathology_, p. 180; _Phillips on
+       Scrofula_, pp. 70, 118, &c.; _Prichard's Physical Hist. of
+       Mankind_, vol. iv. p. 414; _Eschbach_, _Etude du Droit_,
+       pp. 392-394.
+
+It is the business of the historian to mediate between these two
+parties, and reconcile their hostile pretensions by showing the point at
+which their respective studies ought to coalesce. To settle the terms of
+this coalition, will be to fix the basis of all history. For since
+history deals with the actions of men, and since their actions are
+merely the product of a collision between internal and external
+phenomena, it becomes necessary to examine the relative importance of
+those phenomena; to inquire into the extent to which their laws are
+known; and to ascertain the resources for future discovery possessed by
+these two great classes, the students of the mind and the students of
+nature. This task I shall endeavour to accomplish in the next two
+chapters: and if I do so with anything approaching to success, the
+present work will at least have the merit of contributing something
+towards filling up that wide and dreary chasm, which, to the hindrance
+of our knowledge, separates subjects that are intimately related, and
+should never be disunited.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                                NOTE A.
+
+'Der Begriff der Freiheit ist ein reiner Vernunftbegriff, der eben darum
+für die theoretische Philosophie transcendent, d. i. ein solcher ist,
+dem kein angemessenes Beispiel in irgend einer möglichen Erfahrung
+gegeben werden kann, welcher also keinen Gegenstand einer uns möglichen
+theoretischen Erkenntniss ausmacht, und schlechterdings nicht für ein
+constitutives, sondern lediglich als regulatives, und zwar nur bloss
+negatives Princip der speculativen Vernunft gelten kann, im praktischen
+Gebrauche der selben aber seine Realität durch praktische Grundsätze
+beweist, die, als Gesetze, eine Causalität der reinen Vernunft,
+unabhängig von allen empirischen Bedingungen (dem Sinnlichen überhaupt),
+die Willkühr zu bestimmen, und einen reinen Willen in uns beweisen, in
+welchem die sittlichen Begriffe und Gesetze ihren Ursprung haben.'
+_Metaphysik der Sitten_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. v. pp. 20, 21. 'Würden
+die Gegenstände der Sinnenwelt für Dinge an sich selbst genommen, und
+die oben angeführten Naturgesetze für Gesetze der Dinge an sich selbst,
+so wäre der Widerspruch' (_i.e._ between Liberty and Necessity)
+'unvermeidlich. Ebenso, wenn das Subject der Freiheit gleich den übrigen
+Gegenständen als blose Erscheinung vorgestellt würde, so könnte
+ebensowohl der Widerspruch nicht vermieden werden; denn es würde
+ebendasselbe von einerlei Gegenständen in derselben Bedeutung zugleich
+bejaht und verneint werden. Ist aber Naturnothwendigkeit bloss auf
+Erscheinungen bezogen, und Freiheit bloss auf Dinge an sich selbst, so
+entspringt kein Widerspruch, wenn man gleich beide Arten von Causalität
+annimmt oder zugibt, so schwer oder unmöglich es auch sein möchte, die
+von der letzteren Art begreiflich zu machen.' ... 'Natur also und
+Freiheit eben demselben Dinge, aber in verschiedener Beziehung, einmal
+als Erscheinung, das andre Mal als einem Dinge an sich selbst ohne
+Widerspruch beigelegt werden können.' ... 'Nun kann ich ohne
+Widerspruch sagen: alle Handlungen vernünftiger Wesen, sofern sie
+Erscheinungen sind (in irgend einer Erfahrung angetroffen werden),
+stehen unter der Naturnothwendigkeit; eben dieselben Handlungen aber,
+bloss respective auf das vernünftige Subject und dessen Vermögen, nach
+blosser Vernunft zu handeln, sind frei.' _Prolegomena zu jeder künftigen
+Metaphysik_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. iii. pp. 268-270. 'Denn ein
+Geschöpf zu sein und als Naturwesen bloss dem Willen seines Urhebers zu
+folgen; dennoch aber als freihandelndes Wesen (welches seinen vom
+äusseren Einfluss unabhängigen Willen hat, der dem ersteren vielfältig
+zuwider sein kann), der Zurechnung fähig zu sein, und seine eigene That
+doch auch zugleich als die Wirkung eines höheren Wesens anzusehen: ist
+eine Vereinbarung von Begriffen, die wir zwar in der Idee einer Welt,
+als des höchsten Gutes, zusammen denken müssen; die aber nur der
+einsehen kann, welcher bis zur Kenntniss der übersinnlichen
+(intelligiblen) Welt durchdringt und die Art einsieht, wie sie der
+Sinnenwelt zum Grunde liegt.' _Theodicee_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. vi.
+p. 149. 'Nun wollen wir annehmen, die durch unsere Kritik nothwendig
+gemachte Unterscheidung der Dinge, als Gegenstände der Erfahrung, von
+eben denselben, als Dingen an sich selbst, wäre gar nicht gemacht, so
+müsste der Grundsatz der Causalität und mithin der Naturmechanismus in
+Bestimmung derselben durchaus von allen Dingen überhaupt als wirkenden
+Ursachen gelten. Von eben demselben Wesen also, z. B. der menschlichen
+Seele, würde ich nicht sagen können, ihr Wille sei frei, und er sei doch
+zugleich der Naturnothwendigkeit unterworfen, d. i. nicht frei, ohne in
+einen offenbaren Widerspruch zu gerathen; weil ich die Seele in beiden
+Sätzen in eben derselben Bedeutung, nämlich als Ding überhaupt (als
+Sache an sich selbst), genommen habe und, ohne vorhergehende Kritik,
+auch nicht anders nehmen konnte. Wenn aber die Kritik nicht geirrt hat,
+da sie das Object in zweierlei Bedeutung nehmen lehrt, nämlich als
+Erscheinung, oder als Ding an sich selbst; wenn die Deduction ihrer
+Verstandesbegriffe richtig ist, mithin auch der Grundsatz der Causalität
+nur auf Dinge im ersten Sinne genommen, nämlich so fern sie Gegenstände
+der Erfahrung sind, geht, eben dieselben aber nach der zweiten Bedeutung
+ihm nicht unterworfen sind, so wird eben derselbe Wille in der
+Erscheinung (den sichtbaren Handlungen) als dem Naturgesetze nothwendig
+gemäss und so fern nicht frei, und doch andererseits, als einem Dinge an
+sich selbst angehörig, jenem nicht unterworfen, mithin als frei gedacht,
+ohne dass hiebei ein Widerspruch vorgeht.' _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_,
+in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. p. 24. 'Und hier zeigt die zwar gemeine,
+aber betrügliche Voraussetzung der absoluten Realität der Erscheinungen
+sogleich ihren nachtheiligen Einfluss, die Vernunft zu verwirren. Denn
+sind Erscheinungen Dinge an sich selbst, so ist Freiheit nicht zu
+retten. Alsdann ist Natur die vollständige und an sich hinreichend
+bestimmende Ursache jeder Begebenheit, und die Bedingung derselben ist
+jederzeit nur in der Reihe der Erscheinungen enthalten, die sammt ihrer
+Wirkung unter dem Naturgesetze nothwendig sind. Wenn dagegen
+Erscheinungen für Nichts mehr gelten, als sie in der That sind, nämlich
+nicht für Dinge an sich, sondern blosse Vorstellungen, die nach
+empirischen Gesetzen zusammenhängen, so müssen sie selbst noch Gründe
+haben, die nicht Erscheinungen sind.' ... 'Hier habe ich nur die
+Anmerkung machen wollen, dass, da der durchgängige Zusammenhang aller
+Erscheinungen in einem Context der Natur ein unnachlässliches Gesetz
+ist, dieses alle Freiheit nothwendig umstürzen müsste, wenn man der
+Realität der Erscheinungen hartnäckig anhängen wollte. Daher auch
+diejenigen, welche hierin der gemeinen Meinung folgen, niemals dahin
+haben gelangen können, Natur und Freiheit mit einander zu vereinigen.'
+_Kritik_, in _Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 419, 420. Finally, at p. 433, 'Man
+muss wohl bemerken, dass wir hiedurch nicht die Wirklichkeit der
+Freiheit, als eines der Vermögen, welche die Ursache von den
+Erscheinungen unserer Sinnenwelt enthalten, haben darthun wollen. Denn
+ausser dass dieses gar keine transcendentale Betrachtung, die bloss mit
+Begriffen zu thun hat, gewesen sein würde, so könnte es auch nicht
+gelingen, indem wir aus der Erfahrung niemals auf Etwas, was gar nicht
+nach Erfahrungsgesetzen gedacht werden muss, schliessen können. Ferner
+haben wir auch gar nicht einmal die Möglichkeit der Freiheit beweisen
+wollen; denn dieses wäre auch nicht gelungen, weil wir überhaupt von
+keinem Realgrunde und keiner Causalität aus blossen Begriffen _a priori_
+die Möglichkeit erkennen können. Die Freiheit wird hier nur als
+transcendentale Idee behandelt, wodurch die Vernunft die Reihe der
+Bedingungen in der Erscheinung durch das sinnlich Unbedingte schlechthin
+aufzuheben denkt, dabei sich in eine Antinomie mit ihren eigenen
+Gesetzen, welche sie dem empirischen Gebrauche des Verstandes
+vorschreibt, verwickelt. Dass nun diese Antinomie auf einem blossen
+Scheine beruhe, und dass Natur der Causalität aus Freiheit wenigstens
+nicht widerstreite, das war das Einzige, was wir leisten konnten, und
+woran es uns auch einzig und allein gelegen war.'
+
+These passages prove that Kant saw that the phenomenal reality of Free
+Will is an indefensible doctrine: and as the present work is an
+investigation of the laws of phenomena, his transcendental philosophy
+does not affect my conclusions. According to Kant's view (and with which
+I am inclined to agree) the ordinary metaphysical and theological
+treatment of this dark problem is purely empirical, and therefore has no
+value. The denial of the supremacy of consciousness follows as a natural
+consequence, and is the result of the Kantian philosophy, and not, as is
+often said, the base of it.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+
+     INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION OF
+     SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS.
+
+
+If we inquire what those physical agents are by which the human race is
+most powerfully influenced, we shall find that they may be classed under
+four heads: namely, Climate, Food, Soil, and the General Aspect of
+Nature; by which last, I mean those appearances which, though presented
+chiefly to the sight, have, through the medium of that or other senses,
+directed the association of ideas, and hence in different countries have
+given rise to different habits of national thought. To one of these four
+classes, may be referred all the external phenomena by which Man has
+been permanently affected. The last of these classes, or what I call the
+General Aspect of Nature, produces its principal results by exciting the
+imagination, and by suggesting those innumerable superstitions which are
+the great obstacles to advancing knowledge. And as, in the infancy of a
+people, the power of such superstitions is supreme, it has happened that
+the various Aspects of Nature have caused corresponding varieties in the
+popular character, and have imparted to the national religion
+peculiarities which, under certain circumstances, it is impossible to
+efface. The other three agents, namely, Climate, Food, and Soil, have,
+so far as we are aware, had no direct influence of this sort; but they
+have, as I am about to prove, originated the most important consequences
+in regard to the general organization of society, and from them there
+have followed many of those large and conspicuous differences between
+nations, which are often ascribed to some fundamental difference in the
+various races into which mankind is divided. But while such original
+distinctions of race are altogether hypothetical,[38] the discrepancies
+which are caused by difference of climate, food, and soil, are capable
+of a satisfactory explanation, and, when understood, will be found to
+clear up many of the difficulties which still obscure the study of
+history. I purpose, therefore, in the first place, to examine the laws
+of these three vast agents in so far as they are connected with Man in
+his social condition; and having traced the working of those laws with
+as much precision as the present state of physical knowledge will allow,
+I shall then examine the remaining agent, namely, the General Aspect of
+Nature, and shall endeavour to point out the most important divergencies
+to which its variations have, in different countries, naturally given
+rise.
+
+  [38] I cordially subscribe to the remark of one of the greatest thinkers
+       of our time, who says of the supposed differences of race, 'of all
+       vulgar modes of escaping from the consideration of the effect of
+       social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is
+       that of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to
+       inherent natural differences.' _Mill's Principles of Political
+       Economy_, vol. i. p. 390. Ordinary writers are constantly falling
+       into the error of assuming the existence of this difference, which
+       may or may not exist but which most assuredly has never been
+       proved. Some singular instances of this will be found in _Alison's
+       History of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 336, vol. vi. p. 136, vol. viii.
+       pp. 525, 526, vol. xiii. p. 347; where the historian thinks that
+       by a few strokes of his pen he can settle a question of the
+       greatest difficulty, connected with some of the most intricate
+       problems in physiology. On the supposed relation between race and
+       temperament, see _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iii. p. 355.
+
+Beginning, then, with climate, food, and soil, it is evident that these
+three physical powers are in no small degree dependent on each other:
+that is to say, there is a very close connexion between the climate of a
+country and the food which will ordinarily be grown in that country;
+while at the same time the food is itself influenced by the soil which
+produces it, as also by the elevation or depression of the land, by the
+state of the atmosphere, and, in a word, by all those conditions to the
+assemblage of which the name of Physical Geography is, in its largest
+sense, commonly given.[39]
+
+  [39] As to the proper limits of physical geography, see _Prichard on
+       Ethnology_, in _Report of the British Association for_ 1847,
+       p. 235. The word 'climate' I always use in the narrow and popular
+       sense. Dr. Forry and many previous writers make it nearly coincide
+       with 'physical geography:' 'Climate constitutes the aggregate of
+       all the external physical circumstances appertaining to each
+       locality in its relation to organic nature.' _Forry's Climate of
+       the United States and its Endemic Influences_, New York, 1842,
+       p. 127.
+
+The union between these physical agents being thus intimate, it seems
+advisable to consider them not under their own separate heads, but
+rather under the separate heads of the effects produced by their united
+action. In this way we shall rise at once to a more comprehensive view
+of the whole question; we shall avoid the confusion that would be caused
+by artificially separating phenomena which are in themselves
+inseparable; and we shall be able to see more clearly the extent of that
+remarkable influence, which, in an early stage of society, the powers of
+Nature exercise over the fortunes of Man.
+
+Of all the results which are produced among a people by their climate,
+food, and soil, the accumulation of wealth is the earliest, and in many
+respects the most important. For although the progress of knowledge
+eventually accelerates the increase of wealth, it is nevertheless
+certain that, in the first formation of society, the wealth must
+accumulate before the knowledge can begin. As long as every man is
+engaged in collecting the materials necessary for his own subsistence,
+there will be neither leisure nor taste for higher pursuits; no science
+can possibly be created, and the utmost that can be effected will be an
+attempt to economise labour by the contrivance of such rude and
+imperfect instruments as even the most barbarous people are able to
+invent.
+
+In a state of society like this, the accumulation of wealth is the first
+great step that can be taken, because without wealth there can be no
+leisure, and without leisure there can be no knowledge. If what a people
+consume is always exactly equal to what they possess, there will be no
+residue, and therefore, no capital being accumulated, there will be no
+means by which the unemployed classes may be maintained.[40] But if the
+produce is greater than the consumption, an overplus arises, which,
+according to well-known principles, increases itself, and eventually
+becomes a fund out of which, immediately or remotely, every one is
+supported who does not create the wealth upon which he lives. And now it
+is that the existence of an intellectual class first becomes possible,
+because for the first time there exists a previous accumulation, by
+means of which men can use what they did not produce, and are thus
+enabled to devote themselves to subjects for which at an earlier period
+the pressure of their daily wants would have left them no time.
+
+  [40] By unemployed classes, I mean what Adam Smith calls the
+       unproductive classes; and though both expressions are strictly
+       speaking inaccurate, the word 'unemployed' seems to convey more
+       clearly than any other the idea in the text.
+
+Thus it is that of all the great social improvements the accumulation of
+wealth must be the first, because without it there can be neither taste
+nor leisure for that acquisition of knowledge on which, as I shall
+hereafter prove, the progress of civilization depends. Now, it is
+evident that among an entirely ignorant people, the rapidity with which
+wealth is created will be solely regulated by the physical peculiarities
+of their country. At a later period, and when the wealth has been
+capitalized, other causes come into play; but until this occurs, the
+progress can only depend on two circumstances: first on the energy and
+regularity with which labour is conducted, and secondly on the returns
+made to that labour by the bounty of nature. And these two causes are
+themselves the result of physical antecedents. The returns made to
+labour are governed by the fertility of the soil, which is itself
+regulated partly by the admixture of its chemical components, partly by
+the extent to which, from rivers or from other natural causes, the soil
+is irrigated, and partly by the heat and humidity of the atmosphere. On
+the other hand, the energy and regularity with which labour is
+conducted, will be entirely dependent on the influence of climate. This
+will display itself in two different ways. The first, which is a very
+obvious consideration, is, that if the heat is intense, men will be
+indisposed, and in some degree unfitted, for that active industry which
+in a milder climate they might willingly have exerted. The other
+consideration, which has been less noticed, but is equally important,
+is, that climate influences labour not only by enervating the labourer
+or by invigorating him, but also by the effect it produces on the
+regularity of his habits.[41] Thus we find that no people living in a
+very northern latitude have ever possessed that steady and unflinching
+industry for which the inhabitants of temperate regions are remarkable.
+The reason of this becomes clear, when we remember that in the more
+northern countries the severity of the weather, and, at some seasons,
+the deficiency of light, render it impossible for the people to continue
+their usual out-of-door employments. The result is, that the working
+classes being compelled to cease from their ordinary pursuits, are
+rendered more prone to desultory habits; the chain of their industry is
+as it were broken, and they lose that impetus which long-continued and
+uninterrupted practice never fails to give. Hence there arises a
+national character more fitful and capricious than that possessed by a
+people whose climate permits the regular exercise of their ordinary
+industry. Indeed, so powerful is this principle, that we may perceive
+its operation even under the most opposite circumstances. It would be
+difficult to conceive a greater difference in government, laws,
+religion, and manners, than that which distinguishes Sweden and Norway
+on the one hand, from Spain and Portugal on the other. But these four
+countries have one great point in common. In all of them, continued
+agricultural industry is impracticable. In the two southern countries,
+labour is interrupted by the heat, by the dryness of the weather, and
+by the consequent state of the soil. In the two northern countries, the
+same effect is produced by the severity of the winter and the shortness
+of the days. The consequence is, that these four nations, though so
+different in other respects, are all remarkable for a certain
+instability and fickleness of character; presenting a striking contrast
+to the more regular and settled habits which are established in
+countries whose climate subjects the working classes to fewer
+interruptions, and imposes on them the necessity of a more constant and
+unremitting employment.[42]
+
+  [41] This has been entirely neglected by the three most philosophical
+       writers on climate: Montesquieu, Hume, and M. Charles Comte in his
+       _Traité de Législation_. It is also omitted in the remarks of
+       M. Guizot on the influence of climate, _Civilisation en Europe_,
+       p. 97.
+
+  [42] See the admirable remarks in _Laing's Denmark_, 1852, pp. 204, 366,
+       367; though Norway appears to be a better illustration than
+       Denmark. In _Rey's Science Sociale_, vol. i. pp. 195, 196, there
+       are some calculations respecting the average loss to agricultural
+       industry caused by changes in the weather; but no notice is taken
+       of the connexion between these changes, when abrupt, and the tone
+       of the national character.
+
+These are the great physical causes by which the creation of wealth is
+governed. There are, no doubt, other circumstances which operate with
+considerable force, and which, in a more advanced state of society,
+possess an equal, and sometimes a superior, influence. But this is at a
+later period; and looking at the history of wealth in its earliest
+stage, it will be found to depend entirely on soil and climate: the soil
+regulating the returns made to any given amount of labour; the climate
+regulating the energy and constancy of the labour itself. It requires
+but a hasty glance at past events, to prove the immense power of these
+two great physical conditions. For there is no instance in history of
+any country being civilized by its own efforts, unless it has possessed
+one of these conditions in a very favourable form. In Asia, civilization
+has always been confined to that vast tract where a rich and alluvial
+soil has secured to man that wealth without some share of which no
+intellectual progress can begin. This great region extends, with a few
+interruptions, from the east of Southern China to the western coasts of
+Asia Minor, of Ph[oe]nicia, and of Palestine. To the north of this
+immense belt, there is a long line of barren country which has
+invariably been peopled by rude and wandering tribes, who are kept in
+poverty by the ungenial nature of the soil, and who, as long as they
+remained on it, have never emerged from their uncivilized state. How
+entirely this depends on physical causes, is evident from the fact that
+these same Mongolian and Tartarian hordes have, at different periods,
+founded great monarchies in China, in India, and in Persia, and have, on
+all such occasions, attained a civilization nowise inferior to that
+possessed by the most nourishing of the ancient kingdoms. For in the
+fertile plains of Southern Asia,[43] nature has supplied all the
+materials of wealth; and there it was that these barbarous tribes
+acquired for the first time some degree of refinement, produced a
+national literature, and organized a national polity; none of which
+things they, in their native land, had been able to effect.[44] In the
+same way, the Arabs in their own country have, owing to the extreme
+aridity of their soil,[45] always been a rude and uncultivated people;
+for in their case, as in all others, great ignorance is the fruit of
+great poverty. But in the seventh century they conquered Persia;[46] in
+the eighth century they conquered the best part of Spain;[47] in the
+ninth century they conquered the Punjaub, and eventually nearly the
+whole of India.[48] Scarcely were they established in their fresh
+settlements, when their character seemed to undergo a great change.
+They, who in their original land were little else than roving savages,
+were now for the first time able to accumulate wealth, and, therefore,
+for the first time did they make some progress in the arts of
+civilization. In Arabia they had been a mere race of wandering
+shepherds;[49] in their new abodes they became the founders of mighty
+empires--they built cities, endowed schools, collected libraries; and
+the traces of their power are still to be seen at Cordova, at Bagdad,
+and at Delhi.[50] Precisely in the same manner, there is adjoining
+Arabia at the north, and only separated from it elsewhere by the narrow
+waters of the Red Sea, an immense sandy plain, which, covering the whole
+of Africa in the same latitude, extends westward until it reaches the
+shores of the Atlantic.[51] This enormous tract is, like Arabia, a
+barren waste;[52] and therefore, as in Arabia, the inhabitants have
+always been entirely uncivilized, acquiring no knowledge, simply because
+they have accumulated no wealth.[53] But this great desert is, in its
+eastern part, irrigated by the waters of the Nile, the overflowing of
+which covers the sand with a rich alluvial deposit, that yields to
+labour the most abundant, and indeed the most extraordinary,
+returns.[54] The consequence is, that in that spot, wealth was rapidly
+accumulated, the cultivation of knowledge quickly followed, and this
+narrow strip of land[55] became the seat of Egyptian civilization; a
+civilization which, though grossly exaggerated,[56] forms a striking
+contrast to the barbarism of the other nations of Africa, none of which
+have been able to work out their own progress, or emerge, in any degree,
+from the ignorance to which the penury of nature has doomed them.
+
+  [43] This expression has been used by different geographers in different
+       senses; but I take it in its common acceptation, without reference
+       to the more strictly physical view of Ritter and his followers in
+       regard to Central Asia. See _Prichard's Physical History of
+       Mankind_, vol. iv. p. 278, edit. 1844. At p. 92, Prichard makes the
+       Himalaya the southern boundary of Central Asia.
+
+  [44] There is reason to believe that the Tartars of Thibet received even
+       their alphabet from India. See the interesting Essay on Tartarian
+       Coins in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iv. pp. 276, 277; and
+       on the Scythian Alphabet, see vol. xii. p. 336.
+
+  [45] In _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. i. p. 132, it is said
+       that in Arabia there are 'no rivers;' but Mr. Wellsted (_Travels in
+       Arabia_, vol. ii. p. 409) mentions one which empties itself into
+       the sea five miles west of Aden. On the streams in Arabia, see
+       _Meiners über die Fruchtbarkeit der Länder_, vol. i. pp. 149, 150.
+       That the sole deficiency is want of irrigation appears from
+       Burckhardt, who says (_Travels in Arabia_, vol. i. p. 240), 'In
+       Arabia, wherever the ground can be irrigated by wells, the sands
+       may be soon made productive.' And for a striking description of one
+       of the oases of Oman, which shows what Arabia might have been with
+       a good river system, see _Journal of Geographical Society_, vol.
+       vii. pp. 106, 107.
+
+  [46] Mr. Morier (_Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. vii. p. 230) says, 'the
+       conquest of Persia by the Saracens A.D. 651.' However, the fate of
+       Persia was decided by the battles of Kudseah and Nahavund, which
+       were fought in 638 and 641: see _Malcolm's History of Persia_,
+       vol. i. pp. xvi. 139, 142.
+
+  [47] In 712. _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 369.
+
+  [48] They were established in the Punjaub early in the ninth century,
+       but did not conquer Guzerat and Malwa until five hundred years
+       later. Compare Wilson's note in the _Vishnu Purana_, pp. 481, 482,
+       with _Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix. pp. 187, 188, 203. On their
+       progress in the more southern part of the Peninsula, see _Journal
+       of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223, vol. iv. pp. 28-30.
+
+  [49] 'A race of pastoral barbarians.' _Dickinson on the Arabic
+       Language_, in _Journal of Asiat. Society_, vol. v. p. 323. Compare
+       _Reynier_, _Economie des Arabes_, pp. 27, 28; where, however, a
+       very simple question is needlessly complicated. The old Persian
+       writers bestowed on them the courteous appellation of 'a band of
+       naked lizard-eaters.' _Malcolm's Hist. of Persia_, vol. i. p. 133.
+       Indeed, there are few things in history better proved than the
+       barbarism of a people whom some writers wish to invest with a
+       romantic interest. The eulogy passed on them by Meiners is rather
+       suspicious, for he concludes by saying, 'die Eroberungen der
+       Araber waren höchst selten so blutig und zerstörend, als die
+       Eroberungen der Tataren, Persen, Türken, u.s.w. in ältern und
+       neuern Zeiten waren.' _Fruchtbarkeit der Länder_, vol. i. p. 153.
+       If this is the best that can be said, the comparison with Tartars
+       and Turks does not prove much; but it is singular that this learned
+       author should have forgotten a passage in Diodorus Siculus which
+       gives a pleasant description of them nineteen centuries ago on the
+       eastern side: _Bibliothec. Hist._ lib. ii. vol. ii. p. 137.
+       [Greek: echousi de bion lêstrikon, kai pollên tês homorou chôras
+       katatrechontes lêsteuousin], &c.
+
+  [50] The only branch of knowledge which the Arabians ever raised to a
+       science was astronomy, which began to be cultivated under the
+       caliphs about the middle of the eighth century, and went on
+       improving until 'la ville de Bagdad fut, pendant le dixième siècle,
+       le théâtre principal de l'astronomie chez les orientaux.'
+       _Montucla_, _Histoire des Mathématiques_, vol. i. pp. 355, 364. The
+       old Pagan Arabs, like most barbarous people living in a clear
+       atmosphere, had such an empirical acquaintance with the celestial
+       phenomena as was used for practical purposes; but there is no
+       evidence to justify the common opinion that they studied this
+       subject as a science. Dr. Dorn (_Transactions of the Asiatic
+       Society_, vol. ii. p. 371) says, 'of a scientific knowledge of
+       astronomy among them no traces can be discovered.' Beausobre
+       (_Histoire de Manichée_, vol. i. p. 20) is quite enthusiastic about
+       the philosophy of the Arabs in the time of Pythagoras! and he tells
+       us, that 'ces peuples out toujours cultivé les sciences.' To
+       establish this fact, he quotes a long passage from a life of
+       Mohammed written early in the eighteenth century by
+       Boulainvilliers, whom he calls, 'un des plus beaux génies de
+       France.' If this is an accurate description, those who have read
+       the works of Boulainvilliers will think that France was badly off
+       for men of genius; and as to his life of Mohammed, it is little
+       better than a romance: the author was ignorant of Arabic, and knew
+       nothing which had not been already communicated by Maracci and
+       Pococke. See _Biographie Universelle_, vol. v. p. 321.
+
+       In regard to the later Arabian astronomers, one of their great
+       merits was to approximate to the value of the annual precession
+       much closer than Ptolemy had done. See _Grant's History of
+       Physical Astronomy_, 1852, p. 319.
+
+  [51] Indeed it goes beyond it: 'the trackless sands of the Sahara
+       desert, which is even prolonged for miles into the Atlantic Ocean
+       in the form of sandbanks.' _Somerville's Physical Geography_,
+       vol. i. p. 149. For a singular instance of one of these sandbanks
+       being formed into an island, see _Journal of Geograph. Society_,
+       vol. ii. p. 284. The Sahara desert, exclusive of Bornou and
+       Darfour, covers an area of 194,000 square leagues; that is, nearly
+       three times the size of France, or twice the size of the
+       Mediterranean. Compare _Lyell's Geology_, p. 694, with
+       _Somerville's Connexion of the Sciences_, p. 294. As to the
+       probable southern limits of the plateau of the Sahara, see
+       _Richardson's Mission to Central Africa_, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 146,
+       156; and as to the part of it adjoining the Mandingo country, see
+       _Mungo Park's Travels_, vol. i. pp. 237, 238. Respecting the
+       country south of Mandara, some scanty information was collected by
+       Denham in the neighbourhood of Lake Tchad. _Denham's Northern and
+       Central Africa_, pp. 121, 122, 144-146.
+
+  [52] Richardson, who travelled through it south of Tripoli, notices its
+       'features of sterility, of unconquerable barrenness.' _Richardson's
+       Sahara_, 1848, vol. i. p. 86; and see the striking picture at
+       p. 409. The long and dreary route from Mourzouk to Yeou, on Lake
+       Tchad, is described by Denham, one of the extremely few Europeans
+       who have performed that hazardous journey. _Denham's Central
+       Africa_, pp. 2-60. Even on the shore of the Tchad there is hardly
+       any vegetation, 'a coarse grass and a small bell-flower being the
+       only plants that I could discover,' p. 90. Compare his remark on
+       Bornou, p. 317. The condition of part of the desert in the
+       fourteenth century is described in the _Travels of Ibn Batuta_,
+       p. 233, which should be compared with the account given by Diodorus
+       Siculus of the journey of Alexander to the temple of Ammon.
+       _Bibliothec. Historic._ lib. xvii. vol. vii. p. 348.
+
+  [53] Richardson, who travelled in 1850 from Tripoli to within a few days
+       of Lake Tchad, was struck by the stationary character of the
+       people. He says, 'neither in the desert nor in the kingdoms of
+       Central Africa is there any march of civilization. All goes on
+       according to a certain routine established for ages past.'
+       _Mission to Central Africa_, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. See similar
+       remarks in _Pallme's Travels in Kordofan_, pp. 108, 109.
+
+  [54] Abd-Allatif, who was in Egypt early in the thirteenth century,
+       gives an interesting account of the rising of the Nile, to which
+       Egypt owes its fertility. _Abd-Allatif_, _Relation de l'Egypte_,
+       pp. 329-340, 374-376, and Appendix, p. 504. See also on these
+       periodical inundations. _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iv.
+       pp. 101-104; and on the half-astronomical half theological notions
+       connected with them, pp. 372-377, vol. v. pp. 291, 292. Compare on
+       the religious importance of the Nile _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i.
+       p. 409. The expression, therefore, of Herodotus (book ii. chap.
+       v. vol. i. p. 484), [Greek: dôron tou potamou] is true in a much
+       larger sense than he intended; since to the Nile Egypt owes all
+       the physical peculiarities which distinguish it from Arabia and
+       the great African desert. Compare _Heeren's African Nations_,
+       vol. ii. p. 58; _Reynier_, _Economie des Arabes_, p. 3; _Postan's
+       on the Nile and Indus_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. vii.
+       p. 275; and on the difference between the soil of the Nile and
+       that of the surrounding desert, see _Volney_, _Voyage en Syrie et
+       en Egypte_, vol. i. p. 14.
+
+  [55] 'The average breadth of the valley from one mountain-range to the
+       other, between Cairo in Lower, and Edfoo in Upper Egypt, is only
+       about seven miles; and that of the cultivable land, whose limits
+       depend on the inundation, scarcely exceeds five and a half.'
+       _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 216. According to
+       Gerard, 'the mean width of the valley between Syene and Cairo is
+       about nine miles.' Note in _Heeren's African Nations_, vol. ii.
+       p. 62.
+
+  [56] I will give one instance of this from an otherwise sensible writer,
+       and a man too of considerable learning: 'As to the physical
+       knowledge of the Egyptians, their cotemporaries gave them credit
+       for the astonishing power of their magic; and as we cannot suppose
+       that the instances recorded in Scripture were to be attributed to
+       the exertion of supernatural powers, we must conclude that they
+       were in possession of a more intimate knowledge of the laws and
+       combinations of nature than what is professed by the most learned
+       men of the present age.' _Hamilton's Ægyptiaca_, pp. 61, 62. It is
+       a shame that such nonsense should be written in the nineteenth
+       century: and yet a still more recent author (_Vyse on the
+       Pyramids_, vol. i. p. 28) assures us that 'the Egyptians, for
+       especial purposes, were endowed with great wisdom and science.'
+       Science properly so called, the Egyptians had none; and as to
+       their wisdom, it was considerable enough to distinguish them from
+       barbarous nations like the old Hebrews, but it was inferior to
+       that of the Greeks, and it was of course immeasurably below that
+       of modern Europe.
+
+These considerations clearly prove that of the two primary causes of
+civilization, the fertility of the soil is the one which in the ancient
+world exercised most influence. But in European civilization, the other
+great cause, that is to say, climate, has been the most powerful; and
+this, as we have seen, produces an effect partly on the capacity of the
+labourer for work, partly on the regularity or irregularity of his
+habits. The difference in the result has curiously corresponded with the
+difference in the cause. For, although all civilization must have for
+its antecedent the accumulation of wealth, still what subsequently
+occurs will be in no small degree determined by the conditions under
+which the accumulation took place. In Asia, and in Africa, the condition
+was a fertile soil, causing an abundant return; in Europe, it was a
+happier climate, causing more successful labour. In the former case, the
+effect depends on the relation between the soil and its produce; in
+other words, the mere operation of one part of external nature upon
+another. In the latter case, the effect depends on the relation between
+the climate and the labourer; that is, the operation of external nature
+not upon itself, but upon man. Of these two classes of relations, the
+first, being the less complicated, is the less liable to disturbance,
+and therefore came sooner into play. Hence it is, that, in the march of
+civilization, the priority is unquestionably due to the most fertile
+parts of Asia and Africa. But although their civilization was the
+earliest, it was very far, indeed, from being the best or most
+permanent. Owing to circumstances which I shall presently state, the
+only progress which is really effective depends, not upon the bounty of
+nature, but upon the energy of man. Therefore it is, that the
+civilization of Europe, which, in its earliest stage, was governed by
+climate, has shown a capacity of development unknown to those
+civilizations which were originated by soil. For the powers of nature,
+notwithstanding their apparent magnitude, are limited and stationary; at
+all events, we have not the slightest proof that they have ever
+increased, or that they will ever be able to increase. But the powers of
+man, so far as experience and analogy can guide us, are unlimited; nor
+are we possessed of any evidence which authorizes us to assign even an
+imaginary boundary at which the human intellect will, of necessity, be
+brought to a stand. And as this power which the mind possesses of
+increasing its own resources, is a peculiarity confined to man, and one
+eminently distinguishing him from what is commonly called external
+nature, it becomes evident that the agency of climate, which gives him
+wealth by stimulating his labour, is more favourable to his ultimate
+progress than the agency of soil, which likewise gives him wealth, but
+which does so, not by exciting his energies, but by virtue of a mere
+physical relation between the character of the soil and the quantity or
+value of the produce that it almost spontaneously affords.
+
+Thus far as to the different ways in which climate and soil affect the
+creation of wealth. But another point of equal, or perhaps of superior,
+importance remains behind. After the wealth has been created, a question
+arises as to how it is to be distributed; that is to say, what
+proportion is to go to the upper classes, and what to the lower. In an
+advanced stage of society, this depends upon several circumstances of
+great complexity, and which it is not necessary here to examine.[57] But
+in a very early stage of society, and before its later and refined
+complications have begun, it may, I think, be proved that the
+distribution of wealth is, like its creation, governed entirely by
+physical laws; and that those laws are moreover so active as to have
+invariably kept a vast majority of the inhabitants of the fairest
+portion of the globe in a condition of constant and inextricable
+poverty. If this can be demonstrated, the immense importance of such
+laws is manifest. For since wealth is an undoubted source of power, it
+is evident that, supposing other things equal, an inquiry into the
+distribution of wealth is an inquiry into the distribution of power,
+and, as such, will throw great light on the origin of those social and
+political inequalities, the play and opposition of which form a
+considerable part of the history of every civilized country.
+
+  [57] Indeed many of them are still unknown; for, as M. Rey justly
+       observes, most writers pay too exclusive an attention to the
+       production of wealth, and neglect the laws of its distribution.
+       _Rey_, _Science Sociale_, vol. iii. p. 271. In confirmation of
+       this, I may mention the theory of rent, which was only discovered
+       about half a century ago, and which is connected with so many
+       subtle arguments that it is not yet generally adopted; and even
+       some of its advocates have shown themselves unequal to defending
+       their own cause. The great law of the ratio between the cost of
+       labour and the profits of stock, is the highest generalization we
+       have reached respecting the distribution of wealth; but it cannot
+       be consistently admitted by anyone who holds that rent enters into
+       price.
+
+If we take a general view of this subject, we may say that after the
+creation and accumulation of wealth have once fairly begun, it will be
+distributed among two classes, those who labour, and those who do not
+labour; the latter being, as a class, the more able, the former the more
+numerous. The fund by which both classes are supported is immediately
+created by the lower class, whose physical energies are directed,
+combined, and as it were economized, by the superior skill of the upper
+class. The reward of the workmen is called their wages; the reward of
+the contrivers is called their profits. At a later period, there will
+arise what may be called the saving class; that is, a body of men who
+neither contrive nor work, but lend their accumulations to those who
+contrive, and in return for the loan, receive a part of that reward
+which belongs to the contriving class. In this case, the members of the
+saving class are rewarded for their abstinence in refraining from
+spending their accumulations, and this reward is termed the interest of
+their money; so that there is made a threefold division--Interest,
+Profits, and Wages. But this is a subsequent arrangement, which can only
+take place to any extent when wealth has been considerably accumulated;
+and in the stage of society we are now considering, this third, or
+saving class, can hardly be said to have a separate existence.[58] For
+our present purpose, therefore, it is enough to ascertain what those
+natural laws are, which, as soon as wealth is accumulated, regulate the
+proportion in which it is distributed to the two classes of labourers
+and employers.
+
+Now, it is evident that wages being the price paid for labour, the rate
+of wages must, like the price of all other commodities, vary according
+to the changes in the market. If the supply of labourers outstrips the
+demand, wages will fall; if the demand exceeds the supply, they will
+rise. Supposing, therefore, that in any country there is a given amount
+of wealth to be divided between employers and workmen, every increase in
+the number of the workmen will tend to lessen the average reward each
+can receive. And if we set aside those disturbing causes by which all
+general views are affected, it will be found that, in the long-run, the
+question of wages is a question of population; for although the total
+sum of the wages actually paid depends upon the largeness of the fund
+from which they are drawn, still the amount of wages received by each
+man must diminish as the claimants increase, unless, owing to other
+circumstances, the fund itself should so advance as to keep pace with
+the greater demands made upon it.[59]
+
+  [58] In a still more advanced stage, there is a fourth division of
+       wealth, and part of the produce of labour is absorbed by rent.
+       This, however, is not an element of price, but a consequence of it;
+       and in the ordinary march of affairs, considerable time must elapse
+       before it can begin. Rent, in the proper sense of the word, is the
+       price paid for using the natural and indestructible powers of the
+       soil, and must not be confused with rent commonly so called; for
+       this last also includes the profits of stock. I notice this,
+       because several of the opponents of Ricardo have placed the
+       beginning of rent too early, by overlooking the fact that apparent
+       rent is very often profits disguised.
+
+  [59] 'Wages depend, then, on the proportion between the number of the
+       labouring population, and the capital or other funds devoted to the
+       purchase of labour; we will say, for shortness, the capital. If
+       wages are higher at one time or place than at another, if the
+       subsistence and comfort of the class of hired labourers are more
+       ample, it is, and can be, for no other reason than because capital
+       bears a greater proportion to population. It is not the absolute
+       amount of accumulation or of production that is of importance to
+       the labouring class; it is not the amount even of the funds
+       destined for distribution among the labourers; it is the proportion
+       between those funds and the numbers among whom they are shared. The
+       condition of the class can be bettered in no other way than by
+       altering that proportion to their advantage; and every scheme for
+       their benefit which does not proceed on this as its foundation, is,
+       for all permanent purposes, a delusion.' _Mill's Principles of
+       Political Economy_, 1849, vol. i. p. 425. See also vol. ii.
+       pp. 264, 265, and _M'Culloch's Political Economy_, pp. 379, 380.
+       Ricardo, in his _Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn_,
+       has stated, with his usual terseness, the three possible forms of
+       this question: 'The rise or fall of wages is common to all states
+       of society, whether it be the stationary, the advancing, or the
+       retrograde state. In the stationary state, it is regulated wholly
+       by the increase or falling-off of the population. In the advancing
+       state, it depends on whether the capital or the population advance
+       at the more rapid course. In the retrograde state, it depends on
+       whether population or capital decrease with the greater rapidity.'
+       _Ricardo's Works_, p. 379.
+
+To know the circumstances most favourable to the increase of what may be
+termed the wages-fund is a matter of great moment, but is one with which
+we are not immediately concerned. The question we have now before us,
+regards not the accumulation of wealth, but its distribution; and the
+object is, to ascertain what those physical conditions are, which, by
+encouraging a rapid growth of population, over-supply the labour market,
+and thus keep the average rate of wages at a very low point.
+
+Of all the physical agents by which the increase of the labouring
+classes is affected, that of food is the most active and universal. If
+two countries, equal in all other respects, differ solely in this--that
+in one the national food is cheap and abundant, and in the other scarce
+and dear, the population of the former country will inevitably increase
+more rapidly than the population of the latter.[60] And, by a parity of
+reasoning, the average rate of wages will be lower in the former than in
+the latter, simply because the labour-market will be more amply
+stocked.[61] An inquiry, therefore, into the physical laws on which the
+food of different countries depends, is, for our present purpose, of the
+greatest importance; and fortunately it is one respecting which we are
+able, in the present state of chemistry and physiology, to arrive at
+some precise and definite conclusions.
+
+  [60] The standard of comfort being of course supposed the same.
+
+  [61] 'No point is better established, than that the supply of labourers
+       will always ultimately be in proportion to the means of supporting
+       them.' _Principles of Political Economy_, chap. xxi. in _Ricardo's
+       Works_, p. 176. Compare _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book i.
+       chap. xi. p. 86, and _M'Culloch's Political Economy_, p. 222.
+
+The food consumed by man produces two, and only two, effects necessary
+to his existence. These are, first to supply him with that animal heat
+without which the functions of life would stop; and secondly, to repair
+the waste constantly taking place in his tissues, that is, in the
+mechanism of his frame. For each of these separate purposes there is a
+separate food. The temperature of our body is kept up by substances
+which contain no nitrogen, and are called non-azotized; the incessant
+decay in our organism is repaired by what are known as azotized
+substances, in which nitrogen is always found.[62] In the former case,
+the carbon of non-azotized food combines with the oxygen we take in, and
+gives rise to that internal combustion by which our animal heat is
+renewed. In the latter case, nitrogen having little affinity for
+oxygen,[63] the nitrogenous or azotized food is, as it were, guarded
+against combustion;[64] and being thus preserved, is able to perform its
+duty of repairing the tissues, and supplying those losses which the
+human organism constantly suffers in the wear and tear of daily life.
+
+  [62] The division of food into azotized and non-azotized is said to have
+       been first pointed out by Magendie. See _Müller's Physiology_,
+       vol. i. p. 525. It is now recognised by most of the best
+       authorities. See, for instance, _Liebig's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 134; _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, p. 685; _Brande's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 1218, 1870. The first tables of food
+       constructed according to it were by Boussingault; see an elaborate
+       essay by Messrs. Lawes and Gilbert on _The Composition of Foods_,
+       in _Report of British Association for 1852_, p. 323: but the
+       experiments made by these gentlemen are neither numerous nor
+       diversified enough to establish a general law; still less can we
+       accept their singular assertion, p. 346, that the comparative
+       prices of different foods are a test of the nutriment they
+       comparatively contain.
+
+  [63] 'Of all the elements of the animal body, nitrogen has the feeblest
+       attraction for oxygen; and, what is still more remarkable, it
+       deprives all combustible elements with which it combines, to a
+       greater or less extent, of the power of combining with oxygen, that
+       is, of undergoing combustion.' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_,
+       p. 372.
+
+  [64] The doctrine of what may be called the protecting power of some
+       substances is still imperfectly understood, and until late in the
+       eighteenth century, its existence was hardly suspected. It is now
+       known to be connected with the general theory of poisons. See
+       _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 516. To this we must probably
+       ascribe the fact that several poisons which are fatal when applied
+       to a wounded surface, may be taken into the stomach with impunity.
+       _Brodie's Physiological Researches_, 1851, pp. 137, 138. It seems
+       more reasonable to refer this to chemical laws than to hold, with
+       Sir Benjamin Brodie, that some poisons 'destroy life by paralysing
+       the muscles of respiration without immediately affecting the
+       action of the heart.'
+
+These are the two great divisions of food;[65] and if we inquire into
+the laws which regulate the relation they bear to man, we shall find
+that in each division the most important agent is climate. When men live
+in a hot country, their animal heat is more easily kept up than when
+they live in a cold one; therefore they require a smaller amount of that
+non-azotized food, the sole business of which is to maintain at a
+certain point the temperature of the body. In the same way, they, in the
+hot country, require a smaller amount of azotized food, because on the
+whole their bodily exertions are less frequent, and on that account the
+decay of their tissues is less rapid.[66]
+
+  [65] Prout's well-known division into saccharine, oily, and albuminous,
+       appears to me of much inferior value, though I observe that it is
+       adopted in the last edition of _Elliotson's Human Physiology_,
+       pp. 65, 160. The division by M. Lepelletier into 'les alimens
+       solides et les boissons' is of course purely empirical.
+       _Lepelletier_, _Physiologie Médicale_, vol. ii. p. 100, Paris,
+       1832. In regard to Prout's classification, compare _Burdach's
+       Traité de Physiologie_, vol. ix. p. 240, with _Wagner's
+       Physiology_, p. 452.
+
+  [66] The evidence of an universal connexion in the animal frame between
+       exertion and decay, is now almost complete. In regard to the
+       muscular system, see _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, pp. 440, 441,
+       581, edit. 1846: 'there is strong reason to believe the waste or
+       decomposition of the muscular tissue to be in exact proportion to
+       the degree in which it is exerted.' This perhaps would be generally
+       anticipated even in the absence of direct proof; but what is more
+       interesting, is that the same principle holds good of the nervous
+       system. The human brain of an adult contains about one and a half
+       per cent of phosphorus; and it has been ascertained, that after
+       the mind has been much exercised, phosphates are excreted, and
+       that in the case of inflammation of the brain their excretion (by
+       the kidneys) is very considerable. See _Paget's Lectures on
+       Surgical Pathology_, 1853, vol. i. pp. 6, 7, 434; _Carpenter's
+       Human Physiology_, pp. 192, 193, 222; _Simon's Animal Chemistry_,
+       vol. ii. p. 426; _Henle_, _Anatomie Générale_, vol. ii. p. 172.
+       The reader may also consult respecting the phosphorus of the brain
+       the recent very able work of MM. Robin et Verdeil, _Chimie
+       Anatomique_, vol. i. p. 215, vol. ii. p. 348, Paris, 1853.
+       According to these writers (vol. iii. p. 445), its existence in
+       the brain was first announced by Hensing, in 1779.
+
+Since, therefore, the inhabitants of hot climates do, in their natural
+and ordinary state, consume less food than the inhabitants of cold ones,
+it inevitably follows that, provided other things remain equal, the
+growth of population will be more rapid in countries which are hot than
+in those which are cold. For practical purposes, it is immaterial
+whether the greater plenty of a substance by which the people are fed
+arises from a larger supply, or whether it arises from a smaller
+consumption. When men eat less, the result will be just the same as if
+they had more; because the same amount of nutriment will go farther, and
+thus population will gain a power of increasing more quickly than it
+could do in a colder country, where, even if provisions were equally
+abundant, they, owing to the climate, would be sooner exhausted.
+
+This is the first point of view in which the laws of climate are,
+through the medium of food, connected with the laws of population, and
+therefore with the laws of the distribution of wealth. But there is also
+another point of view, which follows the same line of thought, and will
+be found to strengthen the argument just stated. This is, that in cold
+countries, not only are men compelled to eat more than in hot ones, but
+their food is dearer, that is to say, to get it is more difficult, and
+requires a greater expenditure of labour. The reason of this I will
+state as briefly as possible, without entering into any details beyond
+those which are absolutely necessary for a right understanding of this
+interesting subject.
+
+The objects of food are, as we have seen, only two: namely, to keep up
+the warmth of the body, and repair the waste in the tissues.[67] Of
+these two objects, the former is effected by the oxygen of the air
+entering our lungs, and, as it travels through the system, combining
+with the carbon which we take in our food.[68] This combination of
+oxygen and carbon never can occur without producing a considerable
+amount of heat, and it is in this way that the human frame is maintained
+at its necessary temperature.[69] By virtue of a law familiar to
+chemists, carbon and oxygen, like all other elements, will only unite in
+certain definite proportions;[70] so that to keep up a healthy balance,
+it is needful that the food which contains the carbon should vary
+according to the amount of oxygen taken in: while it is equally needful
+that we should increase the quantity of both of these constituents
+whenever a greater external cold lowers the temperature of the body. Now
+it is obvious that in a very cold climate, this necessity of providing a
+nutriment more highly carbonized will arise in two distinct ways. In the
+first place, the air being denser, men imbibe at each inspiration a
+greater volume of oxygen than they would do in a climate where the air
+is rarefied by heat.[71] In the second place, cold accelerates their
+respiration, and thus obliging them to inhale more frequently than the
+inhabitants of hot countries, increases the amount of oxygen which they
+on an average take in.[72] On both these grounds the consumption of
+oxygen becomes greater: it is therefore requisite that the consumption
+of carbon should also be greater; since by the union of these two
+elements in certain definite proportions, the temperature of the body
+and the balance of the human frame can alone be maintained.[73]
+
+  [67] Though both objects are equally essential, the former is usually
+       the more pressing; and it has been ascertained by experiment, what
+       we should expect from theory, that when animals are starved to
+       death, there is a progressive decline in the temperature of their
+       bodies; so that the proximate cause of death by starvation is not
+       weakness, but cold. See _Williams's Principles of Medicine_,
+       p. 36; and on the connexion between the loss of animal heat and
+       the appearance of _rigor mortis_ in the contractile parts of the
+       body, see _Vogel's Pathological Anatomy of the Human Body_, p. 532.
+       Compare the important and thoughtful work of Burdach, _Physiologie
+       comme Science d'Observation_, vol. v. pp. 144, 436, vol. ix.
+       p. 231.
+
+  [68] Until the last twenty or five-and-twenty years, it used to be
+       supposed that this combination took place in the lungs; but more
+       careful experiments have made it probable that the oxygen unites
+       with the carbon in the circulation, and that the blood-corpuscules
+       are the carriers of the oxygen. Compare _Liebig's Animal
+       Chemistry_, p. 78; _Letters on Chemistry_, pp. 335, 336; _Turner's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1319; _Müller's Physiology_, vol. i.
+       pp. 92, 159. That the combination does not take place in the
+       air-cells is moreover proved by the fact that the lungs are not
+       hotter than other parts of the body. See _Müller_, vol. i. p. 348;
+       _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, p. 633; and _Brodie's Physiol.
+       Researches_, p. 33. Another argument in favour of the red
+       corpuscules being the carriers of oxygen, is that they are most
+       abundant in those classes of the vertebrata which maintain the
+       highest temperature; while the blood of invertebrata contains very
+       few of them; and it has been doubted if they even exist in the
+       lower articulata and mollusca. See _Carpenter's Human Physiol._
+       pp. 109, 532; _Grant's Comparative Anatomy_, p. 472; _Elliotson's
+       Human Physiol._ p. 159. In regard to the different dimensions of
+       corpuscules, see _Henle_, _Anatomie Générale_, vol. i. pp. 457-467,
+       494, 495; _Blainville_, _Physiologie Comparée_, vol. i. pp. 298,
+       299, 301-304; _Milne Edwards_, _Zoologie_, part i. pp. 54-56;
+       _Fourth Report of British Association_, pp. 117, 118; _Simon's
+       Animal Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 103, 104; and, above all, the
+       important observations of Mr. Gulliver (_Carpenter_, pp. 105, 106).
+       These additions to our knowledge, besides being connected with the
+       laws of animal heat and of nutrition, will, when generalized,
+       assist speculative minds in raising pathology to a science. In the
+       mean time I may mention the relation between an examination of the
+       corpuscules and the theory of inflammation which Hunter and
+       Broussais were unable to settle: this is, that the proximate cause
+       of inflammation is the obstruction of the vessels by the adhesion
+       of the pale corpuscules. Respecting this striking generalization,
+       which is still on its trial, compare _Williams's Principles of
+       Medicine_, 1848, pp. 258-265, with _Paget's Surgical Pathology_,
+       1853, vol. i. pp. 313-317; _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological
+       Anatomy_, 1854, pp. 28, 105, 106. The difficulties connected with
+       the scientific study of inflammation are evaded in _Vogel's
+       Pathological Anatomy_, p. 418; a work which appears to me to have
+       been greatly overrated.
+
+  [69] On the amount of heat disengaged by the union of carbon and oxygen,
+       see the experiments of Dulong, in _Liebig's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 44; and those of Despretz, in _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 634. Just in the same way, we find that the temperature of
+       plants is maintained by the combination of oxygen with carbon: see
+       _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 231, 232, 322, 323. As to the amount of
+       heat caused generally by chemical combination, there is an essay
+       well worth reading by Dr. Thomas Andrews in _Report of British
+       Association for 1849_, pp. 63-78. See also _Report for 1852,
+       Transac. of Sec._ p. 40, and _Liebig and Kopp's Reports on the
+       Progress of Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 34, vol. iii. p. 16, vol. iv.
+       p. 20; also _Pouillet_, _Elémens de Physique_, Paris, 1832,
+       vol. i. part i. p. 411.
+
+  [70] The law of definite proportions, which, since the brilliant
+       discoveries by Dalton, is the corner-stone of chemical knowledge,
+       is laid down with admirable clearness in _Turner's Elements of
+       Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 146-151. Compare _Brande's Chemistry_,
+       vol. i. pp. 139-144; _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences_, vol. ii.
+       p. 255; _Somerville's Connexion of the Sciences_, pp. 120, 121.
+       But none of these writers have considered the law so
+       philosophically as M. A. Comte, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iii.
+       pp. 133-176, one of the best chapters in his very profound, but
+       ill-understood work.
+
+  [71] 'Ainsi, dans des temps égaux, la quantité d'oxygène consommée par
+       le même animal est d'autant plus grande que la température ambiante
+       est moins élevée.' _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie Anatomique_,
+       vol. ii. p. 44. Compare _Simon's Lectures on Pathology_, 1850,
+       p. 188, for the diminished quantity of respiration in a high
+       temperature; though one may question Mr. Simon's inference that
+       _therefore_ the blood is more venous in hot countries than in cold
+       ones. This is not making allowance for the difference of diet,
+       which corrects the difference of temperature.
+
+  [72] 'The consumption of oxygen in a given time may be expressed by the
+       number of respirations.' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, p. 314;
+       and see _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, p. 611. It is also certain
+       that exercise increases the number of respirations; and birds,
+       which are the most active of all animals, consume more oxygen than
+       any others. _Milne Edwards_, _Zoologie_, part i. p. 88, part ii.
+       p. 371; _Flourens_, _Travaux de Cuvier_, pp. 153, 154, 265, 266.
+       Compare, on the connexion between respiration and the locomotive
+       organs, _Beclard_, _Anatomie Générale_, pp. 39, 44; _Burdach_,
+       _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. ix. pp. 485, 556-559; _Carus's
+       Comparative Anatomy_, vol. i. pp. 99, 164, 358, vol. ii. pp. 142,
+       160; _Grant's Comparative Anatomy_, pp. 455, 495, 522, 529, 537;
+       _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, pp. 369, 440, 692, 714, 720;
+       _Owen's Invertebrata_, pp. 322, 345, 386, 505. Thus too it has been
+       experimentally ascertained, that in human beings exercise increases
+       the amount of carbonic-acid gas. _Mayo's Human Physiology_, p. 64;
+       _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. iii. p. 359.
+
+       If we now put these facts together, their bearing on the
+       propositions in the text will become evident; because, on the
+       whole, there is more exercise taken in cold climates than in hot
+       ones, and there must therefore be an increased respiratory action.
+       For proof that greater exercise is both taken and required,
+       compare _Wrangel's Polar Expedition_, pp. 79, 102; _Richardson's
+       Arctic Expedition_, vol. i. p. 385; _Simpson's North Coast of
+       America_, pp. 49,88, which should be contrasted with the contempt
+       for such amusements in hot countries. Indeed, in polar regions all
+       this is so essential to preserve a normal state, that scurvy can
+       only be kept off in the northern part of the American continent by
+       taking considerable exercise: see _Crantz_, _History of Greenland_,
+       vol. i. pp. 46, 62, 338.
+
+  [73] See the note at the end of this chapter.
+
+Proceeding from these chemical and physiological principles, we arrive
+at the conclusion, that the colder the country is in which a people
+live, the more highly carbonized will be their food. And this, which is
+a purely scientific inference, has been verified by actual experiment.
+The inhabitants of the polar regions consume large quantities of
+whale-oil and blubber; while within the tropics such food would soon put
+an end to life, and therefore the ordinary diet consists almost entirely
+of fruit, rice, and other vegetables. Now it has been ascertained by
+careful analysis, that in the polar food there is an excess of carbon;
+in the tropical food an excess of oxygen. Without entering into details,
+which to the majority of readers would be distasteful, it may be said
+generally, that the oils contain about six times as much carbon as the
+fruits, and that they have in them very little oxygen;[74] while
+starch, which is the most universal, and, in reference to nutrition,
+the most important constituent in the vegetable world,[75] is nearly
+half oxygen.[76]
+
+  [74] 'The fruits used by the inhabitants of southern climes do not
+       contain, in a fresh state, more than 12 per cent. of carbon; while
+       the blubber and train-oil which feed the inhabitants of polar
+       regions contain 66 to 80 per cent. of that element.' _Liebig's
+       Letters on Chemistry_, p. 320; see also p. 375, and _Turner's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1315. According to Prout (_Mayo's Human
+       Physiol._ p. 136), 'the proportion of carbon in oily bodies varies
+       from about 60 to 80 per cent.' The quantity of oil and fat
+       habitually consumed in cold countries is remarkable. Wrangel
+       (_Polar Expedition_, p. 21) says of the tribes in the north-east
+       of Siberia, 'fat is their greatest delicacy. They eat it in every
+       possible shape; raw, melted, fresh, or spoilt.' See also _Simpson's
+       Discoveries on the North Coast of America_, pp. 147, 404.
+
+  [75] 'So common, that no plant is destitute of it.' _Lindley's Botany_,
+       vol. i. p. 111; and at p. 121, 'starch is the most common of all
+       vegetable productions.' Dr. Lindley adds (vol. i. p. 292), that it
+       is difficult to distinguish the grains of starch secreted by plants
+       from cytoblasts. See also on the starch-granules, first noticed by
+       M. Link, _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, pp. 223, 370; and
+       respecting its predominance in the vegetable world, compare
+       _Thomson's Chemistry of Vegetables_, pp. 650-652, 875; _Brande's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1160; _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. ii.
+       p. 1236; _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. ii. pp. 97, 98, 122.
+
+  [76] The oxygen is 49.39 out of 100. See the table in _Liebig's Letters
+       on Chemistry_, p. 379. Amidin, which is the soluble part of starch,
+       contains 53.33 per cent. of oxygen. See _Thomson's Chemistry of
+       Vegetables_, p. 654, on the authority of Prout, who has the
+       reputation of being an accurate experimenter.
+
+The connexion between this circumstance and the subject before us is
+highly curious: for it is a most remarkable fact, and one to which I
+would call particular attention, that owing to some more general law, of
+which we are ignorant, highly carbonized food is more costly than food
+in which comparatively little carbon is found. The fruits of the earth,
+of which oxygen is the most active principle, are very abundant; they
+may be obtained without danger, and almost without trouble. But that
+highly carbonized food, which in a very cold climate is absolutely
+necessary to life, is not produced in so facile and spontaneous a
+manner. It is not, like vegetables, thrown up by the soil; but it
+consists of the fat, the blubber, and the oil[77] of powerful and
+ferocious animals. To procure it, man must incur great risk and expend
+great labour. And although this is undoubtedly a contrast of extreme
+cases, still it is evident that the nearer a people approach to either
+extremity, the more subject will they be to the conditions by which that
+extremity is governed. It is evident that, as a general rule, the colder
+a country is, the more its food will be carbonized; the warmer it is,
+the more its food will be oxidized.[78] At the same time, carbonized
+food, being chiefly drawn from the animal world, is more difficult to
+obtain than oxidized food, which is drawn from the vegetable world.[79]
+The result has been that among nations where the coldness of the climate
+renders a highly carbonized diet essential, there is for the most part
+displayed, even in the infancy of society, a bolder and more adventurous
+character, than we find among those other nations whose ordinary
+nutriment, being highly oxidized, is easily obtained, and indeed is
+supplied to them, by the bounty of nature, gratuitously and without a
+struggle.[80] From this original divergence there follow many other
+consequences, which, however, I am not now concerned to trace; my
+present object being merely to point out how this difference of food
+affects the proportion in which wealth is distributed to the different
+classes.
+
+  [77] Of which a single whale will yield 'cent vingt tonneaux.' _Cuvier_,
+       _Règne Animal_, vol. i. p. 297. In regard to the solid food,
+       Sir J. Richardson (_Arctic Expedition_, 1851, vol. i. p. 243)
+       says that the inhabitants of the Arctic regions only maintain
+       themselves by chasing whales and 'consuming blubber.'
+
+  [78] It is said, that to keep a person in health, his food, even in the
+       temperate parts of Europe, should contain 'a full eighth more
+       carbon in winter than in summer.' _Liebig's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 16.
+
+  [79] The most highly carbonized of all foods are undoubtedly yielded by
+       animals; the most highly oxidized by vegetables. In the vegetable
+       kingdom there is, however, so much carbon, that its predominance,
+       accompanied with the rarity of nitrogen, has induced chemical
+       botanists to characterize plants as carbonized, and animals as
+       azotized. But we have here to attend to a double antithesis.
+       Vegetables are carbonized in so far as they are non-azotized; but
+       they are oxidized in opposition to the highly carbonized animal
+       food of cold countries. Besides this, it is important to observe
+       that the carbon of vegetables is most abundant in the woody and
+       unnutritious part, which is not eaten; while the carbon of animals
+       is found in the fatty and oily parts, which are not only eaten,
+       but are, in cold countries, greedily devoured.
+
+  [80] Sir J. Malcolm (_History of Persia_, vol. ii. p. 380), speaking of
+       the cheapness of vegetables in the East, says, 'in some parts of
+       Persia fruit has hardly any value.' Cuvier, in a striking passage
+       (_Règne Animal_, vol. i. pp. 73, 74), has contrasted vegetable
+       with animal food, and thinks that the former, being so easily
+       obtained, is the more natural. But the truth is that both are
+       equally natural: though when Cuvier wrote scarcely anything was
+       known of the laws which govern the relation between climate and
+       food. On the skill and energy required to obtain food in cold
+       countries, see _Wrangel's Polar Expedition_, pp. 70, 71, 191, 192;
+       _Simpson's Discoveries on the North Coast of America_, p. 249;
+       _Crantz_, _History of Greenland_, vol. i. pp. 22, 32, 105, 131,
+       154, 155, vol. ii. pp. 203, 265, 324.
+
+The way in which this proportion is actually altered has, I hope, been
+made clear by the preceding argument; but it may be useful to
+recapitulate the facts on which the argument is based. The facts, then,
+are simply these. The rate of wages fluctuates with the population;
+increasing when the labour-market is under-supplied, diminishing when it
+is over-supplied. The population itself, though affected by many other
+circumstances, does undoubtedly fluctuate with the supply of food;
+advancing when the supply is plentiful, halting or receding when the
+supply is scanty. The food essential to life is scarcer in cold
+countries than in hot ones; and not only is it scarcer, but more of it
+is required;[81] so that on both grounds smaller encouragement is given
+to the growth of that population from whose ranks the labour-market is
+stocked. To express, therefore, the conclusion in its simplest form, we
+may say, that there is a strong and constant tendency in hot countries
+for wages to be low, in cold countries for them to be high.
+
+  [81] 'Cabanis' (_Rapports du Physique et du Moral_, p. 313) says, 'Dans
+       les temps et dans les pays froids on mange et l'on agit davantage.'
+       That much food is eaten in cold countries, and little in hot ones,
+       is mentioned by numerous travellers, none of whom are aware of the
+       cause. See _Simpson's Discov. on North Coast of America_, p. 218;
+       _Custine's Russie_, vol. iv. p. 66; _Wrangel's Expedition_, pp. 21,
+       327; _Crantz_, _History of Greenland_, vol. i. pp. 145, 360;
+       _Richardson's Central Africa_, vol. ii. p. 46; _Richardson's
+       Sahara_, vol. i. p. 137; _Denham's Africa_, p. 37; _Journal of
+       Asiatic Society_, vol. v. p. 144, vol. viii. p. 188; _Burckhardt's
+       Travels in Arabia_, vol. ii. p. 265; _Niebuhr_, _Description de
+       l'Arabie_, p. 45; _Ulloa's Voyage to South America_, vol. i.
+       pp. 403, 408; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii. p. 283,
+       vol. vi. p. 85, vol. xix. p. 121; _Spix and Martius's Travels in
+       Brazil_, vol. i. p. 164; _Southey's History of Brazil_, vol. iii.
+       p. 848; _Volney_, _Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte_, vol. i. pp. 379,
+       380, 460; _Low's Sarawak_, p. 140.
+
+Applying now this great principle to the general course of history, we
+shall find proofs of its accuracy in every direction. Indeed, there is
+not a single instance to the contrary. In Asia, in Africa, and in
+America, all the ancient civilizations were seated in hot climates; and
+in all of them the rate of wages was very low, and therefore the
+condition of the labouring classes very depressed. In Europe, for the
+first time, civilization arose in a colder climate: hence the reward of
+labour was increased, and the distribution of wealth rendered more equal
+than was possible in countries where an excessive abundance of food
+stimulated the growth of population. This difference produced, as we
+shall presently see, many social and political consequences of immense
+importance. But before discussing them, it may be remarked that the only
+apparent exception to what has been stated is one which strikingly
+verifies the general law. There is one instance, and only one, of a
+great European people possessing a very cheap national food. This
+people, I need hardly say, are the Irish. In Ireland the labouring
+classes have for more than two hundred years been principally fed by
+potatoes, which were introduced into their country late in the
+sixteenth, or early in the seventeenth century.[82] Now, the peculiarity
+of the potato is, that until the appearance of the late disease, it was
+and perhaps still is, cheaper than any other food equally wholesome. If
+we compare its reproductive power with the amount of nutriment contained
+in it, we find that one acre of average land sown with potatoes will
+support twice as many persons as the same quantity of land sown with
+wheat.[83] The consequence is, that in a country where men live on
+potatoes, the population will, if other things are tolerably equal,
+increase twice as fast as in a country where they live on wheat. And so
+it has actually occurred. Until a very few years ago, when the face of
+affairs was entirely altered by pestilence and emigration, the
+population of Ireland was, in round numbers, increasing annually three
+per cent.; the population of England during the same period increasing
+one and a half per cent.[84] The result was, that in these two countries
+the distribution of wealth was altogether different. Even in England the
+growth of population is somewhat too rapid; and the labour-market being
+overstocked, the working classes are not sufficiently paid for their
+labour.[85] But their condition is one of sumptuous splendour, compared
+to that in which only a few years ago the Irish were forced to live. The
+misery in which they were plunged has no doubt always been aggravated by
+the ignorance of their rulers, and by that scandalous misgovernment
+which, until very recently, formed one of the darkest blots on the
+glory of England. The most active cause, however, was, that their wages
+were so low as to debar them, not only from the comforts, but from the
+common decencies of civilized life; and this evil condition was the
+natural result of that cheap and abundant food, which encouraged the
+people to so rapid an increase, that the labour-market was constantly
+gorged.[86] So far was this carried, that an intelligent observer who
+travelled through Ireland twenty years ago, mentioned that at that time
+the average wages were fourpence a day, and that even this wretched
+pittance could not always be relied upon for regular employment.[87]
+
+  [82] Meyen (_Geography of Plants_, 1846, p. 313) says that the potato
+       was introduced into Ireland in 1586; but according to
+       Mr. M'Culloch (_Dictionary of Commerce_, 1849, p. 1048), 'potatoes,
+       it is commonly thought, were not introduced into Ireland till 1610,
+       when a small quantity was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh to be planted
+       in a garden on his estate in the vicinity of Youghall.' Compare
+       _Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture_, p. 845: 'first planted by Sir
+       Walter Raleigh on his estate of Youghall, near Cork.'
+
+  [83] Adam Smith (_Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. xi. p. 67) supposes
+       that it will support three times as many; but the statistics of
+       this great writer are the weakest part of his work, and the more
+       careful calculations made since he wrote bear out the statement in
+       the text. 'It admits of demonstration that an acre of potatoes will
+       feed double the number of people that can be fed from an acre of
+       wheat.' _Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture_, 5th edit. 1844,
+       p. 845. So, too, in _M'Culloch's Dict._ p. 1048, 'an acre of
+       potatoes will feed double the number of individuals that can be
+       fed from an acre of wheat.' The daily average consumption of an
+       able-bodied labourer in Ireland is estimated at nine and a half
+       pounds of potatoes for men, and seven and a half for women. See
+       _Phillips on Scrofula_, 1846, p. 177.
+
+  [84] _Malthus_, _Essay on Population_, vol. i. pp. 424, 425, 431, 435,
+       441, 442; _M'Culloch's Political Economy_, pp. 381, 382.
+
+  [85] The lowest agricultural wages in our time have been in England
+       about 1_s._ a day; while from the evidence collected by
+       Mr. Thornton in 1845, the highest wages then paid were in
+       Lincolnshire, and were rather more than 13_s._ a week; those in
+       Yorkshire and Northumberland being nearly as high. _Thornton on
+       Over-Population_, pp. 12-15, 24, 25. Godwin, writing in 1820,
+       estimates the average at 1_s._ 6_d._ a day. _Godwin on Population_,
+       p. 574. Mr. Phillips, in his work _On Scrofula_, 1846, p. 345,
+       says, 'at present the ratio of wages is from 9_s._ to 10_s._'
+
+  [86] The most miserable part, namely Connaught, in 1733, contained
+       242,160 inhabitants; and in 1821, 1,110,229. See _Sadler's Law of
+       Population_, vol. ii. p. 490.
+
+  [87] Mr. Inglis, who in 1834 travelled through Ireland with a particular
+       view to its economical state, says, as the result of very careful
+       inquiries, 'I am quite confident, that if the whole yearly earnings
+       of the labourers of Ireland were divided by the whole number of
+       labourers, the result would be under this sum--_Fourpence_ a day
+       for the labourers of Ireland.' _Inglis_, _Journey throughout
+       Ireland in 1834_, Lond. 1835, 2nd edit. vol. ii. p. 300. At
+       Balinasloe, in the county of Galway, 'A gentleman with whom I was
+       accidentally in company offered to procure, on an hour's warning,
+       a couple of hundred labourers at fourpence even for temporary
+       employment.' _Inglis_, vol. ii. p. 17. The same writer says
+       (vol. i. p. 263), that at Tralee 'it often happens that the
+       labourers, after working in the canal from five in the morning
+       until eleven in the forenoon, are discharged for the day with the
+       pittance of twopence.' Compare, in _Cloncurry's Recollections_,
+       Dublin, 1849, p. 310, a letter from Dr. Doyle written in 1829,
+       describing Ireland as 'a country where the market is always
+       overstocked with labour, and in which a man's labour is not worth,
+       at an average, more than threepence a day.'
+
+Such have been the consequences of cheap food in a country which, on the
+whole, possesses greater natural resources than any other in Europe.[88]
+And if we investigate on a larger scale the social and economical
+condition of nations, we shall see the same principle everywhere at
+work. We shall see that, other things remaining equal, the food of a
+people determines the increase of their numbers, and the increase of
+their numbers determines the rate of their wages. We shall moreover
+find, that when the wages are invariably low,[89] the distribution of
+wealth being thus very unequal, the distribution of political power and
+social influence will also be very unequal; in other words, it will
+appear that the normal and average relation between the upper and lower
+classes will, in its origin, depend upon those peculiarities of nature,
+the operations of which I have endeavoured to indicate.[90] After
+putting all these things together, we shall, I trust, be able to
+discern, with a clearness hitherto unknown, the intimate connexion
+between the physical and moral world; the laws by which that connexion
+is governed; and the reasons why so many ancient civilizations reached a
+certain stage of development, and then fell away, unable to resist the
+pressure of nature, or make head against those external obstacles by
+which their progress was effectually retarded.
+
+  [88] It is singular that so acute a thinker as Mr. Kay should, in his
+       otherwise just remarks on the Irish, entirely overlook the effect
+       produced on their wages by the increase of population. _Kay's
+       Social Condition of the People_, vol. i. pp. 8, 9, 92, 223,
+       306-324. This is the more observable, because the disadvantages of
+       cheap food have been noticed not only by several common writers,
+       but by the highest of all authorities on population, Mr. Malthus:
+       see the sixth edition of his _Essay on Population_, vol. i. p. 469,
+       vol. ii. pp. 123, 124, 383, 384. If these things were oftener
+       considered, we should not hear so much about the idleness and
+       levity of the Celtic race; the simple fact being, that the Irish
+       are unwilling to work, not because they are Celts, but because
+       their work is badly paid. When they go abroad, they get good wages,
+       and therefore they become as industrious as any other people.
+       Compare _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. vii. p. 24, with
+       _Thornton on Over-Population_, p. 425; a very valuable work. Even
+       in 1799, it was observed that the Irish as soon as they left their
+       own country became industrious and energetic. See _Parliamentary
+       History_, vol. xxxiv. p. 222. So, too, in North America, 'they are
+       most willing to work hard.' _Lyell's Second Visit to the United
+       States_, 1849, vol. i. p. 187.
+
+  [89] By low wages, I mean low reward of labour, which is of course
+       independent both of the cost of labour and of the money-rate of
+       wages.
+
+  [90] In a recent work of considerable ingenuity (_Doubleday's True Law
+       of Population_, 1847, pp. 25-29, 69, 78, 123, 124, &c.) it is
+       noticed that countries are more populous when the ordinary food is
+       vegetable than when it is animal; and an attempt is made to explain
+       this on the ground that a poor diet is more favourable to fecundity
+       than a rich one. But though the fact of the greater increase of
+       population is indisputable, there are several reasons for being
+       dissatisfied with Mr. Doubleday's explanation.
+
+       1st. That the power of propagation is heightened by poor living, is
+       a proposition which has never been established physiologically;
+       while the observations of travellers and of governments are not
+       sufficiently numerous to establish it statistically.
+
+       2nd. Vegetable diet is as generous for a hot country as animal diet
+       is for a cold country; and since we know that, notwithstanding the
+       difference of food and climate, the temperature of the body varies
+       little between the equator and the poles (compare _Liebig's Animal
+       Chemistry_, p. 19; _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 473; _Pouillet_,
+       _Elémens de Physique_, vol. i. part i. p. 414; _Burdach's Traité de
+       Physiologie_, vol. ix. p. 663), we have no reason to believe that
+       there is any other normal variation, but should rather suppose
+       that, in regard to all essential functions, vegetable diet and
+       external heat are equivalent to animal diet and external cold.
+
+       3rd. Even conceding, for the sake of argument, that vegetable
+       food increases the procreative power, this would only affect the
+       number of births, and not the density of population; for a
+       greater number of births may be, and often are, remedied by a
+       greater mortality; a point in regard to which Godwin, in trying
+       to refute Malthus, falls into serious error. _Godwin on
+       Population_, p. 317.
+
+       Since writing the above, I have found that these views of Mr.
+       Doubleday's were in a great measure anticipated by Fourier. See
+       _Rey_, _Science Sociale_; vol. i. p. 185.
+
+If, in the first place, we turn to Asia, we shall see an admirable
+illustration of what may be called the collision between internal and
+external phenomena. Owing to circumstances already stated, Asiatic
+civilization has always been confined to that rich tract where alone
+wealth could be easily obtained. This immense zone comprises some of the
+most fertile parts of the globe; and of all its provinces, Hindostan is
+certainly the one which for the longest period has possessed the
+greatest civilization.[91] And as the materials for forming an opinion
+respecting India are more ample than those respecting any other part of
+Asia,[92] I purpose to select it as an example, and use it to illustrate
+those laws which, though generalized from political economy, chemistry,
+and physiology, may be verified by that more extensive survey, the means
+of which history alone can supply.
+
+  [91] I use the word 'Hindostan' in the popular sense, as extending south
+       to Cape Comorin; though, properly speaking, it only includes the
+       country north of the Nerbudda. Compare _Mill's History of India_,
+       vol. ii. p. 178; _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. i. p. 11;
+       _Meiners über die Länder in Asien_, vol. i. p. 224. The word
+       itself is not found in the old Sanscrit, and is of Persian origin.
+       _Halhed's Preface to the Gentoo Laws_, pp. xx. xxi.; _Asiatic
+       Researches_, vol. iii. pp. 368, 369.
+
+  [92] So that, in addition to works published on their philosophy,
+       religion, and jurisprudence, a learned geographer stated several
+       years ago, that 'kein anderes Asiatisches Reich ist in den letzten
+       drey Jahrhunderten von so vielen und so einsichtsvollen Europäern
+       durchreist und beschrieben worden, als Hindostan.' _Meiners_,
+       _Länder in Asien_, vol. i. p. 225. Since the time of Meiners, such
+       evidence has become still more precise and extensive; and is, I
+       think, too much neglected by M. Rhode in his valuable work on
+       India: 'Dem Zwecke dieser Arbeit gemäss, betrachten wir hier nur
+       Werke der Hindus selbst, oder Auszüge aus denselben als Quellen.'
+       _Rhode_, _Religiöse Bildung der Hindus_, vol. i. p. 43.
+
+In India, the great heat of the climate brings into play that law
+already pointed out, by virtue of which the ordinary food is of an
+oxygenous rather than of a carbonaceous character. This, according to
+another law, obliges the people to derive their usual diet not from the
+animal, but from the vegetable world, of which starch is the most
+important constituent. At the same time the high temperature,
+incapacitating men for arduous labour, makes necessary a food of which
+the returns will be abundant, and which will contain much nutriment in a
+comparatively small space. Here, then, we have some characteristics,
+which, if the preceding views are correct, ought to be found in the
+ordinary food of the Indian nations. So they all are. From the earliest
+period the most general food in India has been rice,[93] which is the
+most nutritive of all the cerealia;[94] which contains an enormous
+proportion of starch;[95] and which yields to the labourer an average
+return of at least sixty fold.[96]
+
+  [93] This is evident from the frequent and familiar mention of it in
+       that remarkable relic of antiquity, the Institutes of Menu. See
+       the _Institutes_, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii. pp. 87,
+       132, 156, 200, 215, 366, 400, 403, 434. Thus too, in the
+       enumeration of Foods in _Vishnu Purana_, pp. 46, 47, rice is the
+       first mentioned. See further evidence in _Bohlen_, _das alte
+       Indien_, vol. i. p. 22, vol. ii. pp. 159, 160; _Wilson's Theatre
+       of the Hindus_, vol. i. part ii. pp. 15, 16, 37, 92, 95, vol. ii.
+       part ii. p. 35, part iii. p. 64; _Notes on the Ma-habharata_, in
+       _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. vii. p. 141; _Travels of Ibn
+       Batuta in Fourteenth Century_, p. 164; _Colebrooke's Digest of
+       Hindu Law_, vol. i. p. 499, vol. ii. pp. 44, 48, 436, 569, vol.
+       iii. pp. 11, 148, 205, 206, 207, 266, 364, 530; _Asiatic
+       Researches_, vol. vii. pp. 299, 302; _Ward on the Hindoos_, vol.
+       i. p. 209, vol. iii. p. 105.
+
+  [94] 'It contains a greater proportion of nutritious matter than any of
+       the cerealia.' _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. ii. p. 220.
+
+  [95] It contains from 83.8 to 85.07 percent of starch. _Brande's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1624; _Thomson's Chemistry of Organic
+       Bodies_, p. 883.
+
+  [96] It is difficult to collect sufficient evidence to strike an
+       average; but in Egypt, according to Savary, rice 'produces eighty
+       bushels for one.' _Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture_, p. 173. In
+       Tennasserim, the yield is from 80 to 100. _Low's History of
+       Tennasserim_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii. p. 29. In
+       South America, 250 fold, according to Spix and Martius (_Travels
+       in Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 79); or from 200 to 300, according to
+       Southey (_History of Brazil_, vol. iii. pp. 658, 806). The lowest
+       estimate given by M. Meyen is forty fold; the highest, which is
+       marsh rice in the Philippine Islands, 400 fold. _Meyen's Geography
+       of Plants_, 1846, p. 301.
+
+Thus possible is it, by the application of a few physical laws, to
+anticipate what the national food of a country will be, and therefore to
+anticipate a long train of ulterior consequences. What in this case is
+no less remarkable, is that though in the south of the peninsula, rice
+is not so much used as formerly, it has been replaced, not by animal
+food, but by another grain called ragi.[97] The original rice, however,
+is so suited to the circumstances I have described, that it is still the
+most general food of nearly all the hottest countries of Asia,[98] from
+which at different times it has been transplanted to other parts of the
+world.[99]
+
+  [97] _Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 7. Ragi is the Cynosurus
+       Corocanus of Linnæus; and, considering its importance, it has been
+       strangely neglected by botanical writers. The best account I have
+       seen of it is in _Buchanan's Journey through the Countries of
+       Mysore, Canara, and Malabar_, vol. i. pp. 100-104, 285, 286, 375,
+       376, 403, vol. ii. pp. 103, 104, vol. iii. pp. 239, 240, 296, 297.
+       In the large cities, millet is generally used; of which 'a
+       quantity sufficient for two meals may be purchased for about a
+       halfpenny.' _Gibson on Indian Agriculture_, in _Journal of Asiatic
+       Society_, vol. viii. p. 100.
+
+  [98] _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, pp. 56, 59; _Raffles' History of
+       Java_, vol. i. pp. 39, 106, 119, 129, 240; _Percival's Ceylon_,
+       pp. 337, 364; _Transac. of Society of Bombay_, vol. ii. p. 155;
+       _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 510; _Journal of Asiatic
+       Society_, vol. i. pp. 228, 247, vol. ii. pp. 44, 64, 251, 257,
+       262, 336, 344, vol. iii. pp. 8, 25, 300, 340, vol. iv. pp. 82, 83,
+       104, vol. v. pp. 241, 246; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. pp. 124,
+       229, vol. xii. p. 148, vol. xvi. pp. 171, 172; _Journal of
+       Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. p. 86, vol. iii. pp. 124, 295, 300,
+       vol. v. p. 263, vol. viii. pp. 341, 359, vol. xix. pp. 132, 137.
+
+  [99] Rice, so far as I have been able to trace it, has travelled
+       westward. Besides the historical evidence, there are philological
+       probabilities in favour of its being indigenous to Asia, and the
+       Sanscrit name for it has been very widely diffused. Compare
+       _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 472, with _Crawfurd's History of
+       the Indian Archipelago_, vol. i. p. 358. In the fourteenth
+       century, it was the common food on the Zanguebar Coast; and is now
+       universal in Madagascar. _Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth
+       Century_, p. 56; _Ellis's History of Madagascar_, vol. i. pp. 39,
+       297-304, vol. ii. p. 292; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii.
+       p. 212. From Madagascar its seeds were, according to _M'Culloch's
+       Dictionary of Commerce_, p. 1105, carried to Carolina late in the
+       seventeenth century. It is now cultivated in Nicaragua (_Squier's
+       Central America_, vol. i. p. 38) and in South America
+       (_Henderson's Hist. of Brazil_, pp. 292, 307, 395, 440, 488),
+       where it is said to grow wild. Compare _Meyen's Geography of
+       Plants_, pp. 291, 297, with _Azara_, _Voyages dans l'Amérique
+       Méridionale_, vol. i. p. 100, vol. ii. p. 80. The ancient Greeks,
+       though acquainted with rice, did not cultivate it; and its
+       cultivation was first introduced into Europe by the Arabs. See
+       _Humboldt_, _Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 409, 410.
+
+In consequence of these peculiarities of climate, and of food, there has
+arisen in India that unequal distribution of wealth which we must expect
+to find in countries where the labour-market is always redundant.[100]
+If we examine the earliest Indian records which have been
+preserved--records between two and three thousand years old--we find
+evidence of a state of things similar to that which now exists, and
+which, we may rely upon it, always has existed ever since the
+accumulation of capital once fairly began. We find the upper classes
+enormously rich, and the lower classes miserably poor. We find those by
+whose labour the wealth is created, receiving the smallest possible
+share of it; the remainder being absorbed by the higher ranks in the
+form either of rent or of profit. And as wealth is, after intellect, the
+most permanent source of power, it has naturally happened that a great
+inequality of wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding inequality
+of social and political power. It is not, therefore, surprising that
+from the earliest period to which our knowledge of India extends, an
+immense majority of the people, pinched by the most galling poverty, and
+just living from hand to mouth, should always have remained in a state
+of stupid debasement, broken by incessant misfortune, crouching before
+their superiors in abject submission, and only fit either to be slaves
+themselves or to be led to battle to make slaves of others.[101]
+
+  [100] So far as food is concerned, Diodorus Siculus notices the
+        remarkable fertility of India, and the consequent accumulation of
+        wealth. See two interesting passages in _Bibliothec. Hist._ lib.
+        ii. vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, 108, 109. But of the economical laws of
+        distribution he, like all the ancient writers, was perfectly
+        ignorant.
+
+  [101] An able and very learned apologist for this miserable people says,
+        'The servility so generally ascribed to the Hindu is never more
+        conspicuous than when he is examined as an evidence. But if it be
+        admitted that he acts as a slave, why blame him for not
+        possessing the virtues of a free man? _The oppression of ages has
+        taught him implicit submission._' _Vans Kennedy_, in
+        _Transactions of the Society of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 144.
+        Compare the observations of Charles Hamilton in _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. i. p. 305.
+
+To ascertain the precise value of the average rate of wages in India for
+any long period, is impossible; because, although the amount might be
+expressed in money, still the value of money, that is, its purchasing
+power, is subject to incalculable fluctuations, arising from changes in
+the cost of production.[102] But, for our present purpose, there is a
+method of investigation which will lead to results far more accurate
+than any statement could be that depended merely on a collection of
+evidence respecting the wages themselves. The method is simply this:
+that inasmuch as the wealth of a country can only be divided into wages,
+rent, profits, and interest, and inasmuch as interest is on an average
+an exact measure of profits,[103] it follows that if among any people
+rent and interest are both high, wages must be low.[104] If, therefore,
+we can ascertain the current interest of money, and the proportion of
+the produce of the soil which is absorbed by rent, we shall get a
+perfectly accurate idea of the wages; because wages are the residue,
+that is, they are what is left to the labourers after rent, profits, and
+interest have been paid.
+
+  [102] The impossibility of having a standard of value, is clearly
+        pointed out in _Turgot's Réflexions sur la Formation et la
+        Distribution des Richesses_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. v. pp. 51, 52.
+        Compare _Ricardo's Works_, pp. 11, 28-30, 46, 166, 253, 270, 401,
+        with _M'Culloch's Principles of Political Economy_, pp. 298, 299,
+        307.
+
+  [103] _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. ix. p. 37; where,
+        however, the proposition is stated rather too absolutely, since
+        the risks arising from an insecure state of society must be taken
+        into consideration. But that there is an average ratio between
+        interest and profits is obvious, and is distinctly laid down by
+        the Sanscrit jurists. See _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_,
+        vol. i. pp. 72, 81.
+
+  [104] Ricardo (_Principles of Political Economy_, chap. vi. in _Works_,
+        p. 65) says, 'whatever increases wages, necessarily reduces
+        profits.' And in chap. xv. p. 122, 'whatever raises the wages of
+        labour, lowers the profits of stock.' In several other places he
+        makes the same assertion, very much to the discomfort of the
+        ordinary reader, who knows that in the United States, for
+        instance, wages and profits are both high. But the ambiguity is
+        in the language, not in the thought; and in these and similar
+        passages Ricardo by wages meant cost of labour, in which sense
+        the proposition is quite accurate. If by wages we mean the reward
+        of labour, then there is no relation between wages and profits;
+        for when rent is low, both of them may be high, as is the case in
+        the United States. That this was the view of Ricardo is evident
+        from the following passage: 'Profits, it cannot be too often
+        repeated, depend on wages; not on nominal but real wages; not on
+        the number of pounds that may be annually paid to the labourer,
+        but on the number of days' work necessary to obtain those
+        pounds.' _Political Economy_, chap. vii., _Ricardo's Works_, p.
+        82. Compare _Mill's Principles of Political Economy_, vol. i. p.
+        509, vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+Now it is remarkable, that in India both interest and rent have always
+been very high. In the _Institutes of Menu_, which were drawn up about
+B.C. 900,[105] the lowest legal interest for money is fixed at fifteen
+per cent., the highest at sixty per cent.[106] Nor is this to be
+considered as a mere ancient law now fallen into disuse. So far from
+that, the _Institutes of Menu_ are still the basis of Indian
+jurisprudence;[107] and we know on very good authority, that in 1810 the
+interest paid for the use of money varied from thirty-six to sixty per
+cent.[108]
+
+  [105] I take the estimate of Mr. Elphinstone (_History of India_, pp.
+        225-228) as midway between Sir William Jones (_Works_, vol. iii.
+        p. 56) and Mr. Wilson (_Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. p. xlvii.).
+
+  [106] _Institutes of Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 140-142, in _Works of Sir
+        W. Jones_, vol. iii. p. 295. The subsequent Sanscrit commentators
+        recognize nearly the same rate of interest, the minimum being
+        fifteen per cent. See _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_, vol. i.
+        pp. 29, 36, 43, 98, 99, 237, vol. ii. p. 70.
+
+  [107] In _Colebrooke's Digest_, vol. i. p. 454, and vol. iii. p. 229,
+        Menu is called 'the highest authority of memorial law,' and 'the
+        founder of memorial law.' The most recent historian of India, Mr.
+        Elphinstone, says (_Hist. of India_, p. 83) 'the code of Menu is
+        still the basis of the Hindu jurisprudence; and the principal
+        features remain unaltered to the present day.' This remarkable
+        code is also the basis of the laws of the Burmese, and even of
+        those of the Laos. _Journal of the Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. p.
+        271, vol. iii. pp. 28, 296, 332, vol. v. p. 252.
+
+  [108] See, in _Mill's History of India_, vol. i. p. 317, the report of a
+        committee of the House of Commons in 1810, in which it is stated
+        that the ryots paid 'the heavy interest of three, four, and five
+        per cent. per month.' Ward, writing about the same time, mentions
+        as much as seventy-five per cent. being given, and this
+        apparently without the lender incurring any extraordinary risk.
+        _Ward on the Hindoos_, vol. ii. p. 190.
+
+Thus much as to one of the elements of our present calculation. As to
+the other element, namely, the rent, we have information equally precise
+and trustworthy. In England and Scotland, the rent paid by the
+cultivator for the use of land is estimated in round numbers, taking one
+farm with another, at a fourth of the gross produce.[109] In France, the
+average proportion is about a third;[110] while in the United States of
+North America it is well known to be much less, and, indeed, in some
+parts, to be merely nominal.[111] But in India the legal rent, that is,
+the lowest rate recognized by the law and usage of the country, is
+one-half of the produce; and even this cruel regulation is not strictly
+enforced, since in many cases rents are raised so high, that the
+cultivator not only receives less than half the produce, but receives so
+little as to have scarcely the means of providing seed to sow the ground
+for the next harvest.[112]
+
+  [109] Compare the table in _Loudon's Encyclopædia of Agriculture_, p.
+        778, with _Mavor's note in Tusser's Five Hundred Points of
+        Husbandry_, p. 195, Lond. 1812, and _M'Culloch's Statistical
+        Account of the British Empire_, 1847, vol. i. p. 560.
+
+  [110] This is the estimate I have received from persons well acquainted
+        with French agriculture. The rent, of course, varies in each
+        separate instance, according to the natural powers of the soil,
+        according to the extent to which those powers have been improved,
+        and according to the facilities for bringing the produce to
+        market. But, notwithstanding these variations, there must be in
+        every country an average rent, depending upon the operation of
+        general causes.
+
+  [111] Owing to the immense supply of land preventing the necessity of
+        cultivating those inferior soils which older countries are glad
+        to use, and are therefore willing to pay a rent for the right of
+        using. In the United States, profits and wages (i.e. the reward
+        of the labourer, not the cost of labour) are both high, which
+        would be impossible if rent were also high.
+
+  [112] See _Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems of India_,
+        1832, pp. 59-61, 63, 69, 92, 94. At p. 69, this high authority
+        says of the agricultural peasantry of Bengal: 'In an abundant
+        season, when the price of corn is low, the sale of their whole
+        crops is required to meet the demands of the landholder, leaving
+        little or nothing for seed or subsistence to the labourer or his
+        family.' In Cashmere, the sovereign received half the produce of
+        the rice-crop, leaving the other half to the cultivator.
+        _Moorcroft's Notices of Cashmere_, in _Journal of Geog. Society_,
+        vol. ii. p. 266.
+
+The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is manifest. Rent and
+interest being always very high, and interest varying, as it must do,
+according to the rate of profits, it is evident that wages must have
+been very low; for since there was in India a specific amount of wealth
+to be divided into rent, interest, profits, and wages, it is clear that
+the first three could only have been increased at the expense of the
+fourth; which is saying, in other words, that the reward of the
+labourers was very small in proportion to the reward received by the
+upper classes. And though this, being an inevitable inference, does not
+require extraneous support, it may be mentioned that in modern times,
+for which alone we have direct evidence, wages have in India always been
+excessively low, and the people have been, and still are, obliged to
+work for a sum barely sufficient to meet the exigencies of life.[113]
+
+  [113] Heber (_Journey through India_, vol. i. pp. 209, 356, 357, 359)
+        gives some curious instances of the extremely low rate at which
+        the natives are glad to work. As to the ordinary wages in India
+        in the present century, see _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. i.
+        p. 255, vol. v. p. 171; _Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue
+        Systems_, pp. 105, 106; _Sykes's Statistics of the Deccan Reports
+        of the British Association_, vol. vi. p. 321; _Ward's View of the
+        Hindoos_, vol. iii. p. 207; _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_,
+        vol. ii. p. 184. On wages in the south of India, the fullest
+        information will be found in Buchanan's valuable work, _Journey
+        through the Mysore, Canara, and Malabar_, vol. i. pp. 124, 125,
+        133, 171, 175, 216, 217, 298, 390, 415, vol. ii. pp. 12, 19, 22,
+        37, 90, 108, 132, 217, 218, 315, 481, 523, 525, 562, vol. iii.
+        pp. 35, 181, 226, 298, 321, 349, 363, 398, 428, 555. I wish that
+        all travellers were equally minute in recording the wages of
+        labour; a subject of far greater importance than those with which
+        they usually fill their books.
+
+        On the other hand, the riches possessed by the upper classes
+        have, owing to this mal-distribution of wealth, been always
+        enormous, and sometimes incredible. See _Forbes's Oriental
+        Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 297; _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. ii.
+        p. 119; _Travels of Ibn Batuta_, p. 41; _Ward's Hindoos_, vol.
+        iii. p. 178. The autobiography of the Emperor Jehangueir contains
+        such extraordinary statements of his immense wealth, that the
+        Editor, Major Price, thinks that some error must have been made
+        by the copyist; but the reader will find in _Grote's History of
+        Greece_ (vol. xii. pp. 229, 245) evidence of the treasures which
+        it was possible for Asiatic rulers to collect in that state of
+        society. The working of this unequal distribution is thus stated
+        by Mr. Glyn (_Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 482): 'The
+        nations of Europe have very little idea of the actual condition
+        of the inhabitants of Hindustan; they are more wretchedly poor
+        than we have any notion of. Europeans have hitherto been too apt
+        to draw their opinions of the wealth of Hindustan from the
+        gorgeous pomp of a few emperors, sultans, nawabs, and rajahs;
+        whereas a more intimate and accurate view of the real state of
+        society would have shown that these princes and nobles were
+        engrossing all the wealth of the country, whilst the great body
+        of the people were earning but a bare subsistence, groaning under
+        intolerable burdens, and hardly able to supply themselves with
+        the necessaries of life, much less with its luxuries.'
+
+This was the first great consequence induced in India by the cheapness
+and abundance of the national food.[114] But the evil by no means
+stopped there. In India, as in every other country, poverty provokes
+contempt, and wealth produces power. When other things are equal, it
+must be with classes of men as with individuals, that the richer they
+are, the greater the influence they will possess. It was therefore to be
+expected, that the unequal distribution of wealth should cause an
+unequal distribution of power; and as there is no instance on record of
+any class possessing power without abusing it, we may easily understand
+how it was that the people of India, condemned to poverty by the
+physical laws of their climate, should have fallen into a degradation
+from which they have never been able to escape. A few instances may be
+given to illustrate, rather than to prove, a principle which the
+preceding arguments have, I trust, placed beyond the possibility of
+dispute.
+
+  [114] Turner, who travelled in 1783 through the north-east of Bengal,
+        says: 'Indeed, the extreme poverty and wretchedness of these
+        people will forcibly appear, when we recollect how little is
+        necessary for the subsistence of a peasant in these regions. The
+        value of this can seldom amount to more than one penny per day,
+        even allowing him to make his meal of two pounds of boiled rice,
+        with a due proportion of salt, oil, vegetables, fish, and chili.'
+        _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p. 11. Ibn Batuta, who travelled in
+        Hindostan in the fourteenth century, says: 'I never saw a country
+        in which provisions were so cheap.' _Travels of Ibn Batuta_, p.
+        194.
+
+To the great body of the Indian people the name of Sudras is given;[115]
+and the native laws respecting them contain some minute and curious
+provisions. If a member of this despised class presumed to occupy the
+same seat as his superiors, he was either to be exiled or to suffer a
+painful and ignominious punishment.[116] If he spoke of them with
+contempt, his mouth was to be burned;[117] if he actually insulted them,
+his tongue was to be slit;[118] if he molested a Brahmin, he was to be
+put to death;[119] if he sat on the same carpet with a Brahmin, he was
+to be maimed for life;[120] if, moved by the desire of instruction, he
+even listened to the reading of the sacred books, burning oil was to be
+poured into his ears;[121] if, however, he committed them to memory, he
+was to be killed;[122] if he were guilty of a crime, the punishment for
+it was greater than that inflicted on his superiors;[123] but if he
+himself were murdered, the penalty was the same as for killing a dog, a
+cat, or a crow.[124] Should he marry his daughter to a Brahmin, no
+retribution that could be exacted in this world was sufficient; it was
+therefore announced that the Brahmin must go to hell, for having
+suffered contamination from a woman immeasurably his inferior.[125]
+Indeed, it was ordered that the mere name of a labourer should be
+expressive of contempt, so that his proper standing might be immediately
+known.[126] And lest this should not be enough to maintain the
+subordination of society, a law was actually made forbidding any
+labourer to accumulate wealth;[127] while another clause declared, that
+even though his master should give him freedom, he would in reality
+still be a slave; 'for,' says the lawgiver--'for of a state which is
+natural to him, by whom can he be divested?'[128]
+
+  [115] The Sudras are estimated by Ward (_View of the Hindoos_, vol. iii.
+        p. 281) at 'three-fourths of the Hindoos.' At all events, they
+        comprise the whole of the working classes; the Vaisyas not being
+        husbandmen, as they are often called, but landlords, owners of
+        cattle, and traders. Compare _Institutes of Menu_, chap. ix. sec.
+        326-333, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii. pp. 380, 381, with
+        _Colebrooke's Digest_, vol. i. p. 15, from which it appears that
+        the Vaisyas were always the masters, and that the Sudra was to
+        'rely on agriculture for his subsistence.' The division,
+        therefore, between 'the industrious and the servile'
+        (_Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 12) is too broadly stated,
+        and we must, I think, take the definition of M. Rhode: 'Die Kaste
+        der Sudras umfasst die ganze arbeitende, oder um Lohn dienende
+        Classe des Volks.' _Relig. Bildung der Hindus_, vol. ii. p. 561.
+
+  [116] 'Either be banished with a mark on his hinder parts, or the king
+        shall cause a gash to be made on his buttock.' _Institutes of
+        Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 281, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol.
+        iii. p. 315. See also _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. iii. p.
+        67.
+
+  [117] _Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 271, in _Jones's Works_, vol. iii.
+        p. 314.
+
+  [118] _Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 270.
+
+  [119] 'If a Sudra gives much and frequent molestation to a Brahmin, the
+        magistrate shall put him to death.' _Halhed's Code of Gentoo
+        Laws_, p. 262.
+
+  [120] _Halhed's Code of Gentoo Laws_, p. 207. As to the case of striking
+         a Brahmin, see _Rammohun Roy on the Veds_, p. 227, 2nd edit. 1832.
+
+  [121] 'And if a Sooder listens to the Beids of the Shaster, then the
+        oil, heated as before, shall be poured into his ears; and arzeez
+        and wax shall be melted together, and the orifice of his ears
+        shall be stopped up therewith.' _Halhed_, p. 262. Compare the
+        prohibition in _Menu_, chap. iv. sec. 99, chap. x. sec. 109-111,
+        in _Jones's Works_, vol. iii. pp. 174, 398.
+
+  [122] _Halhed_, p. 262: 'the magistrate shall put him to death.' In
+        Mrichchakati, the judge says to a Sudra, 'If you expound the
+        Vedas, will not your tongue be cut out?' _Wilson's Theatre of the
+        Hindus_, vol. i. part ii. p. 170.
+
+  [123] _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. iv. p. 308. To this the only
+        exception was in the case of theft. _Mill's History of India_,
+        vol. i. pp. 193, 260. A Brahmin could 'on no account be capitally
+        punished.' _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xv. p. 44.
+
+  [124] _Menu_, chap. xi. sec. 132, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii.
+        p. 422.
+
+  [125] 'A Brahmin, if he take a Sudra to his bed as his first wife, sinks
+        to the regions of torment.' _Institutes of Menu_, chap. iii. sec.
+        17, in _Jones_, vol. iii. p. 121. Compare the denial of funeral
+        rites, in _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_, vol. iii. p. 328.
+        And on the different hells invented by the Hindu clergy, see
+        _Vishnu Purana_, p. 207; _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 182, 183; _Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus_, p. 113. The
+        curious details in _Rhode_, _die Religiöse Bildung der Hindus_,
+        vol. i. pp. 392, 393, rather refer to Buddhism, and should be
+        compared with _Journal Asiatique_, I. série, vol. viii. pp. 80,
+        81, Paris, 1826.
+
+  [126] _Menu_, chap. ii. sec. 31, in _Jones_, vol. iii. p. 87; also
+        noticed in _Rhode_, _Relig. Bildung_, vol. ii. p. 561: 'sein Name
+        soll schon Verachtung ausdrücken.' So, too, Mr. Elphinstone
+        (_History of India_, p. 17): 'the proper name of a Sudra is
+        directed to be expressive of contempt.' Compare _Origines du
+        Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii. p. 387, Bruxelles,
+        1840.
+
+  [127] _Menu_, chap. x. sec. 129, in _Jones_, vol. iii. p. 401. This law
+        is pointed out by Mill (_History of India_, vol. i. p. 195) as an
+        evidence of the miserable state of the people, which, Mr. Wilson
+        (note in p. 213) vainly attempts to evade.
+
+  [128] 'A Sudra, though emancipated by his master, is not released from a
+        state of servitude; for of a state which is natural to him, by
+        whom can he be divested?' _Institutes of Menu_, chap. viii. sec.
+        414, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii. p. 333.
+
+By whom, indeed, could he be divested? I ween not where that power was
+by which so vast a miracle could be worked. For in India, slavery,
+abject, eternal slavery, was the natural state of the great body of the
+people; it was the state to which they were doomed by physical laws
+utterly impossible to resist. The energy of those laws is, in truth, so
+invincible, that wherever they have come into play, they have kept the
+productive classes in perpetual subjection. There is no instance on
+record of any tropical country, in which wealth having been extensively
+accumulated, the people have escaped their fate; no instance in which
+the heat of the climate has not caused an abundance of food, and the
+abundance of food caused an unequal distribution, first of wealth, and
+then of political and social power. Among nations subjected to these
+conditions, the people have counted for nothing; they have had no voice
+in the management of the state, no control over the wealth their own
+industry created. Their only business has been to labour; their only
+duty to obey. Thus there has been generated among them, those habits of
+tame and servile submission, by which, as we know from history, they
+have always been characterized. For it is an undoubted fact, that their
+annals furnish no instance of their having turned upon their rulers, no
+war of classes, no popular insurrections, not even one great popular
+conspiracy. In those rich and fertile countries there have been many
+changes, but all of them have been from above, not from below. The
+democratic element has been altogether wanting. There have been in
+abundance, wars of kings, and wars of dynasties. There have been
+revolutions in the government, revolutions in the palace, revolutions on
+the throne; but no revolutions among the people;[129] no mitigation of
+that hard lot which nature, rather than man, assigned to them. Nor was
+it until civilization arose in Europe, that other physical laws came
+into operation, and therefore other results were produced. In Europe,
+for the first time, there was some approach to equality, some tendency
+to correct that enormous disproportion of wealth and power, which formed
+the essential weakness of the greatest of the more ancient countries.
+As a natural consequence, it is in Europe that everything worthy of the
+name of civilization has originated; because there alone have attempts
+been made to preserve the balance of its relative parts. There alone has
+society been organized according to a scheme, not indeed sufficiently
+large, but still wide enough to include all the different classes of
+which it is composed, and thus, by leaving room for the progress of
+each, to secure the permanence and advancement of the whole.
+
+  [129] An intelligent observer says, 'It is also remarkable how little
+        the people of Asiatic countries have to do in the revolutions of
+        their governments. They are never guided by any great and common
+        impulse of feeling, and take no part in events the most
+        interesting and important to their country and their own
+        prosperity.' _M'Murdo on the Country of Sindh_, in _Journal of
+        Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 250. Compare similar remarks in
+        _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. iii. p. 114; and even in
+        _Alison's History of Europe_, vol. x. pp. 419, 420.
+
+The way in which certain other physical peculiarities confined to
+Europe, have also accelerated the progress of Man by diminishing his
+superstition, will be indicated towards the end of this chapter; but as
+that will involve an examination of some laws which I have not yet
+noticed, it seems advisable, in the first place, to complete the inquiry
+now before us; and I therefore purpose proving that the line of argument
+which has been just applied to India, is likewise applicable to Egypt,
+to Mexico, and to Peru. For by thus including in a single survey, the
+most conspicuous civilizations of Asia, Africa, and America, we shall be
+able to see how the preceding principles hold good of different and
+distant countries; and we shall be possessed of evidence sufficiently
+comprehensive to test the accuracy of those great laws which, without
+such precaution, I might be supposed to have generalized from scanty and
+imperfect materials.
+
+The reasons why, of all the African nations, the Egyptians alone were
+civilized, have been already stated, and have been shown to depend on
+those physical peculiarities which distinguish them from the surrounding
+countries, and which, by facilitating the acquisition of wealth, not
+only supplied them with material resources that otherwise they could
+never have obtained, but also secured to their intellectual classes the
+leisure and the opportunity of extending the boundaries of knowledge. It
+is, indeed, true that, notwithstanding these advantages, they effected
+nothing of much moment; but this was owing to circumstances which will
+be hereafter explained; and it must, at all events, be admitted that
+they raised themselves far above every other people by whom Africa was
+inhabited.
+
+The civilization of Egypt being, like that of India, caused by the
+fertility of the soil, and the climate being also very hot,[130] there
+were in both countries brought into play the same laws; and there
+naturally followed the same results. In both countries we find the
+national food cheap and abundant: hence the labour-market over-supplied;
+hence a very unequal division of wealth and power; and hence all the
+consequences which such inequality will inevitably produce. How this
+system worked in India, I have just attempted to examine; and although
+the materials for studying the former condition of Egypt are much less
+ample, they are still sufficiently numerous to prove the striking
+analogy between the two civilizations, and the identity of those great
+principles which regulated the order of their social and political
+development.
+
+  [130] Volney (_Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. pp. 58-63) has a good chapter
+        on the climate of Egypt.
+
+If we inquire into the most important circumstances which concerned the
+people of ancient Egypt, we shall see that they are exactly the
+counterpart of those that have been noticed in India. For, in the first
+place, as regards their ordinary food, what rice is to the most fertile
+parts of Asia, that are dates to Africa. The palm-tree is found in every
+country from the Tigris to the Atlantic;[131] and it supplies millions
+of human beings with their daily food in Arabia,[132] and in nearly the
+whole of Africa north of the equator.[133] In many parts of the great
+African desert it is indeed unable to bear fruit; but naturally it is a
+very hardy plant, and produces dates in such profusion, that towards the
+north of the Sahara they are eaten not only by man, but also by domestic
+animals.[134] And in Egypt, where the palm is said to be of spontaneous
+growth,[135] dates, besides being the chief sustenance of the people,
+are so plentiful, that from a very early period they have been given
+commonly to camels, the only beasts of burden generally used in that
+country.[136]
+
+  [131] It is, however, unknown in South Africa. See the account of the
+        Palmaceæ in _Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom_, 1847, p. 136, and
+        _Meyen's Geog. of Plants_, p. 337.
+
+  [132] 'Of all eatables used by the Arabs, dates are the most favourite.'
+        _Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia_, vol. i. p. 56. See also, for
+        proof of their abundance in the west of Arabia, vol. i. pp. 103,
+        157, 238, vol. ii. pp. 91, 100, 105, 118, 209, 210, 214, 253,
+        300, 331. And on the dates of Oman and the east of Arabia, see
+        _Wellsted's Travels in Arabia_, vol. i. pp. 188, 189, 236, 276,
+        290, 349. Compare _Niebuhr_, _Description de l'Arabie_, pp. 142,
+        296. Indeed, they are so important, that the Arabs have different
+        names for them according to the stages of their growth. Djewhari
+        says, 'La dénomination _balah_ précède le nom _bosr_; car la
+        datte se nomme d'abord _tala_, en suite _khalal_, puis _balah_,
+        puis _bosr_, puis _rotab_, et enfin _tamr_.' _De Sacy's note to
+        Abd-Allatif, Relation, de l'Egypte_, p. 74, and see p. 118. Other
+        notices of the dates of Arabia will be found in _Travels of Ibn
+        Batuta in Fourteenth Century_, p. 66; _Journal of Asiatic Soc._
+        vol. viii. p. 286; _Journal of Geograph. Soc._ vol. iv. p. 201,
+        vol. vi. pp. 53, 55, 58, 66, 68, 74, vol. vii. p. 32, vol. ix.
+        pp. 147, 151.
+
+  [133] Heeren (_Trade of the African Nations_, vol. i. p. 182) supposes
+        that in Africa, dates are comparatively little known south of 26°
+        north lat. But this learned writer is certainly mistaken; and a
+        reference to the following passages will show that they are
+        common as far down as the parallel of Lake Tchad, which is nearly
+        the southern limit of our knowledge of Central Africa; _Denham's
+        Central Africa_, p. 295; _Clapperton's Journal_, in _Appendix to
+        Denham_, pp. 34, 59; _Clapperton's Second Expedition_, p. 159.
+        Further east they are somewhat scarcer, but are found much more
+        to the south than is supposed by Heeren: see _Pallme's Kordofan_,
+        p. 220.
+
+  [134] 'Dates are not only the principal growth of the Fezzan oases, but
+        the main subsistence of their inhabitants. All live on dates;
+        men, women, and children, horses, asses, and camels, and sheep,
+        fowls, and dogs.' _Richardson's Travels in the Sahara_, vol. ii.
+        p. 323, and see vol. i. p. 343: as to those parts of the desert
+        where the palm will not bear, see vol. i. pp. 387, 405, vol. ii.
+        pp. 291, 363. Respecting the dates of western Africa, see
+        _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. xii. p. 204.
+
+  [135] 'It flourished spontaneously in the valley of the Nile.'
+        _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. p. 372. As further
+        illustration of the importance to Africa of this beautiful plant,
+        it may be mentioned, that from the high-palm there is prepared a
+        peculiar beverage, which in some parts is in great request. On
+        this, which is called palm-wine, see _M'William's Medical
+        Expedition to the Niger_, pp. 71, 116; _Meredith's Gold Coast of
+        Africa_, 1812, pp. 55, 56; _Laird and Oldfield's Expedition into
+        the Interior of Africa_, 1837, vol. ii. pp. 170, 213; _Bowdich_,
+        _Mission to Ashantee_, pp. 69, 100, 152, 293, 386, 392. But I
+        doubt if this is the same as the palm-wine mentioned in
+        _Balfour's Botany_, 1849, p. 532. Compare _Tuckey's Expedition to
+        the Zaire_, pp. 155, 216, 224, 356.
+
+  [136] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 175-178. See also on
+        the abundance of dates, the extracts from an Arabian geographer
+        in _Quatremère_, _Recherches sur l'Egypte_, pp. 220, 221.
+
+From these facts, it is evident that, taking Egypt as the highest type
+of African civilization, and India as the highest type of Asiatic
+civilization, it may be said that dates are to the first civilization
+what rice is to the second. Now it is observable, that all the most
+important physical peculiarities found in rice are also found in dates.
+In regard to their chemistry, it is well known that the chief principle
+of the nutriment they contain is the same in both; the starch of the
+Indian vegetable being merely turned into the sugar of the Egyptian. In
+regard to the laws of climate, their affinity is equally obvious; since
+dates, like rice, belong to hot countries, and flourish most in or near
+the tropics.[137] In regard to their increase, and the laws of their
+connexion with the soil, the analogy is also exact; for dates, just the
+same as rice, require little labour, and yield abundant returns, while
+they occupy so small a space of land in comparison with the nutriment
+they afford, that upwards of two hundred palm-trees are sometimes
+planted on a single acre.[138]
+
+  [137] On their relation to the laws of climate, see the remarks
+        respecting the geographical limits of their power of ripening, in
+        _Jussieu's Botany_, edit. Wilson, 1849, p. 734.
+
+  [138] 'In the valley of the Nile, a feddan (1-3/4 acre) is sometimes
+        planted with 400 trees.' _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol.
+        ii. p. 178. At Moorzuk an entire date-palm is only worth about a
+        shilling. _Richardson's Central Africa_, vol. i. p. 111.
+
+Thus striking are the similarities to which, in different countries, the
+same physical conditions naturally give rise. At the same time, in
+Egypt, as in India, the attainment of civilization was preceded by the
+possession of a highly fertile soil; so that, while the exuberance of
+the land regulated the speed with which wealth was created, the
+abundance of the food regulated the proportions into which the wealth
+was divided. The most fertile part of Egypt is the Said;[139] and it is
+precisely there that we find the greatest display of skill and
+knowledge, the splendid remains of Thebes, Carnac, Luxor, Dendera, and
+Edfou.[140] It is also in the Said, or as it is often called the
+Thebaid, that a food is used which multiplies itself even more rapidly
+than either dates or rice. This is the dhourra, which until recently was
+confined to Upper Egypt,[141] and of which the reproductive power is so
+remarkable, that it yields to the labourer a return of two hundred and
+forty for one.[142] In Lower Egypt the dhourra was formerly unknown;
+but, in addition to dates, the people made a sort of bread from the
+lotos, which sprang spontaneously out of the rich soil of the Nile.[143]
+This must have been a very cheap and accessible food; while to it there
+was joined a profusion of other plants and herbs, on which the Egyptians
+chiefly lived.[144] Indeed so inexhaustible was the supply, that at the
+time of the Mohammedan invasion there were, in the single city of
+Alexandria, no less than four thousand persons occupied in selling
+vegetables to the people.[145]
+
+  [139] On the remarkable fertility of the Said, see _Abd-Allatif_,
+        _Relation de l'Egypte_, p. 3.
+
+  [140] The superiority of the ruins in Southern Egypt over those in the
+        northern part is noticed by Heeren (_African Nations_, vol. ii.
+        p. 69), and must, indeed, be obvious to whoever has studied the
+        monuments. In the Said the Coptic was preserved longer than in
+        Lower Egypt, and is known to philologists by the name of Misr.
+        See _Quatremère_, _Recherches sur la Langue de l'Egypte_, pp. 20,
+        41, 42. See also on the Saidic, pp. 134-140, and some good
+        remarks by Dr. Prichard (_Physical Hist._ vol. ii. p. 202); who,
+        however, adopts the paradoxical opinion of Georgi respecting the
+        origin of the language of the Thebaid.
+
+  [141] Abd-Allatif (_Relation de l'Egypte_, p. 32) says, that in his time
+        it was only cultivated in the Said. This curious work by
+        Abd-Allatif was written in A.D. 1203. _Relation_, p. 423. Meiners
+        thinks that Herodotus and other ancient writers refer to the
+        dhourra without mentioning it: 'diese Durra muss daher im Herodot
+        wie in andern alten Schriftstellern vorzüglich verstanden werden,
+        wenn von hundert, zwey hundert, und mehrfältigen Früchten, welche
+        die Erde trage, die Rede ist.' _Meiners_, _Fruchtbarkeit der
+        Länder_, vol. i. p. 139. According to Volney, it is the Holcus
+        Arundinaceus of Linnæus, and appears to be similar to millet; and
+        though that accurate traveller distinguishes between them, I
+        observe that Captain Haines, in a recent memoir, speaks of them
+        as being the same. Compare Haines in _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol.
+        xv. p. 118, with _Volney_, _Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. p. 195.
+
+  [142] 'The return is in general not less than 240 for one; and the
+        average price is about 3_s._ 9_d._ the ardeb, which is scarcely
+        3_d._ per bushel.' _Hamilton's Æqyptiaca_, p. 420. In Upper
+        Egypt, 'the doura constitutes almost the whole subsistence of the
+        peasantry,' p. 419. At p. 96, Hamilton says, 'I have frequently
+        counted 3,000 grains in one ear of doura, and each stalk has in
+        general four or five ears.' For an account, of the dhourra bread,
+        see _Volney_, _Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. p. 161.
+
+  [143] [Greek: Epean plêrês genêtai ho potamos, kai ta pedia pelagisê,
+        phuetai en tô hudati krinea polla, ta Aiguptioi kaleousi lôton;
+        tauta epean drepsôsi, auainousi pros hêlion; kai epeita to ek tou
+        mesou tou lôtou tê mêkôni eon empheres, ptisantes poieuntai ex
+        autou artous optous puri.] _Herodot._ ii. 92, vol. i. p. 688.
+
+  [144] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 370-372, 400, vol.
+        iv. p. 59. Abd-Allatif gives a curious account of the different
+        vegetables grown in Egypt early in the thirteenth century.
+        _Relation_, pp. 16-36, and the notes of De Sacy, pp. 37-134. On
+        the [Greek: kyamos] of Herodotus there are some botanical remarks
+        worth reading in the _Correspondence of Sir J. E. Smith_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 224-232; but I doubt the assertion, p. 227, that
+        Herodotus 'knew nothing of any other kind of [Greek: kyamos] in
+        Egypt than that of the ordinary bean.'
+
+  [145] 'When Alexandria was taken by Amer, the lieutenant of the Caliph
+        Omer, no less than 4,000 persons were engaged in selling
+        vegetables in that city.' _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol.
+        ii. p. 372, and see vol. i. p. 277, vol. iv. p. 60. Niebuhr
+        (_Description de l'Arabie_, p. 136) says that the neighbourhood
+        of Alexandria is so fertile, that 'le froment y rend le
+        centuple.' See also on its rich vegetation, _Matter_, _Histoire
+        de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 52.
+
+From this abundance of the national food, there resulted a train of
+events strictly analogous to those which took place in India. In Africa
+generally, the growth of population, though on the one hand stimulated
+by the heat of the climate, was on the other hand checked by the poverty
+of the soil. But on the banks of the Nile this restraint no longer
+existed,[146] and therefore the laws already noticed came into
+uncontrolled operation. By virtue of those laws, the Egyptians were not
+only satisfied with a cheap food, but they required that food in
+comparatively small quantities; thus by a double process, increasing the
+limit to which their numbers could extend. At the same time the lower
+orders were able to rear their offspring with the greater ease, because,
+owing to the high rate of temperature, another considerable source of
+expense was avoided; the heat being such that, even for adults, the
+necessary clothes were few and slight, while the children of the working
+classes were entirely naked; affording a striking contrast to those
+colder countries where, to preserve ordinary health, a supply of warmer
+and more costly covering is essential. Diodorus Siculus, who travelled
+in Egypt nineteen centuries ago, says, that to bring up a child to
+manhood did not cost more than twenty drachmas, scarcely thirteen
+shillings English money; a circumstance which he justly notices as a
+cause of the populousness of the country.[147]
+
+  [146] The encouragement given to the increase of population by the
+        fertility arising from the inundation of the Nile, is observed by
+        many writers, but by none so judiciously as Malthus; _Essay on
+        Population_, vol. i. pp. 161-163. This great work, the principles
+        of which have been grossly misrepresented, is still the best
+        which has been written on the important subject of population,
+        though the author, from a want of sufficient reading, often errs
+        in his illustrations; while he, unfortunately, had no
+        acquaintance with those branches of physical knowledge which are
+        intimately connected with economical inquiries.
+
+  [147] [Greek: Trephousi de ta paidia meta tinos euchereias adapanou, kai
+        pantelôs apistou ... anupodetôn de tôn pleistôn kai gymnôn
+        trephomenon dia tên eukrasian tôn topôn, tên pasan dapanên oi
+        goneis, achris an eis hêlikian elthê to teknon, ou pleiô poiousi
+        drachmôn eikusi, di as aitias malista tên Aigupton sumbainei
+        poluanthrôpia diapherein, kai dia touto pleistas echein megalôn
+        ergôn kataskeuas.] _Bibliothec. Hist._ book i. chap. lxxx. vol.
+        i. p. 238.
+
+To compress into a single sentence the preceding remarks, it may be said
+that in Egypt the people multiplied rapidly, because while the soil
+increased their supplies, the climate lessened their wants. The result
+was, that Egypt was not only far more thickly peopled than any other
+country in Africa, but probably more so than any in the ancient world.
+Our information upon this point is indeed somewhat scanty, but it is
+derived from sources of unquestioned credibility. Herodotus, who the
+more he is understood the more accurate he is found to be,[148] states
+that in the reign of Amasis there were said to have been twenty thousand
+inhabited cities.[149] This may, perhaps, be considered an exaggeration;
+but what is very observable is, that Diodorus Siculus, who travelled in
+Egypt four centuries after Herodotus, and whose jealousy of the
+reputation of his great predecessor made him anxious to discredit his
+statements,[150] does nevertheless, on this important point, confirm
+them. For he not only remarks that Egypt was at that time as densely
+inhabited as any existing country, but he adds, on the authority of
+records which were then extant, that it was formerly the most populous
+in the world, having contained, he says, upwards of eighteen thousand
+cities.[151]
+
+  [148] Frederick Schlegel (_Philos. of Hist._ p. 247, London, 1846) truly
+        says, 'The deeper and more comprehensive the researches of the
+        moderns have been on ancient history, the more have their regard
+        and esteem for Herodotus increased.' His minute information
+        respecting Egypt and Asia Minor is now admitted by all competent
+        geographers; and I may add, that a recent and very able traveller
+        has given some curious proofs of his knowledge even of the
+        western parts of Siberia. See Erman's valuable work, _Travels in
+        Siberia_, vol. i. pp. 211, 297-301.
+
+  [149] [Greek: 'Ep' Amasios de basileos legetai Aigyptos malis-a dê tote
+        eudaimonêsai, kai ta apo tou potamou tê chôrê ginomena, kai ta
+        apo tês chôrês toisi anthrôpoisi kai polis en autê genesthai tas
+        apasas tote dismurias tas oikeomenas.] _Herodot._ book ii. chap.
+        clxxvii. vol. i. pp. 881, 882.
+
+  [150] Diodorus, who, though an honest and painstaking man, was in every
+        respect inferior to Herodotus, says, impertinently enough,
+        [Greek: osa men oun 'Êrodotos kai tines tôn tas Aiguptiôn prazeis
+        sun-tazamenôn eschediakasin, ekousiôs prokrinantes tês alêtheias
+        to paradoxologein, kai muthous plattein psuchagôgias eneka,
+        parêsomen.] _Biblioth. Hist._ book i. chap. lxix. vol. i. p. 207.
+        In other places he alludes to Herodotus in the same tone, without
+        actually mentioning him.
+
+  [151] [Greek: Poluanthrôpia de to men palaion polu proesche pantôn tôn
+        gnôrizomenon topôn kata, tên oikoumenên, kai kath' êmas de
+        oudenos tôn allôn dokei leipesthai. epi men gar tôn archaion
+        chronôn esche kômas axiologous, kai poleis pleious tôn murion kai
+        oktakischiliôn, ôs en tais anagraphais dranx esti
+        katakechôrismenon.] _Diod. Sic. Biblioth. Hist._ book i. chap.
+        xxxi. vol. i. p. 89.
+
+These were the only two ancient writers who, from personal knowledge,
+were well acquainted with the state of Egypt;[152] and their testimony
+is the more valuable because it was evidently drawn from different
+sources; the information of Herodotus being chiefly collected at
+Memphis, that of Diodorus at Thebes.[153] And whatever discrepancies
+there may be between these two accounts, they are both agreed respecting
+the rapid increase of the people, and the servile condition into which
+they had fallen. Indeed, the mere appearance of those huge and costly
+buildings, which are still standing, are a proof of the state of the
+nation that erected them. To raise structures so stupendous,[154] and
+yet so useless,[155] there must have been tyranny on the part of the
+rulers, and slavery on the part of the people. No wealth, however
+great, no expenditure, however lavish, could meet the expense which
+would have been incurred, if they had been the work of free men, who
+received for their labour a fair and honest reward.[156] But in Egypt,
+as in India, such considerations were disregarded, because everything
+tended to favour the upper ranks of society and depress the lower.
+Between the two there was an immense and impassable gap.[157] If a
+member of the industrious classes changed his usual employment, or was
+known to pay attention to political matters, he was severely
+punished;[158] and under no circumstances was the possession of land
+allowed to an agricultural labourer, to a mechanic, or indeed to any one
+except the king, the clergy, and the army.[159] The people at large were
+little better than beasts of burden; and all that was expected from them
+was an unremitting and unrequited labour. If they neglected their work,
+they were flogged; and the same punishment was frequently inflicted upon
+domestic servants, and even upon women.[160] These and similar
+regulations were well conceived; they were admirably suited to that vast
+social system, which, because it was based on despotism, could only be
+upheld by cruelty. Hence it was that, the industry of the whole nation
+being at the absolute command of a small part of it, there arose the
+possibility of rearing those vast edifices, which inconsiderate
+observers admire as a proof of civilization,[161] but which, in reality,
+are evidence of a state of things altogether depraved and unhealthy; a
+state in which the skill and the arts of an imperfect refinement injured
+those whom they ought to have benefited; so that the very resources
+which the people had created were turned against the people themselves.
+
+  [152] Notwithstanding the positive assertions of M. Matter (_Hist. de
+        l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 285; compare _Hist. du
+        Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 48), there is no good evidence for the
+        supposed travels in Egypt of the earlier Greeks, and it is even
+        questionable if Plato ever visited that country. ('Whether he
+        ever was in Egypt is doubtful.' _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p. 60.)
+        The Romans took little interest in the subject (_Bunsen_, vol. i.
+        pp. 152-158); and, says M. Bunsen, p. 152, 'with Diodorus all
+        systematic inquiry into the history of Egypt ceases, not only on
+        the part of the Greeks, but of the ancients in general.' Mr.
+        Leake, in an essay on the Quorra, arrives at the conclusion, that
+        after the time of Ptolemy, the ancients made no additions to
+        their knowledge of African geography. _Journal of Geographical
+        Society_, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+  [153] See on this some good remarks in _Heeren's African Nations_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 202-207; and as to the difference between the traditions
+        of Thebes and Memphis, see _Matter_, _Histoire de l'Ecole
+        d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 7. The power and importance of the two
+        cities fluctuated, both being at different periods the capital.
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55, 244, 445, 446; _Vyse on
+        the Pyramids_, vol. iii. pp. 27, 100; _Sharpe's History of
+        Egypt_, vol. i. pp. 9, 19, 24, 34, 167, 185.
+
+  [154] Sir John Herschel (_Disc. on Natural Philosophy_, p. 60)
+        calculates that the great pyramid weighs twelve thousand seven
+        hundred and sixty million pounds. Compare _Lyell's Principles of
+        Geology_, p. 459, where the still larger estimate of six million
+        tons is given. But according to Perring, the present quantity of
+        masonry is 6,316,000 tons, or 82,110,000 cubic feet. See
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 155, London, 1854, and _Vyse on the
+        Pyramids_, 1840, vol. ii. p. 113.
+
+  [155] Many fanciful hypotheses have been put forward as to the purpose
+        for which the pyramids were built; but it is now admitted that
+        they were neither more nor less than tombs for the Egyptian
+        kings! See _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. pp. xvii. 88, 105, 372,
+        389; and _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. i. p. 21.
+
+  [156] For an estimate of the expense at which, one of the pyramids could
+        be built in our time by European workmen, see _Vyse on the
+        Pyramids_, vol. ii. p. 268. On account, however, of the number of
+        disturbing causes, such calculations have little value.
+
+  [157] Those who complain that in Europe this interval is still too
+        great, may derive a species of satisfaction from studying the old
+        extra-European civilizations.
+
+  [158] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 8, 9. 'Nor was any
+        one permitted to meddle with political affairs, or to hold any
+        civil office in the state.' ... 'If any artizan meddled with
+        political affairs, or engaged in any other employment than the
+        one to which he had been brought up, a severe punishment was
+        instantly inflicted upon him.' Compare _Diod. Sic. Bibliothec.
+        Hist._ book i. chap. lxxiv. vol. i. p. 223.
+
+  [159] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 263, vol. ii. p. 2;
+        _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 24.
+
+  [160] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 41, 42, vol. iii. p.
+        69, vol. iv. p. 131. Compare Ammianus Marcellinus, in _Hamilton's
+        Ægyptiaca_, p. 309.
+
+  [161] _Vyse on the Pyramids_, vol. i. p. 61, vol. ii. p. 92.
+
+That in such a society as this, much regard should be paid to human
+suffering, it would indeed be idle to expect.[162] Still, we are
+startled by the reckless prodigality with which, in Egypt, the upper
+classes squandered away the labour and the lives of the people. In this
+respect, as the monuments yet remaining abundantly prove, they stand
+alone and without a rival. We may form some idea of the almost
+incredible waste, when we hear that two thousand men were occupied for
+three years in carrying a single stone from Elephantine to Sais;[163]
+that the Canal of the Red Sea alone, cost the lives of a hundred and
+twenty thousand Egyptians;[164] and that to build one of the pyramids
+required the labour of three hundred and sixty thousand men for twenty
+years.[165]
+
+  [162] 'Ein König ahmte den andern nach, oder suchte ihn zu übertreffen;
+        indess das gutmüthige Volk seine Lebenstage am Baue dieser
+        Monumente verzehren musste. So entstanden wahrscheinlich die
+        Pyramiden und Obelisken Aegyptens. Nur in den ältesten Zeiten
+        wurden sie gebauet: denn die spätere Zeit und jede Nation, die
+        ein nützliches Gewerbe treiben lernte, bauete keine Pyramiden
+        mehr. Weit gefehlt also, dass Pyramiden ein Kennzeichen von der
+        Glückseligkeit und Aufklärung des alten Aegyptens seyn sollten,
+        sind sie ein unwidersprechliches Denkmal von dem Aberglauben und
+        der Gedankenlosigkeit sowohl der Armen, die da baueten, als der
+        Ehrgeizigen, die den Bau befahlen.' _Herder's Ideen zur
+        Geschichte_, vol. iii. pp. 103, 104: see also p. 293, and some
+        admirable remarks in _Volney's Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. pp.
+        240, 241. Even M. Bunsen, notwithstanding his admiration, says of
+        one of the pyramids, 'the misery of the people, already
+        grievously oppressed, was aggravated by the construction of this
+        gigantic building.... The bones of the oppressors of the people
+        who for two whole generations harassed hundreds of thousands from
+        day to day,' &c. _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 176, a learned and
+        enthusiastic work.
+
+  [163] [Greek: Kai touto ekomizon men ep' etea tria dischilioi de oi
+        prosetetachato andres agôgees.] _Herodot._ book ii. chap. clxxv.
+        vol. i. p. 897. On the enormous weight of the stones which the
+        Egyptians sometimes carried, see _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p.
+        379; and as to the machines employed, and the use of inclined
+        roads for the transit, see _Vyse on the Pyramids_, vol. i. p.
+        197, vol. iii. pp. 14, 38.
+
+  [164] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 70: but this learned
+        writer is unwilling to believe a statement so adverse to his
+        favourite Egyptians. It is likely enough that there is some
+        exaggeration; still no one can dispute the fact of an enormous
+        and unprincipled waste of human life.
+
+  [165] [Greek: Triakonta men yar kai ex muriades andrôn, ôs phasi, tais
+        tôn ergôn leitourgais prosêdreusan, to de pan kataskeuasma telos
+        esche mogis etôn eikosi dielthontôn.] _Diod. Sic. Bibliothec.
+        Hist._ book i. ch. lxiii. vol. i. p. 188.
+
+If, passing from the history of Asia and Africa, we now turn to the New
+World, we shall meet with fresh proof of the accuracy of the preceding
+views. The only parts of America which before the arrival of the
+Europeans were in some degree civilized, were Mexico and Peru;[166] to
+which may probably be added that long and narrow tract which stretches
+from the south of Mexico to the Isthmus of Panama. In this latter
+country, which is now known as Central America, the inhabitants, aided
+by the fertility of the soil,[167] seem to have worked out for
+themselves a certain amount of knowledge; since the ruins still extant,
+prove the possession of a mechanical and architectural skill too
+considerable to be acquired by any nation entirely barbarous.[168]
+Beyond this, nothing is known of their history; but the accounts we
+have of such buildings as Copan, Palenque, and Uxmal, make it highly
+probable that Central America was the ancient seat of a civilization, in
+all essential points similar to those of India and Egypt; that is to
+say, similar to them in respect to the unequal distribution of wealth
+and power, and the thraldom in which the great body of the people
+consequently remained.[169]
+
+  [166] 'When compared with other parts of the New World, Mexico and Peru
+        may be considered as polished states.' _History of America_, book
+        vii. in _Robertson's Works_, p. 904. See, to the same effect,
+        _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. v. p. 355.
+
+  [167] Compare _Squier's Central America_, vol. i. pp. 34, 244, 358, 421,
+        vol. ii. p. 307, with _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii.
+        p. 59, vol. viii. pp. 319, 323.
+
+  [168] Mr. Squier (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 68); who explored
+        Nicaragua, says of the statues, 'the material, in every case, is
+        a black basalt, of great hardness, which, with the best of modern
+        tools, can only be cut with difficulty.' Mr. Stephens (_Central
+        America_, vol. ii. p. 355) found at Palenque 'elegant specimens
+        of art and models for study.' See also vol. iii. pp. 276, 389,
+        406, vol. iv. p. 293. Of the paintings at Chichen he says (vol.
+        iv. p. 311), 'they exhibit a freedom of touch which could only be
+        the result of discipline and training under masters.' At Copan
+        (vol. i. p. 151), 'it would be impossible, with the best
+        instruments of modern times, to cut stones more perfectly.' And
+        at Uxmal (vol. ii. p. 431), 'throughout, the laying and polishing
+        of the stones are as perfect as under the rules of the best
+        modern masonry.' Our knowledge of Central America is almost
+        entirely derived from these two writers; and although the work of
+        Mr. Stephens is much the more minute, Mr. Squier says (vol. ii.
+        p. 306), what I believe is quite true, that until the appearance
+        of his own book in 1853, the monuments in Nicaragua were entirely
+        unknown. Short descriptions of the remains in Guatemala and
+        Yucatan will be found in _Larenaudière's Mexique et Guatemala_,
+        pp. 308-327, and in _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii. pp.
+        60-63.
+
+  [169] See the remarks on Yucatan in _Prichard's Physical History of
+        Mankind_, vol. v. p. 348: 'a great and industrious, though
+        perhaps, as the writer above cited (Gallatin) observes, an
+        enslaved population. Splendid temples and palaces attest the
+        power of the priests and nobles, while as usual no trace remains
+        of the huts in which dwelt the mass of the nation.'
+
+But although the evidence from which we might estimate the former
+condition of Central America is almost entirely lost,[170] we are more
+fortunate in regard to the histories of Mexico and Peru. There are
+still existing considerable and authentic materials, from which we may
+form an opinion on the ancient state of those two countries, and on the
+nature and extent of their civilization. Before, however, entering upon
+this subject, it will be convenient to point out what those physical
+laws were which determined the localities of American civilization; or,
+in other words, why it was that in these countries alone, society should
+have been organized into a fixed and settled system, while the rest of
+the New World was peopled by wild and ignorant barbarians. Such an
+inquiry will be found highly interesting, as affording further proof of
+the extraordinary, and indeed irresistible, force with which the powers
+of nature have controlled the fortunes of man.
+
+  [170] Dr. M'Culloh (_Researches concerning the Aboriginal History of
+        America_, pp. 272-340) has collected from the Spanish writers
+        some meagre statements respecting the early condition of Central
+        America; but of its social state and history, properly so called,
+        nothing is known; nor is it even certain to what family of
+        nations the inhabitants belonged, though a recent author can find
+        'la civilisation guatemalienne ou misteco-zapotèque et mayaquiche
+        vivante pour nous encore dans les ruines de Mitla et de
+        Palenque.' _Mexique et Guatemala, par Larenaudière_, p. 8, Paris,
+        1843. Dr. Prichard, too, refers the ruins in Central America to
+        'the Mayan race:' see _Prichard on Ethnology_, in _Report of
+        British Association for 1847_, p. 252. But the evidence for these
+        and similar statements is very unsatisfactory.
+
+The first circumstance by which we must be struck, is that in America,
+as in Asia and Africa, all the original civilizations were seated in hot
+countries; the whole of Peru proper being within the southern tropic,
+the whole of Central America and Mexico within the northern tropic. How
+the heat of the climate operated on the social and political
+arrangements of India and Egypt, I have attempted to examine; and it
+has, I trust, been proved that the result was brought about by
+diminishing the wants and requirements of the people, and thus producing
+a very unequal distribution of wealth and power. But, besides this,
+there is another way in which the average temperature of a country
+affects its civilization, and the discussion of which I have reserved
+for the present moment, because it may be more clearly illustrated in
+America than elsewhere. Indeed, in the New World, the scale on which
+Nature works, being much larger than in the Old, and her forces being
+more overpowering, it is evident that her operations on mankind may be
+studied with greater advantage than in countries where she is weaker,
+and where, therefore, the consequences of her movements are less
+conspicuous.
+
+If the reader will bear in mind the immense influence which an abundant
+national food has been shown to exercise, he will easily understand how,
+owing to the pressure of physical phenomena, the civilization of
+America was, of necessity, confined to those parts where alone it was
+found by the discoverers of the New World. For, setting aside the
+chemical and geognostic varieties of soil, it may be said that the two
+causes which regulate the fertility of every country are heat and
+moisture.[171] Where these are abundant, the land will be exuberant;
+where they are deficient, it will be sterile. This rule is, of course,
+in its application subject to exceptions, arising from physical
+conditions which are independent of it; but if other things are equal,
+the rule is invariable. And the vast additions which, since the
+construction of isothermal lines, have been made to our knowledge of
+geographical botany, enable us to lay this down as a law of nature,
+proved not only by arguments drawn from vegetable physiology, but also
+by a careful study of the proportions in which plants are actually
+distributed in different countries.[172]
+
+  [171] Respecting the connection between the vegetable productions of a
+        country and its geognostic peculiarities, little is yet known;
+        but the reader may compare _Meyen's Geography of Plants_, p. 64,
+        with _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, 1846, pp. 70, 71.
+        The chemical laws of soil are much better understood, and have a
+        direct practical bearing on the use of manures. See _Turner's
+        Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 1310-1314; _Brande's Chemistry_, vol. i.
+        p. 691, vol. ii. pp. 1867-1869; _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 116-122;
+        _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. ii. pp. 315, 328, vol. iii. p.
+        463, vol. iv. pp. 438, 442, 446.
+
+  [172] As to the influence of heat and moisture on the geographical
+        distribution of plants, see _Henslow's Botany_, pp. 295-300, and
+        _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 560-563. Meyen (_Geog. of Plants_, p.
+        263) says, 'I, therefore, after allowing for local circumstances,
+        bring the vegetation of islands also under the law of nature,
+        according to which the number of species constantly increases
+        with increasing heat and corresponding humidity.' On the effect
+        of temperature alone, compare a note in _Erman's Siberia_, vol.
+        i. pp. 64, 65, with _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, pp.
+        339, 340. In the latter work, it is supposed that heat is the
+        most important of all single agents; and though this is probably
+        true, still the influence of humidity is immense. I may mention
+        as an instance of this, that it has been recently ascertained
+        that the oxygen used by seeds during germination, is not always
+        taken from the air, but is obtained by decomposing water. See the
+        curious experiments of Edwards and Colin in _Lindley's Botany_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 261, 262, London, 1848; and on the direct
+        nourishment which water supplies to vegetables, see Burdache's
+        great work, _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. ix. pp. 254, 398.
+
+A general survey of the continent of America will illustrate the
+connexion between this law and the subject now before us. In the first
+place, as regards moisture, all the great rivers in the New World are on
+the eastern coast, none of them on the western. The causes of this
+remarkable fact are unknown;[173] but it is certain that neither in
+North, nor in South America, does one considerable river empty itself
+into the Pacific; while on the opposite side there are numerous rivers,
+some of enormous magnitude, all of great importance, as the Negro, the
+La Plata, the San Francisco, the Amazon, the Orinoco, the Mississippi,
+the Alabama, the Saint John, the Potomac, the Susquehannah, the
+Delaware, the Hudson, and the Saint Lawrence. By this vast water-system
+the soil is towards the east constantly irrigated:[174] but towards the
+west there is in North America only one river of value, the Oregon;[175]
+while in South America, from the Isthmus of Panama to the Straits of
+Magellan, there is no great river at all.
+
+  [173] There is a difference between the watersheds of the eastern and
+        western ranges, which explains this in part, but not entirely;
+        and even if the explanation were more satisfactory than it is, it
+        is too proximate to the phenomenon to have much scientific value,
+        and must itself be referred to higher geological considerations.
+
+  [174] Of this irrigation some idea may be formed from an estimate that
+        the Amazon drains an area of 2,500,000 square miles; that its
+        mouth is 96 miles wide; and that it is navigable 2,200 miles from
+        its mouth. _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. i. p. 423.
+        Indeed, it is said in an essay on the Hydrography of South
+        America (_Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. p. 250), that
+        'with the exception of one short portage of three miles, water
+        flows, and is for the most part navigable, between Buenos Ayres,
+        in 35° south latitude, to the mouth of the Orinoco, in nearly 9°
+        north.' See also on this river-system, vol. v. p. 93, vol. x. p.
+        267. In regard to North America, Mr. Rogers (_Geology of North
+        America_, p. 8, _Brit. Assoc. for 1834_) says, 'the area drained
+        by the Mississippi and all its tributaries is computed at
+        1,099,000 square miles.' Compare _Richardson's Arctic
+        Expedition_, vol. ii. p. 164.
+
+  [175] The Oregon, or Columbia as it is sometimes called, forms a
+        remarkable botanical line, which is the boundary of the
+        Californian flora. See _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, p.
+        113.
+
+But as to the other main cause of fertility, namely heat, we find in
+North America a state of things precisely the reverse. There we find
+that while the irrigation is on the east, the heat is on the west.[176]
+This difference of temperature between the two coasts is probably
+connected with some great meteorological law; for in the whole of the
+northern hemisphere, the eastern part of continents and of islands is
+colder than the western.[177] Whether, however, this is owing to some
+large and comprehensive cause, or whether each instance has a cause
+peculiar to itself, is an alternative, in the present state of
+knowledge, impossible to decide; but the fact is unquestionable, and its
+influence upon the early history of America is extremely curious. In
+consequence of it, the two great conditions of fertility have not been
+united in any part of the continent north of Mexico. The countries on
+the one side have wanted heat; those on the other side have wanted
+irrigation. The accumulation of wealth being thus impeded, the progress
+of society was stopped; and until, in the sixteenth century, the
+knowledge of Europe was brought to bear upon America, there is no
+instance of any people north of the twentieth parallel, reaching even
+that imperfect civilization to which the inhabitants of India and of
+Egypt easily attained.[178] On the other hand, south of the twentieth
+parallel, the continent suddenly changes its form, and, rapidly
+contracting, becomes a small strip of land, until it reaches the Isthmus
+of Panama. This narrow tract was the centre of Mexican civilization; and
+a comparison of the preceding arguments will easily show why such was
+the case; for the peculiar configuration of the land secured a very
+large amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern part of North
+America the character of an island. Hence there arose one of the
+characteristics of an insular climate, namely, an increase of moisture
+caused by the watery vapour which springs from the sea.[179] While,
+therefore, the position of Mexico near the equator gave it heat, the
+shape of the land gave it humidity; and this being the only part of
+North America in which these two conditions were united, it was likewise
+the only part which was at all civilized. There can be no doubt that if
+the sandy plains of California and southern Columbia, instead of being
+scorched into sterility, had been irrigated by the rivers of the east,
+or if the rivers of the east had been accompanied by the heat of the
+west, the result of either combination would have been that exuberance
+of soil by which, as the history of the world decisively proves, every
+early civilization was preceded. But inasmuch as, of the two elements of
+fertility, one was deficient in every part of America north of the
+twentieth parallel, it followed that, until that line was passed,
+civilization could gain no resting-place; and there never has been
+found, and we may confidently assert never will be found, any evidence
+that even a single ancient nation, in the whole of that enormous
+continent, was able to make much progress in the arts of life, or
+organize itself into a fixed and permanent society.
+
+  [176] For proof that the mean temperature of the western coast of North
+        America is higher than that of the eastern coast, see _Journal of
+        Geograph. Society_, vol. ix. p. 380, vol. xi. pp. 168, 216;
+        _Humboldt_, _la Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i. pp. 42, 336;
+        _Richardson's Arctic Expedition_, vol. ii. pp. 214, 218, 219,
+        259, 260. This is well illustrated by the botanical fact, that on
+        the west coast the Coniferæ grow as high as 68° or 70° north
+        latitude; while on the east their northern limit is 60°. See an
+        Essay on the Morphology of the Coniferæ, in _Reports on Botany by
+        the Ray Society_, p. 8, which should be compared with _Forry on
+        the Climate of the United States and its Endemic Influences_, New
+        York, 1842, p. 89.
+
+  [177] 'Writers on climate have remarked that the eastern coasts of
+        continents in the northern hemisphere have a lower mean
+        temperature than the western coasts.' _Richardson on North
+        American Zoology_, p. 129, _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1836: see also
+        _Report for_ 1841, _Sections_, p. 28; _Davis's China_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 140, 141; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. xxii. p. 176.
+
+  [178] The little that is known of the early state of the North-American
+        tribes has been brought together by Dr. M'Culloh in his learned
+        work, _Researches concerning America_, pp. 119-146. He says, p.
+        121, that they 'lived together without laws and civil
+        regulations.' In that part of the world, the population has
+        probably never been fixed; and we now know that the inhabitants
+        of the north-east of Asia have at different times passed over to
+        the north-west of America, as in the case of the Tschuktschi, who
+        are found in both continents. Indeed, Dobell was so struck by the
+        similarity between the North-American tribes and some he met with
+        nearly as far west as Tomsk, that he believed their origin to be
+        the same. See _Dobell's Travels in Kamtschatka and Siberia_,
+        1830, vol. ii. p. 112. And on this question of intercourse
+        between the two continents, compare _Crantz's History of
+        Greenland_, vol. i. pp. 259, 260, with _Richardson's Arctic
+        Expedition_, vol. i. pp. 362, 363, and _Prichard's Physical
+        History of Mankind_, vol. iv. pp. 458, 463, vol. v. pp. 371, 378.
+
+  [179] From general physical considerations, we should suppose a relation
+        between amount of rain and extent of coast; and in Europe, where
+        alone we have extensive meteorological records, the connexion has
+        been proved statistically. 'If the quantity of rain that falls in
+        different parts of Europe is measured, it is found to be less,
+        other things being equal, as we recede from the sea-shore.'
+        _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, 1845, p. 139. Compare pp. 91, 94. Hence,
+        no doubt, the greater rarity of rain as we advance north from
+        Mexico. 'Au nord du 20°, surtout depuis les 22° au 30° de
+        latitude, les pluies, que ne durent que pendant les mois de juin,
+        de juillet, d'août et de septembre, sont peu fréquentes dans
+        l'intérieur du pays.' _Humboldt_, _la Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i.
+        p. 46.
+
+Thus far as to the physical agents which controlled the early destinies
+of North America. But in reference to South America, a different train
+of circumstances came into play; for the law by virtue of which the
+eastern coasts are colder than the western, is not only inapplicable to
+the southern hemisphere, but is replaced by another law precisely the
+reverse. North of the equator, the east is colder than the west; south
+of the equator, the east is hotter than the west.[180] If now, we
+connect this fact with what has been noticed respecting the vast
+river-system which distinguishes the east of America from the west, it
+becomes evident that in South America there exists that coöperation of
+heat and humidity in which North America is deficient. The result is,
+that the soil in the eastern part of South America is remarkable for its
+exuberance, not only within the tropic, but considerably beyond it; the
+south of Brazil, and even part of Uruguay, possessing a fertility not to
+be found in any country of North America situated under a corresponding
+latitude.
+
+  [180] 'The difference between the climates of the east and west coasts
+        of continents and islands, has also been observed in the southern
+        hemisphere but here the west coasts are colder than the east,
+        while in the northern hemisphere the east coasts are the colder.'
+        _Meyen's Geography of Plants_, 1846, p. 24.
+
+On a hasty view of the preceding generalizations, it might be expected
+that the eastern side of South America, being thus richly endowed by
+nature,[181] would have been the seat of one of those civilizations,
+which, in other parts of the world, similar causes produced. But if we
+look a little further, we shall find that what has just been pointed
+out, by no means exhausts even the physical bearings of this subject,
+and that we must take into consideration a third great agent, which has
+sufficed to neutralize the natural results of the other two, and to
+retain in barbarism the inhabitants of what otherwise would have been
+the most flourishing of all the countries of the New World.
+
+  [181] Mr. Darwin, who has written one of the most valuable works ever
+        published on South America, was struck by this superiority of the
+        eastern coast; and he mentions that 'fruits which ripen well and
+        are very abundant, such as the grape and fig, in latitude 41° on
+        the east coast, succeed very poorly in a lower latitude on the
+        opposite side of the continent.' _Darwin's Journal of
+        Researches_, Lond. 1840, p. 268. Compare _Meyen's Geog. of
+        Plants_, pp. 25, 188. So that the proposition of Daniell
+        (_Meteorological Essays_, p. 104, sec. xiv.) is expressed too
+        generally, and should be confined to continents north of the
+        equator.
+
+The agent to which I allude is the trade-wind; a striking phenomenon, by
+which, as we shall hereafter see, all the civilizations anterior to
+those of Europe were greatly and injuriously influenced. This wind
+covers no less than 56° of latitude; 28° north of the equator, and 28°
+south of it.[182] In this large tract, which comprises some of the most
+fertile countries in the world, the trade-wind blows, during the whole
+year, either from the north-east or from the south-east.[183] The causes
+of this regularity are now well understood, and are known to depend
+partly on the displacement of air at the equator, and partly on the
+motion of the earth; for the cold air from the poles is constantly
+flowing towards the equator, and thus producing northerly winds in the
+northern hemisphere, and southerly winds in the southern. These winds
+are, however, deflected from their natural course by the movement of the
+earth, as it revolves on its axis from west to east. And as the rotation
+of the earth is, of course, more rapid at the equator than elsewhere, it
+happens that in the neighbourhood of the equator the speed is so great
+as to outstrip the movements of the atmosphere from the poles, and
+forcing them into another direction, gives rise to those easterly
+currents which are called trade-winds.[184] What, however, we are now
+rather concerned with, is not so much an explanation of the trade-winds,
+as an account of the way in which this great physical phenomenon is
+connected with the history of South America.
+
+  [182] The trade-winds sometimes reach the thirtieth parallel. See
+        _Daniell's Meteorological Essays_, p. 469. Dr. Traill (_Physical
+        Geography_, Edin. 1838, p. 200), says, 'they extend to about 30°
+        on each side of the equator:' but I believe they are rarely found
+        so high; though Robertson is certainly wrong in supposing that
+        they are peculiar to the tropics; _History of America_, book iv.
+        in _Robertson's Works_, p. 781.
+
+  [183] 'In the northern hemisphere the trade-wind blows from the
+        north-east, and in the southern from the south-east.' _Meyen's
+        Geog. of Plants_, p. 42. Compare _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. i. p.
+        112, vol. ii. p. 494; and on the 'tropical east-wind' of the Gulf
+        of Mexico, see _Forry's Climate of the United States_, p. 206.
+        Dr. Forry says that it has given to the growth of the trees 'an
+        inclination from the sea.'
+
+  [184] Respecting the causes of the trade-winds, see _Somerville's
+        Connexion of the Physical Sciences_, pp. 136, 137; _Leslie's
+        Natural Philosophy_, p. 518; _Daniell's Meteorological Essays_,
+        pp. 44, 102, 476-481; _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, pp. 37-39; _Prout's
+        Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 254-256. The discovery of the true
+        theory is often ascribed to Mr. Daniell; but Hadley was the real
+        discoverer. _Note in Prout_, p. 257. The monsoons, which popular
+        writers frequently confuse with the trade-winds, are said to be
+        caused by the predominance of land, and by the difference between
+        its temperature and that of the sea: see _Kaemtz_, pp. 42-45. On
+        what may be called the conversion of the trades into monsoons,
+        according to the laws very recently promulgated by M. Dove, see
+        _Report of British Association for_ 1847 (_Transac. of Sections_,
+        p. 30) and _Report for_ 1848, p. 94. The monsoons are noticed in
+        _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 485; _Asiatic Researches_, vol.
+        xviii. part i. p. 261; _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. vii.
+        pp. 13, 55; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. p. 90, vol.
+        iv. pp. 8, 9, 148, 149, 169, vol. xi. p. 162, vol. xv. pp.
+        146-149, vol. xvi. p. 185, vol. xviii. pp. 67, 68, vol. xxiii. p.
+        112; _Low's Sarawak_, p. 30.
+
+The trade-wind, blowing on the eastern coast of South America, and
+proceeding from the east, crosses the Atlantic Ocean, and therefore
+reaches the land surcharged with the vapours accumulated in its passage.
+These vapours, on touching the shore, are, at periodical intervals,
+condensed into rain; and as their progress westward is checked by that
+gigantic chain of the Andes, which they are unable to pass,[185] they
+pour the whole of their moisture on Brazil, which, in consequence, is
+often deluged by the most destructive torrents.[186] This abundant
+supply, being aided by that vast river-system peculiar to the eastern
+part of America, and being also accompanied by heat, has stimulated the
+soil into an activity unequalled in any other part of the world.[187]
+Brazil, which is nearly as large as the whole of Europe, is covered with
+a vegetation of incredible profusion. Indeed, so rank and luxuriant is
+the growth, that Nature seems to riot in the very wantonness of power. A
+great part of this immense country is filled with dense and tangled
+forests, whose noble trees, blossoming in unrivalled beauty, and
+exquisite with a thousand hues, throw out their produce in endless
+prodigality. On their summit are perched birds of gorgeous plumage,
+which nestle in their dark and lofty recesses. Below, their base and
+trunks are crowded with brushwood, creeping plants, innumerable
+parasites, all swarming with life. There, too, are myriads of insects of
+every variety; reptiles of strange and singular form; serpents and
+lizards, spotted with deadly beauty: all of which find means of
+existence in this vast workshop and repository of Nature. And that
+nothing may be wanting to this land of marvels, the forests are skirted
+by enormous meadows, which, reeking with heat and moisture, supply
+nourishment to countless herds of wild cattle, that browse and fatten on
+their herbage; while the adjoining plains, rich in another form of life,
+are the chosen abode of the subtlest and most ferocious animals, which
+prey on each other, but which it might almost seem no human power can
+hope to extirpate.[188]
+
+  [185] _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, pp. 201, 714, 715; see also
+        _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. ii. p. 71. And on this
+        confining power of the Cordillera of the Andes, see _Azara_,
+        _Voyages dans l'Amérique Méridionale_, vol. i. p. 33. According
+        to Dr. Tschudi, the eastern chain is properly the Andes, and the
+        western the Cordillera; but this distinction is rarely made.
+        _Tschudi's Travels in Peru_, p. 290.
+
+  [186] On the rain of Brazil, see _Daniell's Meteorological Essays_,
+        p. 335; _Darwin's Journal_, pp. 11, 33; _Spix and Martius's
+        Travels in Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 113; _Gardner's Travels in
+        Brazil_, pp. 53, 99, 114, 175, 233, 394.
+
+  [187] Dr. Gardner, who looked at these things with the eye of a
+        botanist, says that near Rio de Janeiro the heat and moisture are
+        sufficient to compensate even the poorest soil; so that 'rocks,
+        on which scarcely a trace of earth is to be observed, are covered
+        with vellozias, tillandsias, melastomaceæ, cacti, orchideæ, and
+        ferns, and all in the vigour of life.' _Gardner's Travels in
+        Brazil_, p. 9. See also on this combination, _Walsh's Brazil_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 297, 298, a curious description of the rainy season:
+        'For eight or nine hours a day, during some weeks, I never had a
+        dry shirt on me; and the clothes I divested myself of at night, I
+        put on quite wet in the morning. When it did not rain, which was
+        very rare, there shone out in some places a burning sun; and we
+        went smoking along, the wet exhaling by the heat, as if we were
+        dissolving into vapour.'
+
+  [188] On the natural history of Brazil, I have compared a few notices in
+        _Swainson's Geography of Animals_, pp. 75-87, with _Cuvier_,
+        _Règne Animal_, vol. i. p. 460, vol. ii. pp. 28, 65, 66, 89, vol.
+        iv. pp. 51, 75, 258, 320, 394, 485, 561, vol. v. pp. 40, 195,
+        272, 334, 553; _Azara_, _Amérique Méridionale_, vol. i. pp.
+        244-388, and the greater part of vols. iii. and iv.; _Winckler_,
+        _Geschichte der Botanik_, pp. 378, 576-578; _Southey's History of
+        Brazil_, vol. i. p. 27, vol. iii. pp. 315, 823; _Gardner's
+        Brazil_, pp. 18, 32-34, 41-44, 131, 330; _Spix and Martius's
+        Brazil_, vol. i. pp. 207-209, 238-248, vol. ii. pp. 131, 160-163.
+        And as to the forests, which are among the wonders of the world,
+        _Somerville's Physical Geog._ vol. ii. pp. 204-206; _Prichard's
+        Physical History_, vol. v. p. 497; _Darwin's Journal_, pp. 11,
+        24; _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. i. p. 145, vol. ii. pp. 29, 30, 253.
+
+Such is the flow and abundance of life by which Brazil is marked above
+all the other countries of the earth.[189] But, amid this pomp and
+splendour of Nature, no place is left for Man. He is reduced to
+insignificance by the majesty with which he is surrounded. The forces
+that oppose him are so formidable that he has never been able to make
+head against them, never able to rally against their accumulated
+pressure. The whole of Brazil, notwithstanding its immense apparent
+advantages, has always remained entirely uncivilized; its inhabitants
+wandering savages, incompetent to resist those obstacles which the very
+bounty of Nature had put in their way. For the natives, like every
+people in the infancy of society, are averse to enterprise; and being
+unacquainted with the arts by which physical impediments are removed,
+they have never attempted to grapple with the difficulties that stopped
+their social progress. Indeed, those difficulties are so serious, that
+during more than three hundred years the resources of European knowledge
+have been vainly employed in endeavouring to get rid of them. Along the
+coast of Brazil, there has been introduced from Europe a certain amount
+of that civilization, which the natives by their own efforts could never
+have reached. But such civilization, in itself very imperfect, has never
+penetrated the recesses of the country; and in the interior there is
+still found a state of things similar to that which has always existed.
+The people, ignorant, and therefore brutal, practising no restraint, and
+recognizing no law, continue to live on in their old and inveterate
+barbarism.[190] In their country, the physical causes are so active,
+and do their work on a scale of such unrivalled magnitude, that it has
+hitherto been found impossible to escape from the effects of their
+united action. The progress of agriculture is stopped by impassable
+forests, and the harvests are destroyed by innumerable insects.[191] The
+mountains are too high to scale, the rivers are too wide to bridge;
+every thing is contrived to keep back the human mind, and repress its
+rising ambition. It is thus that the energies of Nature have hampered
+the spirit of Man. Nowhere else is there so painful a contrast between
+the grandeur of the external world and the littleness of the internal.
+And the mind, cowed by this unequal struggle, has not only been unable
+to advance, but without foreign aid it would undoubtedly have receded.
+For even at present, with all the improvements constantly introduced
+from Europe, there are no signs of real progress; while, notwithstanding
+the frequency of colonial settlements, less than one-fiftieth of the
+land is cultivated.[192] The habits of the people are as barbarous as
+ever; and as to their numbers, it is well worthy of remark, that Brazil,
+the country where, of all others, physical resources are most powerful,
+where both vegetables and animals are most abundant, where the soil is
+watered by the noblest rivers, and the coast studded by the finest
+harbours--this immense territory, which is more than twelve times the
+size of France, contains a population not exceeding six millions of
+people.[193]
+
+  [189] This extraordinary richness has excited the astonishment of all
+        who have seen it. Mr. Walsh, who had travelled in some very
+        fertile countries, mentions 'the exceeding fecundity of nature
+        which characterizes Brazil.' _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 19.
+        And a very eminent naturalist, Mr. Darwin, says (_Journal_, p.
+        29), 'In England, any person fond of natural history enjoys in
+        his walks a great advantage, by always having something to
+        attract his attention; but in these fertile climates, teeming
+        with life, the attractions are so numerous that he is scarcely
+        able to walk at all.'
+
+  [190] Azara (_Amérique Méridionale_, vol. ii. pp. 1-168) gives a
+        curious, but occasionally a disgusting account of the savage
+        natives in that part of Brazil south of 16°, to which his
+        observations were limited. And as to the inhabitants of other
+        parts, see _Henderson's History of Brazil_, pp. 28, 29, 107, 173,
+        248, 315, 473; _M'Culloh's Researches concerning America_, p. 77;
+        and the more recent account of Dr. Martius, in _Journal of
+        Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. pp. 191-199. Even in 1817, it was
+        rare to see a native in Rio de Janeiro (_Spix and Martius's
+        Travels in Brazil_, vol. i. p. 142); and Dr. Gardner (_Travels in
+        Brazil_, pp. 61, 62) says, that 'more than one nation of Indians
+        in Brazil' have returned to that savage life from which they had
+        apparently been reclaimed.
+
+  [191] Sir C. Lyell (_Principles of Geology_, p. 682) notices 'the
+        incredible number of insects which lay waste the crops in
+        Brazil;' and Mr. Swainson, who had travelled in that country,
+        says 'The red ants of Brazil are so destructive, and at the same
+        time so prolific, that they frequently dispute possession of the
+        ground with the husbandman, defy all his skill to extirpate their
+        colonies, and fairly compel him to leave his fields
+        uncultivated.' _Swainson on the Geography and Classification of
+        Animals_, p. 87. See more about these insects in _Darwin's
+        Journal_, pp. 37-43; _Southey's History of Brazil_, vol. i. pp.
+        144, 256, 333-335, 343, vol. ii. pp. 365, 642, vol. iii. p. 876;
+        _Spix and Martius's Travels in Brazil_, vol. i. p. 259, vol. ii.
+        p. 117; _Cuvier_, _Règne Animal_, vol. iv. p. 320.
+
+  [192] The cultivated land is estimated at from 1-1/2 to 2 per cent. See
+        _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849, vol. i. p. 430.
+
+  [193] During the present century, the population of Brazil has been
+        differently stated at different times; the highest computation
+        being 7,000,000, and the lowest 4,000,000. Comp. _Humboldt_,
+        _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 855; _Gardner's Brazil_, p. 12;
+        _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849, vol. i. pp. 430, 434. Mr. Walsh
+        describes Brazil as 'abounding in lands of the most exuberant
+        fertility, but nearly destitute of inhabitants.' _Walsh's
+        Brazil_, vol. i. p. 248. This was in 1828 and 1829, since which
+        the European population has increased; but, on the whole,
+        6,000,000 seems to be a fair estimate of what can only be known
+        approximatively. In _Alison's History_, vol. x. p. 229, the
+        number given is 5,000,000; but the area also is rather
+        understated.
+
+These considerations sufficiently explain why it is, that in the whole
+of Brazil there are no monuments even of the most imperfect
+civilization; no evidence that the people had, at any period, raised
+themselves above the state in which they were found when their country
+was first discovered. But immediately opposite to Brazil there is
+another country, which, though situated in the same continent, and lying
+under the same latitude, is subjected to different physical conditions,
+and therefore was the scene of different social results. This is the
+celebrated kingdom of Peru, which included the whole of the southern
+tropic, and which, from the circumstances just stated, was naturally the
+only part of South America where any thing approaching to civilization
+could be attained. In Brazil, the heat of the climate was accompanied by
+a twofold irrigation, arising first from the immense river-system
+incidental to the eastern coast; and secondly, from the abundant
+moisture deposited by the trade-winds. From this combination there
+resulted that unequalled fertility, which, so far as Man was concerned,
+defeated its own ends, stopping his progress by an exuberance, which,
+had it been less excessive, it would have aided. For, as we have clearly
+seen, when the productive powers of Nature are carried beyond a certain
+point, the imperfect knowledge of uncivilized men is unable to cope with
+them, or in any way turn them to their own advantage. If, however, those
+powers, being very active, are nevertheless confined within manageable
+limits, there arises a state of things similar to that noticed in Asia
+and Africa; where the profusion of Nature, instead of hindering social
+progress, favoured it, by encouraging that accumulation of wealth,
+without some share of which progress is impossible.
+
+In estimating, therefore, the physical conditions by which civilization
+was originally determined, we have to look, not merely at the
+exuberance, but also at what may be called the manageability of Nature;
+that is, we have to consider the ease with which the resources may be
+used, as well as the number of the resources themselves. Applying this
+to Mexico and Peru, we find that they were the countries of America
+where this combination most happily occurred. For though their resources
+were much less numerous than those of Brazil, they were far more easy to
+control; while at the same time the heat of the climate brought into
+play those other laws by which, as I have attempted to show, all the
+early civilizations were greatly influenced. It is a very remarkable
+fact, which, I believe, has never been observed, that even in reference
+to latitude, the present limit of Peru to the south corresponds with the
+ancient limit of Mexico to the north; while, by a striking, but to me
+perfectly natural coincidence, both these boundaries are reached before
+the tropical line is passed; the boundary of Mexico being 21° N. lat.,
+that of Peru 21-1/2° S. lat.[194]
+
+  [194] Vidaca being the most southerly point of the present Peruvian
+        coast; though the conquests of Peru, incorporated with the
+        empire, extended far into Chili, and within a few degrees of
+        Patagonia. In regard to Mexico, the northern limit of the empire
+        was 21°, on the Atlantic coast, and 19° on the Pacific.
+        _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 2.
+
+Such is the wonderful regularity which history, when comprehensively
+studied, presents to our view. And if we compare Mexico and Peru with
+those countries of the Old World which have been already noticed, we
+shall find, as in all the civilizations anterior to those of Europe,
+that their social phenomena were subordinate to their physical laws. In
+the first place, the characteristics of their national food were
+precisely those met with in the most flourishing parts of Asia and
+Africa. For although few of the nutritious vegetables belonging to the
+Old World were found in the New, their place was supplied by others
+exactly analogous to rice and dates; that is to say, marked by the same
+abundance, by the same facility of growth, and by the same exuberant
+returns; therefore, followed by the same social results. In Mexico and
+Peru, one of the most important articles of food has always been maize,
+which, we have every reason to believe, was peculiar to the American
+continent.[195] This, like rice and dates, is eminently the product of a
+hot climate; and although it is said to grow at an elevation of upwards
+of 7,000 feet,[196] it is rarely seen beyond the fortieth parallel,[197]
+and its exuberance rapidly diminishes with the diminution of
+temperature. Thus, for example, in New California, its average yield is
+seventy or eighty fold;[198] but in Mexico Proper the same grain yields
+three or four hundred fold, and, under very favourable circumstances,
+even eight hundred fold.[199]
+
+  [195] A question has been raised as to the Asiatic origin of maize:
+        _Reynier_, _Economie des Arabes_, pp. 94, 95. But later and more
+        careful researches seem to have ascertained beyond much doubt
+        that it was unknown before America was discovered. Compare
+        _Meyen's Geography of Plants_, pp. 44, 303, 304; _Walckenaer's
+        note in Azara, Amérique Méridionale_, vol. i. p. 149; _Cuvier_,
+        _Progrès des Sciences Naturelles_, vol. ii. p. 354; _Cuvier_,
+        _Eloges Historiques_, vol. ii. p. 178; _Loudon's Encyclopædia of
+        Agriculture_, p. 829; _M'Culloch's Dict. of Commerce_, 1849, p.
+        831. The casual notices of maize by Ixtlilxochitl, the native
+        Mexican historian, show its general use as an article of food
+        before the arrival of the Spaniards: see _Ixtlilxochitl_,
+        _Histoire des Chichimèques_, vol. i. pp. 53, 64, 240, vol. ii.
+        p. 19.
+
+  [196] 'Maize, indeed, grows to the height of 7,200 feet above the level
+        of the sea, but only predominates between 3,000 and 6,000 of
+        elevation.' _Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom_, 1847, p. 112. This
+        refers to the tropical parts of South America; but the Zea Mais
+        is said to have been raised on the slopes of the Pyrenees 'at an
+        elevation of 3,000 to 4,000 feet.' See _Austen on the Forty Days'
+        Maize_, in _Report of Brit. Assoc. for_ 1849, _Trans. of Sec._
+        p. 68.
+
+  [197] M. Meyen (_Geog. of Plants_, p. 302) and Mr. Balfour (_Botany_, p.
+        567) suppose that in America 40° is about its limit; and this is
+        the case in regard to its extensive cultivation; but it is grown
+        certainly as high as 52°, perhaps as high as 54°, north latitude:
+        see _Richardson's Arctic Expedition_, 1851, vol. ii. pp. 49, 234.
+
+  [198] 'Sous la zone tempérée, entre les 33 et 38 degrés de latitude, par
+        exemple dans la Nouvelle Californie, le maïs ne produit, en
+        général, année commune, que 70 à 80 grains pour un.' _Humboldt_,
+        _la Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 375.
+
+  [199] 'La fécondité du Tlaolli, ou maïs mexicain, est au-delà de tout ce
+        que l'on peut imaginer en Europe. La plante, favorisée par de
+        fortes chaleurs et par beaucoup d'humidité, acquiert une hauteur
+        de deux à trois mètres. Dans les belles plaines qui s'étendent
+        depuis San Juan del Rio à Queretaro, par exemple dans les terres
+        de la grande métairie de l'Esperanza, une fanègue de maïs en
+        produit quelquefois huit cents. Des terrains fertiles en donnent,
+        année commune, trois à quatre cents.' _Humboldt_, _Nouv.
+        Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 374. Nearly the same estimate is given by
+        Mr. Ward: see _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i. p. 32, vol. ii. p. 230. In
+        Central America (Guatemala), maize returns three hundred for one.
+        _Mexique et Guatemala, par Larenaudière_, p. 257.
+
+A people who derived their sustenance from a plant of such extraordinary
+fecundity, had little need to exercise their industrious energies; while
+at the same time they had every opportunity of increasing their numbers,
+and thus producing a train of social and political consequences similar
+to those which I have noticed in India and in Egypt. Besides this, there
+were, in addition to maize, other kinds of food to which the same
+remarks are applicable. The potato, which, in Ireland, has brought about
+such injurious effects by stimulating the growth of population, is said
+to be indigenous to Peru; and although this is denied by a very high
+authority,[200] there is, at all events, no doubt that it was found
+there in great abundance when the country was first discovered by the
+Europeans.[201] In Mexico, potatoes were unknown till the arrival of
+the Spaniards; but both Mexicans and Peruvians lived to a great extent
+on the produce of the banana; a vegetable whose reproductive powers are
+so extraordinary, that nothing but the precise and unimpeachable
+testimony of which we are possessed could make them at all credible.
+This remarkable plant is, in America, intimately connected with the
+physical laws of climate; since it is an article of primary importance
+for the subsistence of man whenever the temperature passes a certain
+point.[202] Of its nutritive powers, it is enough to say, that an acre
+sown with it will support more than fifty persons; whereas the same
+amount of land sown with wheat in Europe will only support two
+persons.[203] As to the exuberance of its growth, it is calculated that,
+other circumstances remaining the same, its produce is forty-four times
+greater than that of potatoes, and a hundred and thirty-three times
+greater than that of wheat.[204]
+
+  [200] 'La pomme de terre n'est pas indigène au Pérou.' _Humboldt_,
+        _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 400. On the other hand, Cuvier
+        (_Histoire des Sciences Naturelles_, part ii. p. 185)
+        peremptorily says, 'il est impossible de douter qu'elle ne soit
+        originaire du Pérou:' see also his _Eloges Historiques_, vol. ii.
+        p. 171. Compare _Winckler_, _Gesch. der Botanik_, p. 92: 'Von
+        einem gewissen Carate unter den Gewächsen Peru's mit dem Namen
+        papas aufgeführt.'
+
+  [201] And has been used ever since for food. On the Peruvian potato
+        compare _Tschudi's Travels in Peru_, pp. 178, 368, 386; _Ulloa's
+        Voyage to South America_, vol. i. pp. 287, 288. In Southern Peru,
+        at the height of 13,000 or 14,000 feet, a curious process takes
+        place, the starch of the potato being frozen into saccharine. See
+        a valuable paper by Mr. Bollaert in _Journal of Geograph.
+        Society_, vol. xxi. p. 119.
+
+  [202] Humboldt (_Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 359) says, 'partout où la
+        chaleur moyenne de l'année excède vingt-quatre degrés
+        centigrades, le fruit du bananier est un objet de culture du plus
+        grand intérêt pour la subsistance de l'homme.' Compare _Bullock's
+        Mexico_, p. 281.
+
+  [203] _M'Culloch's Geograph. Dict._, 1849, vol. ii. p. 315.
+
+  [204] 'Je doute qu'il existe une autre plante sur le globe, qui, sur un
+        petit espace de terrain, puisse produire une masse de substance
+        nourrissante aussi considérable.' ... 'Le produit des bananes
+        est par conséquent à celui du froment comme 133: 1--à celui des
+        pommes de terre comme 44: l'_Humboldt_, _Nouvelle Espagne_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 362, 363. See also _Prout's Bridgewater Treatise_, p.
+        333, edit. 1845; _Prescott's Peru_, vol. i. pp. 131, 132;
+        _Prescott's Mexico_, vol. i. p. 114. Earlier notices, but very
+        imperfect ones, of this remarkable vegetable may be found in
+        _Ulloa's South America_, vol. i. p. 74; and in _Boyle's Works_,
+        vol. iii. p. 590.
+
+It will now be easily understood why it was that, in all important
+respects, the civilizations of Mexico and Peru were strictly analogous
+to those of India and Egypt. In these four countries, as well as in a
+few others in Southern Asia and Central America, there existed an
+amount of knowledge, despicable indeed if tried by an European standard,
+but most remarkable if contrasted with the gross ignorance which
+prevailed among the adjoining and cotemporary nations. But in all of
+them there was the same inability to diffuse even that scanty
+civilization which they really possessed; there was the same utter
+absence of any thing approaching to the democratic spirit; there was the
+same despotic power on the part of the upper classes, and the same
+contemptible subservience on the part of the lower. For, as we have
+clearly seen, all these civilizations were affected by certain physical
+causes, which, though favourable to the accumulation of wealth, were
+unfavourable to a just subdivision of it. And as the knowledge of men
+was still in its infancy,[205] it was found impossible to struggle
+against these physical agents, or prevent them from producing those
+effects on the social organization which I have attempted to trace. Both
+in Mexico and in Peru, the arts, and particularly those branches of them
+which minister to the luxury of the wealthy classes, were cultivated
+with great success. The houses of the higher ranks were filled with
+ornaments and utensils of admirable workmanship; their chambers were
+hung with splendid tapestries; their dresses and their personal
+decorations betrayed an almost incredible expense; their jewels of
+exquisite and varied form; their rich and flowing robes embroidered with
+the rarest feathers, collected from the most distant parts of the
+empire: all supplying evidence of the possession of unlimited wealth,
+and of the ostentatious prodigality with which that wealth was
+wasted.[206] Immediately below this class came the people; and what
+their condition was, may be easily imagined. In Peru the whole of the
+taxes were paid by them; the nobles and the clergy being altogether
+exempt.[207] But as, in such a state of society, it was impossible for
+the people to accumulate property, they were obliged to defray the
+expenses of government by their personal labour, which was placed under
+the entire command of the state.[208] At the same time, the rulers of
+the country were well aware that, with a system like this, feelings of
+personal independence were incompatible; they therefore contrived laws
+by which, even in the most minute matters, freedom of action was
+controlled. The people were so shackled, that they could neither change
+their residence, nor alter their clothes, without permission from the
+governing powers To each man the law prescribed the trade he was to
+follow, the dress he was to wear, the wife he was to marry, and the
+amusements he was to enjoy.[209] Among the Mexicans the course of
+affairs was similar; the same physical conditions being followed by the
+same social results. In the most essential particular for which history
+can be studied, namely, the state of the people, Mexico and Peru are the
+counterpart of each other. For though there were many minor points of
+difference,[210] both were agreed in this, that there were only two
+classes--the upper class being tyrants, and the lower class being
+slaves. This was the state in which Mexico was found when it was
+discovered by the Europeans,[211] and towards which it must have been
+tending from the earliest period. And so insupportable had all this
+become, that we know, from the most decisive evidence, that the general
+disaffection it produced among the people was one of the causes which,
+by facilitating the progress of the Spanish invaders, hastened the
+downfall of the Mexican empire.[212]
+
+  [205] The only science with which they had much acquaintance was
+        astronomy, which the Mexicans appear to have cultivated with
+        considerable success. Compare the remark of La Place, in
+        _Humboldt_, _Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i. p. 92, with _Prichard's
+        Physical History_, vol. v. pp. 323, 329; _M'Culloch's
+        Researches_, pp. 201-225; _Larenaudière's Mexique_, pp. 51, 52;
+        _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. iv. p. 456; _Journal of Geog. Society_,
+        vol. vii. p. 3. However, their astronomy, as might be expected,
+        was accompanied by astrology: see _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Histoire des
+        Chichimèques_, vol. i. p. 168, vol. ii. pp. 94, 111.
+
+  [206] The works of art produced by the Mexicans and Peruvians are
+        under-rated by Robertson: who, however, admits that he had never
+        seen them. _History of America_, book vii., in _Robertson's
+        Works_, pp. 909, 920. But during the present century considerable
+        attention has been paid to this subject: and in addition to the
+        evidence of skill and costly extravagance collected by Mr.
+        Prescott, _History of Peru_, vol. i. pp. 28, 142; _History of
+        Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 27, 28, 122, 256, 270, 307, vol. ii. pp.
+        115, 116, I may refer to the testimony of M. Humboldt, the only
+        traveller in the New World who has possessed a competent amount
+        of physical as well as historical knowledge. _Humboldt, Nouvelle
+        Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 483, and elsewhere. Compare Mr. Pentland's
+        observations on the tombs in the neighbourhood of Titicaca
+        (_Jour. of Geog. Soc._ vol. x. p. 554) with _M'Culloh's
+        Researches_, pp. 364-366; _Mexique par Larenaudière_, pp. 41, 42,
+        66; _Ulloa's South America_, vol. i. pp. 465, 466.
+
+  [207] 'The members of the royal house, the great nobles, even the public
+        functionaries, and the numerous body of the priesthood, were all
+        exempt from taxation. The whole duty of defraying the expenses of
+        the government belonged to the people.' _Prescott's History of
+        Peru_, vol. i. p. 56.
+
+  [208] Ondegardo emphatically says, 'Solo el trabajo de las personas era
+        el tributo que se dava, porque ellos no poseian otra cosa.'
+        _Prescott's Peru_, vol. i. p. 57. Compare _M'Culloh's
+        Researches_, p. 359. In Mexico the state of things was just the
+        same: 'Le petit peuple, qui ne possédait point de biens-fonds, et
+        qui ne faisait point de commerce, payait sa part des taxes en
+        travaux de différents genres; c'était par lui que les terres de
+        la couronne étaient cultivées, les ouvrages publics exécutés, et
+        les diverses maisons appartenantes à l'empereur construites ou
+        entretenues.' _Larenaudière's Mexique_, p. 39.
+
+  [209] Mr. Prescott notices this with surprise, though, under the
+        circumstances, it was in truth perfectly natural. He says (_Hist.
+        of Peru_, vol. i. p. 159), 'Under this extraordinary polity, a
+        people, advanced in many of the social refinements, well skilled
+        in manufactures and agriculture, were unacquainted, as we have
+        seen, with money. They had nothing that deserved to be called
+        property. They could follow no craft, could engage in no labour,
+        no amusement, but such as was specially provided by law. They
+        could not change their residence or their dress without a licence
+        from the government. They could not even exercise the freedom
+        which is conceded to the most abject in other countries--that of
+        selecting their own wives.'
+
+  [210] The Mexicans being, as Prichard says (_Physical History_, vol. v.
+        p. 467), of a more cruel disposition than the Peruvians; but our
+        information is too limited to enable us to determine whether this
+        was mainly owing to physical causes or to social ones. Herder
+        preferred the Peruvian civilization: 'der gebildetste Staat
+        dieses Welttheils, Peru.' _Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit_,
+        vol. i. p. 33.
+
+  [211] See in _Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i. p. 101, a striking
+        summary of the state of the Mexican people at the time of the
+        Spanish Conquest: see also _History of America_, book vii., in
+        _Robertson's Works_, p. 907.
+
+  [212] _Prescott's History of the Conquest of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 34.
+        Compare a similar remark on the invasion of Egypt in _Bunsen's
+        Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 414.
+
+The further this examination is carried, the more striking becomes the
+similarity between those civilizations which flourished anterior to what
+may be called the European epoch of the human mind. The division of a
+nation into castes would be impossible in the great European countries;
+but it existed from a remote antiquity in Egypt, in India, and
+apparently in Persia.[213] The very same institution was rigidly
+enforced in Peru;[214] and what proves how consonant it was to that
+stage of society, is, that in Mexico, where castes were not established
+by law, it was nevertheless a recognised custom that the son should
+follow the occupation of his father.[215] This was the political symptom
+of that stationary and conservative spirit, which, as we shall hereafter
+see, has marked every country in which the upper classes have
+monopolized power. The religious symptom of the same spirit was
+displayed in that inordinate reverence for antiquity, and in that hatred
+of change, which the greatest of all the writers on America has well
+pointed out as an analogy between the natives of Mexico and those of
+Hindostan.[216] To this may be added, that those who have studied the
+history of the ancient Egyptians, have observed among that people a
+similar tendency. Wilkinson, who is well known to have paid great
+attention to their monuments, says that they were more unwilling than
+any other nation to alter their religious worship;[217] and Herodotus,
+who travelled in their country two thousand three hundred years ago,
+assures us that, while they preserved old customs, they never acquired
+new ones.[218] In another point of view, the similarity between these
+distant countries is equally interesting, since it evidently arises from
+the causes already noticed as common to both. In Mexico and Peru, the
+lower classes being at the disposal of the upper, there followed that
+frivolous waste of labour which we have observed in Egypt, and evidence
+of which may also be seen in the remains of those temples and palaces
+which are still found in several parts of Asia. Both Mexicans and
+Peruvians erected immense buildings, which were as useless as those of
+Egypt, and which no country could produce, unless the labour of the
+people were ill-paid and ill directed.[219] The cost of these monuments
+of vanity is unknown; but it must have been enormous; since the
+Americans, being ignorant of the use of iron,[220] were unable to employ
+a resource by which, in the construction of large works, labour is
+greatly abridged. Some particulars, however, have been preserved, from
+which an idea may be formed on this subject. To take, for instance, the
+palaces of their kings: we find that in Peru, the erection of the royal
+residence occupied, during fifty years, 20,000 men;[221] while that of
+Mexico cost the labour of no less than 200,000: striking facts, which,
+if all other testimonies had perished, would enable us to appreciate the
+condition of countries in which, for such insignificant purposes, such
+vast power was expended.[222]
+
+  [213] That there were castes in Persia is stated by Firdousi; and his
+        assertion, putting aside its general probability, ought to
+        outweigh the silence of the Greek historians, who, for the most
+        part, knew little of any country except their own. According to
+        Malcolm, the existence of caste in the time of Jemsheed, is
+        confirmed by some 'Mahomedan authors;' but he does not say who
+        they were. _Malcolm's History of Persia_, vol. i. pp. 505, 506.
+        Several attempts have been made, but very unsuccessfully, to
+        ascertain the period in which castes were first instituted.
+        Compare _Asiatic Researches_, vol. vi. p. 251; Heeren's _African
+        Nations_, vol. ii. p. 121; _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 410;
+        _Rammohun Roy on the Veds_, p. 269.
+
+  [214] _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. pp. 143, 156.
+
+  [215] _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 124.
+
+  [216] 'Les Américains, comme les habitans de l'Indoustan, et comme tous
+        les peuples qui ont gémi long-temps sous le despotisme civil et
+        religieux, tiennent avec une opiniâtreté extraordinaire à leurs
+        habitudes, à leurs m[oe]urs, à leurs opinions.... Au Mexique,
+        comme dans l'Indoustan, il n'étoit pas permis aux fidèles de
+        changer la moindre chose aux figures des idoles. Tout ce qui
+        appartenoit au rite des Aztèques et des Hindous étoit assujéti à
+        des lois immuables.' _Humboldt_, _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. i. pp. 95,
+        97. Turgot (_[OE]uvres_, vol. ii. pp. 226, 313, 314) has some
+        admirable remarks on this fixity of opinion natural to certain
+        states of society. See also _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 34, 35; and for other illustrations of this unpliancy of
+        thought, and adherence to old customs, which many writers suppose
+        to be an eastern peculiarity but which is far more widely spread,
+        and is, as Humboldt clearly saw, the result of an unequal
+        distribution of power, compare _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p.
+        41; _Forbes's Oriental Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 15, 164, vol. ii. p.
+        236; _Mill's History of India_, vol. ii. p. 214; _Elphinstone's
+        History of India_, p. 48; _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. ii. p.
+        109; _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. p. 64; _Journal of
+        Asiat. Society_, vol. viii. p. 116.
+
+  [217] 'How scrupulous the Egyptians were, above all people, in
+        permitting the introduction of new customs in matters relating to
+        the gods.' _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iii. p. 262.
+        Compare p. 275. Thus, too, M. Bunsen notices the 'tenacity with
+        which the Egyptians adhered to old manners and customs.'
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 64. See also some remarks on the
+        difference between this spirit and the love of novelty among the
+        Greeks, in _Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv. pp.
+        625, 626.
+
+  [218] _Herodot._ book ii. chap. 79: [Greek: patriosi de chreômenoi
+        nomoisi allon oudena epikteôntai]: and see the note in _Baehr_,
+        vol. i. p. 660: '[Greek: nomous] priores interpretes explicarunt
+        _cantilenas_, _hymnos_; Schweighæuserus rectius intellexit
+        _instituta ac mores_.' In the same way, in Timæus, Plato
+        represents an Egyptian priest saying to Solon, [Greek: Hellênes
+        aei paides este, gerôn de Hellên ouk estin]. And when Solon asked
+        what he meant, [Greek: Neoi este], was the reply, [Greek: tas
+        psychas pantes; oudemian gar en autais echete di archaian akoên
+        palaian doxan oude mathêma chronps polion ouden]. Chap. v. in
+        _Platonis Opera_, vol. vii. p. 242, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826.
+
+  [219] The Mexicans appear to have been even more wantonly prodigal than
+        the Peruvians. See, respecting their immense pyramids, one of
+        which, Cholula had a base 'twice as broad as the largest Egyptian
+        pyramid,' _M'Culloh's Researches_, pp. 252-256; _Bullock's
+        Mexico_, pp. 111-115, 414; _Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i.
+        pp. 240, 241.
+
+        [220] _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 117, vol. iii.
+        p. 341; and _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. p. 145. See
+        also _Haüy_, _Traité de Minéralogie_, Paris, 1801, vol. iv. p.
+        372.
+
+  [221] _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. p. 18.
+
+  [222] Mr. Prescott (_History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 153) says, 'We are
+        not informed of the time occupied in building this palace; but
+        200,000 workmen, it is said, were employed on it. However this
+        may be, it is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs, like those of
+        Asia and ancient Egypt, had the control of immense masses of men,
+        and would sometimes turn the whole population of a conquered
+        city, including the women, into the public works. The most
+        gigantic monuments of architecture which the world has witnessed
+        would never have been reared by the hands of freemen.' The
+        Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, gives a curious account of one
+        of the royal palaces. See his _Histoire de Chichiméques_,
+        translated by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840, vol. i. pp. 257-262,
+        chap. xxxvii.
+
+The preceding evidence, collected from sources of unquestioned
+credibility, proves the force of those great physical laws, which, in
+the most flourishing countries out of Europe, encouraged the
+accumulation of wealth, but prevented its dispersion; and thus secured
+to the upper classes a monopoly of one of the most important elements of
+social and political power. The result was, that in all those
+civilizations the great body of the people derived no benefit from the
+national improvements; hence, the basis of the progress being very
+narrow, the progress itself was very insecure.[223] When, therefore,
+unfavourable circumstances arose from without, it was but natural that
+the whole system should fall to the ground. In such countries, society,
+being divided against itself, was unable to stand. And there can be no
+doubt that long before the crisis of their actual destruction, these
+one-sided and irregular civilizations had begun to decay; so that their
+own degeneracy aided the progress of foreign invaders, and secured the
+overthrow of those ancient kingdoms, which, under a sounder system,
+might have been easily saved.
+
+  [223] This may be illustrated by a good remark of M. Matter, to the
+        effect that when the Egyptians had once lost their race of kings,
+        it was found impossible for the nation to reconstruct itself.
+        _Matter_, _Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 68; a
+        striking passage. In Persia, again, when the feeling of loyalty
+        decayed, so also did the feeling of national power. _Malcolm's
+        History of Persia_, vol. ii. p. 130. The history of the most
+        civilized parts of Europe presents a picture exactly the reverse
+        of this.
+
+Thus far as to the way in which the great civilizations exterior to
+Europe have been affected by the peculiarities of their food, climate,
+and soil. It now remains for me to examine the effect of those other
+physical agents to which I have given the collective name of Aspects of
+Nature, and which will be found suggestive of some very wide and
+comprehensive inquiries into the influence exercised by the external
+world in predisposing men to certain habits of thought, and thus giving
+a particular tone to religion, arts, literature, and, in a word, to all
+the principal manifestations of the human mind. To ascertain how this is
+brought about, forms a necessary supplement to the investigations just
+concluded. For, as we have seen that climate, food, and soil mainly
+concern the accumulation and distribution of wealth, so also shall we
+see that the Aspects of Nature concern the accumulation and distribution
+of thought. In the first case, we have to do with the material interests
+of Man; in the other case with his intellectual interests. The former I
+have analyzed as far as I am able, and perhaps as far as the existing
+state of knowledge will allow.[224] But the other, namely, the relation
+between the Aspects of Nature and the mind of Man, involves speculations
+of such magnitude, and requires such a mass of materials drawn from
+every quarter, that I feel very apprehensive as to the result; and I
+need hardly say, that I make no pretensions to anything approaching an
+exhaustive analysis, nor can I hope to do more than generalize a few of
+the laws of that complicated, but as yet unexplored, process by which
+the external world has affected the human mind, has warped its natural
+movements, and too often checked its natural progress.
+
+  [224] I mean in regard to the physical and economical generalizations.
+        As to the literature of the subject, I am conscious of many
+        deficiencies, particularly in respect to the Mexican and Peruvian
+        histories.
+
+The Aspects of Nature, when considered from this point of view, are
+divisible into two classes: the first class being those which are most
+likely to excite the imagination; and the other class being those which
+address themselves to the understanding commonly so called, that is, to
+the mere logical operations of the intellect. For although it is true
+that, in a complete and well-balanced mind, the imagination and the
+understanding each play their respective parts, and are auxiliary to
+each other, it is also true that, in a majority of instances, the
+understanding is too weak to curb the imagination and restrain its
+dangerous licence. The tendency of advancing civilization is to remedy
+this disproportion, and invest the reasoning powers with that authority,
+which, in an early stage of Society, the imagination exclusively
+possesses. Whether or not there is ground for fearing that the reaction
+will eventually proceed too far, and that the reasoning faculties will
+in their turn tyrannize over the imaginative ones, is a question of the
+deepest interest; but, in the present condition of our knowledge, it is
+probably an insoluble one. At all events, it is certain that nothing
+like such a state has yet been seen; since, even in this age, when the
+imagination is more under control than in any preceding one, it has far
+too much power; as might be easily proved, not only from the
+superstitions which in every country still prevail among the vulgar, but
+also from that poetic reverence for antiquity, which, though it has been
+long diminishing, still hampers the independence, blinds the judgment,
+and circumscribes the originality of the educated classes.
+
+Now, so far as natural phenomena are concerned, it is evident, that
+whatever inspires feelings of terror, or of great wonder, and whatever
+excites in the mind an idea of the vague and uncontrollable, has a
+special tendency to inflame the imagination, and bring under its
+dominion the slower and more deliberate operations of the understanding.
+In such cases, Man, contrasting himself with the force and majesty of
+Nature, becomes painfully conscious of his own insignificance. A sense
+of inferiority steals over him. From every quarter innumerable obstacles
+hem him in, and limit his individual will. His mind, appalled by the
+indefined and indefinable, hardly cares to scrutinize the details of
+which such imposing grandeur consists.[225] On the other hand, where
+the works of Nature are small and feeble, Man regains confidence; he
+seems more able to rely on his own power; he can, as it were, pass
+through and exercise authority in every direction. And as the phenomena
+are more accessible, it becomes easier for him to experiment on them, or
+to observe them with minuteness; an inquisitive and analytic spirit is
+encouraged, and he is tempted to generalize the appearances of Nature,
+and refer them to the laws by which they are governed.
+
+  [225] The sensation of fear, even when there is no danger, becomes
+        strong enough to destroy the pleasure that would otherwise be
+        felt. See, for instance, a description of the great mountain
+        boundary of Hindostan, in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xi. p. 469:
+        'It is necessary for a person to place himself in our situation
+        before he can form a just conception of the scene. The depth of
+        the valley below, the progressive elevation of the intermediate
+        hills, and the majestic splendour of the cloud-capped Himalaya,
+        formed so grand a picture, that the mind was impressed with a
+        sensation of dread rather than of pleasure.' Compare vol. xiv. p.
+        116, Calcutta, 1822. In the Tyrol, it has been observed, that the
+        grandeur of the mountain scenery imbues the minds of the natives
+        with fear, and has caused the invention of many superstitious
+        legends. _Alison's Europe_, vol. ix. pp. 79, 80.
+
+Looking in this way at the human mind as affected by the Aspects of
+Nature, it is surely a remarkable fact, that all the great early
+civilizations were situated within and immediately adjoining the
+tropics, where those aspects are most sublime, most terrible, and where
+Nature is, in every respect, most dangerous to Man. Indeed, generally,
+in Asia, Africa, and America, the external world is more formidable than
+in Europe. This holds good not only of the fixed and permanent
+phenomena, such as mountains, and other great natural barriers, but also
+of occasional phenomena, such as earthquakes, tempests, hurricanes,
+pestilences; all of which are in those regions very frequent and very
+disastrous. These constant and serious dangers produce effects analogous
+to those caused by the sublimity of Nature, in so far, that in both
+cases there is a tendency to increase the activity of the imagination.
+For the peculiar province of the imagination being to deal with the
+unknown, every event which is unexplained, as well as important, is a
+direct stimulus to our imaginative faculties. In the tropics, events of
+this kind are more numerous than elsewhere; it therefore follows that in
+the tropics the imagination is most likely to triumph. A few
+illustrations of the working of this principle will place it in a
+clearer light, and will prepare the reader for the arguments based upon
+it.
+
+Of those physical events which increase the insecurity of Man,
+earthquakes are certainly among the most striking, in regard to the loss
+of life which they cause, as also in regard to their sudden and
+unexpected occurrence. There is reason to believe that they are always
+preceded by atmospheric changes which strike immediately at the nervous
+system, and thus have a direct physical tendency to impair the
+intellectual powers.[226] However this may be, there can be no doubt as
+to the effect they produce in encouraging particular associations and
+habits of thought. The terror which they inspire excites the imagination
+even to a painful extent, and, overbalancing the judgment, predisposes
+men to superstitious fancies. And what is highly curious, is, that
+repetition, so far from blunting such feelings, strengthens them. In
+Peru, where earthquakes appear to be more common than in any other
+country,[227] every succeeding visitation increases the general dismay;
+so that, in some cases, the fear becomes almost insupportable.[228] The
+mind is thus constantly thrown into a timid and anxious state: and men
+witnessing the most serious dangers, which they can neither avoid nor
+understand, become impressed with a conviction of their own inability,
+and of the poverty of their own resources.[229] In exactly the same
+proportion, the imagination is aroused, and a belief in supernatural
+interference actively encouraged. Human power failing, superhuman power
+is called in; the mysterious and the invisible are believed to be
+present; and there grow up among the people those feelings of awe and of
+helplessness, on which all superstition is based, and without which no
+superstition can exist.[230]
+
+  [226] 'Une augmentation d'électricité s'y manifeste aussi presque
+        toujours, et ils sont généralement annoncés par le mugissement
+        des bestiaux, par l'inquiétude des animaux domestiques, et dans
+        les hommes par cette sorte de malaise qui, en Europe, précède les
+        orages dans les personnes nerveuses.' _Cuvier_, _Prog. des
+        Sciences_, vol. i. p. 265. See also, on this 'Vorgefühl,' the
+        observation of Von Hoff, in Mr. Mallet's valuable essay on
+        earthquakes (_Brit. Assoc. for_ 1850, p. 68); and the
+        'foreboding' in _Tschudi's Peru_, p. 165; and a letter in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv. p.
+        504. The probable connexion between earthquakes and electricity
+        is noticed in _Bakewell's Geology_, p. 434.
+
+  [227] 'Peru is more subject perhaps than any other country to the
+        tremendous visitation of earthquakes.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._
+        1849. vol. ii. p. 499. Dr. Tschudi (_Travels in Peru_, p. 162)
+        says of Lima, 'at an average forty-five shocks may be counted on
+        in the year.' See also on the Peruvian earthquakes, pp. 43, 75,
+        87, 90.
+
+  [228] A curious instance of association of ideas conquering the
+        deadening effect of habit. Dr. Tschudi (_Peru_, p. 170),
+        describing the panic, says, 'no familiarity with the phenomenon
+        can blunt this feeling.' Beale (_South-Sea Whaling Voyage_, Lond.
+        1839, p. 205) writes, 'it is said at Peru, that the oftener the
+        natives of the place feel those vibrations of the earth, instead
+        of becoming habituated to them, as persons do who are constantly
+        exposed to other dangers, they become more filled with dismay
+        every time the shock is repeated, so that aged people often find
+        the terror a slight shock will produce almost insupportable.'
+        Compare _Darwin's Journal_, pp. 422, 423. So, too, in regard to
+        Mexican earthquakes, Mr. Ward observes, that 'the natives are
+        both more sensible than strangers of the smaller shocks, and more
+        alarmed by them.' _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 55. On the
+        physiological effects of the fear caused by earthquakes, see the
+        remarkable statement by Osiander in _Burdach's Physiologie comme
+        Science d'Observation_, vol. ii. pp. 223, 224. That the fear
+        should be not deadened by familiarity, but increased by it, would
+        hardly be expected by speculative reasoners unacquainted with the
+        evidence; and we find, in fact, that the Pyrrhonists asserted
+        that [Greek: hoi goun seisma par' hois synechôs apotelountai, ou
+        thaumazontai; oud' ho hêlios, hoti kath' hêmeran horatai.] _Diog.
+        Laert. de Vitis Philos._ lib. ix. segm. 87, vol. i. p. 591.
+
+  [229] Mr. Stephens, who gives a striking description of ancearthquake
+        in Central America, emphatically says, 'I never felt myself so
+        feeble a thing before.' _Stephens's Central America_, vol. i. p.
+        383. See also the account of the effects produced on the mind by
+        an earthquake, in _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 98,
+        and the note at p. 105.
+
+  [230] The effect of earthquakes in encouraging superstition, is noticed
+        in Lyell's admirable work, _Principles of Geology_, p. 492.
+        Compare a myth on the origin of earthquakes in _Beausobre_,
+        _Histoire Critique de Manichée_, vol. i. p. 243.
+
+Further illustration of this may be found even in Europe, where such
+phenomena are, comparatively speaking, extremely rare. Earthquakes and
+volcanic eruptions are more frequent and more destructive in Italy, and
+in the Spanish and Portuguese peninsula, than in any other of the great
+countries; and it is precisely there that superstition is most rife,
+and the superstitious classes most powerful. Those were the countries
+where the clergy first established their authority, where the worst
+corruptions of Christianity took place, and where superstition has
+during the longest period retained the firmest hold. To this may be
+added another circumstance, indicative of the connexion between these
+physical phenomena and the predominance of the imagination. Speaking
+generally, the fine arts are addressed more to the imagination; the
+sciences to the intellect.[231] Now it is remarkable, that all the
+greatest painters, and nearly all the greatest sculptors, modern Europe
+has possessed, have been produced by the Italian and Spanish peninsulas.
+In regard to science, Italy has no doubt had several men of conspicuous
+ability; but their numbers are out of all proportion small when compared
+with her artists and poets. As to Spain and Portugal, the literature of
+those two countries is eminently poetic, and from their schools have
+proceeded some of the greatest painters the world has ever seen. On the
+other hand, the purely reasoning faculties have been neglected, and the
+whole Peninsula, from the earliest period to the present time, does not
+supply to the history of the natural sciences a single name of the
+highest merit; not one man whose works form an epoch in the progress of
+European knowledge.[232]
+
+  [231] The greatest men in science, and in fact all very great men, have
+        no doubt been remarkable for the powers of their imagination. But
+        in art the imagination plays a far more conspicuous part than in
+        science; and this is what I mean to express by the proposition in
+        the text. Sir David Brewster, indeed, thinks that Newton was
+        deficient in imagination: 'the weakness of his imaginative
+        powers.' _Brewster's Life of Newton_, 1855, vol. ii. p. 133. It
+        is impossible to discuss so large a question in a note; but to my
+        apprehension, no poet, except Dante and Shakespeare, ever had an
+        imagination more soaring and more audacious than that possessed
+        by Sir Isaac Newton.
+
+  [232] The remarks made by Mr. Ticknor on the absence of science in
+        Spain, might be extended even further than he has done. See
+        _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 222,
+        223. He says, p. 237, that in 1771, the University of Salamanca
+        being urged to teach the physical sciences, replied, 'Newton
+        teaches nothing that would make a good logician or metaphysician,
+        and Gassendi and Descartes do not agree so well with revealed
+        truth as Aristotle does.'
+
+The manner in which the Aspects of Nature, when they are very
+threatening, stimulate the imagination,[233] and by encouraging
+superstition discourage knowledge, may be made still more apparent by
+one or two additional facts. Among an ignorant people, there is a direct
+tendency to ascribe all serious dangers to supernatural intervention;
+and a strong religious sentiment being thus aroused,[234] it constantly
+happens, not only that the danger is submitted to, but that it is
+actually worshipped. This is the case with some of the Hindus in the
+forest of Malabar;[235] and many similar instances will occur to whoever
+has studied the condition of barbarous tribes.[236] Indeed, so far is
+this carried, that in some countries the inhabitants, from feelings of
+reverential fear, refuse to destroy wild-beasts and noxious reptiles;
+the mischief these animals inflict being the cause of the impunity they
+enjoy.[237]
+
+  [233] In _Asiatic Researches_, vol. vi. pp. 35, 36, there is a good
+        instance of an earthquake giving rise to a theological fiction.
+        See also vol. i. pp. 154-157; and compare _Coleman's Mythology of
+        the Hindus_, p. 17.
+
+  [234] See for example, _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iv. pp. 56, 57, vol.
+        vii. p. 94; and the effect produced by a volcano, in _Journal of
+        Geograph. Society_, vol. v. p. 388. See also vol. xx. p. 8, and a
+        practical recognition of the principle by Sextus Empiricus, in
+        _Tennemann's Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 292. Compare
+        the use the clergy made of a volcanic eruption in Iceland
+        (_Wheaton's History of the Northmen_, p. 42); and see further
+        _Raffles' History of Java_, vol. i. pp. 29, 274, and _Tschudi's
+        Peru_, pp. 64, 167, 171.
+
+  [235] The Hindus in the Iruari forests, says Mr. Edye, 'worship and
+        respect everything from which they apprehend danger.' _Edye on the
+        Coast of Malabar_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii.
+        p. 337.
+
+  [236] Dr. Prichard (_Physical History_, vol. iv. p. 501) says 'The tiger
+        is worshipped by the Hajin tribe in the vicinity of the Garrows
+        or Garrudus.' Compare _Transactions of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii.
+        p. 66. Among the Garrows themselves, this feeling is so strong,
+        that 'the tiger's nose strung round a woman's neck is considered
+        as a great preservative in childbirth.' _Coleman's Mythology of
+        the Hindus_, p. 321. The Seiks have a curious superstition
+        respecting wounds inflicted by tigers (_Burne's Bokhara_, 1834,
+        vol. iii. p. 140); and the Malasir believe that these animals are
+        sent as a punishment for irreligion. _Buchanan's Journey through
+        the Mysore_, vol. ii. p. 385.
+
+  [237] The inhabitants of Sumatra are, for superstitious reasons, most
+        unwilling to destroy tigers, though they commit frightful
+        ravages. _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, pp. 149, 254. The
+        Russian account of the Kamtschatkans says, 'besides the
+        above-mentioned gods, they pay a religious regard to several
+        animals from which they apprehend danger.' _Grieve's History of
+        Kamtschatka_, p. 205. Bruce mentions that in Abyssinia, hyænas
+        are considered 'enchanters' and the inhabitants 'will not touch
+        the skin of a hyæna till it has been prayed over and exorcised by
+        a priest.' _Murray's Life of Bruce_, p. 472. Allied to this, is
+        the respect paid to bears (_Erman's Siberia_, vol. i. p. 492,
+        vol. ii. pp. 42, 43); also the extensively-diffused worship of
+        the serpent, whose wily movements are well calculated to inspire
+        fear, and therefore rouse the religious feelings. The danger
+        apprehended from noxious reptiles is connected with the Dews of
+        the Zendavesta. See _Matter's Histoire du Gnosticisme_, vol. i.
+        p. 380, Paris, 1828.
+
+It is in this way, that the old tropical civilizations had to struggle
+with innumerable difficulties unknown to the temperate zone, where
+European civilization has long flourished. The devastations of animals
+hostile to man, the ravages of hurricanes, tempests, earthquakes,[238]
+and similar perils, constantly pressed upon them, and affected the tone
+of their national character. For the mere loss of life was the smallest
+part of the inconvenience. The real mischief was, that there were
+engendered in the mind, associations which made the imagination
+predominate over the understanding; which infused into the people a
+spirit of reverence instead of a spirit of inquiry; and which encouraged
+a disposition to neglect the investigation of natural causes, and
+ascribe events to the operation of supernatural ones.
+
+  [238] To give one instance of the extent to which these operate, it may
+        be mentioned, that in 1815 an earthquake and volcanic eruption
+        broke forth in Sumbawa, which shook the ground 'through an area
+        of 1,000 miles in circumference,' and the detonations of which
+        were heard at a distance of 970 geographical miles. _Somerville's
+        Connexion of the Physical Sciences_, p. 283; _Hitchcock's
+        Religion of Geology_, p. 190; _Low's Sarawak_, p. 10; _Bakewell's
+        Geology_, p. 438.
+
+Everything we know of those countries proves how active this tendency
+must have been. With extremely few exceptions, health is more
+precarious, and disease more common, in tropical climates than in
+temperate ones. Now, it has been often observed, and indeed is very
+obvious, that the fear of death makes men more prone to seek
+supernatural aid than they would otherwise be. So complete is our
+ignorance respecting another life, that it is no wonder if even the
+stoutest heart should quail at the sudden approach of that dark and
+untried future. On this subject the reason is perfectly silent; the
+imagination, therefore, is uncontrolled. The operation of natural causes
+being brought to an end, supernatural causes are supposed to begin.
+Hence it is, that whatever increases in any country the amount of
+dangerous disease, has an immediate tendency to strengthen superstition,
+and aggrandize the imagination at the expense of the understanding. This
+principle is so universal, that, in every part of the world, the vulgar
+ascribe to the intervention of the Deity those diseases which are
+peculiarly fatal, and especially those which have a sudden and
+mysterious appearance. In Europe it used to be believed that every
+pestilence was a manifestation of the divine anger;[239] and this
+opinion, though it has long been dying away, is by no means extinct,
+even in the most civilized countries.[240] Superstition of this kind
+will of course be strongest, either where medical knowledge is most
+backward, or where disease is most abundant. In countries where both
+these conditions are fulfilled, the superstition is supreme; and even
+where only one of the conditions exists, the tendency is so
+irresistible, that, I believe, there are no barbarous people who do not
+ascribe to their good or evil deities, not only extraordinary diseases,
+but even many of the ordinary ones to which they are liable.[241]
+
+  [239] In the sixteenth century, 'Les différentes sectes s'accordèrent
+        néanmoins à regarder les maladies graves et dangereuses comme un
+        effet immédiat de la puissance divine; idée que Fernel contribua
+        encore à répandre davantage. On trouve dans Paré plusieurs
+        passages de la Bible, cités pour prouver que la colère de Dieu
+        est la seule cause de la peste, qu'elle suffit pour provoquer ce
+        fléau, et que sans elle les causes éloignées ne sauraient agir.'
+        _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. iii. p. 112. The same
+        learned writer says of the Middle Ages (vol. ii. p. 372),
+        'D'après l'esprit généralement répandu dans ces siècles de
+        barbarie, on croyait la lèpre envoyée d'une manière immédiate par
+        Dieu.' See also pp. 145, 346, 431. Bishop Heber says that the
+        Hindus deprive lepers of caste and of the right of possessing
+        property, because they are objects of 'Heaven's wrath.' _Heber's
+        Journey through India_, vol. ii. p. 330. On the Jewish opinion,
+        see _Le Clerc_, _Bibliothèque Universelle_, vol. iv. p. 402,
+        Amsterdam, 1702. And as to the early Christians, see _Maury_,
+        _Légendes Pieuses_, p. 68, Paris, 1843: though M. Maury ascribes
+        to 'les idées orientales reçues par le christianisme,' what is
+        due to the operation of a much wider principle.
+
+  [240] Under the influence of the inductive philosophy, the theological
+        theory of disease was seriously weakened before the middle of the
+        seventeenth century; and by the middle, or at all events the
+        latter half, of the eighteenth century, it had lost all its
+        partisans among scientific men. At present it still lingers on
+        among the vulgar; and traces of it may be found in the writings
+        of the clergy, and in the works of other persons little
+        acquainted with physical knowledge. When the cholera broke out in
+        England, attempts were made to revive the old notion; but the
+        spirit of the age was too strong for such efforts to succeed; and
+        it may be safely predicted that men will never return to their
+        former opinions, unless they first return to their former
+        ignorance. As a specimen of the ideas which the cholera tended to
+        excite, and of their antagonism to all scientific investigation,
+        I may refer to a letter written in 1832 by Mrs. Grant, a woman of
+        some accomplishments, and not devoid of influence
+        (_Correspondence of Mrs. Grant_, London, 1844, vol. iii. pp. 216,
+        217), where she states that 'it appears to me great presumption
+        to indulge so much as people do in speculation and conjecture
+        about a disease so evidently a peculiar infliction, and different
+        from all other modes of suffering hitherto known.' This desire to
+        limit human speculation is precisely the feeling which long
+        retained Europe in darkness; since it effectually prevented those
+        free inquiries to which we are indebted for all the real
+        knowledge we possess. The doubts of Boyle upon this subject
+        supply a curious instance of the transitory state through which
+        the mind was passing in the seventeenth century, and by which the
+        way was prepared for the great liberating movement of the next
+        age. Boyle, after stating both sides of the question, namely, the
+        theological and the scientific, adds, 'and it is the less likely
+        that these sweeping and contagious maladies should be always sent
+        for the punishment of impious men, because I remember to have
+        read in good authors, that as some plagues destroyed both men and
+        beasts, so some other did peculiarly destroy brute animals of
+        very little consideration or use to men, as cats,' &c.
+
+        'Upon these and the like reasons, I have sometimes suspected that
+        in the controversy about the origin of the plague, namely,
+        whether it be natural or supernatural, neither of the contending
+        parties is altogether in the right; since it is very possible
+        that some pestilences may not break forth without an
+        extraordinary, though perhaps not immediate, interposition of
+        Almighty God, provoked by the sins of men; and yet other plagues
+        may be produced by a tragical concourse of merely natural
+        causes.' _Discourse on the Air_, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. iv. pp.
+        288, 289. '_Neither of the contending parties is altogether in
+        the right!_'--an instructive passage towards understanding the
+        compromising spirit of the seventeenth century; standing midway,
+        as it did, between the credulity of the sixteenth, and the
+        scepticism of the eighteenth.
+
+  [241] To the historian of the human mind, the whole question is so full
+        of interest, that I shall refer in this note to all the evidence
+        I have been able to collect: and whoever will compare the
+        following passages may satisfy himself that there is in every
+        part of the world an intimate relation between ignorance
+        respecting the nature and proper treatment of a disease, and the
+        belief that such disease is caused by supernatural power, and is
+        to be cured by it. _Burton's Sindh_, p. 146, London, 1851;
+        _Ellis's Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. p. 395, vol. iii. pp.
+        36, 41, vol. iv. pp. 293, 334, 375; _Cullen's Works_, Edinb.
+        1827, vol. ii. pp. 414, 434; _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_,
+        vol. i. pp. 274, 482; _Cabanis_, _Rapports du Physique et du
+        Moral_, p. 277; _Volney_, _Voyage en Syrie_, vol. i. p. 426;
+        _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p. 104; _Syme's Embassy to Ava_,
+        vol. ii. p. 211; _Ellis's Tour through Hawaii_, pp. 282, 283,
+        332, 333; _Renouard_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. i. p. 398;
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. i. pp. 261,
+        262; _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 485 (compare p. 251,
+        and vol. vi. p. 213); _Grieve's History of Kamtschatka_, p. 217;
+        _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. x. p. 10; _Buchanan's North
+        American Indians_, pp. 256, 257; _Halkett's North American
+        Indians_, pp. 36, 37, 388, 393, 394; _Catlin's North American
+        Indians_, vol. i. pp. 35-41; _Briggs on the Aboriginal Tribes of
+        India_, in _Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1850_, p. 172;
+        _Transactions of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. ii. p. 30; _Percival's
+        Ceylon_, p. 201; _Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 27, 152, 286, 528, vol. iii. pp. 23, 188, 253 (so, too,
+        M. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire, _Anomalies de l'Organization_, vol.
+        iii. p. 380, says that when we were quite ignorant of the cause
+        of monstrous births, the phenomenon was ascribed to the
+        Deity,--'de là aussi l'intervention supposée de la divinité;' and
+        for an exact verification of this, compare _Burdach_, _Traité de
+        Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 247, with _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol.
+        xvi. p. 113); _Ellis's History of Madagascar_, vol. i. pp. 224,
+        225; _Prichard's Physical History_, vol. i. p. 207, vol. v. p.
+        492; _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii. p. 230, vol. iv. p.
+        158; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii. pp. 29, 156, vol. iv. pp.
+        56, 58, 74, vol. xvi. pp. 215, 280; _Neander's History of the
+        Church_, vol. iii. p. 119; _Crawfurd's History of the Indian
+        Archipelago_, vol. i. p. 328; _Low's Sarawak_, pp. 174, 261;
+        _Cook's Voyages_, vol. i. p. 229; _Mariner's Tonga Islands_, vol.
+        i. pp. 194, 350-360, 374, 438, vol. ii. pp. 172, 230; _Huc's
+        Travels in Tartary and Thibet_, vol. i. pp. 74-77; _Richardson's
+        Travels in the Sahara_, vol. i. p. 27; _M'Culloh's Researches_,
+        p. 105; _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. i. p. 41, vol. iv. p. 260,
+        vol. xiv. p. 37. And in regard to Europe, compare _Spence_,
+        _Origin of the Laws of Europe_, p. 322; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 443; _Phillips on Scrofula_, p. 255;
+        _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. i. pp. 265, 266, which may be
+        illustrated by the 'sacred' disease of Cambyses, no doubt
+        epilepsy; see _Herodot._ lib. iii. chap. xxxiv. vol. ii. p. 63.
+
+Here, then, we have another specimen of the unfavourable influence,
+which, in the old civilizations, external phenomena exercised over the
+human mind. For those parts of Asia where the highest refinement was
+reached, are, from various physical causes, much more unhealthy than
+the most civilized parts of Europe.[242] This fact alone must have
+produced a considerable effect on the national character,[243] and the
+more so, as it was aided by those other circumstances which I have
+pointed out, all tending in the same direction. To this may be added,
+that the great plagues by which Europe has at different periods been
+scourged, have, for the most part, proceeded from the East, which is
+their natural birthplace, and where they are most fatal. Indeed, of
+those cruel diseases now existing in Europe, scarcely one is indigenous;
+and the worst of them were imported from tropical countries in and after
+the first century of the Christian era.[244]
+
+  [242] Heat, moisture, and consequent rapid decomposition of vegetable
+        matter, are certainly among the causes of this; and to them may
+        perhaps be added the electrical state of the atmosphere in the
+        tropics. Compare _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 477; _M'William's
+        Medical Expedition to the Niger_, pp. 157, 185; _Simon's
+        Pathology_, p. 269; _Forry's Climate and its Endemic Influences_,
+        p. 158. M. Lepelletier says, rather vaguely (_Physiologie
+        Médicale_, vol. iv. p. 527), that the temperate zones are
+        'favorables à l'exercice complet et régulier des phénomènes
+        vitaux.'
+
+  [243] And must have strengthened the power of the clergy; for, as
+        Charlevoix says with great frankness, 'pestilences are the
+        harvests of the ministers of God.' _Southey's History of Brazil_,
+        vol. ii. p. 254.
+
+  [244] For evidence of the extra-European origin of European diseases,
+        some of which, such as the small-pox, have passed from epidemics
+        into endemics, compare _Encyclop. of the Medical Sciences_, 4to,
+        1847, p. 728; _Transactions of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. pp. 54,
+        55; _Michaelis on the Laws of Moses_, vol. iii. p. 313;
+        _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. ii. pp. 33, 195;
+        _Wallace's Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind_, pp. 81, 82;
+        _Huetiana_, Amst. 1723, pp. 132-135; _Sanders on the Small Pox_,
+        Edinb. 1813, pp. 3-4; _Wilks's Hist. of the South of India_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 16-21; _Clot-Bey de la Peste_, Paris, 1840, p. 227.
+
+Summing up these facts, it may be stated, that in the civilizations
+exterior to Europe, all nature conspired to increase the authority of
+the imaginative faculties, and weaken the authority of the reasoning
+ones. With the materials now existing, it would be possible to follow
+this vast law to its remotest consequences, and show how in Europe it is
+opposed by another law diametrically opposite, and by virtue of which
+the tendency of natural phenomena is, on the whole, to limit the
+imagination, and embolden the understanding: thus inspiring Man with
+confidence in his own resources, and facilitating the increase of his
+knowledge, by encouraging that bold, inquisitive, and scientific spirit,
+which is constantly advancing, and on which all future progress must
+depend.
+
+It is not to be supposed that I can trace in detail the way in which,
+owing to these peculiarities, the civilization of Europe has diverged
+from all others that preceded it. To do this, would require a learning
+and a reach of thought to which hardly any single man ought to pretend;
+since it is one thing to have a perception of a large and general truth,
+and it is another thing to follow out that truth in all its
+ramifications, and prove it by such evidence as will satisfy ordinary
+readers. Those, indeed, who are accustomed to speculations of this
+character, and are able to discern in the history of man something more
+than a mere relation of events, will at once understand that in these
+complicated subjects, the wider any generalization is, the greater will
+be the chance of apparent exceptions; and that when the theory covers a
+very large space, the exceptions may be innumerable, and yet the theory
+remain perfectly accurate. The two fundamental propositions which I
+hope to have demonstrated, are, 1st, That there are certain natural
+phenomena which act on the human mind by exciting the imagination; and
+2dly, That those phenomena are much more numerous out of Europe than in
+it. If these two propositions are admitted, it inevitably follows, that
+in those countries where the imagination has received the stimulus, some
+specific effects must have been produced; unless, indeed, the effects
+have been neutralized by other causes. Whether or not there have been
+antagonistic causes, is immaterial to the truth of the theory, which is
+based on the two propositions just stated. In a scientific point of
+view, therefore, the generalization is complete; and it would perhaps be
+prudent to leave it as it now stands, rather than attempt to confirm it
+by further illustrations, since all particular facts are liable to be
+erroneously stated, and are sure to be contradicted by those who dislike
+the conclusions they corroborate. But in order to familiarize the reader
+with the principles I have put forward, it does seem advisable that a
+few instances should be given of their actual working: and I will,
+therefore, briefly notice the effects they have produced in the three
+great divisions of Literature, Religion, and Art. In each of these
+departments, I will endeavour to indicate how the leading features have
+been affected by the Aspects of Nature; and with a view of simplifying
+the inquiry, I will take the two most conspicuous instances on each
+side, and compare the manifestations of the intellect of Greece with
+those of the intellect of India: these being the two countries
+respecting which the materials are most ample, and in which the physical
+contrasts are most striking.
+
+If, then, we look at the ancient literature of India, even during its
+best period, we shall find the most remarkable evidence of the
+uncontrolled ascendency of the imagination. In the first place, we have
+the striking fact that scarcely any attention has been paid to prose
+composition; all the best writers having devoted themselves to poetry,
+as being most congenial to the national habits of thought. Their works
+on grammar, on law, on history, on medicine, on mathematics, on
+geography, and on metaphysics, are nearly all poems, and are put
+together according to a regular system of versification.[245] The
+consequence is, that while prose writing is utterly despised, the art of
+poetry has been cultivated so assiduously, that the Sanscrit can boast
+of metres more numerous and more complicated than have ever been
+possessed by any of the European languages.[246]
+
+  [245] 'So verwandelt das geistige Leben des Hindu sich in wahre Poesie,
+        und das bezeichnende Merkmal seiner ganzen Bildung ist:
+        Herrschaft der Einbildungskraft über den Verstand; im geraden
+        Gegensatz mit der Bildung des Europäers, deren allgemeiner
+        Charakter in der Herrschaft des Verstandes über die
+        Einbildungskraft besteht. Es wird dadurch begreiflich, dass die
+        Literatur der Hindus nur eine poetische ist; dass sie überreich
+        an Dichterwerken, aber arm am wissenschaftlichen Schriften sind;
+        dass ihre heiligen Schriften, ihre Gesetze und Sagen poetisch,
+        und grösstentheils in Versen geschrieben sind; ja dass Lehrbücher
+        der Grammatik, der Heilkunde, der Mathematik und Erdbeschreibung
+        in Versen verfasst sind.' _Rhode_, _Religiöse Bildung der
+        Hindus_, vol. ii. p. 626. Thus, too, we are told respecting one of
+        their most celebrated metaphysical systems, that 'the best text
+        of the Sanchya is a short treatise in verse.' _Colebrooke on the
+        Philosophy of the Hindus_, in _Transactions of Asiatic Society_,
+        vol. i. p. 23. And in another place the same high authority says
+        (_Asiatic Researches_, vol. x. p. 439), 'the metrical treatises
+        on law and other sciences are almost entirely composed in this
+        easy verse.' M. Klaproth, in an analysis of a Sanscrit history of
+        Cashmere, says, 'comme presque toutes les compositions hindoues,
+        il est écrit en vers.' _Journal Asiatique_, I. série, vol. vii.
+        p. 8, Paris, 1825. See also, in vol. vi. pp. 175, 176, the
+        remarks of M. Burnouf: 'Les philosophes indiens, comme s'ils ne
+        pouvaient échapper aux influences poétiques de leur climat,
+        traitent les questions de la métaphysique le plus abstraite par
+        similitudes et métaphores.' Compare vol. vi. p. 4, 'le génie
+        indien si poétique et si religieux;' and see _Cousin_, _Hist. de
+        la Philosophie_, II. série, vol. i. p. 27.
+
+  [246] Mr. Yates says of the Hindus, that no other people have ever
+        'presented an equal variety of poetic compositions. The various
+        metres of Greece and Rome have filled Europe with astonishment;
+        but what are these, compared with the extensive range of Sanscrit
+        metres under its three classes of poetical writing?' _Yates on
+        Sanscrit Alliteration_, in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xx. p. 159,
+        Calcutta, 1836. See also on the Sanscrit metres, p. 321, and an
+        Essay by Colebrooke, vol. x. pp. 389-474. On the metrical system
+        of the Vedas, see Mr. Wilson's note in the _Rig Veda Sanhita_,
+        vol. ii. p. 135.
+
+This peculiarity in the form of Indian literature is accompanied by a
+corresponding peculiarity in its spirit. For it is no exaggeration to
+say, that in that literature every thing is calculated to set the reason
+of man at open defiance. An imagination, luxuriant even to disease, runs
+riot on every occasion. This is particularly seen in those productions
+which are most eminently national, such as the Ramayana, the Mahabharat,
+and the Puranas in general. But we also find it even in their
+geographical and chronological systems, which of all others might be
+supposed least liable to imaginative flights. A few examples of the
+statements put forward in the most authoritative books, will supply the
+means of instituting a comparison with the totally opposite condition of
+the European intellect, and will give the reader some idea of the extent
+to which credulity can proceed, even among a civilized people.[247]
+
+  [247] In Europe, as we shall see in the sixth chapter of this volume;
+        the credulity was at one time extraordinary; but the age was then
+        barbarous, and barbarism is always credulous. On the other hand,
+        the examples gathered from Indian literature will be taken from
+        the works of a lettered people, written in a language extremely
+        rich, and so highly polished, that some competent judges have
+        declared it equal, if not superior, to the Greek.
+
+Of all the various ways in which the imagination has distorted truth,
+there is none that has worked so much harm as an exaggerated respect for
+past ages. This reverence for antiquity is repugnant to every maxim of
+reason, and is merely the indulgence of a poetic sentiment in favour of
+the remote and unknown. It is, therefore, natural that, in periods when
+the intellect was comparatively speaking inert, this sentiment should
+have been far stronger than it now is; and there can be little doubt
+that it will continue to grow weaker, and that in the same proportion
+the feeling of progress will gain ground; so that veneration for the
+past will be succeeded by hope for the future. But formerly the
+veneration was supreme, and innumerable traces of it may be found in the
+literature and popular creed of every country. It is this, for instance,
+which inspired the poets with their notion of a golden age, in which
+the world was filled with peace, in which evil passions were stilled,
+and crimes were unknown. It is this, again, which gave to theologians
+their idea of the primitive virtue and simplicity of man, and of his
+subsequent fall from that high estate. And it is this same principle
+which diffused a belief that in the olden times, men were not only more
+virtuous and happy, but also physically superior in the structure of
+their bodies; and that by this means they attained to a larger stature,
+and lived to a greater age, than is possible for us, their feeble and
+degenerate descendants.
+
+Opinions of this kind, being adopted by the imagination in spite of the
+understanding, it follows that the strength of such opinions becomes, in
+any country, one of the standards by which we may estimate the
+predominance of the imaginative faculties. Applying this test to the
+literature of India, we shall find a striking confirmation of the
+conclusions already drawn. The marvellous feats of antiquity with which
+the Sanscrit books abound, are so long and so complicated, that it would
+occupy too much space to give even an outline of them; but there is one
+class of these singular fictions which is well worth attention, and
+admits of being briefly stated. I allude to the extraordinary age which
+man was supposed to have attained in former times. A belief in the
+longevity of the human race, at an early period of the world, was the
+natural product of those feelings which ascribed to the ancients an
+universal superiority over the moderns; and this we see exemplified in
+some of the Christian, and in many of the Hebrew writings. But the
+statements in these works are tame and insignificant when compared with
+what is preserved in the literature of India. On this, as on every
+subject, the imagination of the Hindus distanced all competition. Thus,
+among an immense number of similar facts, we find it recorded that in
+ancient times the duration of the life of common men was 80,000
+years,[248] and that holy men lived to be upwards of 100,000.[249] Some
+died a little sooner, others a little later; but in the most flourishing
+period of antiquity, if we take all classes together, 100,000 years was
+the average.[250] Of one king, whose name was Yudhishthir, it is
+casually mentioned that he reigned 27,000 years;[251] while another,
+called Alarka, reigned 66,000.[252] They were cut off in their prime,
+since there are several instances of the early poets living to be about
+half-a-million.[253] But the most remarkable case is that of a very
+shining character in Indian history, who united in his single person the
+functions of a king and a saint. This eminent man lived in a pure and
+virtuous age, and his days were, indeed, long in the land; since, when
+he was made king, he was two million years old: he then reigned
+6,300,000 years; having done which, he resigned his empire, and lingered
+on for 100,000 years more.[254]
+
+  [248] 'The limit of life was vol. xvi. p. 456, Calcutta, 1828. 80,000
+        years.' _Asiatic Researches_. This was likewise the estimate of
+        the Tibetan divines, according to whom men formerly 'parvenaient
+        à l'âge de 80,000 ans.' _Journal Asiatique_, I. série, vol. iii.
+        p. 199, Paris, 1823.
+
+  [249] 'Den Hindu macht dieser Widerspruch nicht verlegen, da er seine
+        Heiligen 100,000 Jahre und länger leben lässt.' _Rhode_, _Relig.
+        Bildung der Hindus_, vol. i. p. 175.
+
+  [250] In the _Dabistan_, vol. ii. p. 47, it is stated of the earliest
+        inhabitants of the world, that 'the duration of human life in
+        this age extended to one hundred thousand common years.'
+
+  [251] Wilford (_Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. p. 242) says, 'When the
+        Puranics speak of the kings of ancient times, they are equally
+        extravagant. According to them, King Yudhishthir reigned
+        seven-and-twenty thousand years.'
+
+  [252] 'For sixty thousand and sixty hundred years no other youthful
+        monarch except Alarka reigned over the earth.' _Vishnu Purana_,
+        p. 408.
+
+  [253] And sometimes more. In the Essay on Indian Chronology in _Works of
+        Sir W. Jones_, vol. i. p. 325, we hear of 'a conversation between
+        Valmic and Vyasa, ... two bards whose ages were separated by a
+        period of 864,000 years.' This passage is also in _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. ii. p. 399.
+
+  [254] 'He was the first king, first anchoret, and first saint; and is
+        therefore entitled Prathama-Raja, Prathama Bhicshacara, Prathama
+        Jina, and Prathama Tirthancara. At the time of his inauguration
+        as king, his age was 2,000,000 years. He reigned 6,300,000 years,
+        and then resigned his empire to his sons: and having employed
+        100,000 years in passing through the several stages of austerity
+        and sanctity, departed from this world on the summit of a
+        mountain named Ashtapada.' _Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix. p. 305.
+
+The same boundless reverence for antiquity made the Hindus refer every
+thing important to the most distant periods; and they frequently assign
+a date which is absolutely bewildering.[255] Their great collection of
+laws, called the _Institutes of Menu_, is certainly less than 3,000
+years old; but the Indian chronologists, so far from being satisfied
+with this, ascribe to them an age that the sober European mind finds a
+difficulty even in conceiving. According to the best native authorities,
+these Institutes were revealed to man about two thousand million years
+before the present era.[256]
+
+  [255] 'Speculationen über Zahlen sind dem Inder so geläufig, dass selbst
+        die Sprache einen Ausdruck hat für eine Unität mit 63 Nullen,
+        nämlich Asanke, eben weil die Berechnung der Weltperioden diese
+        enorme Grössen nothwendig machte, denn jene einfachen 12,000
+        Jahre schienen einem Volke, welches so gerne die höchstmögliche
+        Potenz auf seine Gottheit übertragen mögte, viel zu geringe zu
+        seyn.' _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. ii. p. 298.
+
+  [256] _Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 136, 'a period exceeding
+        4,320,000 multiplied by six times seventy-one.'
+
+All this is but a part of that love of the remote, that straining after
+the infinite, and that indifference to the present, which characterizes
+every branch of the Indian intellect. Not only in literature, but also
+in religion and in art, this tendency is supreme. To subjugate the
+understanding, and exalt the imagination, is the universal principle. In
+the dogmas of their theology, in the character of their gods, and even
+in the forms of their temples, we see how the sublime and threatening
+aspects of the external world have filled the mind of the people with
+those images of the grand and the terrible, which they strive to
+reproduce in a visible form, and to which they owe the leading
+peculiarities of their national culture.
+
+Our view of this vast process may be made clearer by comparing it with
+the opposite condition of Greece. In Greece, we see a country altogether
+the reverse of India. The works of nature, which in India are of
+startling magnitude, are in Greece far smaller, feebler, and in every
+way less threatening to man. In the great centre of Asiatic
+civilization, the energies of the human race are confined, and as it
+were intimidated, by the surrounding phenomena. Besides the dangers
+incidental to tropical climates, there are those noble mountains, which
+seem to touch the sky, and from whose sides are discharged mighty
+rivers, which no art can divert from their course, and which no bridge
+has ever been able to span. There, too, are impassable forests, whole
+countries lined with interminable jungle, and beyond them, again, dreary
+and boundless deserts; all teaching Man his own feebleness, and his
+inability to cope with natural forces. Without, and on either side,
+there are great seas, ravaged by tempests far more destructive than any
+known in Europe, and of such sudden violence, that it is impossible to
+guard against their effects. And, as if in those regions every thing
+combined to cramp the activity of Man, the whole line of coast, from the
+mouth of the Ganges to the extreme south of the peninsula, does not
+contain a single safe and capacious harbour, not one port that affords a
+refuge, which is perhaps more necessary there than in any other part of
+the world.[257]
+
+  [257] Symes (_Embassy to Ava_, vol. iii. p. 278) says: 'From the mouth
+        of the Ganges to Cape Comorin, the whole range of our continental
+        territory, there is not a single harbour capable of affording
+        shelter to a vessel of 500 tons burden.' Indeed, according to
+        Percival, there is with the exception of Bombay, no harbour,
+        'either on the Coromandel or Malabar coasts, in which ships can
+        moor in safety at all seasons of the year.' _Percival's Account
+        of Ceylon_, pp. 2, 15, 66.
+
+But in Greece, the aspects of nature are so entirely different, that the
+very conditions of existence are changed. Greece, like India, forms a
+peninsula; but while in the Asiatic country every thing is great and
+terrible, in the European country every thing is small and feeble. The
+whole of Greece occupies a space somewhat less than the kingdom of
+Portugal,[258] that is about a fortieth part of what is now called
+Hindustan.[259] Situated in the most accessible part of a narrow sea, it
+had easy contact on the east with Asia Minor, on the west with Italy, on
+the south with Egypt. Dangers of all kinds were far less numerous than
+in the tropical civilizations. The climate was more healthy;[260]
+earthquakes were less frequent; hurricanes were less disastrous;
+wild-beasts and noxious animals less abundant. In regard to the other
+great features, the same law prevails. The highest mountains in Greece
+are less than one-third of the Himalaya, so that nowhere do they reach
+the limit of perpetual snow.[261] As to rivers, not only is there
+nothing approaching those imposing volumes which are poured down from
+the mountains of Asia, but nature is so singularly sluggish, that
+neither in Northern nor in Southern Greece do we find any thing beyond a
+few streams, which are easily forded, and which, indeed, in the summer
+season, are frequently dried up.[262]
+
+  [258] 'Altogether its area is somewhat less than that of Portugal.'
+        _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 302; and the same remark
+        in _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 2, and in
+        _Heeren's Ancient Greece_, 1845, p. 16. M. Heeren says, 'But even
+        if we add all the islands, its square contents are a third less
+        than those of Portugal.'
+
+  [259] The area of Hindostan being, according to Mr. M'Culloch (_Geog.
+        Dict._ 1849, vol. i. p. 993), 'between 1,200,000 and 1,300,000
+        square miles.'
+
+  [260] In the best days of Greece, those alarming epidemics, by which the
+        country was subsequently ravaged, were comparatively little
+        known: see _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. iii. p. 134,
+        vol. viii. p. 471. This may be owing to large cosmical causes, or
+        to the simple fact, that the different forms of pestilence had
+        not yet been imported from the East by actual contact. On the
+        vague accounts we possess of the earlier plagues, see _Clot-Bey
+        de la Peste_, Paris, 1840. pp. 21, 46, 184. The relation even of
+        Thucydides is more satisfactory to scholars than to pathologists.
+
+  [261] 'Mount Guino, the highest point in Greece, and near its northern
+        boundary, is 8,239 feet high.... No mountain in Greece reaches
+        the limit of perpetual snow.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849,
+        vol. i. p. 924. Compare the table of mountains in Baker's Memoir
+        on North Greece, in _Journal of Geographical Society_, vol. vii.
+        p. 94, with _Bakewell's Geology_, pp. 621, 622.
+
+  [262] 'Greece has no navigable river.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ vol. i.
+        p. 924. 'Most of the rivers of Greece are torrents in early
+        spring, and dry before the end of the summer.' _Grote's History
+        of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 286.
+
+These striking differences in the material phenomena of the two
+countries gave rise to corresponding differences in their mental
+associations. For as all ideas must arise partly from what are called
+spontaneous operations in the mind, and partly from what is suggested to
+the mind by the external world, it was natural that so great an
+alteration in one of the causes should produce an alteration in the
+effects. The tendency of the surrounding phenomena was in India to
+inspire fear; in Greece to give confidence. In India Man was
+intimidated; in Greece he was encouraged. In India obstacles of every
+sort were so numerous, so alarming, and apparently so inexplicable, that
+the difficulties of life could only be solved by constantly appealing to
+the direct agency of supernatural causes. Those causes being beyond the
+province of the understanding, the resources of the imagination were
+incessantly occupied in studying them; the imagination itself was
+overworked, its activity became dangerous, it encroached on the
+understanding, and the equilibrium of the whole was destroyed. In Greece
+opposite circumstances were followed by opposite results. In Greece
+Nature was less dangerous, less intrusive, and less mysterious than in
+India. In Greece, therefore, the human mind was less appalled, and less
+superstitious; natural causes began to be studied; physical science
+first became possible; and Man, gradually waking to a sense of his own
+power, sought to investigate events with a boldness not to be expected
+in those other countries, where the pressure of Nature troubled his
+independence, and suggested ideas with which knowledge is incompatible.
+
+The effect of these habits of thought on the national religion must be
+very obvious to whoever has compared the popular creed of India with
+that of Greece. The mythology of India, like that of every tropical
+country, is based upon terror, and upon terror, too, of the most
+extravagant kind. Evidence of the universality of this feeling abounds
+in the sacred books of the Hindus, in their traditions, and even in the
+very form and appearance of their gods. And so deeply is all this
+impressed on the mind, that the most popular deities are invariably
+those with whom images of fear are most intimately associated. Thus, for
+example, the worship of Siva is more general than any other; and as to
+its antiquity, there is reason to believe that it was borrowed by the
+Brahmins from the original Indians.[263] At all events, it is very
+ancient, and very popular; and Siva himself forms, with Brahma and
+Vishnu, the celebrated Hindu Triad. We need not, therefore, be surprised
+that with this god are connected images of terror, such as nothing but a
+tropical imagination could conceive. Siva is represented to the Indian
+mind as a hideous being, encircled by a girdle of snakes, with a human
+skull in his hand, and wearing a necklace composed of human bones. He
+has three eyes; the ferocity of his temper is marked by his being
+clothed in a tiger's skin; he is represented as wandering about like a
+madman, and over his left shoulder the deadly cobra di capella rears its
+head. This monstrous creation of an awe-struck fancy has a wife Doorga,
+called sometimes Kali, and sometimes by other names.[264] She has a body
+of dark blue; while the palms of her hands are red, to indicate her
+insatiate appetite for blood. She has four arms, with one of which she
+carries the skull of a giant; her tongue protrudes, and hangs lollingly
+from her mouth; round her waist are the hands of her victims; and her
+neck is adorned with human heads strung together in a ghastly row.[265]
+
+  [263] See Stevenson on _The Anti-Brahmanical Religion of the Hindus_, in
+        _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. viii. pp. 331, 332, 336, 338.
+        Mr. Wilson (_Journal_, vol. iii. p. 204) says, 'The prevailing
+        form of the Hindu religion in the south of the peninsula was, at
+        the commencement of the Christian era, and some time before it
+        most probably, that of Siva.' See also vol. v. p. 85, where it is
+        stated that Siva 'is the only Hindu god to whom honour is done at
+        Ellora.' Compare _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 521;
+        _Heeren's Asiatic Nations_, 1846, vol. ii. pp. 62, 66. On the
+        philosophical relations between the followers of Siva and those
+        of Vishnu, see _Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv.
+        pp. 334, 335; and the noticeable fact (_Buchanan's Mysore_, vol.
+        ii. p. 410), that even the Naimar caste, whose 'proper deity' is
+        Vishnu, 'wear on their foreheads the mark of Siva.' As to the
+        worship of Siva in the time of Alexander the Great, see
+        _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. vii. p. 36; and for further
+        evidence of its extent, _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. i. pp.
+        29, 147, 206, and _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. pp. 50,
+        294.
+
+  [264] So it is generally stated by the Hindu theologians; but, according
+        to Rammohun Roy, Siva had two wives. See _Rammohun Roy on the
+        Veds_, p. 90.
+
+  [265] On these attributes and representations of Siva and Doorga, see
+        _Rhode_, _Religiöse Bildung der Hindus_, vol. ii. p. 241;
+        _Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus_, pp. 63, 92; _Bohlen_, _das
+        alte Indien_, vol. i. p. 207; _Ward's Religion of the Hindoos_,
+        vol. i. pp. xxxvii. 27, 145; _Transac. of Society of Bombay_,
+        vol. i. pp. 215, 221. Compare the curious account of an image
+        supposed to represent Mahadeo, in _Journal Asiatique_, I. série,
+        vol. i. p. 354, Paris, 1822.
+
+If we now turn to Greece, we find, even in the infancy of its religion,
+not the faintest trace of any thing approaching to this. For, in Greece,
+the causes of fear being less abundant, the expression of terror was
+less common. The Greeks, therefore, were by no means disposed to
+incorporate into their religion those feelings of dread natural to the
+Hindus. The tendency of Asiatic civilization was to widen the distance
+between men and their deities; the tendency of Greek civilization was to
+diminish it. Thus it is, that in Hindostan all the gods had something
+monstrous about them; as Vishnu with four hands, Brahma with five heads,
+and the like.[266] But the gods of Greece were always represented in
+forms entirely human.[267] In that country, no artist would have gained
+attention, if he had presumed to portray them in any other shape. He
+might make them stronger than men, he might make them more beautiful;
+but still they must be men. The analogy between God and Man, which
+excited the religious feelings of the Greeks, would have been fatal to
+those of the Hindus.
+
+  [266] _Ward on the Religion of the Hindoos_, vol. i. p. 35; _Transac. of
+        Society of Bombay_, vol. i. p. 223. Compare the gloss in the
+        _Dabistan_, vol. ii. p. 202.
+
+  [267] 'The Greek gods were formed like men, with greatly increased
+        powers and faculties, and acted as men would do if so
+        circumstanced, but with a dignity and energy suited to their
+        nearer approach to perfection. The Hindu gods, on the other hand,
+        though endued with human passions, have always something
+        monstrous in their appearance, and wild and capricious in their
+        conduct. They are of various colours, red, yellow, and blue; some
+        have twelve heads, and most have four hands. They are often
+        enraged without a cause, and reconciled without a motive.'
+        _Elphinstone's History of India_, pp. 96, 97. See also _Erskine
+        on the Temple of Elephanta_, in _Transac. of Society of Bombay_,
+        vol. i. p. 246; and the _Dabistan_, vol. i. p. cxi.
+
+This difference between the artistic expressions of the two religions
+was accompanied by an exactly similar difference between their
+theological traditions. In the Indian books, the imagination is
+exhausted in relating the feats of the gods; and the more obviously
+impossible any achievement is, the greater the pleasure with which it
+was ascribed to them. But the Greek gods had not only human forms, but
+also human attributes, human pursuits, and human tastes.[268] The men of
+Asia, to whom every object of nature was a source of awe, acquired such
+habits of reverence, that they never dared to assimilate their own
+actions with the actions of their deities. The men of Europe, encouraged
+by the safety and inertness of the material world, did not fear to
+strike a parallel, from which they would have shrunk had they lived amid
+the dangers of a tropical country. It is thus that the Greek divinities
+are so different from those of the Hindus, that in comparing them we
+seem to pass from one creation into another. The Greeks generalized
+their observations upon the human mind, and then applied them to the
+gods.[269] The coldness of women was figured in Diana; their beauty and
+sensuality in Venus; their pride in Juno; their accomplishments in
+Minerva. To the ordinary avocations of the gods the same principle was
+applied. Neptune was a sailor; Vulcan was a smith; Apollo was sometimes
+a fiddler, sometimes a poet, sometimes a keeper of oxen. As to Cupid, he
+was a wanton boy, who played with his bow and arrows; Jupiter was an
+amorous and good-natured king; while Mercury was indifferently
+represented either as a trustworthy messenger, or else as a common and
+notorious thief.
+
+  [268] 'In the material polytheism of other leading ancient nations, the
+        Egyptians, for example, the incarnation of the Deity was chiefly,
+        or exclusively, confined to animals, monsters, or other fanciful
+        emblems.... In Greece, on the other hand, it was an almost
+        necessary result of the spirit and grace with which the deities
+        were embodied in human forms, that they should also be burdened
+        with human interests and passions. Heaven, like earth, had its
+        courts and palaces, its trades and professions, its marriages,
+        intrigues, divorces.' _Mure's History of the Literature of
+        Ancient Greece_, vol. i. pp. 471, 472. So, too, Tennemann
+        (_Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. iii. p. 419): 'Diese Götter
+        haben Menschengestalt.... Haben die Götter aber nicht nur
+        menschliche Gestalt, sondern auch einen menschlichen Körper, so
+        sind sie als Menschen auch denselben Unvollkommenheiten,
+        Krankheiten und dem Tode unterworfen; dieses streitet mit dem
+        Begriffe,' _i.e._ of Epicurus. Compare _Grote's History of
+        Greece_, vol. i. p. 596: 'The mythical age was peopled with a
+        mingled aggregate of gods, heroes, and men, so confounded
+        together, that it was often impossible to distinguish to which
+        class any individual name belonged.' See also the complaint of
+        Xenophanes, in _Müller's Hist. of Lit. of Greece_, London, 1856,
+        p. 251.
+
+  [269] The same remark applies to beauty of form, which they first aimed
+        at in the statues of men, and then brought to bear upon the
+        statues of the gods. This is well put in Mr. Grote's important
+        work, _History of Greece_, vol. iv. pp. 133, 134, edit. 1847.
+
+Precisely the same tendency to approximate human forces towards
+superhuman ones, is displayed in another peculiarity of the Greek
+religion. I mean, that in Greece we for the first time meet with
+hero-worship, that is, the deification of mortals. According to the
+principles already laid down, this could not be expected in a tropical
+civilization, where the Aspects of Nature filled Man with a constant
+sense of his own incapacity. It is, therefore, natural that it should
+form no part of the ancient Indian religion;[270] neither was it known
+to the Egyptians,[271] nor to the Persians,[272] nor, so far as I am
+aware, to the Arabians.[273] But in Greece, Man being less humbled,
+and, as it were, less eclipsed, by the external world, thought more of
+his own powers, and human nature did not fall into that discredit in
+which it elsewhere sank. The consequence was, that the deification of
+mortals was a recognized part of the national religion at a very early
+period in the history of Greece;[274] and this has been found so natural
+to Europeans, that the same custom was afterwards renewed with eminent
+success by the Romish Church. Other circumstances, of a very different
+character, are gradually eradicating this form of idolatry; but its
+existence is worth observing, as one of the innumerable illustrations of
+the way in which European civilization has diverged from all those that
+preceded it.[275]
+
+  [270] 'But the worship of deified heroes is no part of that system.'
+        _Colebrooke on the Vedas_, in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. viii.
+        p. 495.
+
+  [271] _Mackay's Religious Development_, vol. ii. p. 53, Lond. 1850.
+        Compare _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iv. pp. 148, 318;
+        and _Matter_, _Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 2;
+        the 'culte des grands hommes,' which afterwards arose in
+        Alexandria (_Matter_, vol. i. p. 54), must have been owing to
+        Greek influence.
+
+  [272] There are no indications of it in the Zendavesta; and Herodotus
+        says, that the Persians were unlike the Greeks, in so far as they
+        disbelieved in a god having a human form; book i. chap. cxxxi.
+        vol. i. p. 308: [Greek: ouk anthrôpophyeas enomisan tous theous,
+        kataper hoi Hellênes einai].
+
+  [273] I am not acquainted with any evidence connecting this worship with
+        the old Arabian religion; and it was certainly most alien to the
+        spirit of Mohammedanism.
+
+  [274] _Mure's History of the Literature of Greece_, vol. i. pp. 28, 500,
+        vol. ii. p. 402: very good remarks on a subject handled
+        unsatisfactorily by Coleridge; _Literary Remains_, vol. i. p.
+        185. Thirlwall (_History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 207) admits that
+        'the views and feelings out of which it (the worship of heroes)
+        arose, seem to be clearly discernible in the Homeric poems.'
+        Compare _Cudworth's Intellectual System_, vol. ii. pp. 226, 372.
+        In the Cratylus, chap. xxxiii., Socrates is represented as
+        asking, [Greek: Ouk oistha hoti hêmitheoi oi hêrôes]; _Platonis
+        Opera_, vol. iv. p. 227, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826. And in the
+        next century, Alexander obtained for his friend, Hephæstion, the
+        right of being 'worshipped as a hero' _Grote's History of
+        Greece_, vol. xii. p. 339.
+
+  [275] The adoration of the dead, and particularly the adoration of
+        martyrs, was one great point of opposition between the orthodox
+        church and the Manichæans (_Beausobre_, _Histoire Critique de
+        Manichée_, vol. i. p. 316, vol. ii. pp. 651, 669); and it is easy
+        to understand how abhorrent such a practice must have been to the
+        Persian heretics.
+
+It is thus, that in Greece every thing tended to exalt the dignity of
+man, while in India every thing tended to depress it.[276] To sum up the
+whole, it may be said that the Greeks had more respect for human
+powers; the Hindus for superhuman. The first dealt more with the known
+and available; the other with the unknown and mysterious.[277] And by a
+parity of reasoning, the imagination, which the Hindus, being oppressed
+by the pomp and majesty of nature, never sought to control, lost its
+supremacy in the little peninsula of ancient Greece. In Greece, for the
+first time in the history of the world, the imagination was, in some
+degree, tempered and confined by the understanding. Not that its
+strength was impaired, or its vitality diminished. It was broken-in and
+tamed; its exuberance was checked, its follies were chastised. But that
+its energy remained, we have ample proof in those productions of the
+Greek mind which have survived to our own time. The gain, therefore, was
+complete; since the inquiring and sceptical faculties of the human
+understanding were cultivated, without destroying the reverential and
+poetic instincts of the imagination. Whether or not the balance was
+accurately adjusted, is another question; but it is certain that the
+adjustment was more nearly arrived at in Greece than in any previous
+civilization.[278] There can, I think, be little doubt that,
+notwithstanding what was effected, too much authority was left to the
+imaginative faculties, and that the purely reasoning ones did not
+receive, and never have received, sufficient attention. Still, this does
+not affect the great fact, that the Greek literature is the first in
+which this deficiency was somewhat remedied, and in which there was a
+deliberate and systematic attempt to test all opinions by their
+consonance with human reason, and thus vindicate the right of Man to
+judge for himself on matters which are of supreme and incalculable
+importance.
+
+  [276] M. Cousin, in his eloquent and ingenious work (_Histoire de la
+        Philosophie_, 3e série, vol. i. pp. 183, 187), has some judicious
+        observations on what he calls 'l'époque de l'infini' of the East,
+        contrasted with that 'du fini,' which began in Europe. But as to
+        the physical causes of this, he only admits the grandeur of
+        nature, overlooking those natural elements of mystery and of
+        danger by which religious sentiments were constantly excited.
+
+  [277] A learned orientalist says, that no people have made such efforts
+        as the Hindus 'to solve, exhaust, comprehend, what is insolvable,
+        inexhaustible, incomprehensible.' _Troyer's Preliminary Discourse
+        on the Dabistan_, vol. i. p. cviii.
+
+  [278] This is noticed by Tennemann, who, however, has not attempted to
+        ascertain the cause: 'Die Einbildungskraft des Griechen war
+        schöpferisch, sie schuf in seinem Innern neue Ideenwelten; aber
+        er wurde doch nie verleitet, die idealische Welt mit der
+        wirklichen zu verwechseln, weil sie immer mit einem richtigen
+        Verstande und gesunder Beurtheilungskraft verbunden war.'
+        _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 8; and vol. vi. p. 490,
+        he says, 'Bei allen diesen Mängeln und Fehlern sind doch die
+        Griechen die einzige Nation der alten Welt, welche Sinn für
+        Wissenschaft hatte, und zu diesem Behufe forschte. Sie haben doch
+        die Bahn gebrochen, und den Weg zur Wissenschaft geebnet.' To the
+        same effect, _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. i. p.
+        215. And on this difference between the Eastern and the European
+        mind, see _Matter_, _Histoire du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. pp. 18,
+        233, 234. So, too, Kant (_Logik_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. i. p.
+        350), 'Unter allen Völkern haben also die Griechen erst
+        angefangen zu philosophiren. Denn sie haben zuerst versucht,
+        nicht an dem Leitfaden der Bilder die Vernunfterkenntnisse zu
+        cultiviren, sondern _in abstracto_; statt dass die anderen Völker
+        sich die Begriffe immer nur durch Bilder _in concreto_
+        verständlich zu machen suchten.'
+
+I have selected India and Greece as the two terms of the preceding
+comparison, because our information respecting those countries is most
+extensive, and has been most carefully arranged. But every thing we know
+of the other tropical civilizations confirms the views I have advocated
+respecting the effects produced by the Aspects of Nature. In Central
+America extensive excavations have been made; and what has been brought
+to light proves that the national religion was, like that of India, a
+system of complete and unmitigated terror.[279] Neither there nor in
+Mexico, nor in Peru, nor in Egypt, did the people desire to represent
+their deities in human forms, or ascribe to them human attributes. Even
+their temples are huge buildings, often constructed with great skill,
+but showing an evident wish to impress the mind with fear, and offering
+a striking contrast to the lighter and smaller structures which the
+Greeks employed for religious purposes. Thus, even in the style of
+architecture do we see the same principle at work; the dangers of the
+tropical civilization being more suggestive of the infinite, while the
+safety of the European civilization was more suggestive of the finite.
+To follow out the consequences of this great antagonism, it would be
+necessary to indicate how the infinite, the imaginative, the synthetic,
+and the deductive, are all connected; and are opposed, on the other
+hand, by the finite, the sceptical, the analytic, and the inductive. A
+complete illustration of this would carry me beyond the plan of this
+Introduction and would perhaps exceed the resources of my own knowledge;
+and I must now leave to the candour of the reader what I am conscious is
+but an imperfect sketch, but what may, nevertheless, suggest to him
+materials for future thought, and, if I might indulge the hope, may open
+to historians a new field, by reminding them that every where the hand
+of Nature is upon us, and that the history of the human mind can only be
+understood by connecting with it the history and the aspects of the
+material universe.
+
+  [279] Thus, of one of the idols at Copan, 'The intention of the sculptor
+        seems to have been to excite terror.' _Stephens's Central
+        America_, vol. i. p. 152; at p. 159, 'The form of sculpture most
+        generally used was a death's head.' At Mayapan (vol. iii. p.
+        133), 'representations of human figures or animals with hideous
+        features and expressions, in producing which the skill of the
+        artist seems to have been expended;' and again, p. 412,
+        'unnatural and grotesque faces.'
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                            NOTE 36 to p. 61.
+
+As these views have a social and economical importance quite independent
+of their physiological value, I will endeavour, in this note, to fortify
+them still further, by showing that the connexion between carbonized
+food and the respiratory functions may be illustrated by a wider survey
+of the animal kingdom.
+
+The gland most universal among the different classes of animals is the
+liver;(a) and its principal business is to relieve the system of its
+superfluous carbon, which it accomplishes by secreting bile, a highly
+carbonized fluid.(b) Now, the connexion between this process and the
+respiratory functions is highly curious. For, if we take a general view
+of animal life, we shall find that the liver and lungs are nearly always
+compensatory; that is to say, when one organ is small and inert, the
+other is large and active. Thus, reptiles have feeble lungs, but a
+considerable liver;(c) and thus, too, in fishes, which have no lungs, in
+the ordinary sense of the word, the size of the liver is often
+enormous.(d) On the other hand, insects have a very large and
+complicated system of air tubes; but their liver is minute, and its
+functions are habitually sluggish.(e) If, instead of comparing the
+different classes of animals, we compare the different stages through
+which the same animal passes, we shall find further confirmation of this
+wide and striking principle. For the law holds good even before birth;
+since in the unborn infant the lungs have scarcely any activity, but
+there is an immense liver, which is full of energy and pours out bile in
+profusion.(f) And so invariable is this relation, that in man the liver
+is the first organ which is formed: it is preponderant during the whole
+period of f[oe]tal life; but it rapidly diminishes when, after birth,
+the lungs come into play, and a new scheme of compensation is
+established in the system.(g)
+
+  [a] 'The most constant gland in the animal kingdom is the liver.'
+      _Grant's Comp. Anat._ p. 576. See also _Béclard_, _Anat. Gén._ p.
+      18, and _Burdach_, _Traité de Physiol._ vol. ix. p. 580. Burdach
+      says, 'Il existe dans presque tout le règne animal;' and the latest
+      researches have detected the rudiments of a liver even in the
+      Entozoa and Rotifera. _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, 1855, p. 183,
+      and _Owen's Invertebrata_, 1855, p. 104.
+
+  [b] Until the analysis made by Demarçay in 1837, hardly any thing was
+      known of the composition of bile; but this accomplished chemist
+      ascertained that its essential constituent is choleate of soda, and
+      that the choleic acid contains nearly sixty-three per cent. of
+      carbon. Compare _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, pp. 59, 60, 412, 602,
+      with _Simon's Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 17-21.
+
+  [c] 'The size of the liver and the quantity of the bile are not
+      proportionate to the quantity of the food and frequency of eating;
+      but inversely to the size and perfection of the lungs.... The
+      liver is proportionately larger in reptiles, which have lungs with
+      large cells incapable of rapidly decarbonizing the blood.' _Good's
+      Study of Medicine_, 1829, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See _Cuvier_, _Règne
+      Animal_, vol. ii. p. 2, on 'la petitesse des vaisseaux pulmonaires'
+      of reptiles.
+
+  [d] _Carus's Comparative Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 230; _Grant's Comp.
+      Anat._ pp. 385, 596; _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, p. 646.
+
+  [e] Indeed it has been supposed by M. Gaëde that the 'vaisseaux
+      biliares' of some insects were not 'sécréteurs;' but this opinion
+      appears to be erroneous. See Latreille, in _Cuvier_, _Règne
+      Animal_, vol. iv. pp. 297, 298.
+
+  [f] 'La prédominance du foie avant la naissance' is noticed by Bichat
+      (_Anatomie Générale_, vol. ii. p. 272), and by many other
+      physiologists; but Dr. Elliotson appears to have been one of the
+      first to understand a fact, the explanation of which we might
+      vainly seek for in the earlier writers. 'The hypothesis, that one
+      great use of the liver was, like that of the lungs, to remove
+      carbon from the system, with this difference, that the alteration
+      of the capacity of the air caused a reception of caloric into the
+      blood, in the case of the lungs, while the hepatic excretion takes
+      place without introduction of caloric, was, I recollect, a great
+      favourite with me when a student.... The Heidelberg professors
+      have adduced many arguments to the same effect. In the f[oe]tus,
+      for whose temperature the mother's heat must be sufficient, the
+      lungs perform no function; but the liver is of great size, and bile
+      is secreted abundantly, so that the meconium accumulates
+      considerably during the latter months of pregnancy.' _Elliotson's
+      Human Physiology_, 1840, p. 102. In _Lepelletier's Physiologie
+      Médicale_, vol. i. p. 466, vol. ii. pp. 14, 546, 550, all this is
+      sadly confused.
+
+  [g] 'The liver is the first-formed organ in the embryo. It is
+      developed from the alimentary canal, and at about the third week
+      fills the whole abdomen, and is one-half the weight of the entire
+      embryo.... At birth it is of very large size, and occupies the
+      whole upper part of the abdomen.... The liver diminishes rapidly
+      after birth, probably from obliteration of the umbilical vein.'
+      _Wilson's Human Anatomy_, 1851, p. 638. Compare _Burdach's
+      Physiologie_, vol. iv. p. 447, where it is said of the liver in
+      childhood, 'Cet organe croît avec lenteur, surtout comparativement
+      aux poumons; le rapport de ceux-ci au foie étant à peu près de 1:3
+      avant la respiration, il était de 1:1.86 après l'établissement de
+      cette dernière fonction.' See also p. 91, and vol. iii. p. 483; and
+      on the predominance of the liver in f[oe]tal life, see the remarks
+      of Serres (_Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de l'Organisation_,
+      vol. ii. p. 11), whose generalization is perhaps a little
+      premature.
+
+These facts, interesting to the philosophic physiologist, are of great
+moment in reference to the doctrines advocated in this chapter. Inasmuch
+as the liver and lungs are compensatory in the history of their
+organization, it is highly probable that they are also compensatory in
+the functions they perform; and that what is left undone by one will
+have to be accomplished by the other. The liver, therefore, fulfilling
+the duty, as chemistry teaches us, of decarbonizing the system by
+secreting a carbonized fluid, we should expect, even in the absence of
+any further evidence, that the lungs would be likewise decarbonizing; in
+other words, we should expect that if, from any cause, we are surcharged
+with carbon, our lungs must assist in remedying the evil. This brings
+us, by another road, to the conclusion that highly carbonized food has a
+tendency to tax the lungs; so that the connexion between a carbonized
+diet and the respiratory functions, instead of being, as some assert, a
+crude hypothesis, is an eminently scientific theory, and is corroborated
+not only by chemistry, but by the general scheme of the animal kingdom,
+and even by the observation of embryological phenomena. The views of
+Liebig, and of his followers, are indeed supported by so many analogies,
+and harmonize so well with other parts of our knowledge, that nothing
+but a perverse hatred of generalization, or an incapacity for dealing
+with large speculative truths, can explain the hostility directed
+against conclusions which have been gradually forcing themselves upon us
+since Lavoisier, seventy years ago, attempted to explain the respiratory
+functions by subjecting them to the laws of chemical combination.
+
+In this, and previous notes (see in particular notes 30, 31, 35), I have
+considered the connexion between food respiration, and animal heat, at a
+length which will appear tedious to readers uninterested in
+physiological pursuits; but the investigation has become necessary, on
+account of the difficulties raised by experimenters, who, not having
+studied the subject comprehensively, object to certain parts of it. To
+mention what, from the ability and reputation of the author, is a
+conspicuous instance of this, Sir Benjamin Brodie has recently published
+a volume (_Physiological Researches_, 1851) containing some ingeniously
+contrived experiments on dogs and rabbits, to prove that heat is
+generated rather by the nervous system than by the respiratory organs.
+Without following this eminent surgeon into all its details, I may be
+permitted to observe, 1st, That, as a mere matter of history, no great
+physiological truth has ever yet been discovered, nor has any great
+physiological fallacy been destroyed, by such limited experiments on a
+single class of animals; and this is partly because in physiology a
+crucial instance is impracticable, owing to the fact that we deal with
+resisting and living bodies, and partly because every experiment
+produces an abnormal condition, and thus lets in fresh causes, the
+operation of which is incalculable; unless, as often happens in the
+inorganic world, we can control the whole phenomenon. 2nd, That the
+other department of the organic world, namely, the vegetable kingdom,
+has, so far as we are aware, no nervous system, but nevertheless
+possesses heat; and we moreover know that the heat is a product of
+oxygen and carbon (see note 32 to chapter ii.). 3d, That the evidence of
+travellers respecting the different sorts of food, and the different
+quantities of food, used in hot countries and in cold ones, is
+explicable by the respiratory and chemical theories of the origin of
+animal heat, but is inexplicable by the theory of the nervous origin of
+heat.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOR DISCOVERING
+                              MENTAL LAWS.
+
+
+The evidence that I have collected seems to establish two leading facts,
+which, unless they can be impugned, are the necessary basis of universal
+history. The first fact is, that in the civilizations out of Europe, the
+powers of nature have been far greater than in those in Europe. The
+second fact is, that those powers have worked immense mischief; and that
+while one division of them has caused an unequal distribution of wealth,
+another division of them has caused an unequal distribution of thought,
+by concentrating attention upon subjects which inflame the imagination.
+So far as the experience of the past can guide us, we may say, that in
+all the extra European civilizations, these obstacles are insuperable:
+certainly no nation has ever yet overcome them. But Europe, being
+constructed upon a smaller plan than the other quarters of the
+world--being also in a colder region, having a less exuberant soil, a
+less imposing aspect, and displaying in all her physical phenomena much
+greater feebleness--it was easier for Man to discard the superstitions
+which Nature suggested to his imagination; and it was also easier for
+him to effect, not, indeed, a just division of wealth, but something
+nearer to it, than was practicable in the older countries.
+
+Hence it is that, looking at the history of the world as a whole, the
+tendency has been, in Europe, to subordinate nature to man; out of
+Europe, to subordinate man to nature. To this there are, in barbarous
+countries, several exceptions; but in civilized countries the rule has
+been universal. The great division, therefore, between European
+civilization and non-European civilization, is the basis of the
+philosophy of history, since it suggests the important consideration,
+that if we would understand, for instance, the history of India, we must
+make the external world our first study, because it has influenced man
+more than man has influenced it. If, on the other hand, we would
+understand the history of a country like France or England, we must make
+man our principal study, because nature being comparatively weak, every
+step in the great progress has increased the dominion of the human mind
+over the agencies of the external world. Even in those countries where
+the power of man has reached the highest point, the pressure of nature
+is still immense; but it diminishes in each succeeding generation,
+because our increasing knowledge enables us not so much to control
+nature as to foretell her movements, and thus obviate many of the evils
+she would otherwise occasion. How successful our efforts have been, is
+evident from the fact, that the average duration of life constantly
+becomes longer, and the number of inevitable dangers fewer; and what
+makes this the more remarkable is, that the curiosity of men is keener,
+and their contact with each other closer, than in any former period; so
+that while apparent hazards are multiplied, we find from experience that
+real hazards are, on the whole, diminished.[280]
+
+  [280] This diminution of casualties is undoubtedly one cause, though a
+        slight one, of the increased duration of life; but the most
+        active cause is a general improvement in the physical condition
+        of man: see _Sir B. Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_,
+        p. 212; and for proof that civilized men are stronger than
+        uncivilized ones, see _Quetelet_, _sur l'Homme_, vol. ii. pp. 67,
+        272; _Lawrence's Lectures on Man_, pp. 275, 276; _Ellis's
+        Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. p. 98; _Whately's Lectures on
+        Political Economy_, 8vo. 1831, p. 59; _Journal of the Statistical
+        Society_, vol. xvii. pp. 32, 33; _Dufau_, _Traité de
+        Statistique_, p. 107; _Hawkins's Medical Statistics_, p. 232.
+
+If, therefore, we take the largest possible view of the history of
+Europe, and confine ourselves entirely to the primary cause of its
+superiority over other parts of the world, we must resolve it into the
+encroachment of the mind of man upon the organic and inorganic forces
+of nature. To this all other causes are subordinate.[281] For we have
+seen that wherever the powers of nature reached a certain height, the
+national civilization was irregularly developed, and the advance of the
+civilization stopped. The first essential was, to limit the interference
+of these physical phenomena; and that was most likely to be accomplished
+where the phenomena were feeblest and least imposing. This was the case
+with Europe; it is accordingly in Europe alone, that man has really
+succeeded in taming the energies of nature, bending them to his own
+will, turning them aside from their ordinary course, and compelling them
+to minister to his happiness, and subserve the general purposes of human
+life.
+
+  [281] The general social consequences of this I shall hereafter
+        consider; but the mere economical consequences are well expressed
+        by Mr. Mill: 'Of the features which characterize this progressive
+        economical movement of civilized nations, that which first
+        excites attention, through its intimate connexion with the
+        phenomena of Production, is the perpetual, and, so far as human
+        foresight can extend, the unlimited, growth of man's power over
+        nature. Our knowledge of the properties and laws of physical
+        objects shows no sign of approaching its ultimate boundaries; it
+        is advancing more rapidly, and in a greater number of directions
+        at once, than in any previous age or generation, and affording
+        such frequent glimpses of unexplored fields beyond, as to justify
+        the belief that our acquaintance with nature is still almost in
+        its infancy.' _Mill's Principles of Polit. Economy_, vol. ii. pp.
+        246-7.
+
+All around us are the traces of this glorious and successful struggle.
+Indeed, it seems as if in Europe there was nothing man feared to
+attempt. The invasions of the sea repelled, and whole provinces, as in
+the case of Holland, rescued from its grasp, mountains cut through and
+turned into level roads; soils of the most obstinate sterility becoming
+exuberant, from the mere advance of chemical knowledge; while, in regard
+to electric phenomena, we see the subtlest, the most rapid, and the most
+mysterious of all forces, made the medium of thought, and obeying even
+the most capricious behests of the human mind.
+
+In other instances, where the products of the external world have been
+refractory, man has succeeded in destroying what he could hardly hope to
+subjugate. The most cruel diseases, such as the plague, properly so
+called, and the leprosy of the Middle Ages,[282] have entirely
+disappeared from the civilized parts of Europe; and it is scarcely
+possible that they should ever again be seen there. Wild beasts and
+birds of prey have been extirpated, and are no longer allowed to infest
+the haunts of civilised men. Those frightful famines, by which Europe
+used to be ravaged several times in every century,[283] have ceased; and
+so successfully have we grappled with them, that there is not the
+slightest fear of their ever returning with any thing like their former
+severity. Indeed, our resources are now so great, that we could at
+worst, only suffer from a slight and temporary scarcity: since, in the
+present state of knowledge, the evil would be met at the outset by
+remedies which chemical science could easily suggest.[284]
+
+  [282] What this horrible disease once was, may be estimated from the
+        fact, 'qu'au treizième siècle on comptait en France seulement,
+        deux mille léproseries, et que l'Europe entière renfermait
+        environ dix-neuf mille établissemens semblables.' _Sprengel_,
+        _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 374. As to the mortality
+        caused by the plague, see _Clot-Bey_, _de la Peste_, Paris, 1840,
+        pp. 62, 63, 185, 292.
+
+  [283] For a curious list of famines, see an essay by Mr. Farr, in
+        _Journal of the Statistical Society_, vol. ix. pp. 159-163. He
+        says, that in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries,
+        the average was, in England, one famine every fourteen years.
+
+  [284] In the opinion of one of the highest living authorities, famine
+        is, even in the present state of chemistry, 'next to impossible.'
+        _Herschel's Discourse on Natural Philosophy_, p. 65. Cuvier
+        (_Recueil des Eloges_, vol. i. p. 10) says that we have succeeded
+        'a rendre toute famine impossible.' See also _Godwin on
+        Population_, p. 500; and for a purely economical argument to
+        prove the impossibility of famine, see _Mill's Principles of
+        Political Economy_, vol. ii. p. 258; and compare a note in
+        _Ricardo's Works_, p. 191. The Irish famine may seem an
+        exception: but it could have been easily baffled except for the
+        poverty of the people, which frustrated our efforts to reduce it
+        to a dearth.
+
+It is hardly necessary to notice how, in numerous other instances, the
+progress of European civilization has been marked by the diminished
+influence of the external world: I mean, of course, those peculiarities
+of the external world which have an existence independent of the wishes
+of man, and were not created by him. The most advanced nations do, in
+their present state, owe comparatively little to those original features
+of nature which, in every civilization out of Europe, exercised
+unlimited power. Thus, in Asia and elsewhere, the course of trade, the
+extent of commerce, and many similar circumstances, were determined by
+the existence of rivers, by the facility with which they could be
+navigated, and by the number and goodness of the adjoining harbours.
+But, in Europe, the determining cause is, not so much these physical
+peculiarities, as the skill and energy of man. Formerly the richest
+countries were those in which nature was most bountiful; now the richest
+countries are those in which man is most active. For, in our age of the
+world, if nature is parsimonious, we know how to compensate her
+deficiencies. If a river is difficult to navigate, or a country
+difficult to traverse, our engineers can correct the error, and remedy
+the evil. If we have no rivers, we make canals; if we have no natural
+harbours, we make artificial ones. And so marked is this tendency to
+impair the authority of natural phenomena, that it is seen even in the
+distribution of the people, since, in the most civilized parts of
+Europe, the population of the towns is everywhere outstripping that of
+the country; and it is evident that the more men congregate in great
+cities, the more they will become accustomed to draw their materials of
+thought from the business of human life, and the less attention they
+will pay to those peculiarities of nature, which are the fertile source
+of superstition, and by which, in every civilization out of Europe, the
+progress of man was arrested.
+
+From these facts it may be fairly inferred, that the advance of European
+civilization is characterized by a diminishing influence of physical
+laws, and an increasing influence of mental laws. The complete proof of
+this generalization can be collected only from history; and therefore I
+must reserve a large share of the evidence on which it is founded for
+the future volumes of this work. But that the proposition is
+fundamentally true must be admitted by whoever, in addition to the
+arguments just adduced, will concede two premiss is, neither of which
+seem susceptible of much dispute. The first premiss is, that we are in
+possession of no evidence that the powers of nature have ever been
+permanently increased; and that we have no reason to expect that any
+such increase can take place. The other premiss is, that we have
+abundant evidence that the resources of the human mind have become more
+powerful, more numerous, and more able to grapple with the difficulties
+of the external world; because every fresh accession to our knowledge
+supplies fresh means with which we can either control the operations of
+nature, or, failing in that, can foresee the consequences, and thus
+avoid what it is impossible to prevent; in both instances, diminishing
+the pressure exercised on us by external agents.
+
+If these premisses are admitted, we are led to a conclusion which is of
+great value for the purpose of this Introduction. For, if the measure of
+civilization is the triumph of the mind over external agents, it becomes
+clear, that of the two classes of laws which regulate the progress of
+mankind, the mental class is more important than the physical. This,
+indeed, is assumed by one school of thinkers as a matter of course,
+though I am not aware that its demonstration has been hitherto attempted
+by any thing even approaching an exhaustive analysis. The question,
+however, as to the originality of my arguments, is one of very trifling
+moment; but what we have to notice is, that in the present stage of our
+inquiry, the problem with which we started has become simplified, and a
+discovery of the laws of European history is resolved, in the first
+instance, into a discovery of the laws of the human mind. These mental
+laws, when ascertained, will be the ultimate basis of the history of
+Europe; the physical laws will be treated as of minor importance, and as
+merely giving rise to disturbances, the force and the frequency of which
+have, during several centuries, perceptibly diminished.
+
+If we now inquire into the means of discovering the laws of the human
+mind, the metaphysicians are ready with an answer; and they refer us to
+their own labours as supplying a satisfactory solution. It therefore
+becomes necessary to ascertain the value of their researches, to measure
+the extent of their resources, and, above all, to test the validity of
+that method which they always follow, and by which alone, as they
+assert, great truths can be elicited.
+
+The metaphysical method, though necessarily branching into two
+divisions, is, in its origin, always the same, and consists in each
+observer studying the operations of his own mind.[285] This is the
+direct opposite of the historical method; the metaphysician studying one
+mind, the historian studying many minds. Now, the first remark to make
+on this is, that the metaphysical method is one by which no discovery
+has ever yet been made in any branch of knowledge. Every thing we at
+present know has been ascertained by studying phenomena, from which all
+casual disturbances having been removed, the law remains as a
+conspicuous residue.[286] And this can only be done by observations so
+numerous as to eliminate the disturbances, or else by experiments so
+delicate as to isolate the phenomena. One of these conditions is
+essential to all inductive science; but neither of them does the
+metaphysician obey. To isolate the phenomenon is for him an
+impossibility; since no man, into whatever state of reverie he may be
+thrown, can entirely cut himself off from the influence of external
+events, which must produce an effect on his mind, even when he is
+unconscious of their presence. As to the other condition, it is by the
+metaphysician set at open defiance; for his whole system is based on the
+supposition that, by studying a single mind, he can get the laws of all
+minds; so that while he, on the one hand, is unable to isolate his
+observations from disturbances, he, on the other hand, refuses to adopt
+the only remaining precaution--he refuses so to enlarge his survey as to
+eliminate the disturbances by which his observations are troubled.[287]
+
+  [285] 'As the metaphysician carries within himself the materials of his
+        reasoning, he is not under a necessity of looking abroad for
+        subjects of speculation or amusement.' _Stewart's Philosophy of
+        the Mind_, vol. i. p. 462; and the same remark, almost literally
+        repeated, at vol. iii. p. 260. Locke makes what passes in each
+        man's mind the sole source of metaphysics, and the sole test of
+        their truth. _Essay concerning Human Understanding_, in _Locke's
+        Works_, vol. i. pp. 18, 76, 79, 121, 146, 152, 287, vol. ii. pp.
+        141, 243.
+
+  [286] The deductive sciences form, of course, an exception to this; but
+        the whole theory of metaphysics is founded on its inductive
+        character, and on the supposition that it consists of generalized
+        observations, and that from them alone the science of mind can be
+        raised.
+
+  [287] These remarks are only applicable to those who follow the purely
+        metaphysical method of investigation. There is, however, a very
+        small number of metaphysicians, among whom M. Cousin is the most
+        eminent in France, in whose works we find larger views, and an
+        attempt to connect historical inquiries with metaphysical ones;
+        thus recognizing the necessity of verifying their original
+        speculations. To this method there can be no objection, provided
+        the metaphysical conclusions are merely regarded as hypothesis,
+        which require verification to raise them to theories. But,
+        instead of this cautious proceeding, the almost invariable plan
+        is, to treat the hypothesis as if it were a theory already
+        proved, and as if there remained nothing to do but to give
+        historical illustrations of truths established by the
+        psychologist. This confusion between illustration and
+        verification appears to be the universal failing of those who,
+        like Vico and Fichte, speculate upon historical phenomena _à
+        priori_.
+
+This is the first and fundamental objection to which metaphysicians are
+exposed, even on the threshold of their science. But if we penetrate a
+little deeper, we shall meet with another circumstance, which, though
+less obvious, is equally decisive. After the metaphysician has taken for
+granted that, by studying one mind, he can discover the laws of all
+minds, he finds himself involved in a singular difficulty as soon as he
+begins to apply even this imperfect method. The difficulty to which I
+allude is one which, not being met with in any other pursuit, seems to
+have escaped the attention of those who are unacquainted with
+metaphysical controversies. To understand, therefore, its nature, it is
+requisite to give a short account of those two great schools, to one of
+which all metaphysicians must necessarily belong.
+
+In investigating the nature of the human mind, according to the
+metaphysical scheme, there are two methods of proceeding, both of which
+are equally obvious, and yet both of which lead to entirely different
+results. According to the first method, the inquirer begins by examining
+his sensations. According to the other method, he begins by examining
+his ideas. These two methods always have led, and always must lead, to
+conclusions diametrically opposed to each other. Nor are the reasons of
+this difficult to understand. In metaphysics, the mind is the instrument
+as well as the material on which the instrument is employed. The means
+by which the science must be worked out, being thus the same as the
+object upon which it works, there arises a difficulty of a very peculiar
+kind. This difficulty is, the impossibility of taking a comprehensive
+view of the whole of the mental phenomena; because, however extensive
+such a view may be, it must exclude the state of the mind by which, or
+in which, the view itself is taken. Hence we may perceive what, I think,
+is a fundamental difference between physical and metaphysical inquiries.
+In physics, there are several methods of proceeding, all of which lead
+to the same results. But in metaphysics, it will invariably be found,
+that if two men of equal ability, and equal honesty, employ different
+methods in the study of the mind, the conclusions which they obtain will
+also be different. To those who are unversed in these matters, a few
+illustrations will set this in a clearer light. Metaphysicians who begin
+by the study of ideas observe in their own minds an idea of space.
+Whence, they ask, can this arise? It cannot, they say, owe its origin to
+the senses, because the senses only supply what is finite and
+contingent; whereas the idea of space is infinite and necessary.[288] It
+is infinite, since we cannot conceive that space has an end; and it is
+necessary, since we cannot conceive the possibility of its
+non-existence. Thus far the idealist. But the sensualist, as he is
+called,[289]--he who begins, not with ideas, but with sensations,
+arrives at a very different conclusion. He remarks that we can have no
+idea of space until we have first had an idea of objects; and that the
+ideas of objects can only be the results of the sensations which those
+objects excite. As to the idea of space being necessary, this, he says,
+only results from the circumstance that we never can perceive an object
+which does not bear a certain position to some other object. This forms
+an indissoluble association between the idea of position and the idea of
+an object; and as this association is constantly repeated before us, we
+at length find ourselves unable to conceive an object without position,
+or, in other words, without space.[290] As to space being infinite,
+this, he says, is a notion we get by conceiving a continual addition to
+lines, or to surfaces, or to bulk, which are the three modifications of
+extension.[291] On innumerable other points we find the same discrepancy
+between the two schools. The idealist,[292] for example, asserts that
+our notions of cause, of time, of personal identity, and of substance,
+are universal and necessary; that they are simple; and that not being
+susceptible of analysis, they must be referred to the original
+constitution of the mind.[293] On the other hand, the sensationalist, so
+far from recognizing the simplicity of these ideas, considers them to be
+extremely complex, and looks upon their universality and necessity as
+merely the result of a frequent and intimate association.[294]
+
+  [288] Compare _Stewart's Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 194, with
+        _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, II. série, vol. ii. p. 92.
+        Among the Indian metaphysicians, there was a sect which declared
+        space to be the cause of all things. _Journal of Asiatic Soc._
+        vol. vi. pp. 268, 290. See also the _Dabistan_, vol. ii. p. 40,
+        which, however, was contrary to the Vedas. _Rammohun Roy on the
+        Veds_, 1832, pp. 8, 111. In Spain, the doctrine of the infinity
+        of space is heretical. _Doblado's Letters_, p. 96; which should
+        be compared with the objection of Irenæus against the
+        Valentinians, in _Beausobre_, _Histoire de Manichée_, vol. ii. p.
+        275. For the different theories of space, I may, moreover, refer
+        to _Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 451, 473,
+        477, vol. ii. p. 314, vol. iii. pp. 195-204; _Cudworth's
+        Intellectual System_, vol. i. p. 191, vol. iii. pp. 230, 472;
+        _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 23,
+        62, 81, 120, 139, 147, 256, 334, 347; _Tennemann_, _Geschichte
+        der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 109, vol. ii. p. 303, vol. iii. pp.
+        130-137, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v. pp. 384-387, vol. vi. p. 99,
+        vol. viii. pp. 87, 88, 683, vol. ix. pp. 257, 355, 410, vol. x.
+        p. 79, vol. xi. pp. 195, 385-389.
+
+  [289] This is the title conferred by M. Cousin upon nearly all the
+        greatest English metaphysicians, and upon Condillac and all his
+        disciples in France, their system having 'le nom mérité de
+        sensualisme.' _Cousin_, _Histoire de la Philosophie_, II. série,
+        vol. ii. p. 88. The same name is given to the same school, in
+        _Feuchtersleben's Medical Psychology_, p. 52, and in _Renouard's
+        Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. i. p. 346, vol. ii. p. 368. In
+        _Jobert's New System of Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 334, 8vo. 1849,
+        it is called 'sensationalism,' which seems a preferable
+        expression.
+
+  [290] This is very ably argued by Mr. James Mill in his _Analysis of the
+        Phenomena of the Human Mind_, vol. ii. pp. 32, 93-95, and
+        elsewhere. Compare _Essay concerning Human Understanding_, in
+        _Locke's Works_, vol. i. pp. 147, 148, 154, 157, and the
+        ingenious distinction, p. 198, 'between the idea of the infinity
+        of space, and the idea of a space infinite.' At p. 208, Locke
+        sarcastically says, 'But yet, after all this, there being men who
+        persuade themselves that they have clear, positive, comprehensive
+        ideas of infinity, it is fit they enjoy their privilege; and I
+        should be very glad (with some others that I know, who
+        acknowledge they have none such) to be better informed by their
+        communication.'
+
+  [291] _Mill's Analysis of the Mind_, vol. ii. pp. 96, 97. See also the
+        _Examination of Malebranche_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. viii. pp.
+        248, 249; and _Müller's Elements of Physiology_, vol. ii. p.
+        1081, which should be compared with _Comte_, _Philosophie
+        Positive_, vol. i. p. 354.
+
+  [292] I speak of idealists in opposition to sensationalists; though the
+        word idealist is often used by metaphysicians in a very different
+        sense. On the different kinds of idealism, see _Kritik der reinen
+        Vernunft_, and _Prolegomena zu jeder künftigen Metaphysik_, in
+        _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 223, 389, vol. iii. pp. 204, 210,
+        306, 307. According to him, the Cartesian idealism is empirical.
+
+  [293] Thus, Dugald Stewart (_Philosophical Essays_, Edin. 1810, p. 33)
+        tells us of 'the simple idea of personal identity.' And Reid
+        (_Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 354) says, 'I
+        know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim to be
+        accounted simple and original than those of space and time.' In
+        the Sanscrit metaphysics, time is 'an independent cause.' See the
+        _Vishnu Purana_, pp. 10, 216.
+
+  [294] 'As Space is a comprehensive word, including all positions, or the
+        whole of synchronous order, so Time is a comprehensive word,
+        including all successions, or the whole of successive order.'
+        _Mill's Analysis of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 100; and on the
+        relation of time to memory, vol. i. p. 252. In _Jobert's New
+        System of Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 33, it is said that 'time is
+        nothing but the succession of events, and we know events by
+        experience only.' See also p. 133, and compare respecting time
+        _Condillac_, _Traité des Sensations_, pp. 104-114, 222, 223,
+        331-333. To the same effect is _Essay concerning Human
+        Understanding_, book ii. chap. xiv., in _Locke's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 163; and see his second reply to the Bishop of Worcester, in
+        _Works_, vol. iii. pp. 414-416; and as to the idea of substance,
+        see vol. i. pp. 285-290, 292, 308, vol. iii. pp. 5, 10, 17.
+
+This is the first important difference which is inevitably consequent on
+the adoption of different methods. The idealist is compelled to assert,
+that necessary truths and contingent truths have a different
+origin.[295] The sensationalist is bound to affirm that they have the
+same origin.[296] The further these two great schools advance, the more
+marked does their divergence become. They are at open war in every
+department of morals, of philosophy, and of art. The idealists say that
+all men have essentially the same notion of the good, the true, and the
+beautiful. The sensationalists affirm that there is no such standard,
+because ideas depend upon sensations, and because the sensations of men
+depend upon the changes in their bodies, and upon the external events by
+which their bodies are affected.
+
+  [295] Reid (_Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 281) says,
+        that necessary truths 'cannot be the conclusions of the senses;
+        for our senses testify only what is, and not what must
+        necessarily be.' See also vol. ii. pp. 53, 204, 239, 240, 281.
+        The same distinction is peremptorily asserted in _Whewell's
+        Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences_, 8vo, 1847, vol. i. pp.
+        60-73, 140; and see _Dugald Stewart's Philosophical Essays_, pp.
+        123, 124. Sir W. Hamilton (_Additions to Reid's Works_, p. 754)
+        says, that non-contingent truths 'have their converse absolutely
+        incogitable.' But this learned writer does not mention how we are
+        to know when anything is 'absolutely incogitable.' That we cannot
+        cogitate an idea, is certainly no proof of its being incogitable;
+        for it may be cogitated at some later period, when knowledge is
+        more advanced.
+
+  [296] This is asserted by all the followers of Locke; and one of the
+        latest productions of that school declares, that 'to say that
+        necessary truths cannot be acquired by experience, is to deny the
+        most clear evidence of our senses and reason.' _Jobert's New
+        System of Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 58.
+
+Such is a short specimen of the opposite conclusions to which the ablest
+metaphysicians have been driven, by the simple circumstance that they
+have pursued opposite methods of investigation. And this is the more
+important to observe, because, after these two methods have been
+employed, the resources of metaphysics are evidently exhausted.[297]
+Both parties agree that mental laws can only be discovered by studying
+individual minds, and that there is nothing in the mind which is not the
+result either of reflection or of sensation. The only choice, therefore,
+they have to make, is between subordinating the results of sensation to
+the laws of reflection, or else subordinating the results of reflection
+to the laws of sensation. Every system of metaphysics has been
+constructed according to one of these schemes; and this must always
+continue to be the case, because, when the two schemes are added
+together, they include the totality of metaphysical phenomena. Each
+process is equally plausible;[298] the supporters of each are equally
+confident; and, by the very nature of the dispute, it is impossible that
+any middle term should be found; nor can there ever be an umpire,
+because no one can mediate between metaphysical controversies without
+being a metaphysician, and no one can be a metaphysician without being
+either a sensationalist or an idealist; in other words, without
+belonging to one of those very parties whose claims he professes to
+judge.[299]
+
+  [297] To avoid misapprehension, I may repeat, that, here and elsewhere,
+        I mean by metaphysics, that vast body of literature which is
+        constructed on the supposition that the laws of the human mind
+        can be generalized _solely_ from the facts of individual
+        consciousness. For this scheme, the word 'metaphysics' is rather
+        inconvenient, but it will cause no confusion if this definition
+        of it is kept in view by the reader.
+
+  [298] What a celebrated historian of philosophy says of Platonism, is
+        equally true of all the great metaphysical systems: 'Dass sie ein
+        zusammenhängendes harmonisches Ganzes ausmachen (_i.e._ the
+        leading propositions of it) fällt in die Augen.' _Tennemann_,
+        _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. ii. p. 527. And yet he
+        confesses (vol. iii. p. 52) of it and the opposite system: 'und
+        wenn man auf die Beweise siehet, so ist der Empirismus des
+        Aristoteles nicht besser begründet als der Rationalismus des
+        Plato.' Kant admits that there can be only one true system, but
+        is confident that he has discovered what all his predecessors
+        have missed. _Die Metaphysik der Sitten_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol.
+        v. p. 5, where he raises the question, 'ob es wohl mehr, als eine
+        Philosophie geben könne.' In the _Kritik_, and in the
+        _Prolegomena zujeder künftigen Metaphysik_, he says that
+        metaphysics have made no progress, and that the study can hardly
+        be said to exist. _Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, vol. iii. pp.
+        166, 246.
+
+  [299] We find a curious instance of this, in the attempt made by M.
+        Cousin to found an eclectic school; for this very able and
+        learned man has been quite unable to avoid the one-sided view
+        which is to every metaphysician an essential preliminary; and he
+        adopts that fundamental distinction between necessary ideas and
+        contingent ideas, by which the idealist is separated from the
+        sensationalist: 'la grande division des idées aujourd'hui établie
+        est la division des idées contingentes et des idées nécessaires.'
+        _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, II. série, vol. i. p. 82:
+        see also vol. ii. p. 92, and the same work, I. série, vol. i. pp.
+        249, 267, 268, 311, vol. iii. pp. 51-54. M. Cousin constantly
+        contradicts Locke, and then says he has refuted that profound and
+        vigorous thinker; while he does not even state the arguments of
+        James Mill, who, as a metaphysician, is the greatest of our
+        modern sensationalists, and whose views, whether right or wrong,
+        certainly deserve notice from an eclectic historian of
+        philosophy.
+
+        Another eclectic, Sir W. Hamilton, announces (_Discussions on
+        Philosophy_, p. 597) 'an undeveloped philosophy, which, I am
+        confident, is founded upon truth. To this confidence I have come,
+        not merely through the convictions of my own consciousness, but
+        by finding in this system a centre and conciliation for the most
+        opposite of philosophical opinions.' But, at p. 589, he summarily
+        disposes of one of the most important of these philosophical
+        opinions as 'the superficial edifice of Locke.'
+
+On these grounds, we must, I think, arrive at the conclusion, that as
+metaphysicians are unavoidably, and by the very nature of their inquiry,
+broken up into two completely antagonistic schools, the relative truth
+of which there are no means of ascertaining; as they, moreover, have but
+few resources, and as they use those resources according to a method by
+which no other science has ever been developed,--we, looking at these
+things, ought not to expect that they can supply us with sufficient data
+for solving those great problems which the history of the human mind
+presents to our view. And whoever will take the pains fairly to estimate
+the present condition of mental philosophy, must admit that,
+notwithstanding the influence it has always exercised over some of the
+most powerful minds, and through them over society at large, there is,
+nevertheless, no other study which has been so zealously prosecuted, so
+long continued, and yet remains so barren of results. In no other
+department has there been so much movement, and so little progress. Men
+of eminent abilities, and of the greatest integrity of purpose, have in
+every civilized country, for many centuries, been engaged in
+metaphysical inquiries; and yet at the present moment their systems, so
+far from approximating towards truth, are diverging from each other with
+a velocity which seems to be accelerated by the progress of knowledge.
+The incessant rivalry of the hostile schools, the violence with which
+they have been supported, and the exclusive and unphilosophic confidence
+with which each has advocated its own method,--all these things have
+thrown the study of the mind into a confusion only to be compared to
+that in which the study of religion has been thrown by the controversies
+of the theologians.[300] The consequence is, that if we except a very
+few of the laws of association, and perhaps I may add the modern
+theories of vision and of touch,[301] there is not to be found in the
+whole compass of metaphysics a single principle of importance, and at
+the same time of incontestable truth. Under these circumstances, it is
+impossible to avoid a suspicion that there is some fundamental error in
+the manner in which these inquiries have been prosecuted. For my own
+part, I believe that, by mere observation of our own minds, and even by
+such rude experiments as we are able to make upon them, it will be
+impossible to raise psychology to a science; and I entertain very little
+doubt that metaphysics can only be successfully studied by an
+investigation of history so comprehensive as to enable us to understand
+the conditions which govern the movements of the human race.[302]
+
+  [300] Berkeley, in a moment of candour, inadvertently confesses what is
+        very damaging to the reputation of his own pursuits: 'Upon the
+        whole, I am inclined to think that the far greater part, if not
+        all, of those difficulties which have hitherto amused
+        philosophers, and blocked up the way to knowledge, are entirely
+        owing to ourselves. That we have first raised a dust, and then
+        complain we cannot see.' _Principles of Human Knowledge_, in
+        _Berkeley's Works_, vol. i. p. 74. Every metaphysician and
+        theologian should get this sentence by heart: 'That we have first
+        raised a dust, and then complain we cannot see.'
+
+  [301] Some of the laws of association, as stated by Hume and Hartley,
+        are capable of historical verification, which would change the
+        metaphysical hypothesis into a scientific theory. Berkeley's
+        theory of vision, and Brown's theory of touch, have, in the same
+        way, been verified physiologically; so that we now know what
+        otherwise we could only have suspected.
+
+  [302] In regard to one of the difficulties stated in this chapter as
+        impeding metaphysicians, it is only just to quote the remarks of
+        Kant: 'Wie aber das Ich, der ich denke, von dem Ich, das sich
+        selbst anschaut, unterschieden (indem ich mir noch andere
+        Anschauungsart wenigstens als möglich vorstellen kann), und doch
+        mit diesem letzteren als dasselbe Subject einerlei sei, wie ich
+        also sagen könne: Ich als Intelligenz und denkend Subject,
+        erkenne mich selbst als gedachtes Object, so fern ich mir noch
+        über das in der Anschauung gegeben bin, nur, gleich anderen
+        Phänomenen, nicht wie ich vor dem Verstande bin, sondern wie ich
+        mir erscheine, hat nicht mehr auch nicht weniger Schwierigkeit
+        bei sich, als wie ich mir selbst überhaupt ein Object und zwar
+        der Anschauung und innerer Wahrnehmungen sein könne.' _Kritik der
+        reinen Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. p. 144. I am very
+        willing to let the question rest on this: for to me it appears
+        that both cases are not only equally difficult, but, in the
+        present state of our knowledge, are equally impossible.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND
+  INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE
+                          PROGRESS OF SOCIETY.
+
+
+In the preceding chapter, it has, I trust, been made apparent, that,
+whatever may hereafter be the case, we, looking merely at the present
+state of our knowledge, must pronounce the metaphysical method to be
+unequal to the task, often imposed upon it, of discovering the laws
+which regulate the movements of the human mind. We are, therefore,
+driven to the only remaining method, according to which mental phenomena
+are to be studied, not simply as they appear in the mind of the
+individual observer, but as they appear in the actions of mankind at
+large. The essential opposition between these two plans is very obvious:
+but it may perhaps be well to bring forward further illustration of the
+resources possessed by each for the investigation of truth; and for this
+purpose, I will select a subject which, though still imperfectly
+understood, supplies a beautiful instance of the regularity with which,
+under the most conflicting circumstances, the great Laws of Nature are
+able to hold their course.
+
+The case to which I refer, is that of the proportion kept up in the
+births of the sexes; a proportion which if it were to be greatly
+disturbed in any country, even for a single generation, would throw
+society into the most serious confusion, and would infallibly cause a
+great increase in the vices of the people.[303] Now, it has always been
+suspected that, on an average, the male and female births are tolerably
+equal; but, until very recently, no one could tell whether or not they
+are precisely equal, or, if unequal, on which side there is an
+excess.[304] The births being the physical result of physical
+antecedents, it was clearly seen that the laws of the births must be in
+those antecedents; that is to say, that the causes of the proportion of
+the sexes must reside in the parents themselves.[305] Under these
+circumstances, the question arose, if it was not possible to elucidate
+this difficulty by our knowledge of animal physiology; for it was
+plausibly said, 'Since physiology is a study of the laws of the
+body,[306] and since all births are products resulting from the body,
+it follows that if we know the laws of the body, we shall know the laws
+of the birth.' This was the view taken by physiologists of our
+origin;[307] and this is precisely the view taken by metaphysicians of
+our history. Both parties believed that it was possible at once to rise
+to the cause of the phenomenon, and by studying its laws predict the
+phenomenon itself. The physiologist said, 'By studying individual
+bodies, and thus ascertaining the laws which regulate the union of the
+parents, I will discover the proportion of the sexes, because the
+proportion is merely the result to which the union gives rise.' Just in
+the same way, the metaphysician says, 'By studying individual minds, I
+will ascertain the laws which govern their movements; and in that way I
+will predict the movements of mankind, which are obviously compounded of
+the individual movements.'[308] These are the expectations which have
+been confidently held out, by physiologists respecting the laws of the
+sexes, and by metaphysicians respecting the laws of history. Towards the
+fulfilment, however, of these promises the metaphysicians have done
+absolutely nothing; nor have the physiologists been more successful,
+although their views have the support of anatomy, which admits of the
+employment of direct experiment, a resource unknown to metaphysics. But
+towards settling the present question, all this availed them nothing;
+and physiologists are not yet possessed of a single fact which throws
+any light on this problem: Is the number of male births equal to female
+births--is it greater, or is it less?
+
+  [303] Thus we find that the Crusades, by diminishing the proportion of
+        men to women in Europe, increased licentiousness. See a curious
+        passage in _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p.
+        376. In Yucatan, there is generally a considerable excess of
+        women, and the result is prejudicial to morals. _Stephens's
+        Central America_, vol. iii. pp. 380, 429. On the other hand,
+        respecting the state of society produced by an excess of males,
+        see _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, p. 259; _Journal of
+        Geographical Society_, vol. xv. p. 45, vol. xvi. p. 307;
+        _Southey's Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 579.
+
+  [304] On this question a variety of conflicting statements may be seen
+        in the old writers. Goodman, early in the seventeenth century,
+        supposed that more females were born than males. _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 696. Turgot (_[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. ii. p. 247) rightly says, 'il naît un peu plus d'hommes que
+        de femmes;' but the evidence was too incomplete to make this more
+        than a lucky guess; and I find that even Herder, writing in 1785,
+        takes for granted that the proportion was about equal: 'ein
+        ziemliches Gleichmass in den Geburten beider Geschlechter'
+        (_Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. ii. p. 149), and was sometimes in
+        favour of girls, 'ja, die Nachrichten mehrerer Reisenden machen
+        es wahrscheinlich, dass in manchen dieser Gegenden wirklich mehr
+        Töchter als Söhne geboren werden.'
+
+  [305] A question, indeed, has been raised as to the influence exercised
+        by the state of the mind during the period of orgasm. But
+        whatever this influence may be, it can only affect the subsequent
+        birth through and by physical antecedents, which in every case
+        must be regarded as the proximate cause. If, therefore, the
+        influence were proved to exist, we should still have to search
+        for physical laws: though such laws would of course be considered
+        merely as secondary ones, resolvable into some higher
+        generalization.
+
+  [306] Some writers treat physiology as a study of the laws of life. But
+        this, looking at the subject as it now stands, is far too bold a
+        step, and several branches of knowledge will have to be raised
+        from their present empirical state, before the phenomena of life
+        can be scientifically investigated. The more rational mode seems
+        to be, to consider physiology and anatomy as correlative; the
+        first forming the dynamical, and the second forming the statical
+        part of the study of organic structure.
+
+  [307] 'Voulez-vous savoir de quoi dépend le sexe des enfants? Fernel
+        vous répond, sur la foi des anciens, qu'il dépend des qualités de
+        la semence du père et de la mère.' _Renouard_, _Histoire de la
+        Médecine_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 106; see also, at p. 185, the
+        opinion of Hippocrates, adopted by Galen; and similar views in
+        _Lepelletier_, _Physiologie Médicale_, vol. iv. p. 332, and
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. i. pp. 252, 10, vol. ii.
+        p. 115, vol. iv. p. 62. For further information as to the
+        opinions which have been held respecting the origin of sexes, see
+        _Beausobre_, _Histoire de Manichée_, vol. ii. p. 417; _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. iii. pp. 358, 361; _Vishnu Purana_, p. 349;
+        _Works of Sir William Jones_, vol. iii. p. 126; _Ritter's History
+        of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iii. p. 191; _Denham and
+        Clapperton's Africa_, pp. 323, 324; _Maintenon_, _Lettres
+        Inédites_, vol. ii. p. 62; and the view of Hohl (_Burdach's
+        Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 472), 'que les femmes chez lesquelles
+        prédomine le système artériel procréent des garçons, au lieu que
+        celles dont le système veineux a la prédominance mettent au monde
+        des filles.' According to Anaxagoras the question was extremely
+        simple: [Greek: kai arrena men apo tôn dexiôn, thêlea de apo tôn
+        aristerôn.] _Diog. Laert._ ii. 9, vol. i. p. 85.
+
+  [308] 'Le metaphysicien se voit comme la source de l'évidence et le
+        confident de la nature: Moi seul, dit-il, je puis généraliser les
+        idées, et découvrir le germe des événements qui se développent
+        journellement dans le monde physique et moral; et c'est par moi
+        seul que l'homme peut être éclairé.' _Helvetius_, _de l'Esprit_,
+        vol. i. p. 86. Compare _Herder_, _Ideen zur Geschichte der
+        Menschheit_, vol. ii. p. 105. Thus, too, M. Cousin (_Hist. de la
+        Philosophie_, II. série, vol. i. p. 131) says, 'Le fait de la
+        conscience transporté de l'individu dans l'espèce et dans
+        l'histoire, est la clef de tous les développements de
+        l'humanité.'
+
+These are questions to which all the resources of physiologists, from
+Aristotle down to our own time, afford no means of reply.[309] And yet
+at the present day we, by the employment of what now seems a very
+natural method, are possessed of a truth which the united abilities of a
+long series of eminent men failed to discover. By the simple experiment
+of registering the number of births and their sexes; by extending this
+registration over several years, in different countries,--we have been
+able to eliminate all casual disturbances, and ascertain the existence
+of a law which, expressed in round numbers, is, that for every twenty
+girls there are born twenty-one boys: and we may confidently say, that
+although the operations of this law are of course liable to constant
+aberrations, the law itself is so powerful, that we know of no country
+in which during a single year the male births have not been greater than
+the female ones.[310]
+
+  [309] Considering the very long period during which physiology has been
+        studied, it is remarkable how little the physiologists have
+        contributed towards the great and final object of all science,
+        namely, the power of predicting events. To me it appears that the
+        two principal causes of this are, the backwardness of chemistry,
+        and the still extremely imperfect state of the microscope, which
+        even now is so inaccurate an instrument, that when a high power
+        is employed, little confidence can be placed in it; and the
+        examination, for instance, of the spermatozoa has led to the most
+        contradictory results. In regard to chemistry, MM. Robin and
+        Verdeil, in their recent great work, have ably proved what
+        manifold relations there are between it and the further progress
+        of our knowledge of the animal frame; though I venture to think
+        that these eminent writers have shown occasionally an undue
+        disposition to limit the application of chemical laws to
+        physiological phenomena. See _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie
+        Anatomique et Physiologique_, Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 20, 34,
+        167, 337, 338, 437, 661, vol. ii. pp. 136, 137, 508, vol. iii.
+        pp. 135, 144, 183, 281, 283, 351, 547. The increasing tendency of
+        chemistry to bring under its control what are often supposed to
+        be purely organic phenomena, is noticed cautiously in _Turner's
+        Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1308, London, 1847; and boldly in
+        _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, 1851, pp. 250, 251. The
+        connexion between chemistry and physiology is touched on rather
+        too hastily in _Bouilland_, _Philosophie Médicale_, pp. 160, 257;
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol. iii. p. 166;
+        _Brodie's Lectures on Pathology_, p. 48; _Henle_, _Traité
+        d'Anatomie_, vol. i. pp. 25, 26; _Feuchtersleben's Medical
+        Psychology_, p. 88; but better in _Holland's Medical Notes_,
+        1839, p. 270, a thoughtful and suggestive work. On the necessity
+        of chemistry for increasing our knowledge of embryology, compare
+        _Wagner's Physiology_, pp. 131, 132 note, with _Burdach_, _Traité
+        de Physiologie_, vol. iv. pp. 59, 168.
+
+  [310] It used to be supposed that some of the eastern countries formed
+        an exception to this; but more precise observations have
+        contradicted the loose statements of the earlier travellers, and
+        in no part of the world, so far as our knowledge extends, are
+        more girls born than boys; while in every part of the world for
+        which we have statistical returns, there is a slight excess on
+        the side of male births. Compare _Marsden's History of Sumatra_,
+        p. 234; _Raffles' History of Java_, vol. i. pp. 81, 82; _Sykes on
+        the Statistics of the Deccan_, in _Reports of British
+        Association_, vol. vi. pp. 246, 261, 262; _Niebuhr_, _Description
+        de l'Arabie_, p. 63; _Humboldt_, _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. i. p. 139;
+        _McWilliam_, _Medical History of Expedition to the Niger_, p.
+        113; _Elliotson's Human Physiology_, p. 795; _Thomson's Hist. of
+        Royal Society_, p. 531; _Sadler's Law of Population_, vol. i. pp.
+        507, 511, vol. ii. pp. 324, 335; _Paris and Fonblanque's Medical
+        Jurisprudence_, vol. i. p. 259; _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol.
+        iii. pp. 263, 264, vol. xvii. pp. 46, 123; _Journal of
+        Geographical Soc._ vol. xx. p. 17; _Fourth Report of British
+        Association_, pp. 687, 689, _Report for_ 1842, pp. 144, 145;
+        _Transac. of Sections for_ 1840, p. 174, _for_ 1847, p. 96, _for_
+        1849, p. 87; _Dufau_, _Traité de Statistique_, pp. 24, 209, 210;
+        _Burdach_, _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. ii. pp. 56, 57, 273,
+        274, 281, vol. v. p. 373; _Hawkins's Medical Statistics_, pp.
+        221, 222.
+
+The importance and the beautiful regularity of this law make us regret
+that it still remains an empirical truth, not having yet been connected
+with the physical phenomena by which its operations are caused.[311]
+But this is immaterial to my present purpose, which is only to notice
+the method by which the discovery has been made. For this method is
+obviously analogous to that by which I propose to investigate the
+operations of the human mind; while the old and unsuccessful method is
+analogous to that employed by the metaphysicians. As long as
+physiologists attempted to ascertain the laws of the proportion of sexes
+by individual experiments, they effected absolutely nothing towards the
+end they hoped to achieve. But when men became dissatisfied with these
+individual experiments, and instead of them, began to collect
+observations less minute, but more comprehensive, then it was that the
+great law of nature, for which during many centuries they had vainly
+searched, first became unfolded to their view. Precisely in the same
+way, as long as the human mind is only studied according to the narrow
+and contracted method of metaphysicians, we have every reason for
+thinking that the laws which regulate its movements will remain unknown.
+If, therefore, we wish to effect anything of real moment, it becomes
+necessary that we should discard those old schemes, the insufficiency of
+which is demonstrated by experience as well as by reason; and that we
+should substitute in their place such a comprehensive survey of facts as
+will enable us to eliminate those disturbances which, owing to the
+impossibility of experiment, we shall never be able to isolate.
+
+  [311] In _Müller's Physiology_, vol. ii. p. 1657, a work of great
+        authority, it is said, that 'the causes which determine the sex
+        of the embryo are unknown, although it appears that the relative
+        age of the parents has some influence over the sex of the
+        offspring.' That the relative age of the parents does affect the
+        sex of their children, may, from the immense amount of evidence
+        now collected, be considered almost certain; but M. Müller,
+        instead of referring to physiological writers, ought to have
+        mentioned that the statisticians, and not the physiologists, were
+        the first to make this discovery. On this curious question, see
+        _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, p. 746; _Sadler's Law of
+        Population_, vol. ii. pp. 333, 336, 342; _Journal of Statistical
+        Society_, vol. iii. pp. 263, 264. In regard to animals below man,
+        we find from numerous experiments, that among sheep and horses
+        the age of the parents 'has a very great general influence upon
+        the sex' of the offspring. _Elliotson's Physiology_, pp. 708,
+        709; and see _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences Naturelles_, vol.
+        ii. p. 406. As to the relation between the origin of sex and the
+        laws of arrested development, compare _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_,
+        _Hist. des Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol. ii. pp. 33, 34, 73,
+        vol. iii. p. 278, with _Lindley's Botany_, vol. ii. p. 81. In
+        _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. p. 302, there is a
+        singular case recorded by Lamotte, which would seem to connect
+        this question with pathological phenomena, though it is uncertain
+        whether the epilepsy was an effect or a cognate symptom.
+
+The desire that I feel to make the preliminary views of this
+Introduction perfectly clear, is my sole apology for having introduced a
+digression which, though adding nothing to the strength of the argument,
+may be found useful as illustrating it, and will at all events enable
+ordinary readers to appreciate the value of the proposed method. It now
+remains for us to ascertain the manner in which, by the application of
+this method, the laws of mental progress may be most easily discovered.
+
+If, in the first place, we ask what this progress is, the answer seems
+very simple: that it is a two-fold progress, Moral and Intellectual; the
+first having more immediate relation to our duties, the second to our
+knowledge. This is a classification which has been frequently laid down,
+and with which most persons are familiar. And so far as history is a
+narration of results, there can be no doubt that the division is
+perfectly accurate. There can be no doubt that a people are not really
+advancing, if, on the one hand, their increasing ability is accompanied
+by increasing vice, or if, on the other hand, while they are becoming
+more virtuous, they likewise become more ignorant. This double
+movement, moral and intellectual, is essential to the very idea of
+civilization, and includes the entire theory of mental progress. To be
+willing to perform our duty is the moral part; to know how to perform it
+is the intellectual part: while the closer these two parts are knit
+together, the greater the harmony with which they work; and the more
+accurately the means are adapted to the end, the more completely will
+the scheme of our life be accomplished, and the more securely shall we
+lay a foundation for the further advancement of mankind.
+
+A question, therefore, now arises of great moment: namely, which of
+these two parts or elements of mental progress is the most important.
+For the progress itself being the result of their united action, it
+becomes necessary to ascertain which of them works more powerfully, in
+order that we may subordinate the inferior element to the laws of the
+superior one. If the advance of civilization, and the general happiness
+of mankind, depend more on their moral feelings than on their
+intellectual knowledge, we must of course measure the progress of
+society by those feelings; while if, on the other hand, it depends
+principally on their knowledge, we must take as our standard the amount
+and success of their intellectual activity. As soon as we know the
+relative energy of these two components, we shall treat them according
+to the usual plan for investigating truth; that is to say, we shall look
+at the product of their joint action as obeying the laws of the more
+powerful agent, whose operations are casually disturbed by the inferior
+laws of the minor agent.
+
+In entering into this inquiry, we are met by a preliminary difficulty,
+arising from the loose and careless manner in which ordinary language is
+employed on subjects that require the greatest nicety and precision. For
+the expression, Moral and Intellectual Progress, is suggestive of a
+serious fallacy. In the manner in which it is generally used, it conveys
+an idea that the moral and intellectual faculties of men are, in the
+advance of civilization, naturally more acute and more trustworthy than
+they were formerly. But this, though it may possibly be true, has never
+been proved. It may be that, owing to some physical causes still
+unknown, the average capacity of the brain is, if we compare long
+periods of time, becoming gradually greater; and that therefore the
+mind, which acts through the brain, is, even independently of education,
+increasing in aptitude and in the general competence of its views.[312]
+Such, however, is still our ignorance of physical laws, and so
+completely are we in the dark as to the circumstances which regulate the
+hereditary transmission of character, temperament,[313] and other
+personal peculiarities, that we must consider this alleged progress as
+a very doubtful point; and, in the present state of our knowledge, we
+cannot safely assume that there has been any permanent improvement in
+the moral or intellectual faculties of man, nor have we any decisive
+ground for saying that those faculties are likely to be greater in an
+infant born in the most civilized part of Europe, than in one born in
+the wildest region of a barbarous country.[314]
+
+  [312] That the natural powers of the human brain are improving because
+        they are capable of transmission, is a favourite doctrine with
+        the followers of Gall, and is adopted by M. A. Comte
+        (_Philosophie Positive_, vol. iv. pp. 384, 385); who, whoever,
+        admits that it has never been sufficiently verified: 'sans que
+        toutefois l'expérience ait encore suffisamment prononcé.' Dr.
+        Prichard, whose habits of thought were very different, seems,
+        nevertheless, inclined to lean in this direction; for his
+        comparison of skulls led him to the conclusion, that the present
+        inhabitants of Britain, 'either as the _result of many ages of
+        greater intellectual cultivation_, or from some other cause,
+        have, as I am persuaded, much more capacious braincases than
+        their forefathers.' _Prichard's Physical History of Mankind_,
+        vol. i. p. 305. Even if this were certain, it would not prove
+        that the contents of the crania were altered, though it might
+        create a presumption; and the general question must, I think,
+        remain unsettled until the researches begun by Blumenbach, and
+        recently continued by Morton, are carried out upon a scale far
+        more comprehensive than has hitherto been attempted. Compare
+        _Burdach_, _Traité de Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 253; where,
+        however, the question is not stated with sufficient caution.
+
+  [313] None of the laws of hereditary descent connected with the
+        formation of character, have yet been generalized; nor is our
+        knowledge much more advanced respecting the theory of
+        temperaments, which still remains the principal obstacle in the
+        way of the phrenologists. The difficulties attending the study of
+        temperaments, and the obscurity in which this important subject
+        is shrouded, may be estimated by whoever will compare what has
+        been said upon it by the following writers: _Müller's
+        Physiology_, vol. ii. pp. 1406-1410; _Elliotson's Human
+        Physiology_, pp. 1059-1062; _Blainville_, _Physiologie Générale
+        et Comparée_, vol. i. pp. 168, 264, 265, vol. ii. pp. 43, 130,
+        214, 328, 329, vol. iii. pp. 54, 74, 118, 148, 149, 284, 285;
+        _Williams's Principles of Medicine_, pp. 16, 17, 112, 113;
+        _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol. i.
+        pp. 186, 190; _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Médicales_, vol.
+        i. pp. 204, 205, vol. iii. p. 276; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la
+        Médecine_, vol. i. p. 326; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_,
+        vol. i. p. 380, vol. ii. p. 408, vol. iii. p. 21, vol. v. p. 325,
+        vol. vi. p. 492; _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. pp. 39,
+        226, 429, 594, vol. ii. p. 29; _Lepelletier_, _Physiol.
+        Médicale_, vol. i. pp. 139, 281, vol. iii. pp. 372-429, vol. iv.
+        pp. 93, 123, 133, 143, 148, 177; _Henle_, _Anatomie Générale_,
+        vol. i. p. 474, vol. ii. pp. 288, 289, 316; _Bichat_, _Anatomie
+        Générale_, vol. i. p. 207, vol. ii. p. 444, vol. iii. pp. 310,
+        507, vol. iv. pp. 281, 399, 400, 504; _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp.
+        80, 81, 234, 235; _Phillips on Scrofula_, p. 9; _Feuchtersleben's
+        Medical Psychology_, pp. 143-145; _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_,
+        Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 110; _Cullen's Works_, Edinb. 1827, vol.
+        i. pp. 214-221; _Cabanis_, _Rapports du Physique et du Moral_,
+        pp. 76-83, 229-261, 520-533; _Noble on the Brain_, pp. 370-376;
+        _Combe's North America_, vol. i. pp. 126-128. Latterly, attention
+        has been paid to the chemistry of the blood as it varies in the
+        various temperaments; and this seems a more satisfactory method
+        than the old plan of merely describing the obvious symptoms of
+        the temperament. _Clark on Animal Physiology_, in _Fourth Report
+        of the British Association_, p. 126; _Simon's Animal Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 236; _Wagner's Physiology_, p. 262.
+
+  [314] We often hear of hereditary talents, hereditary vices, and
+        hereditary virtues; but whoever will critically examine the
+        evidence will find that we have no proof of their existence. The
+        way in which they are commonly proved is in the highest degree
+        illogical; the usual course being for writers to collect
+        instances of some mental peculiarity found in a parent and in his
+        child, and then to infer that the peculiarity was bequeathed. By
+        this mode of reasoning we might demonstrate any proposition;
+        since in all large fields of inquiry there are a sufficient
+        number of empirical coincidences to make a plausible case in
+        favour of whatever view a man chooses to advocate. But this is
+        not the way in which truth is discovered; and we ought to inquire
+        not only how many instances there are of hereditary talents, &c.
+        but how many instances there are of such qualities not being
+        hereditary. Until something of this sort is attempted, we can
+        know nothing about the matter inductively: while, until
+        physiology and chemistry are much more advanced, we can know
+        nothing about it deductively.
+
+        These considerations ought to prevent us from receiving
+        statements (_Taylor's Medical Jurisprudence_, pp. 644, 678, and
+        many other books) which positively affirm the existence of
+        hereditary madness and hereditary suicide; and the same remark
+        applies to hereditary disease (on which see some admirable
+        observations in _Phillips on Scrofula_, pp. 101-120, London,
+        1846); and with still greater force does it apply to hereditary
+        vices and hereditary virtues; inasmuch as ethical phenomena have
+        not been registered as carefully as physiological ones, and
+        therefore our conclusions respecting them are even more
+        precarious.
+
+Whatever, therefore, the moral and intellectual progress of men may be,
+it resolves itself not into a progress of natural capacity,[315] but
+into a progress, if I may so say, of opportunity; that is, an
+improvement in the circumstances under which that capacity after birth
+comes into play. Here, then, lies the gist of the whole matter. The
+progress is one, not of internal power, but of external advantage. The
+child born in a civilized land is not likely, as such, to be superior to
+one born among barbarians; and the difference which ensues between the
+acts of the two children will be caused, so far as we know, solely by
+the pressure of external circumstances; by which I mean the surrounding
+opinions, knowledge, associations; in a word, the entire mental
+atmosphere in which the two children are respectively nurtured.
+
+  [315] To what has been already stated, I will add the opinions of two of
+        the most profound among modern thinkers. 'Men, I think, have been
+        much the same for natural endowments in all times.' _Conduct of
+        the Understanding_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 361. 'Les
+        dispositions primitives agissent également chez les peuples
+        barbares et chez les peuples policés; ils sont vraisemblablement
+        les mêmes dans tous les lieux et dans tous les tems.... Plus il
+        y aura d'hommes, et plus vous aurez de grands hommes ou d'hommes
+        propres à devenir grands.' _Progrès de l'Esprit Humain_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 264. The remarks of Dr. Brown
+        (_Lectures on the Mind_, p. 57), if I rightly understand his
+        rhetorical language, apply not to natural capacity, but to that
+        which is acquired: see the end of his ninth Lecture.
+
+On this account it is evident, that if we look at mankind in the
+aggregate, their moral and intellectual conduct is regulated by the
+moral and intellectual notions prevalent in their own time. There are,
+of course, many persons who will rise above those notions, and many
+others who will sink below them. But such cases are exceptional, and
+form a very small proportion of the total amount of those who are nowise
+remarkable either for good or for evil. An immense majority of men must
+always remain in a middle state, neither very foolish nor very able,
+neither very virtuous nor very vicious, but slumbering on in a peaceful
+and decent mediocrity, adopting without much difficulty the current
+opinions of the day, making no inquiry, exciting no scandal, causing no
+wonder, just holding themselves on a level with their generation, and
+noiselessly conforming to the standard of morals and of knowledge common
+to the age and country in which they live.
+
+Now, it requires but a superficial acquaintance with history to be aware
+that this standard is constantly changing, and that it is never
+precisely the same even in the most similar countries, or in two
+successive generations in the same country. The opinions which are
+popular in any nation vary in many respects almost from year to year;
+and what in one period is attacked as a paradox or a heresy, is in
+another period welcomed as a sober truth; which, however, in its turn is
+replaced by some subsequent novelty. This extreme mutability in the
+ordinary standard of human actions shows that the conditions on which
+the standard depends must themselves be very mutable; and those
+conditions, whatever they may be, are evidently the originators of the
+moral and intellectual conduct of the great average of mankind.
+
+Here, then, we have a basis on which we can safely proceed. We know that
+the main cause of human actions is extremely variable; we have only,
+therefore, to apply this test to any set of circumstances which are
+supposed to be the cause, and if we find that such circumstances are not
+very variable, we must infer that they are not the cause we are
+attempting to discover.
+
+Applying this test to moral motives, or to the dictates of what is
+called moral instinct, we shall at once see how extremely small is the
+influence those motives have exercised over the progress of
+civilization. For there is, unquestionably, nothing to be found in the
+world which has undergone so little change as those great dogmas of
+which moral systems are composed. To do good to others; to sacrifice for
+their benefit your own wishes; to love your neighbour as yourself; to
+forgive your enemies; to restrain your passions; to honour your parents;
+to respect those who are set over you: these, and a few others, are the
+sole essentials of morals; but they have been known for thousands of
+years, and not one jot or tittle has been added to them by all the
+sermons, homilies, and text-books which moralists and theologians have
+been able to produce.[316]
+
+  [316] That the system of morals propounded in the New Testament
+        contained no maxim which had not been previously enunciated, and
+        that some of the most beautiful passages in the Apostolic
+        writings are quotations from pagan authors, is well known to
+        every scholar; and so far from supplying, as some suppose, an
+        objection against Christianity, it is a strong recommendation of
+        it, as indicating the intimate relation between the doctrines of
+        Christ and the moral sympathies of mankind in different ages. But
+        to assert that Christianity communicated to man moral truths
+        previously unknown, argues, on the part of the assertor, either
+        gross ignorance or else wilful fraud. For evidence of the
+        knowledge of moral truths possessed by barbarous nations,
+        independently of Christianity, and for the most part previous to
+        its promulgation, compare _Mackay's Religious Development_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 376-380; _Mure's Hist. of Greek Literature_, vol. ii. p.
+        398, vol. iii. p. 380; _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p.
+        31; _Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 47; _Works of Sir W.
+        Jones_, vol. i. pp. 87, 168, vol. iii. pp. 105, 114; _Mill's
+        History of India_, vol. i. p. 419; _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_,
+        vol. i. pp. 364-366; _Beausobre_, _Histoire de Manichée_, vol. i.
+        pp. 318, 319; _Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus_, p. 193;
+        _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 198; _Transac. of
+        Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 5, vol. iii. pp. 283, 284; _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. vi. p. 271, vol. vii. p. 40, vol. xvi. pp. 130,
+        277, vol. xx. pp. 460, 461; _The Dabistan_, vol. i. pp. 328, 338;
+        _Catlin's North-American Indians_, vol. ii. p. 243; _Syme's
+        Embassy to Ava_, vol. ii. p. 389; _Davis's Chinese_, vol. i. p.
+        196, vol. ii. pp. 136, 233; _Journal Asiatique_, I. série, vol.
+        iv. p. 77, Paris, 1824.
+
+But, if we contrast this stationary aspect of moral truths with the
+progressive aspect of intellectual truths, the difference is indeed
+startling.[317] All the great moral systems which have exercised much
+influence have been fundamentally the same; all the great intellectual
+systems have been fundamentally different. In reference to our moral
+conduct, there is not a single principle now known to the most
+cultivated Europeans, which was not likewise known to the ancients. In
+reference to the conduct of our intellect, the moderns have not only
+made the most important additions to every department of knowledge that
+the ancients ever attempted to study, but besides this, they have upset
+and revolutionized the old methods of inquiry; they have consolidated
+into one great scheme all those resources of induction which Aristotle
+alone dimly perceived; and they have created sciences, the faintest idea
+of which never entered the mind of the boldest thinker antiquity
+produced.
+
+  [317] Sir James Mackintosh was so struck by the stationary character of
+        moral principles, that he denies the possibility of their
+        advance, and boldly affirms that no further discoveries can be
+        made in morals: 'Morality admits no discoveries.... More than
+        three thousand years have elapsed since the composition of the
+        Pentateuch; and let any man, if he is able, tell me in what
+        important respect the rule of life has varied since that distant
+        period. Let the Institutes of Menu be explored with the same
+        view; we shall arrive at the same conclusion. Let the books of
+        false religion be opened; it will be found that their moral
+        system is, in all its grand features, the same.... The fact is
+        evident that no improvements have been made in practical
+        morality.... The facts which lead to the formation of moral
+        rules are as accessible, and must be as obvious, to the simplest
+        barbarian as to the most enlightened philosopher.... The case of
+        the physical and speculative sciences is directly opposite. There
+        the facts are remote and scarcely accessible.... From the
+        countless variety of the facts with which they are conversant, it
+        is impossible to prescribe any bounds to their future
+        improvement. It is otherwise with morals. They have hitherto been
+        stationary; and, in my opinion, they are likely for ever to
+        continue so.' _Life of Mackintosh, edited by his Son_, London,
+        1835, vol. i. pp. 119-122. Condorcet (_Vie de Turgot_, p. 180)
+        says, 'La morale de toutes les nations a été la même;' and Kant
+        (_Logik_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. i. p. 356), 'In der
+        Moral-philosophie sind wir nicht weiter gekommen, als die Alten.'
+
+These are, to every educated man, recognized and notorious facts; and
+the inference to be drawn from them is immediately obvious. Since
+civilization is the product of moral and intellectual agencies, and
+since that product is constantly changing, it evidently cannot be
+regulated by the stationary agent; because, when surrounding
+circumstances are unchanged, a stationary agent can only produce a
+stationary effect. The only other agent is the intellectual one; and
+that this is the real mover may be proved in two distinct ways: first,
+because being, as we have already seen, either moral or intellectual,
+and being, as we have also seen, not moral, it must be intellectual;
+and, secondly, because the intellectual principle has an activity and a
+capacity for adaptation, which, as I undertake to show, is quite
+sufficient to account for the extraordinary progress that, during
+several centuries, Europe has continued to make.
+
+Such are the main arguments by which my view is supported; but there are
+also other and collateral circumstances which are well worthy of
+consideration. The first is, that the intellectual principle is not only
+far more progressive than the moral principle, but is also far more
+permanent in its results. The acquisitions made by the intellect are, in
+every civilized country, carefully preserved, registered in certain
+well-understood formulas, and protected by the use of technical and
+scientific language; they are easily handed down from one generation to
+another, and thus assuming an accessible, or, as it were, a tangible
+form, they often influence the most distant posterity, they become the
+heirlooms of mankind, the immortal bequest of the genius to which they
+owe their birth. But the good deeds effected by our moral faculties are
+less capable of transmission; they are of a more private and retiring
+character; while, as the motives to which they owe their origin are
+generally the result of self-discipline and of self-sacrifice, they have
+to be worked out by every man for himself; and thus, begun by each anew,
+they derive little benefit from the maxims of preceding experience, nor
+can they well be stored up for the use of future moralists. The
+consequence is, that although moral excellence is more amiable, and to
+most persons more attractive, than intellectual excellence, still, it
+must be confessed that, looking at ulterior results, it is far less
+active, less permanent, and, as I shall presently prove, less productive
+of real good. Indeed, if we examine the effects of the most active
+philanthropy, and of the largest and most disinterested kindness, we
+shall find that those effects are, comparatively speaking, short-lived;
+that there is only a small number of individuals they come in contact
+with and benefit; that they rarely survive the generation which
+witnessed their commencement; and that, when they take the more durable
+form of founding great public charities, such institutions invariably
+fall, first into abuse, then into decay, and after a time are either
+destroyed, or perverted from their original intention, mocking the
+effort by which it is vainly attempted to perpetuate the memory even of
+the purest and most energetic benevolence.
+
+These conclusions are no doubt very unpalatable; and what makes them
+peculiarly offensive is, that it is impossible to refute them. For the
+deeper we penetrate into this question, the more clearly shall we see
+the superiority of intellectual acquisitions over moral feeling.[318]
+There is no instance on record of an ignorant man who, having good
+intentions, and supreme power to enforce them, has not done far more
+evil than good. And whenever the intentions have been very eager, and
+the power very extensive, the evil has been enormous. But if you can
+diminish the sincerity of that man, if you can mix some alloy with his
+motives, you will likewise diminish the evil which he works. If he is
+selfish as well as ignorant, it will often happen that you may play off
+his vice against his ignorance, and by exciting his fears restrain his
+mischief. If, however, he has no fear, if he is entirely unselfish, if
+his sole object is the good of others, if he pursues that object with
+enthusiasm, upon a large scale, and with disinterested zeal, then it is
+that you have no check upon him, you have no means of preventing the
+calamities which, in an ignorant age, an ignorant man will be sure to
+inflict. How entirely this is verified by experience, we may see in
+studying the history of religious persecution. To punish even a single
+man for his religious tenets, is assuredly a crime of the deepest dye;
+but to punish a large body of men, to persecute an entire sect, to
+attempt to extirpate opinions, which, growing out of the state of
+society in which they arise, are themselves a manifestation of the
+marvellous and luxuriant fertility of the human mind,--to do this is not
+only one of the most pernicious, but one of the most foolish acts that
+can possibly be conceived. Nevertheless, it is an undoubted fact that an
+overwhelming majority of religious persecutors have been men of the
+purest intentions, of the most admirable and unsullied morals. It is
+impossible that this should be otherwise. For they are not
+bad-intentioned men, who seek to enforce opinions which they believe to
+be good. Still less are they bad men, who are so regardless of temporal
+considerations as to employ all the resources of their power, not for
+their own benefit, but for the purpose of propagating a religion which
+they think necessary to the future happiness of mankind. Such men as
+these are not bad, they are only ignorant; ignorant of the nature of
+truth, ignorant of the consequences of their own acts. But, in a moral
+point of view, their motives are unimpeachable. Indeed, it is the very
+ardour of their sincerity which warms them into persecution. It is the
+holy zeal by which they are fired that quickens their fanaticism into a
+deadly activity. If you can impress any man with an absorbing conviction
+of the supreme importance of some moral or religious doctrine; if you
+can make him believe that those who reject that doctrine are doomed to
+eternal perdition; if you then give that man power, and by means of his
+ignorance blind him to the ulterior consequences of his own act,--he
+will infallibly persecute those who deny his doctrine; and the extent
+of his persecution will be regulated by the extent of his sincerity.
+Diminish the sincerity, and you will diminish the persecution: in other
+words, by weakening the virtue you may check the evil. This is a truth
+of which history furnishes such innumerable examples, that to deny it
+would be not only to reject the plainest and most conclusive arguments,
+but to refuse the concurrent testimony of every age. I will merely
+select two cases, which, from the entire difference in their
+circumstances, are very apposite as illustrations: the first being from
+the history of Paganism, the other from the history of Christianity; and
+both proving the inability of moral feelings to control religious
+persecution.
+
+  [318] One part of the argument is well stated by Cuvier, who says, 'Le
+        bien que l'on fait aux hommes, quelque grand qu'il soit, est
+        toujours passager; les vérités qu'on leur laisse sont
+        éternelles.' _Cuvier_, _Eloges Historiques_, vol. ii. p. 304.
+
+I. The Roman emperors, as is well known, subjected the early Christians
+to persecutions, which, though they have been exaggerated, were frequent
+and very grievous. But what to some persons must appear extremely
+strange, is, that among the active authors of these cruelties, we find
+the names of the best men who ever sat on the throne; while the worst
+and most infamous princes were precisely those who spared the
+Christians, and took no heed of their increase. The two most thoroughly
+depraved of all the emperors were certainly Commodus and Elagabalus;
+neither of whom persecuted the new religion, or indeed adopted any
+measures against it. They were too reckless of the future, too selfish,
+too absorbed in their own infamous pleasures, to mind whether truth or
+error prevailed; and being thus indifferent to the welfare of their
+subjects, they cared nothing about the progress of a creed, which they,
+as Pagan emperors, were bound to regard as a fatal and impious delusion.
+They, therefore, allowed Christianity to run its course, unchecked by
+those penal laws which more honest, but more mistaken, rulers would
+assuredly have enacted.[319] We find, accordingly, that the great enemy
+of Christianity was Marcus Aurelius: a man of kindly temper, and of
+fearless, unflinching honesty, but whose reign was characterized by a
+persecution from which he would have refrained had he been less in
+earnest about the religion of his fathers.[320] And to complete the
+argument, it may be added, that the last and one of the most strenuous
+of the opponents of Christianity, who occupied the throne of the Cæsars,
+was Julian: a prince of eminent probity, whose opinions are often
+attacked, but against whose moral conduct even calumny itself has hardly
+breathed a suspicion.[321]
+
+  [319] 'The first year of Commodus must be the epocha of the toleration.
+        From all these authorities, it appears beyond exception, that
+        Commodus put a stop to the persecution in the first year of his
+        reign.... Not one writer, either heathen or Christian, makes
+        Commodus a persecutor.' _Letters concerning the Thundering
+        Legion_, in _Moyle's Works_, vol. ii. p. 266, London, 1726.
+        'Heliogabalus also, though in other respects the most infamous of
+        all princes, and perhaps the most odious of all mortals, showed
+        no marks of bitterness or aversion to the disciples of Jesus.'
+        _Mosheim's Eccl. History_, vol. i. p. 66: see also _Milman's
+        Hist. of Christianity_, London, 1840, vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [320] Dr. Milman (_History of Christianity_, 1840, vol. ii. p. 159)
+        says, 'A blameless disciple in the severest school of philosophic
+        morality, the austerity of Marcus rivalled that of the Christians
+        in its contempt of the follies and diversions of life; yet his
+        native kindliness of disposition was not hardened or embittered
+        by the severity or the pride of his philosophy. With Aurelius,
+        nevertheless, Christianity found not only a fair and high-minded
+        competitor for the command of the human mind; not only a rival in
+        the exaltation of the soul of man to higher views and more
+        dignified motives; but a violent and intolerant persecutor.' M.
+        Guizot compares him with Louis IX. of France; and certainly there
+        was in both an evident connexion between sincerity and
+        persecution: 'Marc Auréle et saint Louis sont peut-être les deux
+        seuls princes qui, en toute occasion, aient fait de leurs
+        croyances morales la première règle de leur conduite: Marc
+        Auréle, stoicien; saint Louis, chrétien.' _Guizot_, _Civilisation
+        en France_, vol. iv. p. 142. Even Duplessis Mornay (_Mém._ vol.
+        iv. p. 374) calls him 'le meilleur des empereurs payens;' and
+        Ritter (_Hist. of Philos._ vol. iv. p. 222), 'the virtuous and
+        noble emperor.'
+
+  [321] Neander (_History of the Church_, vol. i. p. 122) observes, that
+        the best emperors opposed Christianity, and that the worst ones
+        were indifferent to its encroachments. The same remark, in regard
+        to Marcus and Commodus, is made by Gibbon (_Decline and Fall_,
+        chap. xvi. p. 220, Lond. 1836). Another writer, of a very
+        different character, ascribes this peculiarity to the wiles of
+        the devil: 'In the primitive times, it is observed that the best
+        emperors were some of them stirred up by Satan to be the
+        bitterest persecutors of the Church.' _Memoirs of Colonel
+        Hutchinson_, p. 85.
+
+II. The second illustration is supplied by Spain; a country of which it
+must be confessed, that in no other have religious feelings exercised
+such sway over the affairs of men. No other European nation has produced
+so many ardent and disinterested missionaries, zealous self-denying
+martyrs, who have cheerfully sacrificed their lives in order to
+propagate truths which they thought necessary to be known. Nowhere else
+have the spiritual classes been so long in the ascendant; nowhere else
+are the people so devout, the churches so crowded, the clergy so
+numerous. But the sincerity and the honesty of purpose by which the
+Spanish people, taken as a whole, have always been marked, have not only
+been unable to prevent religious persecution, but have proved the means
+of encouraging it. If the nation had been more lukewarm, it would have
+been more tolerant. As it was, the preservation of the faith became the
+first consideration; and everything being sacrificed to this one object,
+it naturally happened that zeal begat cruelty, and the soil was prepared
+in which the Inquisition took root and flourished. The supporters of
+that barbarous institution were not hypocrites, but enthusiasts.
+Hypocrites are for the most part too supple to be cruel. For cruelty is
+a stern and unbending passion; while hypocrisy is a fawning and flexible
+art, which accommodates itself to human feelings, and flatters the
+weakness of men in order that it may gain its own ends. In Spain, the
+earnestness of the nation, being concentrated on a single topic, carried
+everything before it; and hatred of heresy becoming a habit, persecution
+of heresy was thought a duty. The conscientious energy with which that
+duty was fulfilled is seen in the history of the Spanish Church. Indeed,
+that the inquisitors were remarkable for an undeviating and
+incorruptible integrity, may be proved in a variety of ways, and from
+different and independent sources of evidence. This is a question to
+which I shall hereafter return; but there are two testimonies which I
+cannot omit, because, from the circumstances attending them, they are
+peculiarly unimpeachable. Llorente, the great historian of the
+Inquisition, and its bitter enemy, had access to its private papers; and
+yet, with the fullest means of information, he does not even insinuate a
+charge against the moral character of the inquisitors; but while
+execrating the cruelty of their conduct, he cannot deny the purity of
+their intentions.[322] Thirty years earlier, Townsend, a clergyman of
+the Church of England, published his valuable work on Spain;[323] and
+though, as a Protestant and an Englishman, he had every reason to be
+prejudiced against the infamous system which he describes, he also can
+bring no charge against those who upheld it; but having occasion to
+mention its establishment at Barcelona, one of its most important
+branches, he makes the remarkable admission, that all its members are
+men of worth, and that most of them are of distinguished humanity.[324]
+
+  [322] By which, indeed, he is sorely puzzled. 'On reconnaîtra mon
+        impartialité dans quelques circonstances où je fais remarquer
+        chez les inquisiteurs des dispositions généreuses; ce qui me
+        porte à croire que les atroces sentences rendues par le
+        Saint-Office, sont plutôt une conséquence de ses lois organiques,
+        qu'un effet du caractère particulier de ses membres.' _Llorente_,
+        _Histoire Critique de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_, vol. i. p.
+        xxiii.: compare vol. ii. pp. 267, 268, vol. iv. p. 153.
+
+  [323] Highly spoken of by the late Blanco White, a most competent judge.
+        See _Doblado's Letters from Spain_, p. 5.
+
+  [324] 'It is, however, universally acknowledged, for the credit of the
+        corps at Barcelona, that all its members are men of worth, and
+        most of them distinguished for humanity.' _Townsend's Journey
+        through Spain, in 1786 and 1787_, vol. i. p. 122, Lond. 1792.
+
+These facts, startling as they are, form a very small part of that vast
+mass of evidence which history contains, and which decisively proves the
+utter inability of moral feelings to diminish religious persecution. The
+way in which the diminution has been really effected by the mere
+progress of intellectual acquirements, will be pointed out in another
+part of this volume; when we shall see that the great antagonist of
+intolerance is not humanity, but knowledge. It is to the diffusion of
+knowledge, and to that alone, that we owe the comparative cessation of
+what is unquestionably the greatest evil men have ever inflicted on
+their own species. For that religious persecution is a greater evil than
+any other, is apparent, not so much from the enormous and almost
+incredible number of its known victims,[325] as from the fact that the
+unknown must be far more numerous, and that history gives no account of
+those who have been spared in the body, in order that they might suffer
+in the mind. We hear much of martyrs and confessors--of those who were
+slain by the sword, or consumed in the fire; but we know little of that
+still larger number who, by the mere threat of persecution, have been
+driven into an outward abandonment of their real opinions; and who, thus
+forced into an apostasy the heart abhors, have passed the remainder of
+their life in the practice of a constant and humiliating hypocrisy. It
+is this which is the real curse of religious persecution. For in this
+way, men being constrained to mask their thoughts, there arises a habit
+of securing safety by falsehood, and of purchasing impunity with deceit.
+In this way fraud becomes a necessary of life; insincerity is made a
+daily custom; the whole tone of public feeling is vitiated, and the
+gross amount of vice and of error fearfully increased. Surely, then, we
+have reason to say, that, compared to this, all other crimes are of
+small account; and we may well be grateful for that increase of
+intellectual pursuits which has destroyed an evil that some among us
+would even now willingly restore.
+
+  [325] In 1546, the Venetian ambassador at the court of the Emperor
+        Charles V. stated, in an official report to his own government on
+        his return home, 'that in Holland and in Friesland, more than
+        30,000 persons have suffered death at the hands of justice for
+        Anabaptist errors.' _Correspondence of Charles V. and his
+        Ambassadors_, edited by William Bradford, Lond. 8vo, 1850, p.
+        471. In Spain, the Inquisition, during the eighteen years of
+        Torquemada's ministry, punished, according to the lowest
+        estimate, upwards of 105,000 persons, of whom 8,800 were burned.
+        _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 265.
+        In Andalusia alone, during a single year, the Inquisition put to
+        death 2,000 Jews, 'besides 17,000 who underwent some form of
+        punishment less severe than that of the stake.' _Ticknor's
+        History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 410. For other
+        statistical evidence on this horrible subject, see _Llorente_,
+        _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. pp. 160, 229, 238, 239, 279,
+        280, 406, 407, 455, vol. ii. pp. 77, 116, 376, vol. iv. p. 31;
+        and, above all, the summary at pp. 242-273.
+
+The principle I am advocating is of such immense importance in practice
+as well as in theory, that I will give yet another instance of the
+energy with which it works. The second greatest evil known to
+mankind--the one by which, with the exception of religious persecution,
+most suffering has been caused--is, unquestionably, the practice of war.
+That this barbarous pursuit is, in the progress of society, steadily
+declining, must be evident, even to the most hasty reader of European
+history.[326] If we compare one country with another, we shall find that
+for a very long period wars have been becoming less frequent; and now so
+clearly is the movement marked, that, until the late commencement of
+hostilities, we had remained at peace for nearly forty years: a
+circumstance unparalleled, not only in our own country, but also in the
+annals of every other country which has been important enough to play a
+leading part in the affairs of the world.[327] The question arises, as
+to what share our moral feelings have had in bringing about this great
+improvement. And if this question is answered, not according to
+preconceived opinions, but according to the evidence we possess, the
+answer will certainly be, that those feelings have had no share at all.
+For it surely will not be pretended that the moderns have made any
+discoveries respecting the moral evils of war. On this head nothing is
+now known that has not been known for many centuries. That defensive
+wars are just, and that offensive wars are unjust, are the only two
+principles which, on this subject, moralists are able to teach. These
+two principles were as clearly laid down, as well understood, and as
+universally admitted, in the Middle Ages, when there was never a week
+without war, as they are at the present moment, when war is deemed a
+rare and singular occurrence. Since, then, the actions of men respecting
+war have been gradually changing, while their moral knowledge respecting
+it has not been changing, it is palpably evident that the changeable
+effect has not been produced by the unchangeable cause. It is impossible
+to conceive an argument more decisive than this. If it can be proved
+that, during the last thousand years, moralists or theologians have
+pointed out a single evil caused by war, the existence of which was
+unknown to their predecessors,--if this can be proved, I will abandon
+the view for which I am contending. But if, as I most confidently
+assert, this cannot be proved, then it must be conceded that, no
+additions having been made on this subject to the stock of morals, no
+additions can have been made to the result which the morals
+produce.[328]
+
+  [326] On the diminished love of war, which is even more marked than the
+        actual diminution of war, see some interesting remarks in
+        _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iv. pp. 488, 713, vol. vi.
+        pp. 68, 424-436, where the antagonism between the military spirit
+        and the industrial spirit is, on the whole, well worked out;
+        though some of the leading phenomena have escaped the attention
+        of this eminent philosopher, from his want of acquaintance with
+        the history and present state of political economy.
+
+  [327] In _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_, 1847, vol. iii. p. 137, this
+        prolonged peace is gravely ascribed to 'the wisdom of the
+        adjustment of 1815;' in other words, to the proceedings of the
+        Congress of Vienna!
+
+  [328] Unless more zeal has been displayed in the diffusion of moral and
+        religious principles; in which case it would be possible for the
+        principles to be stationary, and yet their effects be
+        progressive. But so far from this, it is certain that in the
+        Middle Ages there were, relatively to the population, more
+        churches than there are now; the spiritual classes were far more
+        numerous, the proselyting spirit far more eager, and there was a
+        much stronger determination to prevent purely scientific
+        inferences from encroaching on ethical ones. Indeed, during the
+        Middle Ages, the moral and religious literature outweighed all
+        the profane literature put together; and surpassed it, not only
+        in bulk, but also in the ability of its cultivators. Now,
+        however, the generalizations of moralists have ceased to control
+        the affairs of men, and have made way for the larger doctrine of
+        expediency, which includes all interests and all classes.
+        Systematic writers on morals reached their zenith in the
+        thirteenth century, fell off rapidly after that period, were, as
+        Coleridge well says, opposed by 'the genius of Protestantism:'
+        and, by the end of the seventeenth century, became extinct in the
+        most civilized countries; the _Ductor Dubitantium_ of Jeremy
+        Taylor being the last comprehensive attempt of a man of genius to
+        mould society solely according to the maxims of moralists.
+        Compare two interesting passages in _Mosheim's Ecclesiast.
+        Hist._, vol. i. p. 338, and _Coleridge's Friend_, vol. iii. p.
+        104.
+
+Thus far as to the influence exercised by moral feelings in increasing
+our distaste for war. But if, on the other hand, we turn to the human
+intellect, in the narrowest sense of the term, we shall find that every
+great increase in its activity has been a heavy blow to the warlike
+spirit. The full evidence for this I shall hereafter detail at
+considerable length; and in this Introduction I can only pretend to
+bring forward a few of those prominent points, which, being on the
+surface of history, will be at once understood.
+
+Of these points, one of the most obvious is, that every important
+addition made to knowledge increases the authority of the intellectual
+classes, by increasing the resources which they have to wield. Now, the
+antagonism between these classes and the military class is evident: it
+is the antagonism between thought and action, between the internal and
+the external, between argument and violence, between persuasion and
+force; or, to sum up the whole, between men who live by the pursuits of
+peace and those who live by the practice of war. Whatever, therefore, is
+favourable to one class, is manifestly unfavourable to the other.
+Supposing the remaining circumstances to be the same, it must happen,
+that as the intellectual acquisitions of a people increase, their love
+of war will diminish; and if their intellectual acquisitions are very
+small, their love of war will be very great.[329] In perfectly barbarous
+countries, there are no intellectual acquisitions; and the mind being a
+blank and dreary waste, the only resource is external activity,[330] the
+only merit personal courage. No account is made of any man, unless he
+has killed an enemy; and the more he has killed, the greater the
+reputation he enjoys.[331] This is the purely savage state; and it is
+the state in which military glory is most esteemed, and military men
+most respected.[332] From this frightful debasement, even up to the
+summit of civilization, there is a long series of consecutive steps;
+gradations, at each of which something is taken from the dominion of
+force, and something given to the authority of thought. Slowly, and one
+by one, the intellectual and pacific classes begin to arise; at first
+held in great contempt by warriors, but nevertheless gradually gaining
+ground, increasing in number and in power, and at each increase
+weakening that old military spirit, in which all other tendencies had
+formerly been absorbed. Trade, commerce, manufactures, law, diplomacy,
+literature, science, philosophy,--all these things, originally unknown,
+became organized into separate studies, each study having a separate
+class, and each class insisting on the importance of its own pursuit. Of
+these classes, some are, no doubt, less pacific than others; but even
+those which are the least pacific, are, of course, more so than men
+whose associations are entirely military, and who see in every fresh war
+that chance of personal distinction, from which, during peace, they are
+altogether debarred.[333]
+
+  [329] Herder boldly asserts that man originally, and by virtue of his
+        organization, is peaceably disposed; but this opinion is
+        decisively refuted by the immense additions which, since the time
+        of Herder, have been made to our knowledge of the feelings and
+        habits of savages. 'Indessen ist's wahr, dass der Bau des
+        Menschen vorzüglich auf die Vertheidigung, nicht auf den Angriff
+        gerichtet ist: in diesem muss ihm die Kunst zu Hülfe kommen, in
+        jener aber ist er von Natur das kräftigste Geschöpf der Erde.
+        Seine Gestalt selbst lehret ihn also Friedlichkeit, nicht
+        räuberische Mordverwüstung,--der Humanität erstes Merkmal.'
+        _Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. i. p. 185.
+
+  [330] Hence, no doubt, that acuteness of the senses, natural, and indeed
+        necessary, to an early state of society, and which, being at the
+        expense of the reflecting faculties, assimilates man to the lower
+        animals. See _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, p. 404; and a fine
+        passage in _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. ii. p. 12: 'Das
+        abstehende thierische Ohr, das gleichsam immer lauscht und
+        horchet, das kleine scharfe Auge, das in der weitesten Ferne den
+        kleinsten Rauch oder Staub gewahr wird, der weisse
+        hervorbleckende, knochenbenagende Zahn, der dicke Hals und die
+        zurückgebogene Stellung ihres Kopfes auf demselben.' Compare
+        _Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol. i. pp. 292, 293;
+        _Azara_, _Amérique Méridionale_, vol. ii. p. 18; _Wrangel's Polar
+        Expedition_, p. 384; _Pallme's Travels in Kordofan_, pp. 132,
+        133.
+
+  [331] 'Among some Macedonian tribes, the man who had never slain an
+        enemy was marked by a degrading badge.' _Grote's History of
+        Greece_, vol. xi. p. 397. Among the Dyaks of Borneo, 'a man
+        cannot marry until he has procured a human head; and he that has
+        several may be distinguished by his proud and lofty bearing, for
+        it constitutes his patent of nobility.' _Earl's Account of
+        Borneo_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iv. p. 181. See
+        also _Crawfurd on Borneo_, in _Journal of Geog. Soc._, vol.
+        xxiii. pp. 77, 80. And for similar instances of this absorption
+        of all other ideas into warlike ones, compare _Journal of Geog.
+        Soc._, vol. x. p. 357; _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, pp. 158,
+        159, 195; _Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. pp. 226, 284,
+        vol. viii. p. 209; _Henderson's History of Brazil_, p. 475;
+        _Southey's History of Brazil_, vol. i. pp. 126, 248; _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. ii. p. 188, vol. vii. p. 193; _Transactions of
+        Bombay Society_, vol. ii. pp. 51, 52; _Hoskins's Travels in
+        Ethiopia_, p. 163; _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Michelet_, vol. ii. pp. 333, 334 note. So also the Thracians:
+        [Greek: gês de ergatên atimotaton. to sên apo polemoi kai
+        lêistuos, kalliston.] _Herodotus_, book v. chap. 6, vol. iii. p.
+        10, edit. Baehr.
+
+  [332] Malcolm (_History of Persia_, vol. i. p. 204) says of the Tartars,
+        'There is only one path to eminence, that of military renown.'
+        Thus, too, in the _Institutes of Timour_, p. 269: 'He only is
+        equal to stations of power and dignity, who is well acquainted
+        with the military art, and with the various modes of breaking and
+        defeating hostile armies.' The same turn of mind is shown in the
+        frequency and evident delight with which Homer relates battles--a
+        peculiarity noticed in _Mure's Greek Literature_, vol. ii. pp.
+        63, 64, where an attempt is made to turn it into an argument to
+        prove that the Homeric poems are all by the same author; though
+        the more legitimate inference would be that the poems were all
+        composed in a barbarous age.
+
+  [333] To the prospect of personal distinction there was formerly added
+        that of wealth; and in Europe, during the Middle Ages, war was a
+        very lucrative profession, owing to the custom of exacting heavy
+        ransom for the liberty of prisoners. See Barrington's learned
+        work, _Observations on the Statutes_, pp. 390-393. In the reign
+        of Richard II. 'a war with France was esteemed as almost the only
+        method by which an English gentleman could become rich.' Compare
+        _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 21. Sainte Palaye
+        (_Mémoires sur l'ancienne Chevalerie_, vol. i. p. 311) says, 'La
+        guerre enrichissoit alors par le butin, et par les rançons, celui
+        qui la faisoit avec le plus de valeur, de vigilance et
+        d'activité. La rançon étoit, ce semble, pour l'ordinaire, une
+        année des revenus du prisonnier.' For an analogy with this, see
+        _Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. p. 208, sec. 3, and vol. ii. p. 265,
+        sec. 13. In Europe, the custom of paying a ransom for
+        prisoners-of-war survived the Middle Ages, and was only put an
+        end to by the peace of Munster, in 1648. _Manning's Commentaries
+        on the Law of Nations_, 1839, p. 162; and on the profits formerly
+        made, pp. 157, 158.
+
+Thus it is that, as civilization advances, an equipoise is established,
+and military ardour is balanced by motives which none but a cultivated
+people can feel. But among a people whose intellect is not cultivated,
+such a balance can never exist. Of this we see a good illustration in
+the history of the present war.[334] For the peculiarity of the great
+contest in which we are engaged is, that it was produced, not by the
+conflicting interests of civilized countries, but by a rupture between
+Russia and Turkey, the two most barbarous monarchies now remaining in
+Europe. This is a very significant fact. It is highly characteristic of
+the actual condition of society, that a peace of unexampled length
+should have been broken, not, as former peaces were broken, by a quarrel
+between two civilized nations, but by the encroachments of the
+uncivilized Russians on the still more uncivilized Turks. At an earlier
+period, the influence of intellectual, and therefore pacific, habits was
+indeed constantly increasing, but was still too weak, even in the most
+advanced countries, to control the old warlike habits: hence there arose
+a desire for conquest, which often outweighed all other feelings, and
+induced great nations like France and England to attack each other on
+the slightest pretence, and seek every opportunity of gratifying the
+vindictive hatred with which both contemplated the prosperity of their
+neighbour. Such, however, is now the progress of affairs, that these two
+nations, laying aside the peevish and irritable jealousy they once
+entertained, are united in a common cause, and have drawn the sword, not
+for selfish purposes, but to protect the civilized world against the
+incursions of a barbarous foe.
+
+  [334] I wrote this in 1855.
+
+This is the leading feature which distinguishes the present war from its
+predecessors. That a peace should last for nearly forty years, and
+should then be interrupted, not, as heretofore, by hostilities between
+civilized states, but by the ambition of the only empire which is at
+once powerful and uncivilized--is one of many proofs that a dislike to
+war is a cultivated taste peculiar to an intellectual people. For no one
+will pretend that the military predilections of Russia are caused by a
+low state of morals, or by a disregard of religious duties. So far from
+this, all the evidence we have shows that vicious habits are not more
+common in Russia than in France or England;[335] and it is certain that
+the Russians submit to the teachings of the church with a docility
+greater than that displayed by their civilized opponents.[336] It is,
+therefore, clear that Russia is a warlike country, not because the
+inhabitants are immoral, but because they are unintellectual. The fault
+is in the head, not in the heart. In Russia, the national intellect
+being little cultivated, the intellectual classes lack influence; the
+military class, therefore, is supreme. In this early stage of society,
+there is as yet no middle rank,[337] and consequently the thoughtful and
+pacific habits which spring from the middle ranks have no existence. The
+minds of men, deprived of mental pursuits,[338] naturally turn to
+warlike ones, as the only resource remaining to them. Hence it is that,
+in Russia, all ability is estimated by a military standard. The army is
+considered to be the greatest glory of the country: to win a battle, or
+outwit an enemy, is valued as one of the noblest achievements of life;
+and civilians, whatever their merits may be, are despised by this
+barbarous people, as beings of an altogether inferior and subordinate
+character.[339]
+
+  [335] Indeed some have supposed that there is less immorality in Russia
+        than in Western Europe; but this idea is probably erroneous. See
+        _Stirling's Russia_, Lond. 1841, pp. 59, 60. The benevolence and
+        charitable disposition of the Russians are attested by Pinkerton,
+        who had good means of information, and was by no means prejudiced
+        in their favour. See _Pinkerton's Russia_, Lond. 1833, pp. 335,
+        336. Sir John Sinclair also says they are 'prone to acts of
+        kindness and charity.' _Sinclair's Correspondence_, vol. ii. p.
+        241.
+
+  [336] The reverence of the Russian people for their clergy has attracted
+        the attention of many observers, and is, indeed, too notorious to
+        require proof.
+
+  [337] A very observing and intelligent writer says, 'Russia has only two
+        ranks--the highest and the lowest.' _Letters from the Baltic_,
+        Lond. 1841, vol. ii. p. 185. 'Les marchands, qui formeraient une
+        classe moyenne, sont en si petit nombre qu'ils ne peuvent marquer
+        dans l'état: d'ailleurs presque tous sont étrangers; ... où donc
+        trouver cette classe moyenne qui fait la force des états?'
+        _Custine's Russie_, vol. ii. pp. 125, 126: see also vol. iv.
+        p. 74.
+
+  [338] A recent authoress, who had admirable opportunities of studying
+        the society of St. Petersburg, which she estimated with that fine
+        tact peculiar to an accomplished woman, was amazed at this state
+        of things among classes surrounded with every form of luxury and
+        wealth: 'a total absence of all rational tastes or literary
+        topics.... Here it is absolutely _mauvais genre_ to discuss a
+        rational subject--mere _pédanterie_ to be caught upon any topics
+        beyond dressing, dancing, and a _jolie tournure_.' _Letters from
+        the Baltic_, 1841, vol. ii. p. 233. M. Custine (_La Russie en
+        1839_, vol. i. p. 321) says 'Règle générale, personne ne profère
+        jamais un mot qui pourrait intéresser vivement quelqu'un.' At
+        vol. ii. p. 195, 'De toutes les facultés de l'intelligence, la
+        seule qu'on estime ici c'est le tact.' Another writer of repute,
+        M. Kohl, contemptuously observes, that in Russia, 'the depths of
+        science are not even guessed at.' _Kohl's Russia_, 1842, Lond. p.
+        142.
+
+  [339] According to Schnitzler, 'Precedence is determined, in Russia, by
+        military rank; and an ensign would take the _pas_ of a nobleman
+        not enrolled in the army, or occupying some situation giving
+        military rank.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849, vol. ii. p. 614.
+        The same thing is stated in _Pinkerton's Russia_, 1833, p. 321.
+        M. Erman, who travelled through great part of the Russian empire,
+        says, 'In the modern language of St. Petersburg, one constantly
+        hears a distinction of the greatest importance, conveyed in the
+        inquiry which is habitually made respecting individuals of the
+        educated class: Is he a plain-coat or a uniform?' _Erman's
+        Siberia_, vol. i. p. 45. See also on this preponderance of the
+        military classes, which is the inevitable fruit of the national
+        ignorance, _Kohl's Russia_, pp. 28, 194; _Stirling's Russia under
+        Nicholas the First_, p. 7; _Custine's Russie_, vol. i. pp. 147,
+        152, 252, 266, vol. ii. pp. 71, 128, 309, vol. iii. p. 328, vol.
+        iv. p. 284. Sir A. Alison (_History of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 391,
+        392) says, 'The whole energies of the nation are turned towards
+        the army. Commerce, the law, and all civil employments, are held
+        in no esteem; the whole youth of any consideration betake
+        themselves to the profession of arms.' The same writer (vol. x.
+        p. 566) quotes the remark of Bremner, that 'nothing astonishes
+        the Russian or Polish noblemen so much as seeing the estimation
+        in which the civil professions, and especially the bar, are held
+        in Great Britain.'
+
+In England, on the other hand, opposite causes have produced opposite
+results. With us intellectual progress is so rapid, and the authority of
+the middle class so great, that not only have military men no influence
+in the government of the state, but there seemed at one time even a
+danger lest we should push this feeling to an extreme; and lest, from
+our detestation of war, we should neglect those defensive precautions
+which the enmity of other nations makes it advisable to adopt. But this
+at least we may safely say, that, in our country, a love of war is, as a
+national taste, utterly extinct. And this vast result has been effected,
+not by moral teachings, nor by the dictates of moral instinct; but by
+the simple fact, that in the progress of civilization there have been
+formed certain classes of society which have an interest in the
+preservation of peace, and whose united authority is sufficient to
+control those other classes whose interest lies in the prosecution of
+war.
+
+It would be easy to conduct this argument further, and to prove how, by
+an increasing love of intellectual pursuits, the military service
+necessarily declines, not only in reputation, but likewise in ability.
+In a backward state of society men of distinguished talents crowd to the
+army, and are proud to enrol themselves in its ranks. But, as society
+advances, new sources of activity are opened, and new professions arise,
+which, being essentially mental, offer to genius opportunities for
+success more rapid than any formerly known. The consequence is, that in
+England, where these opportunities are more numerous than elsewhere, it
+nearly always happens that if a father has a son whose faculties are
+remarkable, he brings him up to one of the lay professions, where
+intellect, when accompanied by industry, is sure to be rewarded. If,
+however, the inferiority of the boy is obvious, a suitable remedy is at
+hand: he is made either a soldier or a clergyman; he is sent into the
+army, or hidden in the church. And this, as we shall hereafter see, is
+one of the reasons why, as society advances, the ecclesiastical spirit
+and the military spirit never fail to decline. As soon as eminent men
+grow unwilling to enter any profession, the lustre of that profession
+will be tarnished: first its reputation will be lessened, and then its
+power will be abridged. This is the process through which Europe is
+actually passing, in regard both to the church and to the army. The
+evidence, so far as the ecclesiastical profession is concerned, will be
+found in another part of this work. The evidence respecting the military
+profession is equally decisive. For although that profession has in
+modern Europe produced a few men of undoubted genius, their number is so
+extremely small, as to amaze us at the dearth of original ability. That
+the military class, taken as a whole, has a tendency to degenerate, will
+become still more obvious if we compare long periods of time. In the
+ancient world, the leading warriors were not only possessed of
+considerable accomplishments, but were comprehensive thinkers in
+politics as well as in war, and were in every respect the first
+characters of their age. Thus--to give only a few specimens from a
+single people--we find that the three most successful statesmen Greece
+ever produced were Solon, Themistocles, and Epaminondas,--all of whom
+were distinguished military commanders. Socrates, supposed by some to be
+the wisest of the ancients, was a soldier; and so was Plato; and so was
+Antisthenes, the celebrated founder of the Cynics. Archytas, who gave a
+new direction to the Pythagorean philosophy; and Melissus, who developed
+the Eleatic philosophy--were both of them well-known generals, famous
+alike in literature and in war. Among the most eminent orators,
+Pericles, Alcibiades, Andocides, Demosthenes, and Æschines were all
+members of the military profession; as also were the two greatest tragic
+writers, Æschylus and Sophocles. Archilochus, who is said to have
+invented iambic verses, and whom Horace took as a model, was a soldier;
+and the same profession could likewise boast of Tyrtæus, one of the
+founders of elegiac poetry, and of Alcæus, one of the best composers of
+lyric poetry. The most philosophic of all the Greek historians was
+certainly Thucydides; but he, as well as Xenophon and Polybius, held
+high military appointments, and on more than one occasion succeeded in
+changing the fortunes of war. In the midst of the hurry and turmoil of
+camps, these eminent men cultivated their minds to the highest point
+that the knowledge of that age would allow: and so wide is the range of
+their thoughts, and such the beauty and dignity of their style, that
+their works are read by thousands who care nothing about the sieges and
+battles in which they were engaged.
+
+These were among the ornaments of the military profession in the ancient
+world; and all of them wrote in the same language, and were read by the
+same people. But in the modern world this identical profession,
+including many millions of men, and covering the whole of Europe, has
+never been able, since the sixteenth century, to produce ten authors who
+have reached the first class either as writers or as thinkers. Descartes
+is an instance of an European soldier combining the two qualities; he
+being as remarkable for the exquisite beauty of his style as for the
+depth and originality of his inquiries. This, however, is a solitary
+case; and there is, I believe, no second one of a modern military writer
+thus excelling in both departments. Certainly, the English army, during
+the last two hundred and fifty years, affords no example of it, and has,
+in fact, only possessed two authors, Raleigh and Napier, whose works are
+recognized as models, and are studied merely for their intrinsic merit.
+Still, this is simply in reference to style; and these two historians,
+notwithstanding their skill in composition, have never been reputed
+profound thinkers on difficult subjects, nor have they added anything of
+moment to the stock of our knowledge. In the same way, among the
+ancients, the most eminent soldiers were likewise the most eminent
+politicians, and the best leaders of the army were generally the best
+governors of the state. But here, again, the progress of society has
+wrought so great a change, that for a long period instances of this have
+been excessively rare. Even Gustavus Adolphus and Frederick the Great
+failed ignominiously in their domestic policy, and showed themselves as
+short-sighted in the arts of peace as they were sagacious in the arts of
+war. Cromwell, Washington, and Napoleon are, perhaps, the only
+first-rate modern warriors of whom it can be fairly said, that they were
+equally competent to govern a kingdom and command an army. And, if we
+look at England as furnishing a familiar illustration, we see this
+remark exemplified in our two greatest generals, Marlborough and
+Wellington. Marlborough was a man not only of the most idle and
+frivolous pursuits, but was so miserably ignorant, that his deficiencies
+made him the ridicule of his contemporaries; and of politics he had no
+other idea but to gain the favour of the sovereign by flattering his
+mistress, to desert the brother of that sovereign at his utmost need,
+and afterwards, by a double treachery, turn against his next benefactor,
+and engage in a criminal, as well as a foolish, correspondence with the
+very man whom a few years before he had infamously abandoned. These were
+the characteristics of the greatest conqueror of his age, the hero of a
+hundred fights, the victor of Blenheim and of Ramilies. As to our other
+great warrior, it is indeed true that the name of Wellington should
+never be pronounced by an Englishman without gratitude and respect:
+these feelings are, however, due solely to his vast military services,
+the importance of which it would ill become us to forget. But whoever
+has studied the civil history of England during the present century
+knows full well that this military chief, who in the field shone without
+a rival, and who, to his still greater glory be it said, possessed an
+integrity of purpose, an unflinching honesty, and a high moral feeling,
+which could not be surpassed, was nevertheless utterly unequal to the
+complicated exigencies of political life. It is notorious, that in his
+views of the most important legislative measures he was always in the
+wrong. It is notorious, and the evidence of it stands recorded in our
+Parliamentary Debates, that every great measure which was carried, every
+great improvement, every great step in reform, every concession to the
+popular wishes, was strenuously opposed by the Duke of Wellington,
+became law in spite of his opposition, and after his mournful
+declarations that by such means the security of England would be
+seriously imperilled. Yet there is now hardly a forward schoolboy who
+does not know that to these very measures the present stability of our
+country is mainly owing. Experience, the great test of wisdom, has
+amply proved, that those vast schemes of reform, which the Duke of
+Wellington spent his political life in opposing, were, I will not say
+expedient or advisable, but were indispensably necessary. That policy of
+resisting the popular will which he constantly advised is precisely the
+policy which has been pursued, since the Congress of Vienna, in every
+monarchy except our own. The result of that policy is written for our
+instruction: it is written in that great explosion of popular passion,
+which in the moment of its wrath upset the proudest thrones, destroyed
+princely families, ruined noble houses, desolated beautiful cities. And
+if the counsel of our great general had been followed, if the just
+demands of the people had been refused--this same lesson would have been
+written in the annals of our own land; and we should most assuredly have
+been unable to escape the consequence of that terrible catastrophe, in
+which the ignorance and selfishness of rulers did, only a few years ago,
+involve a large part of the civilized world.
+
+Thus striking is the contrast between the military genius of ancient
+times, and the military genius of modern Europe. The causes of this
+decay are clearly traceable to the circumstance that, owing to the
+immense increase of intellectual employments, few men of ability will
+now enter a profession into which, in antiquity, men of ability eagerly
+crowded, as supplying the best means of exercising those faculties
+which, in more civilized countries, are turned to a better account.
+This, indeed, is a very important change; and thus to transfer the most
+powerful intellects from the arts of war to the arts of peace, has been
+the slow work of many centuries, the gradual, but constant,
+encroachments of advancing knowledge. To write the history of those
+encroachments would be to write the history of the human intellect--a
+task impossible for any single man adequately to perform. But the
+subject is one of such interest, and has been so little studied, that
+though I have already carried this analysis farther than I had intended,
+I cannot refrain from noticing what appear to me to be the three leading
+ways in which the warlike spirit of the ancient world has been weakened
+by the progress of European knowledge.
+
+The first of these arose out of the invention of Gunpowder; which,
+though a warlike contrivance, has in its results been eminently
+serviceable to the interests of peace.[340] This important invention is
+said to have been made in the thirteenth century;[341] but was not in
+common use until the fourteenth, or even the beginning of the fifteenth,
+century. Scarcely had it come into operation, when it worked a great
+change in the whole scheme and practice of war. Before this time, it was
+considered the duty of nearly every citizen to be prepared to enter the
+military service, for the purpose either of defending his own country,
+or of attacking others.[342] Standing armies were entirely unknown; and
+in their place there existed a rude and barbarous militia, always ready
+for battle, and always unwilling to engage in those peaceful pursuits
+which were then universally despised. Nearly every man being a soldier,
+the military profession, as such, had no separate existence; or, to
+speak more properly, the whole of Europe composed one great army, in
+which all other professions were merged. To this the only exception was
+the ecclesiastical profession; but even that was affected by the general
+tendency, and it was not at all uncommon to see large bodies of troops
+led to the field by bishops and abbots, to most of whom the arts of war
+were in those days perfectly familiar.[343] At all events, between these
+two professions men were necessarily divided: the only avocations were
+war and theology; and if you refused to enter the church, you were bound
+to serve in the army. As a natural consequence, everything of real
+importance was altogether neglected. There were, indeed, many priests
+and many warriors, many sermons and many battles.[344] But, on the other
+hand, there was neither trade, nor commerce, nor manufactures; there was
+no science, no literature: the useful arts were entirely unknown; and
+even the highest ranks of society were unacquainted, not only with the
+most ordinary comforts, but with the commonest decencies of civilized
+life.
+
+  [340] The consequences of the invention of gunpowder are considered very
+        superficially by Frederick Schlegel (_Lectures on the History of
+        Literature_, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38), and by Dugald Stewart
+        (_Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 262). They are examined
+        with much greater ability, though by no means exhaustively, in
+        _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. pp. 292, 296, 297;
+        _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit_, vol. iv. p. 301;
+        _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 470.
+
+  [341] From the following authorities, it appears impossible to trace it
+        further back than the thirteenth century; and it is doubtful
+        whether the Arabs were, as is commonly supposed, the inventors:
+        _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 590; _Koch_, _Tableaux des
+        Révolutions_, vol. i. p. 242; _Beckmann's History of Inventions_,
+        1846, vol. ii. p. 505; _Histoire Lit. de la France_, vol. xx. p.
+        236; _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 36; _Hallam's
+        Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 341. The statements in _Erman's
+        Siberia_, vol. i. pp. 370, 371, are more positive than the
+        evidence we are possessed of will justify; but there can be no
+        doubt that a sort of gunpowder was at an early period used in
+        China, and in other parts of Asia.
+
+  [342] _Vattel, le Droit des Gens_, vol. ii. p. 129; _Lingard's History
+        of England_, vol. ii. pp. 356, 357. Among the Anglo-Saxons, 'all
+        free men and proprietors of land, except the ministers of
+        religion, were trained to the use of arms, and always held ready
+        to take the field at a moment's warning.' _Eccleston's English
+        Antiquities_, p. 62. 'There was no distinction between the
+        soldier and the citizen.' _Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth_,
+        vol. i. p. 200.
+
+  [343] On these warlike ecclesiastics, compare _Grose's Military Antiq._
+        vol. i. pp. 67-8; _Lingard's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. pp. 26,
+        183, vol. iii. p. 14; _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p.
+        458, vol. v. pp. 92, 402, 406; _Mosheim's Eccl. History_, vol. i.
+        pp. 173, 193, 241; _Crichton's Scandinavia_, Edinb. 1838, vol. i.
+        p. 220. Such opponents were the more formidable, because in those
+        happy days it was sacrilege for a layman to lay hands on a
+        bishop. In 1095 his Holiness the Pope caused a council to
+        declare, 'Quòd qui apprehenderit episcopum omnino exlex fiat.'
+        _Matthæi Paris Historia Major_, p. 18. As the context contains no
+        limitation of this, it would follow that a man became spiritually
+        outlawed if he, even in self-defence, took a bishop prisoner.
+
+  [344] As Sharon Turner observes of England under the Anglo-Saxon
+        government, 'war and religion were the absorbing subjects of this
+        period.' _Turner's History of England_, vol. iii. p. 263. And a
+        recent scientific historian says of Europe generally: 'alle
+        Künste und Kenntnisse, die sich nicht auf das edle Kriegs-, Rauf-
+        und Raubhandwerk bezogen, waren überflüssig und schädlich. Nur
+        etwas Theologie war vonnöthen, um die Erde mit dem Himmel zu
+        verbinden.' _Winckler, Geschichte der Botanik_, 1854, p. 56.
+
+But so soon as gunpowder came into use, there was laid the foundation of
+a great change. According to the old system, a man had only to possess,
+what he generally inherited from his father, either a sword or a bow,
+and he was ready equipped for the field.[345] According to the new
+system, new means were required, and the equipment became more costly
+and more difficult. First, there was the supply of gunpowder;[346] then
+there was the possession of muskets, which were expensive weapons, and
+considered difficult to manage.[347] Then, too, there were other
+contrivances to which gunpowder naturally gave rise, such as pistols,
+bombs, mortars, shells, mines, and the like.[348] All these things, by
+increasing the complication of the military art, increased the necessity
+of discipline and practice; while, at the same time, the change that was
+being effected in the ordinary weapons deprived the great majority of
+men of the possibility of procuring them. To suit these altered
+circumstances, a new system was organized: and it was found advisable to
+train up bodies of men for the sole purpose of war, and to separate
+them as much as possible from those other employments in which formerly
+all soldiers were occasionally engaged. Thus it was that there arose
+standing armies; the first of which were formed in the middle of the
+fifteenth century,[349] almost immediately after gunpowder was generally
+known. Thus, too, there arose the custom of employing mercenary troops;
+of which we find a few earlier instances, though the practice was not
+fully established until the latter part of the fourteenth century.[350]
+
+  [345] In 1181, Henry II. of England ordered that every man should have
+        either a sword or bow; which he was not to sell, but leave to his
+        heir: 'cæteri autem omnes haberent wanbasiam, capellum ferreum,
+        lanceam et gladium, vel arcum et sagittas: et prohibuit ne
+        aliquis arma sua venderet vel invadiaret; sed cùm moreretur,
+        daret illa propinquiori hæredi suo.' _Rog. de Hov. Annal. in
+        Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 348 rev. In the reign of Edward I., it
+        was ordered that every man possessing land to the value of forty
+        shillings should keep 'a sword, bow and arrows, and a dagger....
+        Those who were to keep bows and arrows might have them out of the
+        forest.' _Grose's Military Antiquities_, vol. ii. pp. 301, 302.
+        Compare _Geijer's History of the Swedes_, part i. p. 94. Even
+        late in the fifteenth century, there were at the Universities of
+        Oxford and Cambridge, 'in each from four to five thousand
+        scholars, all grown up, carrying swords and bows, and in great
+        part gentry.' _Sir William Hamilton on the History of
+        Universities_, in _Hamilton's Philosoph. Discussions_, p. 414.
+        One of the latest attempts made to revive archery was a warrant
+        issued by Elizabeth in 1596, and printed by Mr. Collier in the
+        _Egerton Papers_, pp. 217-220, edit. Camden Soc. 1840. In the
+        south-west of England, bows and arrows did not finally disappear
+        from the muster-rolls till 1599; and in the meantime the musket
+        gained ground. See _Yonge's Diary_, edit. Camden Soc. 1848,
+        p. xvii.
+
+  [346] It is stated by many writers that no gunpowder was manufactured in
+        England until the reign of Elizabeth. _Camden's Elizabeth_, in
+        _Kennett's History_, vol. ii. p. 388, London, 1719; _Strickland's
+        Queens of England_, vol. vi. p. 223, Lond. 1843; _Grose's
+        Military Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 378. But Sharon Turner
+        (_History of England_, vol. vi. pp. 490, 491, Lond. 1839) has
+        shown, from an order of Richard III. in the Harleian manuscripts,
+        that it was made in England in 1483; and Mr. Eccleston (_English
+        Antiquities_, p. 182, Lond. 1847) states, that the English both
+        made and exported it as early as 1411: compare p. 202. At all
+        events, it long remained a costly article; and even in the reign
+        of Charles I., I find a complaint of its dearness, 'whereby the
+        train-bands are much discouraged in their exercising.'
+        _Parliament. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 655. In 1686, it appears from the
+        _Clarendon Correspondence_, vol. i. p. 413, that the wholesale
+        price ranged from about 2_l._ 10_s._ to 3_l._ per barrel. On the
+        expense of making it in the present century, see _Liebig and
+        Kopp's Reports on Chemistry_, vol. iii. p. 325, Lond. 1852.
+
+  [347] The muskets were such miserable machines, that, in the middle of
+        the fifteenth century, it took a quarter of an hour to charge and
+        fire one. _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 342. Grose
+        (_Military Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 146, vol. ii. pp. 292, 337)
+        says, that the first mention of muskets in England is in 1471;
+        and that rests for them did not become obsolete until the reign
+        of Charles I. In the recent edition of _Beckmann's History of
+        Inventions_, Lond. 1846, vol. ii. p. 535, it is strangely
+        supposed that muskets were 'first used at the battle of Pavia.'
+        Compare _Daniel_, _Histoire de la Milice_, vol. i. p. 464, with
+        _Smythe's Military Discourses_, in _Ellis's Original Letters_, p.
+        53, edit. Camden Society.
+
+  [348] Pistols are said to have been invented early in the sixteenth
+        century. _Grose's Military Antiq._ vol. i. pp. 102, 146.
+        Gunpowder was first employed in mining towns in 1487. _Prescott's
+        Hist. of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 32; _Koch_,
+        _Tableaux des Révolutions_, vol. i. p. 243; _Daniel_, _Histoire
+        de la Milice Française_, vol. i. p. 574. Daniel (_Milice
+        Française_, vol. i. pp. 580, 581) says that bombs were not
+        invented till 1588; and the same thing is asserted in _Biographie
+        Universelle_, vol. xv. p. 248: but, according to Grose (_Military
+        Antiq._ vol. i. p. 387), they are mentioned by Valturinus in
+        1472. On the general condition of the French artillery in the
+        sixteenth century, see _Relations des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_,
+        vol. i. pp. 94, 476, 478, Paris, 1838, 4to: a curious and
+        valuable publication. There is some doubt as to the exact period
+        in which cannons were first known; but they were certainly used
+        in war before the middle of the fourteenth century. See _Bohlen_,
+        _das alte Indien_, vol. ii. p. 63; _Daniel_, _Histoire de la
+        Milice_, vol. i. pp. 441, 442.
+
+  [349] _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 413; _Daniel, Hist. de la
+        Milice_, vol. i. p. 210, vol. ii. pp. 491, 493; _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. viii. p. 228.
+
+  [350] The leading facts respecting the employment of mercenary troops
+        are indicated with great judgment by Mr. Hallam, in his _Middle
+        Ages_, vol. i. p. 328-337.
+
+The importance of this movement was soon seen, by the change it effected
+in the classification of European society. The regular troops being,
+from their discipline, more serviceable against the enemy, and also more
+immediately under the control of the government, it naturally followed
+that, as their merits became understood, the old militia should fall,
+first into disrepute, then be neglected, and then sensibly diminish. At
+the same time, this diminution in the number of undisciplined soldiers
+deprived the country of a part of its warlike resources, and therefore
+made it necessary to pay more attention to the disciplined ones, and to
+confine them more exclusively to their military duties. Thus it was that
+a division was first broadly established between the soldier and the
+civilian; and there arose a separate military profession,[351] which,
+consisting of a comparatively small number of the total amount of
+citizens, left the remainder to settle in some other pursuit.[352] In
+this way immense bodies of men were gradually weaned from their old
+warlike habits; and being, as it were, forced into civil life, their
+energies became available for the general purposes of society, and for
+the cultivation of those arts of peace which had formerly been
+neglected. The result was, that the European mind, instead of being, as
+heretofore, solely occupied either with war or with theology, now struck
+out into a middle path, and created those great branches of knowledge to
+which modern civilization owes its origin. In each successive generation
+this tendency towards a separate organization was more marked; the
+utility of a division of labour became clearly recognized; and by this
+means knowledge itself advanced, the authority of this middle or
+intellectual class correspondingly increased. Each addition to its power
+lessened the weight of the other two classes, and checked those
+superstitious feelings and that love of war, on which, in an early state
+of society, all enthusiasm is concentrated. The evidence of the growth
+and diffusion of this intellectual principle is so full and decisive,
+that it would be possible, by combining all the branches of knowledge,
+to trace nearly the whole of its consecutive steps. At present, it is
+enough to say, that, taking a general view, this third, or intellectual,
+class, first displayed an independent, though still a vague, activity in
+the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; that in the sixteenth century,
+this activity, assuming a distinct form, showed itself in religious
+outbreaks; that in the seventeenth century, its energy, becoming more
+practical, was turned against the abuses of government, and caused a
+series of rebellions, from which hardly any part of Europe escaped; and
+finally, that in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it has
+extended its aim to every department of public and private life,
+diffusing education, teaching legislators, controlling kings, and, above
+all, settling on a sure foundation that supremacy of Public Opinion, to
+which not only constitutional princes, but even the most despotic
+sovereigns, are now rendered strictly amenable.
+
+  [351] Grose (_Military Antiquities_, vol. i. pp. 310, 311) says, that
+        until the sixteenth century, English soldiers had no professional
+        dress, but 'were distinguished by badges of their leaders' arms,
+        similar to those now worn by watermen.' It was also early in the
+        sixteenth century that there first arose a separate military
+        literature. _Daniel_, _Hist. de la Milice_, vol. i. p. 380: 'Les
+        auteurs, qui ont écrit en détail sur la discipline militaire: or
+        ce n'est guères que sous François I, et sous l'Empereur Charles
+        V, que les Italiens, les François, les Espagnols et les Allemans
+        ont commencé à écrire sur ce sujet.'
+
+  [352] The change from the time when every layman was a soldier, is very
+        remarkable. Adam Smith (_Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p.
+        291) says, 'Among the civilized nations of modern Europe, it is
+        commonly computed, that not more than the one-hundredth part of
+        the inhabitants of any country can be employed as soldiers,
+        without ruin to the country which pays the expense of their
+        service.' The same proportion is given in _Sadler's Law of
+        Population_, vol. i. p. 292; and in _Grandeur et Décadence des
+        Romains_, chap. iii.--_[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, p. 130: also in
+        _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. i. p. 105; and in _Alison's
+        History of Europe_, vol. xii. p. 318.
+
+These, indeed, are vast questions; and, without some knowledge of them,
+no one can understand the present condition of European society, or form
+the least idea of its future prospects. It is, however, sufficient that
+the reader can now perceive the way in which so slight a matter as the
+invention of gunpowder diminished the warlike spirit, by diminishing the
+number of persons to whom the practice of war was habitual. There were,
+no doubt, other and collateral circumstances which tended in the same
+direction; but the use of gunpowder was the most effectual, because, by
+increasing the difficulty and expense of war, it made a separate
+military profession indispensable; and thus, curtailing the action of
+the military spirit, left an overplus, an unemployed energy, which soon
+found its way to the pursuits of peace, infused into them a new life,
+and began to control that lust of conquest, which, though natural to a
+barbarous people, is the great enemy of knowledge, and is the most fatal
+of those diseased appetites by which even civilized countries are too
+often afflicted.
+
+The second intellectual movement, by which the love of war has been
+lessened, is much more recent, and has not yet produced the whole of its
+natural effects. I allude to the discoveries made by Political Economy:
+a branch of knowledge with which even the wisest of the ancients had not
+the least acquaintance, but which possesses an importance it would be
+difficult to exaggerate, and is, moreover, remarkable, as being the only
+subject immediately connected with the art of government that has yet
+been raised to a science. The practical value of this noble study,
+though perhaps only fully known to the more advanced thinkers, is
+gradually becoming recognized by men of ordinary education: but even
+those by whom it is understood seem to have paid little attention to the
+way in which, by its influence, the interests of peace, and therefore of
+civilization, have been directly promoted.[353] The manner in which this
+has been brought about, I will endeavour to explain, as it will furnish
+another argument in support of that great principle which I wish to
+establish.
+
+  [353] The pacific tendencies of political economy are touched on very
+        briefly in _Blanqui_, _Histoire de l'Economie Politique_, vol.
+        ii. p. 207; and in _Twiss's Progress of Political Economy_,
+        p. 240.
+
+It is well known, that, among the different causes of war, commercial
+jealousy was formerly one of the most conspicuous; and there are
+numerous instances of quarrels respecting the promulgation of some
+particular tariff, or the protection of some favourite manufacture.
+Disputes of this kind were founded upon the very ignorant, but the very
+natural notion, that the advantages of commerce depend upon the balance
+of trade, and that whatever is gained by one country must be lost by
+another. It was believed that wealth is composed entirely of money; and
+that it is, therefore, the essential interest of every people to import
+few commodities and much gold. Whenever this was done, affairs were said
+to be in a sound and healthy state; but, if this was not done, it was
+declared that we were being drained of our resources, and that some
+other country was getting the better of us, and was enriching itself at
+our expense.[354] For this the only remedy was to negotiate a
+commercial treaty, which should oblige the offending nation to take more
+of our commodities, and give us more of their gold: if, however, they
+refused to sign the treaty, it became necessary to bring them to reason;
+and for this purpose an armament was fitted out to attack a people who,
+by lessening our wealth, had deprived us of that money by which alone
+trade could be extended in foreign markets.[355]
+
+  [354] This favourite doctrine is illustrated in a curious 'Discourse,'
+        written in 1578, and printed in _Stow's London_, in which it is
+        laid down, that if our exports exceed our imports, we gain by the
+        trade; but that, if they are less, we lose. _Stow's London_,
+        edit. Thoms, 1842, p. 205. Whenever this balance was disturbed,
+        politicians were thrown into an agony of fear. In 1620, James I.
+        said, in one of his long speeches, 'It's strange that my Mint
+        hath not gone this eight or nine years; but I think the fault of
+        the want of money is the uneven balancing of trade.' _Parl.
+        History_, vol. i. p. 1179; see also the debate 'On the Scarcity
+        of Money,' pp. 1194-1196. In 1620, the House of Commons, in a
+        state of great alarm, passed a resolution, 'That the importation
+        of tobacco out of Spain is one reason of the scarcity of money in
+        this kingdom.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. i. p. 1198. In 1627, it was
+        actually argued in the House of Commons that the Netherlands were
+        being weakened by their trade with the East Indies, because it
+        carried money out of the country! _Parl. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 220.
+        Half a century later, the same principle was advocated by Sir
+        William Temple in his Letters, and also in his Observations upon
+        the United Provinces. _Temple's Works_, vol. i. p. 175, vol. ii.
+        pp. 117, 118.
+
+  [355] In 1672, the celebrated Earl of Shaftesbury, then Lord Chancellor,
+        announced that the time had come when the English must go to war
+        with the Dutch; for that it was 'impossible both should stand
+        upon a balance; and that, if we do not master their trade, they
+        will ours. They or we must truckle. One must and will give the
+        law to the other. There is no compounding, where the contest is
+        for the trade of the whole world.' _Somers' Tracts_, vol. viii.
+        p. 39. A few months later, still insisting on the propriety of
+        the war, he gave as one of his reasons that it 'was necessary to
+        the trade of England that there should be a fair adjustment of
+        commerce in the East Indies.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. p. 587. In
+        1701, Stepney, a diplomatist and one of the lords of trade,
+        published an essay, strongly insisting on the benefits which
+        would accrue to English commerce by a war with France. _Somers'
+        Tracts_, vol. xi. pp. 199, 217; and he says, p. 205, that one of
+        the consequences of peace with France would be 'the utter ruin
+        and destruction of our trade.' See also, in vol. xiii. p. 688,
+        the remarks on the policy of William III. In 1743, Lord
+        Hardwicke, one of the most eminent men of his time, said, in the
+        House of Lords, 'If our wealth is diminished, it is time to ruin
+        the commerce of that nation which has driven us from the markets
+        of the Continent--by sweeping the seas of their ships, and by
+        blockading their ports.' _Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors_,
+        vol. v. p. 89.
+
+This misconception of the true nature of barter was formerly
+universal;[356] and being adopted even by the ablest politicians, was
+not only an immediate cause of war, but increased those feelings of
+natural hatred by which war is encouraged; each country thinking that it
+had a direct interest in diminishing the wealth of its neighbours.[357]
+In the seventeenth, or even late in the sixteenth century, there were,
+indeed, one or two eminent thinkers who exposed some of the fallacies
+upon which this opinion was based.[358] But their arguments found no
+favour with those politicians by whom European affairs were then
+administered. It is doubtful if they were known; and it is certain that,
+if known, they were despised by statesmen and legislators, who, from the
+constancy of their practical occupations, cannot be supposed to have
+sufficient leisure to master each new discovery that is successively
+made; and who in consequence are, as a body, always in the rear of their
+age. The result was, that they went blundering on in the old track,
+believing that no commerce could flourish without their interference,
+troubling that commerce by repeated and harassing regulations, and
+taking for granted that it was the duty of every government to benefit
+the trade of their own people by injuring the trade of others.[359]
+
+  [356] In regard to the seventeenth century, see _Mill's History of
+        India_, vol. i. pp. 41, 42. To this I may add, that even Locke had
+        very confused notions respecting the use of money in trade. See
+        _Essay on Money_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. iv.; and in particular
+        pp. 9, 10, 12, 20, 21, 49-52. Berkeley, profound thinker as he
+        was, fell into the same errors, and assumes the necessity of
+        maintaining the balance of trade, and lessening our imports in
+        proportion as we lessen our exports. See the _Querist_, Nos.
+        xcix. clxi., in _Berkeley's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 246, 250: see
+        also his proposal for a sumptuary law, in _Essay towards
+        Preventing the Ruin of Great Britain_, in _Works_, vol. ii. p.
+        190. The economical views of Montesquieu (_Esprit des Lois_,
+        livre xx. chap. xii. in _[OE]uvres_, p. 353) are as hopelessly
+        wrong; while Vattel (_Droit des Gens_, vol. i. pp. 111, 117, 118,
+        206) goes out of his way to praise the mischievous interference
+        of the English government, which he recommends as a pattern to
+        other states.
+
+  [357] The Earl of Bristol, a man of some ability, told the House of
+        Lords, in 1642, that it was a great advantage to England for
+        other countries to go to war with each other; because by that
+        means we should get their money, or, as he called it, their
+        'wealth.' See his speech, in _Parl. History_, vol. ii. pp.
+        1274-1279.
+
+  [358] Serra, who wrote in 1613, is said to have been the first to prove
+        the absurdity of discouraging the exportation of the precious
+        metals. See _Twiss on the Progress of Political Economy_, pp. 8,
+        12, 13. But I believe that the earliest approach towards modern
+        economical discoveries is a striking essay published in 1581, and
+        ascribed to William Stafford. It will be found in the _Harleian
+        Miscellany_, vol. ix. pp. 139-192, edit. Park, 1812; and the
+        title, _Brief Conceipt of English Policy_, gives an inadequate
+        idea of what is, on the whole, the most important work on the
+        theory of politics which had then appeared: since the author not
+        only displays an insight into the nature of price and value, such
+        as no previous thinker possessed, but he points out clearly the
+        causes of that system of enclosures which is the leading
+        economical fact in the reign of Elizabeth, and is intimately
+        connected with the rise of the poor-laws. Some account of this
+        essay is given by Dr. Twiss; but the original is easily
+        accessible, and should be read by every student of English
+        history. Among other heretical propositions, it recommends free
+        trade in corn.
+
+  [359] In regard to the interference of the English legislature, it is
+        stated by Mr. M'Culloch (_Polit. Econ._ p. 269), on the authority
+        of a committee of the House of Commons, that before the year
+        1820, 'no fewer than two thousand laws with respect to commerce
+        had been passed at different periods.' It may be confidently
+        asserted, that every one of those laws was an unmitigated evil,
+        since no trade, and indeed no interest of any kind, can be
+        protected by government without inflicting immeasurably greater
+        loss upon the unprotected interests and trades; while, if the
+        protection is universal, the loss will be universal. Some
+        striking instances of the absurd laws which have been passed
+        respecting trade, are collected in _Barrington's Observations on
+        the Statutes_, pp. 279-285. Indeed, it was considered necessary
+        that every parliament should do something in this way; and
+        Charles II., in one of his speeches, says, 'I pray, contrive any
+        good short bills which may improve the industry of the nation
+        ... and so God bles your councils.' _Parl. History_, vol. iv. p.
+        291. Compare the remarks on the fishery-trade, in _Somers'
+        Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 33.
+
+But in the eighteenth century, a long course of events, which I shall
+hereafter trace, prepared the way for a spirit of improvement, and a
+desire for reform, of which the world had then seen no example. This
+great movement displayed its energy in every department of knowledge;
+and now it was that a successful attempt was first made to raise
+Political Economy to a science, by discovering the laws which regulate
+the creation and diffusion of wealth. In the year 1776, Adam Smith
+published his _Wealth of Nations_; which, looking at its ultimate
+results, is probably the most important book that has ever been written,
+and is certainly the most valuable contribution ever made by a single
+man towards establishing the principles on which government should be
+based. In this great work, the old theory of protection as applied to
+commerce was destroyed in nearly all its parts;[360] the doctrine of the
+balance of trade was not only attacked, but its falsehood was
+demonstrated; and innumerable absurdities, which had been accumulating
+for ages, were suddenly swept away.[361]
+
+  [360] To this the only exception of any moment is the view taken of the
+        usury-laws, which Jeremy Bentham has the honour of demolishing.
+
+  [361] Before Adam Smith, the principal merit is due to Hume; but the
+        works of that profound thinker were too fragmentary to produce
+        much effect. Indeed, Hume, notwithstanding his vast powers, was
+        inferior to Smith in comprehensiveness as well as in industry.
+
+If the _Wealth of Nations_ had appeared in any preceding century, it
+would have shared the fate of the great works of Stafford and Serra; and
+although the principles which it advocated would, no doubt, have excited
+the attention of speculative thinkers, they would, in all probability,
+have produced no effect on practical politicians, or, at all events,
+would only have exercised an indirect and precarious influence. But the
+diffusion of knowledge had now become so general, that even our ordinary
+legislators were, in some degree, prepared for these great truths,
+which, in a former period, they would have despised as idle novelties.
+The result was, that the doctrines of Adam Smith soon found their way
+into the House of Commons;[362] and, being adopted by a few of the
+leading members, were listened to with astonishment by that great
+assembly, whose opinions were mainly regulated by the wisdom of their
+ancestors, and who were loth to believe that anything could be
+discovered by the moderns which was not already known to the ancients.
+But it is in vain that such men as these always set themselves up to
+resist the pressure of advancing knowledge. No great truth which has
+once been found has ever afterwards been lost; nor has any important
+discovery yet been made which has not eventually carried everything
+before it. Even so, the principles of Free Trade, as demonstrated by
+Adam Smith, and all the consequences which flow from them, were vainly
+struggled against by the most overwhelming majorities of both Houses of
+Parliament. Year by year the great truth made its way; always advancing,
+never receding.[363] The majority was at first deserted by a few men of
+ability, then by ordinary men, then it became a minority, then even the
+minority began to dwindle; and at the present day, eighty years after
+the publication of Smith's _Wealth of Nations_, there is not to be found
+any one of tolerable education who is not ashamed of holding opinions
+which, before the time of Adam Smith, were universally received.
+
+  [362] The first notice I have observed of the _Wealth of Nations_ in
+        Parliament is in 1783; and between then and the end of the
+        century it is referred to several times, and latterly with
+        increasing frequency. See _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxiii. p.
+        1152, vol. xxvi. pp. 481, 1035, vol. xxvii. p. 385, vol. xxix.
+        pp. 834, 905, 982, 1065, vol. xxx. pp. 330, 333, vol. xxxii. p.
+        2, vol. xxxiii. pp. 353, 386, 522, 548, 549, 563, 774, 777, 778,
+        822, 823, 824, 825, 827, 1249, vol. xxxiv. pp. 11, 97, 98, 141,
+        142, 304, 473, 850, 901, 902, 903. It is possible that one or two
+        passages may have been overlooked; but I believe that these are
+        the only instances of Adam Smith being referred to during
+        seventeen years. From a passage in _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_,
+        vol. i. p. 51, it appears that even Addington was studying Adam
+        Smith in 1787.
+
+  [363] In 1797, Pulteney, in one of his financial speeches, appealed to
+        'the authority of Dr. Smith, who, it was well said, would
+        persuade the present generation and govern the next.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxiii. p. 778. In 1813, Dugald Stewart (_Philosophy
+        of the Human Mind_, vol. ii. p. 472) announced that the doctrine
+        of free trade 'has now, I believe, become the prevailing creed of
+        thinking men all over Europe.' And in 1816, Ricardo said, 'The
+        reasoning by which the liberty of trade is supported is so
+        powerful, that it is daily obtaining converts. It is with
+        pleasure that I see the progress which this great principle is
+        making amongst those whom we should have expected to cling the
+        longest to old prejudices.' _Proposals for an Economical
+        Currency_, in _Ricardo's Works_, p. 407.
+
+Such is the way in which great thinkers control the affairs of men, and
+by their discoveries regulate the march of nations. And truly the
+history of this one triumph alone should be enough to repress the
+presumption of statesmen and legislators, who so exaggerate the
+importance of their craft as to ascribe great results to their own
+shifting and temporary contrivances. For, whence did they derive that
+knowledge, of which they are always ready to assume the merit? How did
+they obtain their opinions? How did they get at their principles? These
+are the elements of their success; and these they can only learn from
+their masters--from those great teachers, who, moved by the inspiration
+of genius, fertilize the world with their discoveries. Well may it be
+said of Adam Smith, and said, too, without fear of contradiction, that
+this solitary Scotchman has, by the publication of one single work,
+contributed more towards the happiness of man, than has been effected by
+the united abilities of all the statesmen and legislators of whom
+history has preserved an authentic account.
+
+The result of these great discoveries I am not here concerned to
+examine, except so far as they aided in diminishing the energy of the
+warlike spirit. And the way in which they effected this may be easily
+stated. As long as it was generally believed that the wealth of a
+country consists of its gold, it was of course also believed that the
+sole object of trade is to increase the influx of the precious metals;
+it, therefore, became natural that Government should be expected to take
+measures by which such influx could be secured. This, however, could
+only be done by draining other countries of their gold; a result which
+they, for precisely the same reasons, strenuously resisted. The
+consequence was, that any idea of real reciprocity was impossible: every
+commercial treaty was an attempt made by one nation to outwit
+another;[364] every new tariff was a declaration of hostility; and that
+which ought to be the most peaceable of all pursuits became one of the
+causes of those national jealousies and national animosities, by which
+war is mainly promoted.[365] But when it was once clearly understood
+that gold and silver are not wealth, but are merely the representatives
+of wealth; when men began to see that wealth itself solely consists of
+the value which skill and labour can add to the raw material, and that
+money is of no possible use to a nation except to measure and circulate
+their riches; when these great truths were recognized,[366] all the old
+notions respecting the balance of trade, and the supreme importance of
+the precious metals, at once fell to the ground. These enormous errors
+being dispersed, the true theory of barter was easily worked out. It was
+perceived, that if commerce is allowed to be free, its advantages will
+be shared by every country which engages in it; that, in the absence of
+monopoly, the benefits of trade are of necessity reciprocal; and that,
+so far from depending on the amount of gold received, they simply arise
+from the facility with which a nation gets rid of those commodities
+which it can produce most cheaply, and receives in return those
+commodities which it could only produce at a great expense, but which
+the other nation can, from the skill of its workmen, or from the bounty
+of nature, afford to supply at a lower rate. From this it followed,
+that, in a mercantile point of view, it would be as absurd to attempt to
+impoverish a people with whom we trade, as it would be in a tradesman to
+wish for the insolvency of a rich and frequent customer. The result is,
+that the commercial spirit, which formerly was often warlike, is now
+invariably pacific.[367] And although it is perfectly true that not one
+merchant out of a hundred is familiar with the arguments on which these
+economical discoveries are founded, that does not prevent the effect
+which the discoveries themselves produce on his own mind. The mercantile
+class is, like every other, acted upon by causes which only a few
+members of that class are able to perceive. Thus, for instance, of all
+the innumerable opponents of protection, there are very few indeed who
+can give valid reasons to justify their opposition. But this does not
+prevent the opposition from taking place. For an immense majority of men
+always follow with implicit submission the spirit of their own time; and
+the spirit of the time is merely its knowledge, and the direction that
+knowledge takes. As, in the ordinary avocations of daily life, everyone
+is benefited, in the increase of his comforts, and of his general
+security, by the progress of many arts and sciences, of which perhaps he
+does not even know the name, just so is the mercantile class benefited
+by those great economical discoveries which, in the course of two
+generations, have already effected a complete change in the commercial
+legislation of this country, and which are now operating slowly, but
+steadily, upon those other European states where, public opinion being
+less powerful, it is more difficult to establish great truths and
+extirpate old abuses. While, therefore, it is perfectly true, that among
+merchants, a comparatively small number are acquainted with political
+economy, it is not the less true that they owe a large part of their
+wealth to the political economists; who, by removing the obstacles with
+which the ignorance of successive governments had impeded trade, have
+now settled on a solid foundation that commercial prosperity which is by
+no means the least of our national glories. Most assuredly is it also
+true, that this same intellectual movement has lessened the chance of
+war, by ascertaining the principles which ought to regulate our
+commercial relations with foreign countries; by proving, not only the
+inutility, but the positive mischief, caused by interfering with them;
+and finally, by exploding those long-established errors, which, inducing
+men to believe that nations are the natural enemies of each other,
+encouraged those evil feelings, and fostered those national jealousies,
+to the strength of which the military spirit owed no small share of its
+former influence.
+
+  [364] Sir Theodore Janson, in his _General Maxims of Trade_, published
+        in 1713, lays it down as a principle universally recognized, that
+        'All the nations of Europe seem to strive who shall outwit one
+        another in point of trade; and they concur in this maxim, that
+        the less they consume of foreign commodities, the better it is
+        for them.' _Somers' Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 292. Thus, too, in a
+        _Dialogue between an Englishman and a Dutchman_, published in
+        1700, the Dutchman is represented as boasting that his government
+        had 'forced treaties of commerce exclusive to all other nations.'
+        _Somers' Tracts_, vol. xi. p. 376. This is the system of 'narrow
+        selfishness' denounced by Dr. Story, in his noble work, _Conflict
+        of Laws_, 1841, p. 32.
+
+  [365] 'It cannot, indeed, be denied that mistaken views of commerce,
+        like those so frequently entertained of religion, have been the
+        cause of many wars and of much bloodshed.' _M'Culloch's
+        Principles of Political Economy_, p. 140. See also pp. 37, 38:
+        'It has made each nation regard the welfare of its neighbours as
+        incompatible with its own: hence the reciprocal desire of
+        injuring and impoverishing each other; and hence that spirit of
+        commercial rivalry, which has been the immediate or remote cause
+        of the greater number of modern wars.'
+
+  [366] On the rapid diffusion during the present century of the
+        principles worked out by the economists, compare _Laing's
+        Sweden_, pp. 356-358, with a note to the last edition of _Malthus
+        on Population_, 1826, vol. ii. pp. 354, 355.
+
+  [367] 'The feelings of rival tradesmen, prevailing among nations,
+        overruled for centuries all sense of the general community of
+        advantage which commercial countries derive from the prosperity
+        of one another; and that commercial spirit, which is now one of
+        the strongest obstacles to wars, was during a certain period of
+        European history their principal cause.' _Mill's Political
+        Economy_, 1849, vol. ii. p. 221. This great change in the
+        feelings of the commercial classes did not begin before the
+        present century, and has not been visible to ordinary observers
+        until the last five-and-twenty or thirty years; but it was
+        foretold in a remarkable passage written by Herder in 1787; see
+        his _Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. iii. pp. 292, 293.
+
+The third great cause by which the love of war has been weakened, is the
+way in which discoveries respecting the application of Steam to the
+purposes of travelling have facilitated the intercourse between
+different countries, and thus aided in destroying that ignorant contempt
+which one nation is too apt to feel for another. Thus, for instance, the
+miserable and impudent falsehoods which a large class of English writers
+formerly directed against the morals and private character of the
+French, and, to their shame be it said, even against the chastity of
+French women, tended not a little to embitter the angry feelings then
+existing between the two first countries of Europe; irritating the
+English against French vices, irritating the French against English
+calumnies. In the same way, there was a time when every honest
+Englishman firmly believed that he could beat ten Frenchmen; a class of
+beings whom he held in sovereign contempt, as a lean and stunted race,
+who drank claret instead of brandy, who lived entirely off frogs;
+miserable infidels, who heard mass every Sunday, who bowed down before
+idols, and who even worshipped the Pope. On the other hand, the French
+were taught to despise us, as rude unlettered barbarians, without either
+taste or humanity; surly, ill-conditioned men, living in an unhappy
+climate, where a perpetual fog, only varied by rain, prevented the sun
+from ever being seen; suffering from so deep and inveterate a
+melancholy, that physicians had called it the English spleen; and under
+the influence of this cruel malady constantly committing suicide,
+particularly in November, when we were well known to hang and shoot
+ourselves by thousands.[368]
+
+  [368] That there are more suicides in gloomy weather than in fine
+        weather used always to be taken for granted, and was a favourite
+        topic with the French wits, who were never weary of expatiating
+        on our love of self-murder, and on the relation between it and
+        our murky climate. Unfortunately for such speculations, the fact
+        is exactly opposite to what is generally supposed, and we have
+        decisive evidence that there are more suicides in summer than in
+        winter. See _Quetelet sur l'Homme_, vol. ii. pp. 152, 158;
+        _Tissot de la Manie du Suicide_, Paris, 1840, pp. 50, 149, 150;
+        _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. i. p. 102; _Winslow's
+        Anatomy of Suicide_, 1840, pp. 131, 132; _Hawkins's Medical
+        Statistics_, p. 170.
+
+Whoever has looked much into the older literature of France and England,
+knows that these were the opinions which the two first nations of
+Europe, in the ignorance and simplicity of their hearts, held respecting
+each other. But the progress of improvement, by bringing the two
+countries into close and intimate contact, has dissipated these foolish
+prejudices, and taught each people to admire, and, what is still more
+important, to respect each other. And the greater the contact, the
+greater the respect. For, whatever theologians may choose to assert, it
+is certain that mankind at large has far more virtue than vice, and that
+in every country good actions are more frequent than bad ones. Indeed,
+if this were otherwise, the preponderance of evil would long since have
+destroyed the human race, and not even have left a single man to lament
+the degeneracy of his species. An additional proof of this is the fact,
+that the more nations associate with each other, and the more they see
+and know of their fellow-creatures, the more quickly do ancient enmities
+disappear. This is because an enlarged experience proves that mankind is
+not so radically bad as we from our infancy are taught to believe. But
+if vices were really more frequent than virtues, the result would be,
+that the increasing amalgamation of society would increase our bad
+opinion of others; because, though we may love our own vices, we do not
+generally love the vices of our neighbours. So far, however, is this
+from being the actual consequence, that it has always been found that
+those whose extensive knowledge makes them best acquainted with the
+general course of human actions, are precisely those who take the most
+favourable view of them. The greatest observer and the most profound
+thinker is invariably the most lenient judge. It is the solitary
+misanthrope, brooding over his fancied wrongs, who is most prone to
+depreciate the good qualities of our nature, and exaggerate its bad
+ones. Or else it is some foolish and ignorant monk, who, dreaming away
+his existence in an idle solitude, flatters his own vanity by denouncing
+the vices of others; and thus declaiming against the enjoyments of life,
+revenges himself on that society from which by his own superstition he
+is excluded. These are the sort of men who insist most strongly on the
+corruption of our nature, and on the degeneracy into which we have
+fallen. The enormous evil which such opinions have brought about, is
+well understood by those who have studied the history of countries in
+which they are, and have been, most prevalent. Hence it is that, among
+the innumerable benefits derived from advancing knowledge, there are few
+more important than those improved facilities of communication,[369]
+which, by increasing the frequency with which nations and individuals
+are brought into contact, have, to an extraordinary extent, corrected
+their prejudices, raised the opinion which each forms of the other,
+diminished their mutual hostility, and thus diffusing a more favourable
+view of our common nature, have stimulated us to develop those boundless
+resources of the human understanding, the very existence of which it was
+once considered almost a heresy to assert.
+
+  [369] Respecting which I will only mention one fact, in regard to our
+        own country. By the returns of the Board of Trade, it appears
+        that the passengers annually travelling by railway amounted in
+        1842 to nineteen millions; but in 1852 they had increased to more
+        than eighty-six millions. _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol.
+        xvi. p. 292.
+
+This is precisely what has occurred in modern Europe. The French and
+English people have, by the mere force of increased contact, learned to
+think more favourably of each other, and to discard that foolish
+contempt in which both nations formerly indulged. In this, as in all
+cases, the better one civilized country is acquainted with another, the
+more it will find to respect and to imitate. For of all the causes of
+national hatred, ignorance is the most powerful. When you increase the
+contact, you remove the ignorance, and thus you diminish the
+hatred.[370] This is the true bond of charity; and it is worth all the
+lessons which moralists and divines are able to teach. They have pursued
+their vocation for centuries, without producing the least effect in
+lessening the frequency of war. But it may be said without the
+slightest exaggeration, that every new railroad which is laid down, and
+every fresh steamer which crosses the Channel, are additional guarantees
+for the preservation of that long and unbroken peace which, during forty
+years, has knit together the fortunes and the interests of the two most
+civilized nations of the earth.
+
+  [370] Of this, Mr. Stephens (in his valuable work, _Central America_,
+        vol. i. pp. 247-8) relates an interesting instance in the case of
+        that remarkable man Carrera: 'Indeed, in no particular had he
+        changed more than in his opinion of foreigners; a happy
+        illustration of the effect of personal intercourse in breaking
+        down prejudices against individuals or classes.' Mr. Elphinstone
+        (_History of India_, p. 195) says, 'Those who have known the
+        Indians longest have always the best opinion of them: but _this
+        is rather a compliment to human nature than to them, since it is
+        true of every other people_.' Compare an instructive passage in
+        _Darwin's Journal of Researches_, p. 421, with _Burdach_, _Traité
+        de Physiologie comme Science d'Observation_, vol. ii. p. 61.
+
+I have thus, so far as my knowledge will permit, endeavoured to indicate
+the causes which have diminished religious persecution and war: the two
+greatest evils with which men have yet contrived to afflict their
+fellow-creatures. The question of the decline of religious persecution I
+have only briefly noticed, because it will be more fully handled in a
+subsequent part of this volume. Enough, however, has been advanced to
+prove how essentially it is an intellectual process, and how little good
+can be effected on this subject by the operation of moral feelings. The
+causes of the decline of the warlike spirit I have examined at
+considerable, and, perhaps, to some readers, at tedious length, and the
+result of that examination has been, that the decline is owing to the
+increase of the intellectual classes, to whom the military classes are
+necessarily antagonistic. In pushing the inquiry a little deeper, we
+have, by still further analysis, ascertained the existence of three vast
+though subsidiary causes, by which the general movement has been
+accelerated. These are--the invention of Gunpowder, the discoveries of
+Political Economy, and the discovery of improved means of Locomotion.
+Such are the three great modes or channels by which the progress of
+knowledge has weakened the old warlike spirit; and the way in which they
+have effected this has, I trust, been clearly pointed out. The facts and
+arguments which I have brought forward, have, I can conscientiously say,
+been subjected to careful and repeated scrutiny; and I am quite unable
+to see on what possible ground their accuracy is to be impugned. That
+they will be disagreeable to certain classes, I am well aware; but the
+unpleasantness of a statement is hardly to be considered a proof of its
+falsehood. The sources from which the evidence has been derived are
+fully indicated; and the arguments, I hope, fairly stated. And from them
+there results a most important conclusion. From them we are bound to
+infer, that the two oldest, greatest, most inveterate, and most
+widely-spread evils which have ever been known, are constantly, though,
+on the whole, slowly, diminishing; and that their diminution has been
+effected, not at all by moral feelings, nor by moral teachings, but
+solely by the activity of the human intellect, and by the inventions and
+discoveries which, in a long course of successive ages, man has been
+able to make.
+
+Since, then, in the two most important phenomena which the progress of
+society presents, the moral laws have been steadily and invariably
+subordinate to the intellectual laws, there arises a strong presumption
+that in inferior matters the same process has been followed. To prove
+this in its full extent, and thus raise the presumption to an absolute
+certainty, would be to write, not an Introduction to history, but the
+History itself. The reader must, therefore, be satisfied for the present
+with what, I am conscious, is merely an approach towards demonstration;
+and the complete demonstration must necessarily be reserved for the
+future volumes of this work: in which I pledge myself to show that the
+progress Europe has made from barbarism to civilization is entirely due
+to its intellectual activity; that the leading countries have now, for
+some centuries, advanced sufficiently far to shake off the influence of
+those physical agencies by which in an earlier state their career might
+have been troubled; and that although the moral agencies are still
+powerful, and still cause occasional disturbances, these are but
+aberrations, which, if we compare long periods of time, balance each
+other, and thus in the total amount entirely disappear. So that, in a
+great and comprehensive view, the changes in every civilized people are,
+in their aggregate, dependent solely on three things: first, on the
+amount of knowledge possessed by their ablest men; secondly, on the
+direction which that knowledge takes, that is to say, the sort of
+subjects to which it refers: thirdly, and above all, on the extent to
+which the knowledge is diffused, and the freedom with which it pervades
+all classes of society.
+
+These are the three great movers of every civilized country; and
+although their operation is frequently disturbed by the vices or the
+virtues of powerful individuals, such moral feelings correct each other,
+and the average of long periods remains unaffected. Owing to causes of
+which we are ignorant, the moral qualities do, no doubt, constantly
+vary; so that in one man, or perhaps even in one generation, there will
+be an excess of good intentions; in another an excess of bad ones. But
+we have no reason to think that any permanent change has been effected
+in the proportion which those who naturally possess good intentions bear
+to those in whom bad ones seem to be inherent. In what may be called the
+innate and original morals of mankind, there is, so far as we are aware,
+no progress. Of the different passions with which we are born, some are
+more prevalent at one time, some at another; but experience teaches us
+that, as they are always antagonistic, they are held in balance by the
+force of their own opposition. The activity of one motive is corrected
+by the activity of another. For to every vice there is a corresponding
+virtue. Cruelty is counteracted by benevolence; sympathy is excited by
+suffering; the injustice of some provokes the charity of others; new
+evils are met by new remedies, and even the most enormous offences that
+have ever been known have left behind them no permanent impression. The
+desolation of countries and the slaughter of men are losses which never
+fail to be repaired, and at the distance of a few centuries every
+vestige of them is effaced. The gigantic crimes of Alexander or Napoleon
+become after a time void of effect, and the affairs of the world return
+to their former level. This is the ebb and flow of history, the
+perpetual flux to which by the laws of our nature we are subject. Above
+all this, there is a far higher movement; and as the tide rolls on, now
+advancing, now receding, there is, amid its endless fluctuations, one
+thing, and one alone, which endures for ever. The actions of bad men
+produce only temporary evil, the actions of good men only temporary
+good; and eventually the good and the evil altogether subside, are
+neutralized by subsequent generations, absorbed by the incessant
+movements of future ages. But the discoveries of great men never leave
+us; they are immortal, they contain those eternal truths which survive
+the shock of empires, outlive the struggles of rival creeds, and witness
+the decay of successive religions. All these have their different
+measures and their different standards; one set of opinions for one age,
+another set for another. They pass away like a dream; they are as the
+fabric of a vision, which leaves not a rack behind. The discoveries of
+genius alone remain: it is to them we owe all that we now have, they are
+for all ages and all times; never young, and never old, they bear the
+seeds of their own life; they flow on in a perennial and undying stream;
+they are essentially cumulative, and, giving birth to the additions
+which they subsequently receive, they thus influence the most distant
+posterity, and after the lapse of centuries produce more effect than
+they were able to do even at the moment of their promulgation.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+    INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND
+                               GOVERNMENT.
+
+
+By applying to the history of Man those methods of investigation which
+have been found successful in other branches of knowledge, and by
+rejecting all preconceived notions which would not bear the test of
+those methods, we have arrived at certain results, the heads of which it
+may now be convenient to recapitulate. We have seen that our actions,
+being solely the result of internal and external agencies, must be
+explicable by the laws of those agencies; that is to say, by mental laws
+and by physical laws. We have also seen that mental laws are, in Europe,
+more powerful than physical laws; and that, in the progress of
+civilization, their superiority is constantly increasing, because
+advancing knowledge multiplies the resources of the mind, but leaves the
+old resources of nature stationary. On this account, we have treated the
+mental laws as being the great regulators of progress; and we have
+looked at the physical laws as occupying a subordinate place, and as
+merely displaying themselves in occasional disturbances, the force and
+frequency of which have been long declining, and are now, on a large
+average, almost inoperative. Having, by this means, resolved the study
+of what may be called the dynamics of society into the study of the laws
+of the mind, we have subjected these last to a similar analysis; and we
+have found that they consist of two parts, namely, moral laws and
+intellectual laws. By comparing these two parts, we have clearly
+ascertained the vast superiority of the intellectual laws; and we have
+seen, that as the progress of civilization is marked by the triumph of
+the mental laws over the physical, just so is it marked by the triumph
+of the intellectual laws over the moral ones. This important inference
+rests on two distinct arguments. First, that moral truths being
+stationary, and intellectual truths being progressive, it is highly
+improbable that the progress of society should be due to moral
+knowledge, which for many centuries has remained the same, rather than
+to intellectual knowledge, which for many centuries has been incessantly
+advancing. The other argument consists in the fact, that the two
+greatest evils known to mankind have not been diminished by moral
+improvement; but have been, and still are, yielding to the influence of
+intellectual discoveries. From all this it evidently follows, that if we
+wish to ascertain the conditions which regulate the progress of modern
+civilization, we must seek them in the history of the amount and
+diffusion of intellectual knowledge; and we must consider physical
+phenomena and moral principles as causing, no doubt, great aberrations
+in short periods, but in long periods correcting and balancing
+themselves, and thus leaving the intellectual laws to act uncontrolled
+by these inferior and subordinate agents.
+
+Such is the conclusion to which we have been led by successive analyses,
+and on which we now take our stand. The actions of individuals are
+greatly affected by their moral feelings and by their passions; but
+these being antagonistic to the passions and feelings of other
+individuals, are balanced by them; so that their effect is, in the great
+average of human affairs, nowhere to be seen; and the total actions of
+mankind, considered as a whole, are left to be regulated by the total
+knowledge of which mankind is possessed. And of the way in which
+individual feeling and individual caprice are thus absorbed and
+neutralized, we find a clear illustration in the facts already brought
+forward respecting the history of crime. For by those facts it is
+decisively proved, that the amount of crime committed in a country is,
+year after year, reproduced with the most startling uniformity, not
+being in the least affected by those capricious and personal feelings to
+which human actions are too often referred. But if, instead of examining
+the history of crime year by year, we were to examine it month by
+month, we should find less regularity; and if we were to examine it hour
+by hour, we should find no regularity at all; neither would its
+regularity be seen, if, instead of the criminal records of a whole
+country, we only knew those of a single street, or of a single family.
+This is because the great social laws by which crime is governed, can
+only be perceived after observing great numbers or long periods; but in
+a small number, and a short period, the individual moral principle
+triumphs, and disturbs the operation of the larger and intellectual law.
+While, therefore, the moral feelings by which a man is urged to commit a
+crime, or to abstain from it, will produce an immense effect on the
+amount of his own crimes, they will produce no effect on the amount of
+crimes committed by the society to which he belongs; because, in the
+long-run, they are sure to be neutralized by opposite moral feelings,
+which cause in other men an opposite conduct. Just in the same way, we
+are all sensible that moral principles do affect nearly the whole of our
+actions; but we have incontrovertible proof that they produce not the
+least effect on mankind in the aggregate, or even on men in very large
+masses, provided that we take the precaution of studying social
+phenomena for a period sufficiently long, and on a scale sufficiently
+great, to enable the superior laws to come into uncontrolled operation.
+
+The totality of human actions being thus, from the highest point of
+view, governed by the totality of human knowledge, it might seem a
+simple matter to collect the evidence of the knowledge, and, by
+subjecting it to successive generalizations, ascertain the whole of the
+laws which regulate the progress of civilization. And that this will be
+eventually done, I do not entertain the slightest doubt. But,
+unfortunately, history has been written by men so inadequate to the
+great task they have undertaken, that few of the necessary materials
+have yet been brought together. Instead of telling us those things which
+alone have any value,--instead of giving us information respecting the
+progress of knowledge, and the way in which mankind has been affected by
+the diffusion of that knowledge,--instead of these things, the vast
+majority of historians fill their works with the most trifling and
+miserable details: personal anecdotes of kings and courts; interminable
+relations of what was said by one minister, and what was thought by
+another; and, what is worse than all, long accounts of campaigns,
+battles, and sieges, very interesting to those engaged in them, but to
+us utterly useless, because they neither furnish new truths, nor do they
+supply the means by which new truths may be discovered. This is the real
+impediment which now stops our advance. It is this want of judgment, and
+this ignorance of what is most worthy of selection, which deprives us of
+materials that ought long since to have been accumulated, arranged, and
+stored-up for future use. In other great branches of knowledge,
+observation has preceded discovery; first the facts have been
+registered, and then their laws have been found. But in the study of the
+history of Man, the important facts have been neglected, and the
+unimportant ones preserved. The consequence is, that whoever now
+attempts to generalize historical phenomena must collect the facts, as
+well as conduct the generalization. He finds nothing ready to his hand.
+He must be the mason as well as the architect; he must not only scheme
+the edifice, but likewise excavate the quarry. The necessity of
+performing this double labour entails upon the philosopher such enormous
+drudgery, that the limits of an entire life are unequal to the task; and
+history, instead of being ripe, as it ought to be, for complete and
+exhaustive generalizations, is still in so crude and informal a state,
+that not the most determined and protracted industry will enable any one
+to comprehend the really important actions of mankind, during even so
+short a period as two successive centuries.
+
+On account of these things, I have long since abandoned my original
+scheme; and I have reluctantly determined to write the history, not of
+general civilization, but of the civilization of a single people. While,
+however, by this means, we curtail the field of inquiry, we
+unfortunately diminish the resources of which the inquiry is possessed.
+For although it is perfectly true, that the totality of human actions,
+if considered in long periods, depends on the totality of human
+knowledge, it must be allowed that this great principle, when applied
+only to one country, loses something of its original value. The more we
+diminish our observations, the greater becomes the uncertainty of the
+average; in other words, the greater the chance of the operation of the
+larger laws being troubled by the operation of the smaller. The
+interference of foreign governments; the influence exercised by the
+opinions, literature, and customs of a foreign people; their invasions,
+perhaps even their conquests; the forcible introduction by them of new
+religions, new laws, and new manners,--all these things are
+perturbations, which, in a view of universal history, equalize each
+other, but which, in any one country, are apt to disturb the natural
+march, and thus render the movements of civilization more difficult to
+calculate. The manner in which I have endeavoured to meet this
+difficulty will be presently stated; but what I first wish to point out,
+are the reasons which have induced me to select the history of England
+as more important than any other, and therefore as the most worthy of
+being subjected to a complete and philosophic investigation.
+
+Now, it is evident that, inasmuch as the great advantage of studying
+past events consists in the possibility of ascertaining the laws by
+which they were governed, the history of any people will become more
+valuable in proportion as their movements have been least disturbed by
+agencies not arising from themselves. Every foreign or external
+influence which is brought to bear upon a nation is an interference with
+its natural development, and therefore complicates the circumstances we
+seek to investigate. To simplify complications, is, in all branches of
+knowledge, the first essential of success. This is very familiar to the
+cultivators of physical science, who are often able, by a single
+experiment, to discover a truth which innumerable observations had
+vainly searched; the reason being, that by experimenting on phenomena,
+we can disentangle them from their complications; and thus isolating
+them from the interference of unknown agencies, we leave them, as it
+were, to run their own course, and disclose the operation of their own
+law.
+
+This, then, is the true standard by which we must measure the value of
+the history of any nation. The importance of the history of a country
+depends, not upon the splendour of its exploits, but upon the degree to
+which its actions are due to causes springing out of itself. If,
+therefore, we could find some civilized people who had worked out their
+civilization entirely by themselves; who had escaped all foreign
+influence, and who had been neither benefited nor retarded by the
+personal peculiarities of their rulers,--the history of such a people
+would be of paramount importance; because it would present a condition
+of normal and inherent development; it would show the laws of progress
+acting in a state of isolation; it would be, in fact, an experiment
+ready-made, and would possess all the value of that artificial
+contrivance to which natural science is so much indebted.
+
+To find such a people as this is obviously impossible; but the duty of
+the philosophic historian is, to select for his especial study the
+country in which the conditions have been most closely followed. Now, it
+will be readily admitted, not only by ourselves, but by intelligent
+foreigners, that in England, during, at all events, the last three
+centuries, this has been done more constantly and more successfully than
+in any other country. I say nothing of the number of our discoveries,
+the brilliancy of our literature, or the success of our arms. These are
+invidious topics; and other nations may perhaps deny to us those
+superior merits which we are apt to exaggerate. But I take up this
+single position, that of all European countries, England is the one
+where, during the longest period, the government has been most
+quiescent, and the people most active; where popular freedom has been
+settled on the widest basis; where each man is most able to say what he
+thinks, and do what he likes; where every one can follow his own bent,
+and propagate his own opinions; where, religious persecution being
+little known, the play and flow of the human mind may be clearly seen,
+unchecked by those restraints to which it is elsewhere subjected; where
+the profession of heresy is least dangerous, and the practice of dissent
+most common; where hostile creeds flourish side by side, and rise and
+decay without disturbance, according to the wants of the people,
+unaffected by the wishes of the church, and uncontrolled by the
+authority of the state; where all interests, and all classes, both
+spiritual and temporal, are most left to take care of themselves; where
+that meddlesome doctrine called Protection was first attacked, and where
+alone it has been destroyed; and where, in a word, those dangerous
+extremes to which interference gives rise having been avoided, despotism
+and rebellion are equally rare, and concession being recognized as the
+groundwork of policy, the national progress has been least disturbed by
+the power of privileged classes, by the influence of particular sects,
+or by the violence of arbitrary rulers.
+
+That these are the characteristics of English history is notorious; to
+some men a matter of boast, to others of regret. And when to these
+circumstances we add, that England, owing to its insular formation,[371]
+was, until the middle of the last century, rarely visited by foreigners,
+it becomes evident that, in our progress as a people, we have been less
+affected than any other by the two main sources of interference, namely,
+the authority of government, and the influence of foreigners. In the
+sixteenth century, it became a fashion, among the English nobility, to
+travel abroad;[372] but it was by no means the fashion for foreign
+nobility to travel in England. In the seventeenth century, the custom of
+travelling for amusement spread so much, that, among the rich and idle
+classes, there were few Englishmen who did not, at least once in their
+life, cross the Channel; while the same classes in other countries,
+partly because they were less wealthy, partly from an inveterate dislike
+to the sea, hardly ever entered our island, unless compelled to do so on
+some particular business. The result was, that in other countries, and
+particularly in France and Italy, the inhabitants of the great cities
+became gradually accustomed to foreigners, and, like all men, were
+imperceptibly influenced by what they often saw. On the other hand,
+there were many of our cities in which none but Englishmen ever set
+their feet;[373] and inhabitants, even of the metropolis, might grow old
+without having once seen a single foreigner, except, perhaps, some dull
+and pompous ambassador taking his airing on the banks of the Thames. And
+although it is often said that, after the restoration of Charles II.,
+our national character began to be greatly influenced by French
+example,[374] this, as I shall fully prove, was confined to that small
+and insignificant part of society which hung about the court; nor did it
+produce any marked effect upon the two most important classes,--the
+intellectual class, and the industrious class. The movement may, indeed,
+be traced in the most worthless parts of our literature,--in the
+shameless productions of Buckingham, Dorset, Etherege, Killigrew,
+Mulgrave, Rochester, and Sedley. But neither then, nor at a much later
+period, were any of our great thinkers influenced by the intellect of
+France;[375] on the contrary, we find in their ideas, and even in their
+style, a certain rough and native vigour, which, though offensive to our
+more polished neighbours, has at least the merit of being the indigenous
+product of our own country.[376] The origin and extent of that connexion
+between the French and English intellects which subsequently arose, is a
+subject of immense importance; but, like most others of real value, it
+has been entirely neglected by historians. In the present work, I shall
+attempt to supply this deficiency: in the mean time I may say, that
+although we have been, and still are, greatly indebted to the French for
+our improvement in taste, in refinement, in manners, and indeed in all
+the amenities of life, we have borrowed from them nothing absolutely
+essential, nothing by which the destinies of nations are permanently
+altered. On the other hand, the French have not only borrowed from us
+some very valuable political institutions, but even the most important
+event in French history is due, in no small degree, to our influence.
+Their revolution of 1789 was, as is well known, brought about, or, to
+speak more properly, was mainly instigated, by a few great men, whose
+works, and afterwards whose speeches, roused the people to resistance;
+but what is less known, and nevertheless is certainly true, is, that
+these eminent leaders learnt in England that philosophy and those
+principles by which, when transplanted into their own country, such
+fearful and yet such salutary results were effected.[377]
+
+  [371] Coleridge well says, 'it is the chief of many blessings derived
+        from the insular character and circumstances of our country, that
+        our social institutions have formed themselves out of our proper
+        needs and interests.' _Coleridge on the Constitution of the
+        Church and State_, 8vo. 1830, pp. 20, 21. The political
+        consequences of this were much noticed at the time of the French
+        Revolution. See _Mémoires de La Fayette_, vol. i. p. 404,
+        Bruxelles, 1837.
+
+  [372] In another place, I shall collect the evidence of the rapidly
+        increasing love of travelling in the sixteenth century; but it is
+        interesting to observe, that during the latter half of the
+        century there was first established the custom of appointing
+        travelling tutors. Compare _Barrington's Observations on the
+        Statutes_, p. 218, with a letter from Beza, written in 1598, in
+        _Mémoires et Correspondence de Du Plessis Mornay_, vol. ix. p.
+        81.
+
+  [373] In regard to the society of women, this was still more observable,
+        even at a much later period; and when the Countess de Boufflers
+        visited England, at the beginning of the reign of George III.,
+        'on lui faisoit un mérite de sa curiosité de voir l'Angleterre;
+        car on remarquoit qu'elle étoit la seule dame françoise de
+        qualité qui fût venue en voyageuse depuis deux cents ans: on ne
+        comprenoit point, dans cette classe, les ambassadrices, ni la
+        duchesse de Mazarin, qui y étoient venues par nécessité.'
+        _Dutens_, _Mémoires d'un Voyageur_, vol. i. p. 217. Compare
+        _Mémoires de Madame de Genlis_, vol. viii. p. 241.
+
+  [374] _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 288; _Mahon's History of England_,
+        vol. ii. p. 211; and many other writers.
+
+  [375] The only Englishman of genius who, during this period, was
+        influenced by the French mind, was Dryden; but this is chiefly
+        apparent in his plays, the whole of which are now deservedly
+        forgotten. His great works, and, above all, those wonderful
+        satires, in which he distances every competitor, except Juvenal,
+        are thoroughly national, and, as mere specimens of English, are,
+        if I may express my own judgment, to be ranked immediately after
+        Shakspeare. In Dryden's writings there are unquestionably many
+        Gallicisms of expression, but few Gallicisms of thought; and it
+        is by these last that we must estimate the real amount of foreign
+        influence. Sir Walter Scott goes so far as to say, 'It will admit
+        of question, whether any single French word has been naturalized
+        upon the sole authority of Dryden.' _Scott's Life of Dryden_, p.
+        523, 8vo. 1808. Rather a bold assertion. As to the opinion of
+        Fox, see Lord Holland's preface to _Fox's James II._, 4to. 1808,
+        p. xxxii.
+
+  [376] Another circumstance which has maintained the independence, and
+        therefore increased the value, of our literature, is, that in no
+        great country have literary men been so little connected with the
+        government, or rewarded by it. That this is the true policy, and
+        that to protect literature is to injure it, are propositions for
+        the proof of which I must refer to chap. xi. of this volume--on
+        the system of Louis XIV. In the mean time, I will quote the
+        following words from a learned and, what is much better, a
+        thoughtful writer: 'Nor must he who will understand the English
+        institutions leave out of view the character of the enduring
+        works which had sprung from the salient energy of the English
+        mind. Literature had been left to develop itself. William of
+        Orange was foreign to it; Anne cared not for it; the first George
+        knew no English; the second not much.' _Bancroft's History of the
+        American Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 48. Compare _Forster's Life of
+        Goldsmith_, 1854, vol. i. pp. 93-96, vol. ii. p. 480.
+
+  [377] See, for evidence of this influence of England, chap. v. of the
+        second volume.
+
+It will not, I hope, be supposed, that by these remarks I mean to cast
+any reflection on the French: a great and admirable people; a people in
+many respects superior to ourselves; a people from whom we have still
+much to learn, and whose deficiencies, such as they are, arise from the
+perpetual interference of a long line of arbitrary rulers. But, looking
+at this matter historically, it is unquestionably true that we have
+worked out our civilization with little aid from them, while they have
+worked out theirs with great aid from us. At the same time, it must also
+be admitted, that our governments have interfered less with us than
+their governments have interfered with them. And without in the least
+prejudging the question as to which is the greater country, it is solely
+on these grounds that I consider our history more important than theirs:
+and I select for especial study the progress of English civilization,
+simply because, being less affected by agencies not arising from itself,
+we can the more clearly discern in it the normal march of society, and
+the undisturbed operation of those great laws by which the fortunes of
+mankind are ultimately regulated.
+
+After this comparison between the relative value of French and English
+history, it seems scarcely necessary to examine the claims which may be
+put forward for the history of other countries. Indeed, there are only
+two in whose favour any thing can be said: I mean Germany, considered as
+a whole, and the United States of North America. As to the Germans, it
+is undoubtedly true, that since the middle of the eighteenth century
+they have produced a greater number of profound thinkers than any other
+country, I might perhaps say, than all other countries put together. But
+the objections which apply to the French are still more applicable to
+the Germans. For the protective principle has been, and still is,
+stronger in Germany than in France. Even the best of the German
+governments are constantly interfering with the people; never leaving
+them to themselves, always looking after their interests, and meddling
+in the commonest affairs of daily life. Besides this, the German
+literature, though now the first in Europe, owes it origin, as we shall
+hereafter see, to that great sceptical movement, by which, in France,
+the Revolution was preceded. Before the middle of the eighteenth
+century, the Germans, notwithstanding a few eminent names, such as
+Kepler and Leibnitz, had no literature of real value; and the first
+impetus which they received, was caused by their contact with the French
+intellect, and by the influence of those eminent Frenchmen who, in the
+reign of Frederick the Great, flocked to Berlin,[378] a city which has
+ever since been the head-quarters of philosophy and science. From this
+there have resulted some very important circumstances, which I can here
+only briefly indicate. The German intellect, stimulated by the French
+into a sudden growth, has been irregularly developed; and thus hurried
+into an activity greater than the average civilization of the country
+requires. The consequence is, that there is no nation in Europe in which
+we find so wide an interval between the highest minds and the lowest
+minds. The German philosophers possess a learning, and a reach of
+thought, which places them at the head of the civilized world. The
+German people are more superstitious, more prejudiced, and,
+notwithstanding the care which the government takes of their education,
+more really ignorant, and more unfit to guide themselves, than are the
+inhabitants either of France or of England.[379] This separation and
+divergence of the two classes is the natural result of that artificial
+stimulus, which a century ago was administered to one of the classes,
+and which thus disturbed the normal proportions of society. Owing to
+this, the highest intellects have, in Germany, so outstripped the
+general progress of the nation, that there is no sympathy between the
+two parties; nor are there at present any means by which they may be
+brought into contact. Their great authors address themselves, not to
+their country, but to each other. They are sure of a select and learned
+audience, and they use what, in reality, is a learned language; they
+turn their mother-tongue into a dialect, eloquent indeed, and very
+powerful, but so difficult, so subtle, and so full of complicated
+inversions, that to their own lower classes it is utterly
+incomprehensible.[380] From this, there have arisen some of the most
+marked peculiarities of German literature. For, being deprived of
+ordinary readers, it is cut off from the influence of ordinary
+prejudice; and hence, it has displayed a boldness of inquiry, a
+recklessness in the pursuit of truth and a disregard of traditional
+opinions, which entitle it to the highest praise. But, on the other
+hand, this same circumstance has produced that absence of practical
+knowledge, and that indifference to material and physical interests, for
+which the German literature is justly censured. As a matter of course,
+all this has widened the original breach, and increased the distance
+which separates the great German thinkers from that dull and plodding
+class, which, though it lies immediately beneath them, still remains
+uninfluenced by their knowledge, and uncheered by the glow and fire of
+their genius.
+
+  [378] The history of this remarkable, though short-lived, union between
+        the French and German intellects will be traced in the next
+        volume; but its first great effect, in stimulating, or rather in
+        creating, the German literature, is noticed by one of the most
+        learned of their own writers: 'Denn einestheils war zu diesen
+        Gegenständen immer die lateinische Sprache gebraucht und die
+        Muttersprache zu wenig cultivirt worden, anderntheils wurden
+        diese Schriften auch meistentheils nur von Gelehrten, und zwar
+        Universitätsgelehrten, für welche sie auch hauptsächlich bestimmt
+        waren, gelesen. Gegen die Mitte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, als
+        mehrere englische und französische Werke gelesen und übersetzt
+        wurden, und durch die Vorliebe des Königs von Preussen
+        Friedrichs II., der von Franzosen gebildet worden war,
+        französische Gelehrte besonders geehrt und angestellt wurden,
+        entstand ein Wetteifer der Deutschen, auch in dem schriftlichen
+        Vortrage nicht zurück zu bleiben, und die Sprache hob sich bald
+        zu einem hohen Grade von Vollkommenheit.' _Tennemann_,
+        _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. xi. pp. 286, 287.
+
+  [379] A popular view of the system of national education established in
+        Germany will be found in _Kay's Social Condition and Education of
+        the People of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 1-344. But Mr. Kay, like most
+        literary men, overrates the advantages of literary acquirements,
+        and underrates that education of the faculties which neither
+        books nor schools can impart to a people who are debarred from
+        the exercise of civil and political rights. In the history of the
+        protective spirit (chaps. ix. and x. of the present volume), I
+        shall return to this subject, in connexion with France; and in
+        the next volume I shall examine it in regard to German
+        civilization. In the mean time, I must be allowed to protest
+        against the account Mr. Kay has given of the results of
+        compulsory education; an agreeable picture, drawn by an amiable
+        and intelligent writer, but of the inaccuracy of which I possess
+        decisive evidence. Two points only I will now refer to: 1st. The
+        notorious fact, that the German people, notwithstanding their
+        so-called education, are unfit to take any share in political
+        matters, and have no aptitude for the practical and
+        administrative parts of government. 2nd. The fact, equally
+        notorious to those who have studied the subject, that there are
+        more popular superstitions in Prussia, the most educated part of
+        Germany, than there are in England; and that the tenacity with
+        which men cling to them is greater in Prussia than in England.
+        For illustration of the practical working, in individual cases,
+        of compulsory education, and of the hardship it causes, see a
+        scandalous occurrence, related in _Laing's Notes of a Traveller_,
+        8vo. 1842, p. 165, first series; and on the physical evils
+        produced by German education, see _Phillips on Scrofula_, London,
+        1846, pp. 253, 254, where there is some useful evidence of the
+        consequences of 'that great German sin of over-regulation.'
+
+  [380] This is well stated by Mr. Laing, by far the ablest traveller who
+        has published observations on European society: 'German authors,
+        both the philosophic and the poetic, address themselves to a
+        public far more intellectual, and more highly cultivated, than
+        our reading public.... In our literature, the most obscure and
+        abstruse of metaphysical or philosophical writers _take the
+        public mind in a far lower state_, simply cognisant of the
+        meaning of language, and possessed of the ordinary reasoning
+        powers.... The social influence of German literature is,
+        consequently, confined within a narrower circle. It has no
+        influence on the mind of the lower, or even of the middle classes
+        in active life, who have not the opportunity or leisure to screw
+        their faculties up to the pitch-note of their great writers. The
+        reading public must devote much time to acquire the knowledge,
+        tone of feeling, and of imagination, necessary to follow the
+        writing public. The social economist finds accordingly in Germany
+        the most extraordinary dulness, inertness of mind, and ignorance,
+        below a certain level, with the most extraordinary intellectual
+        development, learning, and genius, at or above it.' _Laing's
+        Notes of a Traveller_, first series, pp. 266, 267. The same acute
+        observer says, in a later work (_Notes_, third series, 8vo. 1852,
+        p. 12): 'The two classes speak and think in different languages.
+        The cultivated German language, the language of German
+        literature, is not the language of the common man, nor even of
+        the man far up in the middle ranks of society,--the farmer,
+        tradesman, shopkeeper.' See also pp. 351, 352, 354. It is
+        singular that so clear and vigorous a thinker as Mr. Laing
+        evidently is, should have failed in detecting the cause of this
+        peculiar phenomenon.
+
+In America, on the other hand, we see a civilization precisely the
+reverse of this. We see a country, of which it has been truly said, that
+in no other are there so few men of great learning, and so few men of
+great ignorance.[381] In Germany, the speculative classes and the
+practical classes are altogether disunited; in America, they are
+altogether fused. In Germany, nearly every year brings forward new
+discoveries, new philosophies, new means by which the boundaries of
+knowledge are to be enlarged. In America, such inquiries are almost
+entirely neglected: since the time of Jonathan Edwards no great
+metaphysician has appeared; little attention has been paid to physical
+science; and, with the single exception of jurisprudence,[382] scarcely
+anything has been done for those vast subjects on which the Germans are
+incessantly labouring. The stock of American knowledge is small, but it
+is spread through all classes; the stock of German knowledge is immense,
+but it is confined to one class. Which of these two forms of
+civilization is the more advantageous, is a question we are not now
+called upon to decide. It is enough for our present purpose, that in
+Germany, there is a serious failure in the diffusion of knowledge; and,
+in America, a no less serious one in its accumulation. And as
+civilization is regulated by the accumulation and diffusion of
+knowledge, it is evident that no country can even approach to a complete
+and perfect pattern, if, cultivating one of these conditions to an
+excess, it neglects the cultivation of the other. Indeed, from this want
+of balance and equilibrium between the two elements of civilization,
+there have arisen in America and in Germany those great but opposite
+evils, which, it is to be feared, will not be easily remedied; and
+which, until remedied, will certainly retard the progress of both
+countries, notwithstanding the temporary advantages which such
+one-sided energy does for the moment always procure.
+
+  [381] 'Je ne pense pas qu'il y ait de pays dans le monde où, proportion
+        gardée avec la population, il se trouve aussi peu d'ignorants et
+        moins de savants qu'en Amérique.' _Tocqueville de la Démocratie
+        en Amérique_, vol. i. p. 91.
+
+  [382] The causes of this exception I shall endeavour to trace in the
+        next volume; but it is interesting to notice, that, as early as
+        1775, Burke was struck by the partiality of the Americans for
+        works on law. See _Burke's Speech_, in _Parliamentary History_,
+        vol. xviii. p. 495; or in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 188. He
+        says: 'In no country perhaps in the world is the law so general a
+        study. The profession itself is numerous and powerful; and in
+        most provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of the
+        deputies sent to the Congress were lawyers. But all who read--and
+        most do read--endeavour to obtain some smattering in that
+        science. I have been told by an eminent bookseller, that in no
+        branch of his business, after tracts of popular devotion, were so
+        many books as those on the law exported to the plantations. The
+        colonists have now fallen into the way of printing them for their
+        own use. I hear that they have sold nearly as many of
+        Blackstone's Commentaries in America as in England.' Of this
+        state of society, the great works of Kent and Story were, at a
+        later period, the natural result. On the respect at present felt
+        for the legal profession, see _Lyell's Second Visit to the United
+        States_, 1849, vol. i. p. 45; and as to the judges, _Combe's N.
+        America_, vol. ii. p. 329.
+
+I have very briefly, but I hope fairly, and certainly with no conscious
+partiality, endeavoured to estimate the relative value of the history of
+the four leading countries of the world. As to the real greatness of the
+countries themselves, I offer no opinion; because each considers itself
+to be first. But, unless the facts I have stated can be controverted, it
+certainly follows, that the history of England is, to the philosopher,
+more valuable than any other; because he can more clearly see in it the
+accumulation and diffusion of knowledge going hand-in-hand; because that
+knowledge has been less influenced by foreign and external agencies; and
+because it has been less interfered with, either for good or for evil,
+by those powerful, but frequently incompetent men, to whom the
+administration of public affairs is entrusted.
+
+It is on account of these considerations, and not at all from those
+motives which are dignified with the name of patriotism, that I have
+determined to write the history of my own country, in preference to that
+of any other; and to write it in a manner as complete, and as
+exhaustive, as the materials which are now extant will enable me to do.
+But, inasmuch as the circumstances already stated, render it impossible
+to discover the laws of society solely by studying the history of a
+single nation, I have drawn up the present Introduction in order to
+obviate some of the difficulties with which this great subject is
+surrounded. In the earlier chapters, I have attempted to mark out the
+limits of the subject considered as a whole, and fix the largest
+possible basis upon which it can rest. With this view, I have looked at
+civilization as broken into two vast divisions: the European division,
+in which Man is more powerful than Nature; and the non-European
+division, in which Nature is more powerful than Man. This has led us to
+the conclusion, that national progress, in connexion with popular
+liberty, could have originated in no part of the world except in Europe;
+where, therefore, the rise of real civilization, and the encroachments
+of the human mind upon the forces of nature, are alone to be studied.
+The superiority of the mental laws over the physical, being thus
+recognized as the groundwork of European history, the next step has
+been, to resolve the mental laws into moral and intellectual, and prove
+the superior influence of the intellectual ones in accelerating the
+progress of Man. These generalizations appear to me the essential
+preliminaries of history, considered as a science; and, in order to
+connect them with the special history of England, we have now merely to
+ascertain the fundamental condition of intellectual progress, as, until
+that is done, the annals of any people can only present an empirical
+succession of events, connected by such stray and casual links as are
+devised by different writers, according to their different principles.
+The remaining part of this Introduction will, therefore, be chiefly
+occupied in completing the scheme I have sketched, by investigating the
+history of various countries in reference to those intellectual
+peculiarities on which the history of our own country supplies no
+adequate information. Thus, for instance, in Germany, the accumulation
+of knowledge has been far more rapid than in England; the laws of the
+accumulation of knowledge may, on that account, be most conveniently
+studied in German history, and then applied deductively to the history
+of England. In the same way, the Americans have diffused their knowledge
+much more completely than we have done; I, therefore, purpose to explain
+some of the phenomena of English civilization by those laws of
+diffusion, of which, in American civilization, the workings may be most
+clearly seen, and hence the discovery most easily made. Again, inasmuch
+as France is the most civilized country in which the protective spirit
+is very powerful, we may trace the occult tendencies of that spirit
+among ourselves, by studying its obvious tendencies among our
+neighbours. With this view, I shall give an account of French history,
+in order to illustrate the protective principle, by showing the injury
+it has inflicted on a very able and enlightened people. And, in an
+analysis of the French Revolution, I shall point out how that great
+event was a reaction against the protective spirit; while, as the
+materials for the reaction were drawn from England, we shall also see in
+it the way in which the intellect of one country acts upon the intellect
+of another; and we shall arrive at some results respecting that
+interchange of ideas which is likely to become the most important
+regulator of European affairs. This will throw much light on the laws of
+international thought; and, in connexion with it, two separate chapters
+will be devoted to a History of the Protective Spirit, and an
+Examination of its relative intensity in France and England. But the
+French, as a people, have, since the beginning or middle of the
+seventeenth century, been remarkably free from superstition; and,
+notwithstanding the efforts of their government, they are very averse to
+ecclesiastical power: so that, although their history displays the
+protective principle in its political form, it supplies little evidence
+respecting its religious form; while, in our own country, the evidence
+is also scanty. Hence, my intention is, to give a view of Spanish
+history; because in it we may trace the full results of that protection
+against error which the spiritual classes are always eager to afford. In
+Spain, the church has, from a very early period, possessed more
+authority, and the clergy have been more influential, both with the
+people and the government, than in any other country; it will,
+therefore, be convenient to study in Spain the laws of ecclesiastical
+development, and the manner in which that development affects the
+national interests. Another circumstance, which operates on the
+intellectual progress of a nation, is the method of investigation that
+its ablest men habitually employ. This method can only be one of two
+kinds; it must be either inductive, or deductive. Each of these belongs
+to a different form of civilization, and is always accompanied by a
+different style of thought, particularly in regard to religion and
+science. These differences are of such immense importance, that, until
+their laws are known, we cannot be said to understand the real history
+of past events. Now, the two extremes of the difference are,
+undoubtedly, Germany and the United States; the Germans being
+pre-eminently deductive, the Americans inductive. But Germany and
+America are, in so many other respects, diametrically opposed to each
+other, that I have thought it expedient to study the operations of the
+deductive and inductive spirit in countries between which a closer
+analogy exists; because the greater the similarity between two nations,
+the more easily can we trace the consequences of any single divergence,
+and the more conspicuous do the laws of that divergence become. Such an
+opportunity occurs in the history of Scotland, as compared with that of
+England. Here we have two nations, bordering on each other, speaking the
+same language, reading the same literature, and knit together by the
+same interests. And yet it is a truth, which seems to have escaped
+attention, but the proof of which I shall fully detail, that, until the
+last thirty or forty years, the Scotch intellect has been even more
+entirely deductive than the English intellect has been inductive. The
+inductive tendencies of the English mind, and the almost superstitious
+reverence with which we cling to them, have been noticed with regret by
+a few, and a very few, of our ablest men.[383] On the other hand, in
+Scotland, particularly during the eighteenth century, the great
+thinkers, with hardly an exception, adopted the deductive method. Now,
+the characteristic of deduction, when applied to branches of knowledge
+not yet ripe for it, is, that it increases the number of hypotheses from
+which we reason downwards, and brings into disrepute the slow and
+patient ascent peculiar to inductive inquiry. This desire to grasp at
+truth by speculative, and, as it were, foregone conclusions, has often
+led the way to great discoveries; and no one, properly instructed, will
+deny its immense value. But when it is universally followed, there is
+imminent danger lest the observation of mere empirical uniformities
+should be neglected; and lest thinking men should grow impatient at
+those small and proximate generalizations which, according to the
+inductive scheme, must invariably precede the larger and higher ones.
+Whenever this impatience actually occurs, there is produced serious
+mischief. For these lower generalizations form a neutral ground, which
+speculative minds and practical minds possess in common, and on which
+they meet. If this ground is cut away, the meeting is impossible. In
+such case, there arises among the scientific classes an undue contempt
+for inferences which the experience of the vulgar has drawn, but of
+which the laws seem inexplicable; while, among the practical classes,
+there arises a disregard of speculations so wide, so magnificent, and of
+which the intermediate and preliminary steps are hidden from their gaze.
+The results of this in Scotland are highly curious, and are, in several
+respects, similar to those which we find in Germany; since in both
+countries the intellectual classes have long been remarkable for their
+boldness of investigation and their freedom from prejudice, and the
+people at large equally remarkable for the number of their superstitions
+and the strength of their prejudices. In Scotland this is even more
+striking than in Germany; because the Scotch, owing to causes which have
+been little studied, are, in practical matters, not only industrious and
+provident, but singularly shrewd. This, however, in the higher
+departments of life, has availed them nothing; and, while there is no
+country which possesses a more original, inquisitive, and innovating
+literature than Scotland does, so also is there no country, equally
+civilized, in which so much of the spirit of the Middle Ages still
+lingers, in which so many absurdities are still believed, and in which
+it would be so easy to rouse into activity the old feelings of religious
+intolerance.
+
+  [383] Particularly Coleridge and Mr. John Mill. But, with the greatest
+        possible respect for Mr. Mill's profound work on Logic, I must
+        venture to think that he has ascribed too much to the influence
+        of Bacon in encouraging the inductive spirit, and too little to
+        those other circumstances which gave rise to the Baconian
+        philosophy, and to which that philosophy owes its success.
+
+The divergence, and indeed the hostility, thus established between the
+practical and speculative classes, is the most important fact in the
+history of Scotland, and is partly cause and partly effect of the
+predominance of the deductive method. For this descending scheme being
+opposed to the ascending or inductive scheme, neglects those lower
+generalizations which are the only ones that both classes understand,
+and, therefore, the only ones where they sympathize with each other. The
+inductive method, as popularized by Bacon, gave great prominence to
+these lower or proximate truths; and this, though it has often made the
+intellectual classes in England too utilitarian, has at all events saved
+them from that state of isolation in which they would otherwise have
+remained. But in Scotland the isolation has been almost complete,
+because the deductive method has been almost universal. Full evidence of
+this will be collected in the third volume; but, that I may not leave
+the subject entirely without illustration, I will notice very briefly
+the principal instances that occurred during those three generations in
+which Scotch literature reached its highest excellence.
+
+During this period, which comprises nearly a century, the tendency was
+so unmistakable as to form a striking phenomenon in the annals of the
+human mind. The first great symptom was a movement begun by Simson,
+professor at the University of Glasgow, and continued by Stewart,
+professor at the University of Edinburgh. These able men made strenuous
+efforts to revive the pure Greek geometry, and depreciate the algebraic
+or symbolical analysis.[384] Hence there arose among them, and among
+their disciples, a love of the most refined methods of solution, and a
+contempt for those easier, but less elegant ones, which we owe to
+algebra.[385] Here we clearly see the isolating and esoteric character
+of a scheme which despises what ordinary understandings can quickly
+master, and which had rather proceed from the ideal to the tangible,
+than mount from the tangible to the ideal. Just at the same time, the
+same spirit was displayed, in another branch of inquiry, by Hutcheson,
+who, though an Irishman by birth, was educated in the University of
+Glasgow, and was professor there. In his celebrated moral and æsthetic
+researches, he, in the place of inductive reasoning from palpable facts,
+substituted deductive reasoning from impalpable principles; ignoring the
+immediate and practical suggestions of the senses, and believing that by
+a hypothetical assumption of certain laws, he could descend upon the
+facts, instead of rising from the facts in order to learn the laws.[386]
+His philosophy exercised immense influence among metaphysicians;[387]
+and his method of working downwards, from the abstract to the concrete,
+was adopted by another and a still greater Scotchman, the illustrious
+Adam Smith. How Smith favoured the deductive form of investigation is
+apparent in his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, likewise in his _Essay on
+Language_,[388] and even in his fragment on the _History of Astronomy_,
+in which he, from general considerations, undertook to prove what the
+march of astronomical discovery must have been, instead of first
+ascertaining what it had been.[389] The _Wealth of Nations_, again, is
+entirely deductive, since in it Smith generalizes the laws of wealth,
+not from the phenomena of wealth, nor from statistical statements, but
+from the phenomena of selfishness; thus making a deductive application
+of one set of mental principles to the whole set of economical
+facts.[390] The illustrations with which his great book abounds are no
+part of the real argument: they are subsequent to the conception; and if
+they were all admitted, the work, though less interesting and perhaps
+less influential, would, in a scientific point of view, be equally
+valuable. To give another instance: the works of Hume, his metaphysical
+essays alone excepted, are all deductive; his profound economical
+inquiries are essentially _a priori_, and might have been written
+without any acquaintance with those details of trade and finance from
+which, according to the inductive scheme, they should have been
+generalized.[391] Thus, too, in his _Natural History of Religion_, he
+endeavoured simply by reflection, and independently of evidence, to
+institute a purely speculative investigation into the origin of
+religious opinions.[392] In the same way, in his _History of England_,
+instead of first collecting the evidence, and then drawing inferences
+from it, he began by assuming that the relations between the people and
+the government must have followed a certain order, and he either
+neglected or distorted the facts by which this supposition was
+contradicted.[393] These different writers, though varying in their
+principles, and in the subjects they studied, were all agreed as to
+their method; that is to say, they were all agreed to investigate truth
+rather by descent than by ascent. The immense social importance of this
+peculiarity I shall examine in the third volume, where I shall endeavour
+to ascertain how it affected the national civilization, and caused some
+curious contrasts with the opposite, and more empirical, character of
+English literature. In the meantime, and merely to state what will be
+hereafter proved, I may add, that the deductive method was employed, not
+only by those eminent Scotchmen I have mentioned, but was carried into
+the speculative _History of Civil Society_ by Ferguson; into the study
+of legislation by Mill; into the study of jurisprudence by Mackintosh;
+into geology by Hutton; into thermotics by Black and Leslie; into
+physiology by Hunter, by Alexander Walker, and by Charles Bell; into
+pathology by Cullen; into therapeutics by Brown and Currie.
+
+  [384] Simson was appointed in 1711; and even before he began to lecture,
+        he drew up 'a translation of the three first books of
+        L'Hospital's Conic Sections, in which geometrical demonstrations
+        are substituted for the algebraical of the original, according to
+        Mr. Simson's early taste on this subject.' _Trail's Life and
+        Writings of Robert Simson_, 1812, 4to. p. 4. This was probably
+        the rudiment of his work on Conic Sections, published in 1735.
+        _Montucla_, _Histoire des Mathématiques_, vol. iii. p. 12. On the
+        difference between the ancient and modern schemes, there are some
+        ingenious, though perhaps scarcely tenable, remarks in Dugald
+        Stewart's _Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. ii. pp. 354 seq. and p.
+        380. See also _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. i. pp.
+        383-395. Matthew Stewart, the mathematical professor at
+        Edinburgh, was the father of Dugald. See, respecting him and his
+        crusade against the modern analysis, _Bower's History of the
+        University of Edinburgh_, vol. ii. pp. 357-360, vol. iii. p. 249;
+        and a strange passage in _First Report of the British
+        Association_, p. 59.
+
+  [385] One of Simson's great reasons for recommending the old analysis,
+        was that it was 'more elegant' than the comparatively modern
+        practice of introducing algebraic calculations into geometry. See
+        _Trail's Simson_, 1812, 4to. pp. 27, 67; a valuable work, which
+        Lord Brougham, in his hasty life of Simson, calls, 'a very
+        learned and exceedingly ill-written, indeed hardly readable'
+        book. _Brougham's Men of Letters and Science_, vol. i. p. 482,
+        8vo. 1845. Dr. Trail's style is clearer, and his sentences are
+        less involved, than Lord Brougham's; and he had moreover the
+        great advantage of understanding the subject upon which he wrote.
+
+  [386] Sir James Mackintosh (_Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy_, p.
+        208) says of Hutcheson, 'To him may also be ascribed that
+        proneness to multiply ultimate and original principles in human
+        nature, which characterized the Scottish school till the second
+        extinction of a passion for metaphysical speculation in
+        Scotland.' There is an able view of Hutcheson's philosophy in
+        _Cousin_, _Histoire de la Philosophie_, I. série, vol. iv. pp. 31
+        seq.; written with clearness and eloquence, but perhaps
+        overpraising Hutcheson.
+
+  [387] On its influence, see a letter from Mackintosh to Parr, in
+        _Memoirs of Mackintosh_, by his Son, vol. i. p. 334. Compare
+        _Letters from Warburton to Hurd_, pp. 37, 82.
+
+  [388] Which is added to his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, edit. 1822,
+        2 volumes. Compare a letter which Smith wrote in 1763 on the
+        origin of language (in _Nichols's Literary Illustrations of the
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516), which exhibits, on
+        a small scale, the same treatment, as distinguished from a
+        generalization of the facts which are supplied by a comprehensive
+        comparison of different languages. Dr. Arnold speaks slightingly
+        of such investigations. He says, 'Attempts to explain the
+        phenomena of language _a priori_ seem to me unwise.' _Arnold's
+        Miscellaneous Works_, p. 385. This would lead into a discussion
+        too long for a note, but it appears to me that those _a priori_
+        inferences are, to the philologist, what hypotheses are to the
+        inductive natural philosopher; and if this be the case, they are
+        extremely important, because no really fruitful experiment ever
+        can be made unless it is preceded by a judicious hypothesis. In
+        the absence of such an hypothesis, men may grope in the dark for
+        centuries, accumulating facts without obtaining knowledge.
+
+  [389] See, for instance, his attempt to prove, from general reasonings
+        concerning the human mind, that there was a necessary relation in
+        regard to the order in which men promulgated the system of
+        concentric spheres and that of eccentric spheres and epicycles.
+        _History of Astronomy_, in _Smith's Philosophical Essays_, 1795,
+        4to. pp. 31, 36, which it may be convenient to compare with
+        _Whewell's Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences_, 1847, vol. ii.
+        pp. 53, 60, 61. This striking fragment of Adam Smith's is
+        probably little read now; but it is warmly praised by one of the
+        greatest living philosophers, M. A. Comte, in his _Philosophie
+        Positive_, vol. vi. p. 319.
+
+  [390] The two writers who have inquired most carefully into the method
+        which political economists ought to follow, are Mr. John Mill
+        (_Essays on Unsettled Questions of Political Economy_, 1844, pp.
+        120-164) and Mr. Rae (_New Principles of Political Economy_,
+        1834, pp. 328-351). Mr. Rae, in his ingenious work, objects to
+        Adam Smith that he transgressed the rules of the Baconian
+        philosophy, and thus prevented his inferences from being as
+        valuable as they would have been if he had treated his subject
+        inductively. But Mr. Mill, with great force of reasoning, has
+        proved that the deductive plan is the only one by which political
+        economy can be raised to a science. He says, p. 143, political
+        economy is 'essentially an _abstract_ science, and its method is
+        the method _a priori_;' and at p. 146, that the _a posteriori_
+        method is 'altogether inefficacious.' To this I may add, that the
+        modern theory of rent, which is now the corner-stone of political
+        economy, was got at, not by generalizing economical facts, but by
+        reasoning downwards after the manner of geometricians. Indeed,
+        those who oppose the theory of rent, always do so on the ground
+        that it is contradicted by facts; and then, with complete
+        ignorance of the philosophy of method, they infer that therefore
+        the theory is wrong. See, for instance, _Jones on the
+        Distribution of Wealth_, 8vo. 1831: a book containing some
+        interesting facts, but vitiated by this capital defect of method.
+        See also _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. i. p. 317, vol.
+        vi. p. 322; where it is said that economical theories should be
+        generalized from statistical facts. Compare vol. xvii. p. 116,
+        vol. xviii. p. 101.
+
+  [391] A striking instance has lately come to light of the sagacity with
+        which Hume employed this method. See _Burton's Life and
+        Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 486; where we find, that
+        immediately Hume had read the _Wealth of Nations_, he detected
+        Smith's error concerning rent being an element of price: so that
+        it now appears that Hume was the first to make this great
+        discovery, as far as the idea is concerned; though Ricardo has
+        the merit of proving it.
+
+  [392] The historical facts he introduces are merely illustrations; as
+        any one will see who will read _The Natural History of Religion_,
+        in _Hume's Philos. Works_, Edinb. 1826, vol. iv. pp. 435-513. I
+        may mention, that there is a considerable similarity between the
+        views advocated in this remarkable essay and the religious stages
+        of _Comte's Philosophie Positive_; for Hume's early form of
+        polytheism is evidently the same as M. Comte's fetichism, from
+        which both these writers believe that monotheism subsequently
+        arose, as a later and more refined abstraction. That this was the
+        course adopted by the human mind is highly probable, and is
+        confirmed by the learned researches of Mr. Grote. See his
+        _History of Greece_, vol. i. pp. 462, 497, vol. v. p. 22. The
+        opposite and more popular opinion, of monotheism preceding
+        idolatry, was held by most of the great earlier writers, and is
+        defended by many moderns, and among others by Dr. Whewell
+        (_Bridgewater Treatise_, p. 256), who expresses himself with
+        considerable confidence: see also _Letters from Warburton to
+        Hurd_, p. 239. Compare _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. i.
+        p. 183, Lond. 1835, with the 'einige Funken des Monotheismus' of
+        Kant, _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii.
+        p. 455.
+
+  [393] That is to say, he treated historical facts as merely illustrative
+        of certain general principles, which he believed could be proved
+        without the facts; so that, as M. Schlosser (_History of the
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p. 76) well says, 'History with
+        Hume was only a subordinate pursuit, only a means by which he
+        might introduce his philosophy,' &c. Considering how little is
+        known of the principles which govern social and political
+        changes, there can be no doubt that Hume was premature in the
+        application of this method; but it is absurd to call the method
+        dishonest, since the object of his History was, not to _prove_
+        conclusions, but to _illustrate_ them: and he therefore thought
+        himself justified in selecting the illustrations. I am simply
+        stating his views, without at all defending them; indeed, I
+        believe that in this respect he was seriously in the wrong.
+
+This is an outline of the plan I purpose to follow in the present
+Introduction, and by means of which I hope to arrive at some results of
+permanent value. For by studying different principles in those countries
+where they have been most developed, the laws of the principles will be
+more easily unfolded than if we had studied them in countries where they
+are very obscure. And, inasmuch as, in England, civilization has
+followed a course more orderly, and less disturbed, than in any other
+country, it becomes the more necessary, in writing its history, to use
+some resources like those which I have suggested. What makes the history
+of England so eminently valuable is, that nowhere else has the national
+progress been so little interfered with, either for good or for evil.
+But the mere fact that our civilization has, by this means, been
+preserved in a more natural and healthy state, renders it incumbent on
+us to study the diseases to which it is liable, by observing those other
+countries where social disease is more rife. The security and the
+durability of civilization must depend on the regularity with which its
+elements are combined, and on the harmony with which they work. If any
+one element is too active, the whole composition will be in danger.
+Hence it is, that although the laws of the composition of the elements
+will be best ascertained wherever we can find the composition most
+complete, we must, nevertheless, search for the laws of each separate
+element wherever we can find the element itself most active. While,
+therefore, I have selected the history of England, as that in which the
+harmony of the different principles has been longest maintained, I have,
+precisely on that account, thought it advisable to study each principle
+separately in the country where it has been most powerful, and where, by
+its inordinate development, the equilibrium of the entire structure has
+been disturbed.
+
+By adopting these precautions, we shall be able to remove many of the
+difficulties which still beset the study of history. Before, however,
+entering that wide field which now lies in our way, it will be well to
+clear up some preliminary points, which I have not yet noticed, and the
+discussion of which may obviate certain objections that might otherwise
+be raised. The subjects to which I allude, are Religion, Literature, and
+Government: three topics of vast importance, and which, in the opinion
+of many persons, are the prime movers of human affairs. That this
+opinion is altogether erroneous will be amply proved in the present
+work; but as the opinion is widely spread, and is very plausible, it is
+necessary that we should at once come to some understanding respecting
+it, and inquire into the real nature of that influence, which these
+three great powers do actually exercise over the progress of
+civilization.
+
+Now, in the first place, it is evident that if a people were left
+entirely to themselves, their religion, their literature, and their
+government would be, not the causes of their civilization, but the
+effects of it. Out of a certain condition of society certain results
+naturally follow. Those results may, no doubt, be tampered with by some
+external agency; but if that is not done, it is impossible that a highly
+civilized people, accustomed to reason and to doubt, should ever embrace
+a religion of which the glaring absurdities set reason and doubt at
+defiance. There are many instances of nations changing their religion,
+but there is no instance of a progressive country voluntarily adopting a
+retrogressive religion; neither is there any example of a declining
+country ameliorating its religion. It is of course true, that a good
+religion is favourable to civilization, and a bad one unfavourable to
+it. Unless, however, there is some interference from without, no people
+will ever discover that their religion is bad until their reason tells
+them so; but if their reason is inactive, and their knowledge
+stationary, the discovery will never be made. A country that continues
+in its old ignorance will always remain in its old religion. Surely
+nothing can be plainer than this. A very ignorant people will, by virtue
+of their ignorance, incline towards a religion full of marvels; a
+religion which boasts of innumerable gods, and which ascribes every
+occurrence to the immediate authority of those gods. On the other hand,
+a people whose knowledge makes them better judges of evidence, and who
+are accustomed to that most difficult task, the practice of doubting,
+will require a religion less marvellous, less obtrusive; one that taxes
+their credulity less heavily. But will you, therefore, say, that the
+badness of the first religion causes the ignorance; and that the
+goodness of the second religion causes the knowledge? Will you say, that
+when one event precedes another, the one which comes first is the
+effect, and the one which follows afterwards is the cause? This is not
+the way in which men reason on the ordinary affairs of life; and it is
+difficult to see why they should reason thus respecting the history of
+past events.
+
+The truth is, that the religious opinions which prevail in any period
+are among the symptoms by which that period is marked. When the opinions
+are deeply rooted, they do, no doubt, influence the conduct of men; but
+before they can be deeply rooted, some intellectual change must first
+have taken place. We may as well expect that the seed should quicken in
+the barren rock, as that a mild and philosophic religion should be
+established among ignorant and ferocious savages. Of this innumerable
+experiments have been made, and always with the same result. Men of
+excellent intentions, and full of a fervent though mistaken zeal, have
+been, and still are, attempting to propagate their own religion among
+the inhabitants of barbarous countries. By strenuous and unremitting
+activity, and frequently by promises, and even by actual gifts, they
+have, in many cases, persuaded savage communities to make a profession
+of the Christian religion. But whoever will compare the triumphant
+reports of the missionaries with the long chain of evidence supplied by
+competent travellers, will soon find that such profession is only
+nominal, and that these ignorant tribes have adopted, indeed, the
+ceremonies of the new religion, but have by no means adopted the
+religion itself. They receive the externals, but there they stop. They
+may baptize their children; they may take the sacrament; they may flock
+to the church. All this they may do, and yet be as far removed from the
+spirit of Christianity as when they bowed the knee before their former
+idols. The rites and forms of a religion lie on the surface; they are at
+once seen, they are quickly learned, easily copied by those who are
+unable to penetrate to that which lies beneath. It is this deeper and
+inward change which alone is durable; and this the savage can never
+experience while he is sunk in an ignorance that levels him with the
+brutes by which he is surrounded. Remove the ignorance, and then the
+religion may enter. This is the only course by which ultimate benefit
+can be effected. After a careful study of the history and condition of
+barbarous nations, I do most confidently assert, that there is no well
+attested case of any people being permanently converted to Christianity,
+except in those very few instances where missionaries, being men of
+knowledge, as well as men of piety, have familiarized the savage with
+habits of thought, and, by thus stimulating his intellect, have prepared
+him for the reception of those religious principles, which, without
+such stimulus, he could never have understood.[394]
+
+  [394] A writer of great authority has made some remarks on this, which
+        are worth attending to: 'Ce fut alors que les Jésuites
+        pénétrèrent dans la Chine pour y prêcher l'évangile. Ils ne
+        tardèrent pas à s'apercevoir qu'un des moyens les plus efficaces
+        pour s'y maintenir, en attendant le moment que le ciel avoit
+        marqué pour éclairer ce vaste empire, étoit d'étaler des
+        connoissances astronomiques.' _Montucla_, _Histoire des
+        Mathématiques_, vol. i. p. 468; and see vol. ii. pp. 586, 587.
+        Cuvier delicately hints at the same conclusion. He says of Emery:
+        'Il se souvenait que l'époque où le christianisme a fait le plus
+        de conquêtes, et où ses ministres ont obtenu le plus de respect,
+        est celle où ils portaient chez les peuples convertis les
+        lumières des lettres, en même temps que les vérités de la
+        religion, et où ils formaient à la fois dans les nations l'ordre
+        le plus éminent et le plus éclairé.' _Cuvier_, _Eloges
+        Historiques_, vol. iii. p. 170. Even Southey (_History of
+        Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 378) says: 'Missionaries have always
+        complained of the fickleness of their converts; and they must
+        always complain of it, till they discover that some degree of
+        civilization must precede conversion, or at least accompany it.'
+        And see to the same effect, _Halkett's Notes on the North
+        American Indians_, pp. 352, 353; and _Combe's North America_,
+        vol. i. p. 250, vol. ii. p. 353.
+
+It is in this way that, looking at things upon a large scale, the
+religion of mankind is the effect of their improvement, not the cause of
+it. But, looking at things upon a small scale, or taking what is called
+a practical view of some short and special period, circumstances will
+occasionally occur which disturb this general order, and apparently
+reverse the natural process. And this, as in all such cases, can only
+arise from the peculiarities of individual men; who, moved by the minor
+laws which regulate individual actions, are able, by their genius or
+their energy, to interfere with the operation of those greater laws
+which regulate large societies. Owing to circumstances still unknown,
+there appear, from time to time, great thinkers, who, devoting their
+lives to a single purpose, are able to anticipate the progress of
+mankind, and to produce a religion or a philosophy, by which important
+effects are eventually brought about. But, if we look into history, we
+shall clearly see that, although the origin of a new opinion may be thus
+due to a single man, the result which the new opinion produces will
+depend on the condition of the people among whom it is propagated. If
+either a religion or a philosophy is too much in advance of a nation, it
+can do no present service, but must bide its time, until the minds of
+men are ripe for its reception. Of this innumerable instances will occur
+to most readers. Every science and every creed has had its martyrs; men
+exposed to obloquy, or even to death, because they knew more than their
+contemporaries, and because society was not sufficiently advanced to
+receive the truths which they communicated. According to the ordinary
+course of affairs, a few generations pass away, and then there comes a
+period when these very truths are looked upon as commonplace facts; and
+a little later, there comes another period, in which they are declared
+to be necessary, and even the dullest intellects wonder how they could
+ever have been denied. This is what happens when the human mind is
+allowed to have fair play, and to exercise itself, with tolerable
+freedom, in the accumulation and diffusion of knowledge. If, however, by
+violent, and therefore by artificial, means, this same society is
+prevented from exercising its intellect, then the truths, however
+important they may be, can never be received. For why should certain
+truths be rejected in one age, and acknowledged in another? The truths
+remain the same; their ultimate recognition must, therefore, be due to a
+change in the society which now accepts what it had before despised.
+Indeed, history is full of evidence of the utter inefficiency even of
+the noblest principles, when they are promulgated among a very ignorant
+nation. Thus it was that the doctrine of One God, taught to the Hebrews
+of old, remained for many centuries altogether inoperative. The people
+to whom it was addressed had not yet emerged from barbarism; they were,
+therefore, unable to raise their minds to so elevated a conception. Like
+all other barbarians, they craved after a religion which would feed
+their credulity with incessant wonders; and which, instead of
+abstracting the Deity to a single essence, would multiply their gods
+until they covered every field, and swarmed in every forest. This is the
+idolatry which is the natural fruit of ignorance; and this it is to
+which the Hebrews were perpetually recurring. Notwithstanding the most
+severe and unremitting punishments, they, at every opportunity,
+abandoned that pure theism which their minds were too backward to
+receive, and relapsed into superstitions which they could more easily
+understand,--into the worship of the golden calf, and the adoration of
+the brazen serpent. Now, and in this age of the world, they have long
+ceased to do these things. And why? Not because their religious feelings
+are more easily aroused, or their religious fears more often excited. So
+far from this, they are dissevered from their old associations; they
+have lost for ever those scenes by which men might well have been moved.
+They are no longer influenced by those causes which inspired emotions,
+sometimes of terror, sometimes of gratitude. They no longer witness the
+pillar of cloud by day, or the pillar of fire by night; they no longer
+see the Law being given from Sinai, nor do they hear the thunder rolling
+from Horeb. In the presence of these great appeals, they remained
+idolaters in their hearts, and whenever an opportunity occurred, they
+became idolaters in their practice, and this they did because they were
+in that state of barbarism, of which idolatry is the natural product. To
+what possible circumstance can their subsequent change be ascribed,
+except to the simple fact, that the Hebrews, like all other people, as
+they advanced in civilization, began to abstract and refine their
+religion, and, despising the old worship of many gods, thus by slow
+degrees elevated their minds to that steady perception of One Great
+Cause, which, at an earlier period, it had been vainly attempted to
+impress upon them?
+
+Thus intimate is the connexion between the opinions of a people and
+their knowledge; and thus necessary is it that, so far as nations are
+concerned, intellectual activity should precede religious improvement.
+If we require further illustrations of this important truth, we shall
+find them in the events which occurred in Europe soon after the
+promulgation of Christianity. The Romans were, with rare exceptions, an
+ignorant and barbarous race; ferocious, dissolute, and cruel. For such a
+people, Polytheism was the natural creed; and we read, accordingly, that
+they practised an idolatry which a few great thinkers, and only a few,
+ventured to despise. The Christian religion, falling among these men,
+found them unable to appreciate its sublime and admirable doctrines. And
+when, a little later, Europe was overrun by fresh immigrations, the
+invaders, who were even more barbarous than the Romans, brought with
+them those superstitions which were suited to their actual condition. It
+was upon the materials arising from these two sources that Christianity
+was now called to do her work. The result is most remarkable. For after
+the new religion seemed to have carried all before it, and had received
+the homage of the best part of Europe, it was soon found that nothing
+had been really effected. It was soon found that society was in that
+early stage in which superstition is inevitable; and in which men, if
+they do not have it in one form, will have it in another. It was in vain
+that Christianity taught a simple doctrine, and enjoined a simple
+worship. The minds of men were too backward for so great a step, and
+required more complicated forms, and a more complicated belief. What
+followed is well known to the students of ecclesiastical history. The
+superstition of Europe, instead of being diminished, was only turned
+into a fresh channel. The new religion was corrupted by the old follies.
+The adoration of idols was succeeded by the adoration of saints; the
+worship of the Virgin was substituted for the worship of Cybele;[395]
+Pagan ceremonies were established in Christian churches; not only the
+mummeries of idolatry, but likewise its doctrines, were quickly added,
+and were incorporated and worked into the spirit of the new religion;
+until, after a lapse of a few generations, Christianity exhibited so
+grotesque and hideous a form, that its best features were lost, and the
+lineaments of its earlier loveliness altogether destroyed.[396]
+
+  [395] This is curiously illustrated by the fact, that the 25th of March,
+        which is now called Lady-day, in honour of the Virgin Mary, was,
+        in Pagan times, called Hilaria, and was dedicated to Cybele, the
+        mother of the gods. Compare _Blunt's Vestiges of Ancient
+        Manners_, 8vo. 1823, pp. 51-55, with _Hampson's Medii Ævi
+        Kalendarium_, 8vo. 1841, vol. i. pp. 56, 177.
+
+  [396] On this interesting subject, the two best English books are,
+        _Middleton's Letter from Rome_, and _Priestley's History of the
+        Corruption of Christianity_; the former work being chiefly
+        valuable for ritual corruptions, the latter work for doctrinal
+        ones. _Blunt's Vestiges of Ancient Manners_ is also worth
+        reading; but is very inferior to the two treatises just named,
+        and is conceived in a much narrower spirit.
+
+After some centuries were passed, Christianity slowly emerged from these
+corruptions; many of which, however, even the most civilized countries
+have not yet been able to throw off.[397] Indeed, it was found
+impossible to effect even the beginning of a reform, until the European
+intellect was, in some degree, roused from its lethargy. The knowledge
+of men, gradually advancing, made them indignant at superstitions which
+they had formerly admired. The way in which their indignation increased,
+until, in the sixteenth century, it broke out into that great event
+which is well called the Reformation, forms one of the most interesting
+subjects in modern history. But, for our present purpose, it is enough
+to keep in mind the memorable and important fact that, for centuries
+after Christianity was the established religion of Europe, it failed to
+bear its natural fruit, because its lot was cast among a people whose
+ignorance compelled them to be superstitious, and who, on account of
+their superstition, defaced a system which, in its original purity, they
+were unable to receive.[398]
+
+  [397] The large amount of Paganism which still exists in every Christian
+        sect, forms an argument against an ingenious distinction which M.
+        Bunsen has made between the change of a religion and that of a
+        language; alterations in a religion being, as he supposes, always
+        more abrupt than those in a language. _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i.
+        pp. 358, 359.
+
+  [398] It was necessary, says M. Maury, that the church 'se rapprochât
+        davantage de l'esprit grossier, inculte, ignorant du barbare.'
+        _Maury_, _Légendes Pieuses du Moyen Age_, p. 101. An exactly
+        similar process has taken place in India, where the Puranas are
+        to the Vedas what the works of the Fathers are to the New
+        Testament. Compare _Elphinstone's History of India_, pp. 87, 88,
+        98; _Wilson's Preface to the Vishnu Parana_, p. 7; and
+        _Transactions of Bombay Society_, vol. i. p. 205. So that as M.
+        Max Müller well expresses it, the Puranas are 'a secondary
+        formation of Indian mythology.' _Müller on the Languages of
+        India_, in _Reports of British Association for 1847_, p. 324.
+
+Indeed, in every page of history, we meet with fresh evidence of the
+little effect religious doctrines can produce upon a people, unless
+preceded by intellectual culture. The influence exercised by
+Protestantism, as compared with Catholicism, affords an interesting
+example of this. The Catholic religion bears to the Protestant religion
+exactly the same relation that the Dark Ages bear to the sixteenth
+century. In the Dark Ages, men were credulous and ignorant; they
+therefore produced a religion which required great belief and little
+knowledge. In the sixteenth century, their credulity and ignorance,
+though still considerable, were rapidly diminishing, and it was found
+necessary to organize a religion suited to their altered circumstances:
+a religion more favourable to free inquiry; a religion less full of
+miracles, saints, legends, and idols; a religion of which the ceremonies
+were less frequent, and less burdensome; a religion which should
+discourage penance, fasting, confession, celibacy, and those other
+mortifications which had long been universal. All this was done by the
+establishment of Protestantism; a mode of worship which, being thus
+suited to the age, made, as is well known, speedy progress. If this
+great movement had been allowed to proceed without interruption, it
+would, in the course of a few generations, have overthrown the old
+superstition, and established in its place a simpler and less
+troublesome creed; the rapidity with which this was done, being, of
+course, proportioned to the intellectual activity of the different
+countries. But, unfortunately, the European governments, who are always
+meddling in matters with which they have no concern, thought it their
+duty to protect the religious interests of the people; and making
+common cause with the Catholic clergy, they, in many instances, forcibly
+stopped the heresy, and thus arrested the natural development of the
+age. This interference was, in nearly all cases, well intended, and is
+solely to be ascribed to the ignorance of rulers respecting the proper
+limits of their functions: but the evils caused by this ignorance it
+would be difficult to exaggerate. During almost a hundred and fifty
+years, Europe was afflicted by religious wars, religious massacres, and
+religious persecutions; not one of which would have arisen, if the great
+truth had been recognised, that the state has no concern with the
+opinions of men, and no right to interfere, even in the slightest
+degree, with the form of worship which they may choose to adopt. This
+principle was, however, formerly unknown, or at all events unheeded; and
+it was not until the middle of the seventeenth century that the great
+religious contests were brought to a final close, and the different
+countries settled down into their public creeds; which, in the essential
+points, have never since been permanently altered; no nation having, for
+more than two hundred years, made war upon another on account of its
+religion; and all the great Catholic countries having, during the same
+period, remained Catholic, all the great Protestant ones remained
+Protestant.
+
+From this it has arisen, that, in several of the European countries, the
+religious development has not followed its natural order, but has been
+artificially forced into an unnatural one. According to the natural
+order, the most civilized countries should all be Protestants, and the
+most uncivilized ones Catholics. In the average of instances this is
+actually the case; so that many persons have been led into the singular
+error, of ascribing all modern enlightenment to the influence of
+Protestantism; overlooking the important fact, that until the
+enlightenment had begun, Protestantism was never required. But although,
+in the ordinary course of affairs, the advance of the Reformation would
+have been the measure, and the symptom, of that advance of knowledge by
+which it was preceded, still, in many cases, the authority of the
+government and of the church acted as disturbing causes, and frustrated
+the natural progress of religious improvement. And, after the treaty of
+Westphalia had fixed the political relations of Europe, the love of
+theological strife so greatly subsided, that men no longer thought it
+worth their while to raise a religious revolution, and to risk their
+lives in an attempt to overturn the creed of the state. At the same
+time, governments, not being themselves particularly fond of
+revolutions, have encouraged this stationary condition; and very
+naturally, and, as it appears to me, very wisely, have made no great
+alteration, but have left the national establishments as they found
+them; that is to say, the Protestant ones Protestant, and the Catholic
+ones Catholic. Hence it is, that the national religion professed by any
+country at the present moment, is no decisive criterion of the present
+civilization of the country; because the circumstances which fixed the
+religion occurred long since, and the religion remains endowed and
+established by the mere continuance of an impetus which was formerly
+given.
+
+Thus far as to the origin of the ecclesiastical establishments of
+Europe. But, in their practical consequences, we see some results which
+are highly instructive. For many countries owing their national creed,
+not to their own proper antecedents, but to the authority of powerful
+individuals, it will be invariably found, that in such countries the
+creed does not produce the effects which might have been expected from
+it, and which, according to its terms, it ought to produce. Thus, for
+instance, the Catholic religion is more superstitious, and more
+intolerant, than the Protestant; but it by no means follows, that those
+countries which profess the former creed, must be more superstitious,
+and more intolerant, than those which profess the latter. So far from
+this, the French are not only quite as free from those odious qualities
+as are the most civilized Protestants, but they are more free from them
+than some Protestant nations, as the Scotch and the Swedes. Of the
+highly-educated class, I am not here speaking; but of the clergy, and of
+the people generally, it must be admitted, that in Scotland there is
+more bigotry, more superstition, and a more thorough contempt for the
+religion of others, than there is in France. And in Sweden, which is one
+of the oldest Protestant countries in Europe,[399] there is, not
+occasionally, but habitually, an intolerance and a spirit of
+persecution, which would be discreditable to a Catholic country; but
+which is doubly disgraceful when proceeding from a people who profess to
+base their religion on the right of private judgment.[400]
+
+  [399] The doctrines of Luther were first preached in Sweden in 1519;
+        and, in 1527, the principles of the Reformation were formally
+        adopted in an assembly of the States at Westeraas, which enabled
+        Gustavus Vasa to seize the property of the church. _Geijer's
+        History of the Swedes_, part i. pp. 110, 118, 119; _Mosheim's
+        Ecclesiastical History_, vol. ii. p. 22; _Crichton and Wheaton's
+        History of Scandinavia_, vol. i. pp. 399, 400. The apostasy
+        proceeded so favourably, that De Thou (_Histoire Univ._ vol.
+        xiii. p. 312) says, in 1598, 'Il y avoit déjà si long-tems que ce
+        culte étoit établi en Suède, qu'il étoit comme impossible de
+        trouver, soit parmi le peuple, soit parmi les seigneurs,
+        quelqu'un qui se souvînt d'avoir vu dans ce roïaume l'exercice
+        public de la religion catholique.'
+
+  [400] On the state of things in 1838, see some curious, and indeed
+        shameful, details in _Laing's Sweden_, 8vo. London, 1839. Mr.
+        Laing, though himself a Protestant, truly says, that in
+        Protestant Sweden there 'is inquisition law, working in the hands
+        of a Lutheran state-church, as strongly as in Spain or Portugal
+        in the hands of a Roman Catholic Church.' _Laing's Sweden_, p.
+        324. In the seventeenth century, it was ordered by the Swedish
+        Church, and the order was confirmed by government, that 'if any
+        Swedish subject change his religion, he shall be banished the
+        kingdom, and lose all right of inheritance, both for himself and
+        his descendants.... If any bring into the country teachers of
+        another religion, he shall be fined and banished.' _Burton's
+        Diary_, vol. iii. p. 387, 8vo. 1828. To this may be added, that
+        it was not till 1781 that Roman Catholics were allowed to
+        exercise their religion in Sweden. See _Crichton's History of
+        Scandinavia_, Edinb. 1838, vol. ii. p. 320. See also, on this
+        intolerant spirit, _Whitelocke's Journal of the Swedish Embassy_,
+        vol. i. pp. 164, 412, vol. ii. p. 312.
+
+These things show, what it would be easy to prove by a wider induction,
+that when, from special, or, as they are called, accidental causes, any
+people profess a religion more advanced than themselves, it will not
+produce its legitimate effect.[401] The superiority of Protestantism
+over Catholicism consists in its diminution of superstition and
+intolerance, and in the check which it gives to ecclesiastical power.
+But the experience of Europe teaches us, that when the superior religion
+is fixed among an inferior people, its superiority is no longer seen.
+The Scotch and the Swedes,--and to them might be added some of the Swiss
+cantons,--are less civilized than the French, and are therefore more
+superstitious. This being the case, it avails them little that they have
+a religion better than the French. It avails them little that, owing to
+circumstances which have long since passed away, they, three centuries
+ago, adopted a creed to which the force of habit, and the influence of
+tradition, now oblige them to cling. Whoever has travelled in Scotland
+with sufficient attention to observe the ideas and opinions of the
+people, and whoever will look into Scotch theology, and read the history
+of the Scotch Kirk, and the proceedings of the Scotch Assemblies and
+Consistories, will see how little the country has benefited by its
+religion, and how wide an interval there is between its intolerant
+spirit and the natural tendencies of the Protestant Reformation. On the
+other hand, whoever will subject France to a similar examination, will
+see an illiberal religion accompanied by liberal views, and a creed full
+of superstitions professed by a people among whom superstition is
+comparatively rare.
+
+  [401] We see a good instance of this in the case of the Abyssinians, who
+        have professed Christianity for centuries; but, as no pains were
+        taken to cultivate their intellect, they found the religion too
+        pure for them: they, therefore, corrupted it, and, down to the
+        present moment, they have not made the slightest progress. The
+        accounts given by Bruce of them are well known; and a traveller,
+        who visited them in 1839, says: 'Nothing can be more corrupt than
+        the nominal Christianity of this unhappy nation. It is mixed up
+        with Judaism, Mahommedanism, and idolatry, and is a mass of rites
+        and superstitions which cannot mend the heart.' _Kraff's Journal
+        at Ankobar_, in _Journal of Geographical Society_, vol. x. p.
+        488; see also vol. xiv. p. 13: and for a similar state of things
+        in America, see the account of the Quiché Indians, in _Stephens's
+        Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 191, 192. Compare _Squier's
+        Central America_, vol. i. pp. 322, 323, with _Halkett's
+        North-American Indians_, pp. 29, 212, 268. For further
+        confirmation of this view, in another part of the world, see
+        _Tuckey's Expedition to the Zaire_, pp. 79, 80, 165.
+
+The simple fact is, that the French have a religion worse than
+themselves; the Scotch have a religion better than themselves. The
+liberality of France is as ill suited to Catholicism, as the bigotry of
+Scotland is ill suited to Protestantism. In these, as in all similar
+cases, the characteristics of the creed are overpowered by the
+characteristics of the people; and the national faith is, in the most
+important points, altogether inoperative, because it does not harmonize
+with the civilization of the country in which it is established. How
+idle, then, it is to ascribe the civilization to the creed; and how
+worse than foolish are the attempts of government to protect a religion
+which, if suited to the people, will need no protection, and, if
+unsuited to them, will work no good!
+
+If the reader has seized the spirit of the preceding arguments, he will
+hardly require that I should analyze with equal minuteness the second
+disturbing cause, namely, Literature. It is evident, that what has
+already been said respecting the religion of a people, is, in a great
+measure, applicable to their literature. Literature,[402] when it is in
+a healthy and unforced state, is simply the form in which the knowledge
+of a country is registered; the mould in which it is cast. In this, as
+in the other cases we have considered, individual men may of course take
+great steps, and rise to a great height above the level of their age.
+But if they rise beyond a certain point, their present usefulness is
+impaired; if they rise still higher, it is destroyed.[403] When the
+interval between the intellectual classes and the practical classes is
+too great, the former will possess no influence, the latter will reap no
+benefit. This is what occurred in the ancient world, when the distance
+between the ignorant idolatry of the people and the refined systems of
+philosophers was altogether impassable;[404] and this is the principal
+reason why the Greeks and Romans were unable to retain the civilization
+which they for a short time possessed. Precisely the same process is at
+the present moment going on in Germany, where the most valuable part of
+literature forms an esoteric system, which, having nothing in common
+with the nation itself, produces no effect on the national civilization.
+The truth is, that although Europe has received great benefit from its
+literature, this is owing, not to what the literature has originated,
+but to what it has preserved. Knowledge must be acquired, before it can
+be written; and the only use of books is, to serve as a storehouse in
+which the treasures of the intellect are safely kept, and where they
+may be conveniently found. Literature, in itself, is but a trifling
+matter; and is merely valuable as being the armory in which the weapons
+of the human mind are laid up, and from which, when required, they can
+be quickly drawn. But he would be a sorry reasoner, who, on that
+account, should propose to sacrifice the end, that he might obtain the
+means; who should hope to defend the armory by giving up the weapons,
+and who should destroy the treasure, in order to improve the magazine in
+which the treasure is kept.
+
+  [402] I use the word literature, not as opposed to science, but in its
+        larger sense, including everything which is written--'taking the
+        term literature in its primary sense, of an application of
+        letters to the records of facts or opinions.' _Mure's History of
+        the Literature of Greece_, vol. iv. p. 50.
+
+  [403] Compare _Tocqueville_, _Démocratie en Amérique_, vol. ii. p. 130,
+        with some admirable remarks on the Sophists in _Grote's History
+        of Greece_, vol. viii. p. 481. Sir W. Hamilton, whose learning
+        respecting the history of opinions is well known, says,
+        'Precisely in proportion as an author is in advance of his age,
+        is it likely that his works will be neglected.' _Hamilton's
+        Discussions on Philosophy_, p. 186. Thus, too, in regard to the
+        line arts, Sir Joshua Reynolds (_Fourth Discourse_, in _Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 363) says, 'Present time and future may be considered
+        as rivals; and he who solicits the one, must expect to be
+        discountenanced by the other.'
+
+  [404] Hence the intellectually exclusive and, as M. Neander well terms
+        it, 'aristocratic spirit of antiquity.' _Neander's History of the
+        Church_, vol. i. pp. 40, 97, vol. ii. p. 31. This is constantly
+        overlooked by writers who use the word 'democracy' loosely;
+        forgetting that, in the same age, democracies of politics may be
+        very common, while democracies of thought are very rare. For
+        proof of the universal prevalence formerly of this esoteric and
+        aristocratic spirit, see the following passages: _Ritter's
+        History of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 338, vol. iii. pp. 9,
+        17; _Tennemann_, _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. ii. pp. 200,
+        205, 220; _Beausobre_, _Histoire Critique de Manichée_, vol. ii.
+        p. 41; _Matter_, _Histoire du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 13, vol.
+        ii. pp. 83, 370; _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. i.
+        p. 250; _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 561, vol. iv. p.
+        544; _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 150, vol. vi.
+        p. 95; _Warburton's Works_, vol. vii. pp. 962, 972, 4to. 1788;
+        _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 174; _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. System_, vol. ii. pp. 114, 365, 443, vol. iii. p. 20.
+
+Yet this is what many persons are apt to do. From literary men, in
+particular, we hear too much of the necessity of protecting and
+rewarding literature, and we hear too little of the necessity of that
+freedom and boldness, in the absence of which the most splendid
+literature is altogether worthless. Indeed, there is a general tendency,
+not to exaggerate the advantages of knowledge,--for that is
+impossible,--but to misunderstand what that is in which knowledge really
+consists. Real knowledge, the knowledge on which all civilization is
+based, solely consists in an acquaintance with the relations which
+things and ideas bear to each other and to themselves; in other words,
+in an acquaintance with physical and mental laws. If the time should
+ever come when all these laws are known, the circle of human knowledge
+will then be complete; and, in the interim, the value of literature
+depends upon the extent to which it communicates either a knowledge of
+the laws, or the materials by which the laws may be discovered. The
+business of education is to accelerate this great movement, and thus
+increase the fitness and aptitude of men, by increasing the resources
+which they possess. Towards this purpose, literature, so far as it is
+auxiliary, is highly useful. But to look upon an acquaintance with
+literature as one of the objects of education, is to mistake the order
+of events, and to make the end subservient to the means. It is because
+this is done, that we often find what are called highly educated men,
+the progress of whose knowledge has been actually retarded by the
+activity of their education. We often find them burdened by prejudices,
+which their reading, instead of dissipating, has rendered more
+inveterate.[405] For literature, being the depository of the thoughts of
+mankind, is full, not only of wisdom, but also of absurdities. The
+benefit, therefore, which is derived from literature, will depend, not
+so much upon the literature itself, as upon the skill with which it is
+studied, and the judgment with which it is selected. These are the
+preliminary conditions of success; and if they are not obeyed, the
+number and the value of the books in a country become a matter quite
+unimportant. Even in an advanced stage of civilization, there is always
+a tendency to prefer those parts of literature which favour ancient
+prejudices, rather than those which oppose them; and in cases where this
+tendency is very strong, the only effect of great learning will be, to
+supply the materials which may corroborate old errors, and confirm old
+superstitions. In our time such instances are not uncommon; and we
+frequently meet with men whose erudition ministers to their ignorance,
+and who the more they read, the less they know. There have been states
+of society in which this disposition was so general, that literature has
+done far more harm than good. Thus, for example, in the whole period
+from the sixth to the tenth centuries, there were not in all Europe more
+than three or four men who dared to think for themselves; and even they
+were obliged to veil their meaning in obscure and mystical language. The
+remaining part of society was, during these four centuries, sunk in the
+most degrading ignorance. Under these circumstances, the few who were
+able to read, confined their studies to works which encouraged and
+strengthened their superstition, such as the legends of the saints, and
+the homilies of the fathers. From these sources they drew those lying
+and impudent fables, of which the theology of that time is principally
+composed.[406] These miserable stories were widely circulated, and were
+valued as solid and important truths. The more the literature was read,
+the more the stories were believed; in other words, the greater the
+learning, the greater the ignorance.[407] And I entertain no doubt, that
+if, in the seventh and eighth centuries, which were the worst part of
+that period,[408] all knowledge of the alphabet had for a while been
+lost, so that men could no longer read the books in which they
+delighted, the subsequent progress of Europe would have been more rapid
+than it really was. For when the progress began, its principal
+antagonist was that credulity which the literature had fostered. It was
+not that better books were wanting, but it was that the relish for such
+books was extinct. There was the literature of Greece and Rome, which
+the monks not only preserved, but even occasionally looked into and
+copied. But what could that avail such readers as they? So far from
+recognizing the merit of the ancient writers, they were unable to feel
+even the beauties of their style, and they trembled at the boldness of
+their inquiries. At the first glimpse of the light, their eyes were
+blinded. They never turned the leaves of a pagan author without
+standing aghast at the risk they were running; and they were in constant
+fear, lest by imbibing any of his opinions, they should involve
+themselves in a deadly sin. The result was, that they willingly laid
+aside the great master-pieces of antiquity; and in their place they
+substituted those wretched compilations, which corrupted their taste,
+increased their credulity, strengthened their errors, and prolonged the
+ignorance of Europe, by embodying each separate superstition in a
+written and accessible form, thus perpetuating its influence, and
+enabling it to enfeeble the understanding even of a distant posterity.
+
+  [405] Locke has noticed this 'learned ignorance,' for which many men are
+        remarkable. See a fine passage in the _Essay on Human
+        Understanding_, book iii. chap. x. in _Locke's Works_, vol. ii.
+        p. 27, and similar remarks in his _Conduct of the Understanding_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 350, 364, 365, and in his _Thoughts on Education_,
+        vol. viii. pp. 84-87. If this profound writer were now alive what
+        a war he would wage against our great universities and public
+        schools, where innumerable things are still taught which no one
+        is concerned to understand, and which few will take the trouble
+        to remember. Compare _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_, pp. 255, 256
+        note.
+
+  [406] The statistics of this sort of literature would prove a curious
+        subject for inquiry. No one, I believe, has thought it worth
+        while to sum them up; but M. Guizot has made an estimate that the
+        Bollandist collection contains more than twenty-five thousand
+        lives of saints; 'à en juger par approximation, ils contiennent
+        plus de 25,000 vies de saints.' _Guizot_, _Histoire de la
+        Civilisation en France_, vol. ii. p. 32. It is said (_Ledwich's
+        Antiquities of Ireland_, p. 62) that of St. Patrick alone, there
+        were sixty-six biographers before Joceline.
+
+  [407] For, as Laplace observes, in his remarks on the sources of error
+        in connexion with the doctrine of probabilities, 'C'est à
+        l'influence de l'opinion de ceux que la multitude juge les plus
+        instruits, et à qui elle a coutume de donner sa confiance sur les
+        plus importants objets de la vie, qu'est due la propagation de
+        ces erreurs qui, dans les temps d'ignorance, ont couvert la face
+        du monde.' _Bouillaud_, _Philosophie Médicale_, p. 218.
+
+  [408] M. Guizot (_Civilisation en France_, vol. ii. pp. 171, 172) thinks
+        that, on the whole, the seventh was even worse than the eighth;
+        but it is difficult to choose between them.
+
+It is in this way that the nature of the literature possessed by a
+people is of very inferior importance, in comparison with the
+disposition of the people by whom the literature is to be read. In what
+are rightly termed the Dark Ages, there was a literature in which
+valuable materials were to be found; but there was no one who knew how
+to use them. During a considerable period, the Latin language was a
+vernacular dialect;[409] and, if men had chosen, they might have studied
+the great Latin authors. But to do this, they must have been in a state
+of society very different from that in which they actually lived. They,
+like every other people, measured merit by the standard commonly
+received in their own age; and, according to their standard, the dross
+was better than the gold. They, therefore, rejected the gold, and
+hoarded up the dross. What took place then is, on a smaller scale,
+taking place now. Every literature contains something that is true, and
+much that is false; and the effect it produces will chiefly depend upon
+the skill with which the truth is discriminated from the falsehood. New
+ideas, and new discoveries, possess prospectively an importance
+difficult to exaggerate; but until the ideas are received, and the
+discoveries adopted, they exercise no influence, and, therefore, work no
+good. No literature can ever benefit a people, unless it finds them in a
+state of preliminary preparation. In this respect, the analogy with
+religious opinions is complete. If the religion and the literature of a
+country are unsuited to its wants, they will be useless, because the
+literature will be neglected, and the religion will be disobeyed. In
+such cases, even the ablest books are unread, and the purest doctrines
+despised. The works fall into oblivion; the faith is corrupted by
+heresy.
+
+  [409] Some of the results of Latin being colloquially employed by the
+        monks are judiciously stated in _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte
+        der Menschheit_, vol. iv. pp. 202, 203. The remarks on this
+        custom by Dugald Stewart refer to a later period. _Stewart's
+        Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. iii. pp. 110, 111.
+
+The other opinion to which I have referred is, that the civilization of
+Europe is chiefly owing to the ability which has been displayed by the
+different governments, and to the sagacity with which the evils of
+society have been palliated by legislative remedies. To any one who has
+studied history in its original sources, this notion must appear so
+extravagant, as to make it difficult to refute it with becoming gravity.
+Indeed, of all the social theories which have ever been broached, there
+is none so utterly untenable, and so unsound in all its parts, as this.
+In the first place, we have the obvious consideration, that the rulers
+of a country have, under ordinary circumstances, always been the
+inhabitants of that country; nurtured by its literature, bred to its
+traditions, and imbibing its prejudices. Such men are, at best, only the
+creatures of the age, never its creators. Their measures are the result
+of social progress, not the cause of it. This may be proved, not only by
+speculative arguments, but also by a practical consideration, which any
+reader of history can verify for himself. No great political
+improvement, no great reform, either legislative or executive, has ever
+been originated in any country by its rulers. The first suggesters of
+such steps have invariably been bold and able thinkers, who discern the
+abuse, denounce it, and point out how it is to be remedied. But long
+after this is done, even the most enlightened governments continue to
+uphold the abuse, and reject the remedy. At length, if circumstances are
+favourable, the pressure from without becomes so strong, that the
+government is obliged to give way; and, the reform being accomplished,
+the people are expected to admire the wisdom of their rulers, by whom
+all this has been done. That this is the course of political
+improvement, must be well known to whoever has studied the law-books of
+different countries in connexion with the previous progress of their
+knowledge. Full and decisive evidence of this will be brought forward in
+the present work; but, by way of illustration, I may refer to the
+abolition of the corn-laws, undoubtedly one of the most remarkable facts
+in the history of England during this century. The propriety, and,
+indeed, the necessity, of their abolition, is now admitted by every one
+of tolerable information; and the question arises, as to how it was
+brought about. Those Englishmen who are little versed in the history of
+their country will say, that the real cause was the wisdom of
+Parliament; while others, attempting to look a little further, will
+ascribe it to the activity of the Anti-Corn-Law League, and the
+consequent pressure put upon Government. But whoever will minutely trace
+the different stages through which this great question successively
+passed, will find, that the Government, the Legislature, and the League,
+were the unwitting instruments of a power far greater than all other
+powers put together. They were simply the exponents of that march of
+public opinion, which on this subject had begun nearly a century before
+their time. The steps of this vast movement I shall examine on another
+occasion; at present it is enough to say, that soon after the middle of
+the eighteenth century, the absurdity of protective restrictions on
+trade was so fully demonstrated by the political economists, as to be
+admitted by every man who understood their arguments, and had mastered
+the evidence connected with them. From this moment, the repeal of the
+corn-laws became a matter, not of party, nor of expediency, but merely
+of knowledge. Those who knew the facts, opposed the laws; those who were
+ignorant of the facts, favoured the laws. It was, therefore, clear, that
+whenever the diffusion of knowledge reached a certain point, the laws
+must fall. The merit of the League was, to assist this diffusion; the
+merit of the Parliament was, to yield to it. It is, however, certain,
+that the members both of League and Legislature could at best only
+slightly hasten what the progress of knowledge rendered inevitable. If
+they had lived a century earlier, they would have been altogether
+powerless, because the age would not have been ripe for their labours.
+They were the creatures of a movement which began long before any of
+them were born; and the utmost they could do was, to put into operation
+what others had taught, and repeat, in louder tones, the lessons they
+had learned from their masters. For, it was not pretended, they did not
+even pretend themselves, that there was anything new in the doctrines
+which they preached from the hustings, and disseminated in every part of
+the kingdom. The discoveries had long since been made, and were
+gradually doing their work; encroaching upon old errors, and making
+proselytes in all directions. The reformers of our time swam with the
+stream: they aided what it would have been impossible long to resist.
+Nor is this to be deemed a slight or grudging praise of the services
+they undoubtedly rendered. The opposition they had to encounter was
+still immense; and it should always be remembered, as a proof of the
+backwardness of political knowledge, and of the incompetence of
+political legislators, that although the principles of free trade had
+been established for nearly a century by a chain of arguments as solid
+as those on which the truths of mathematics are based, they were to the
+last moment strenuously resisted; and it was only with the greatest
+difficulty that Parliament was induced to grant what the people were
+determined to have, and the necessity of which had been proved by the
+ablest men during three successive generations.
+
+I have selected this instance as an illustration, because the facts
+connected with it are undisputed, and, indeed, are fresh in the memory
+of us all. For it was not concealed at the time, and posterity ought to
+know, that this great measure, which, with the exception of the Reform
+Bill, is by far the most important ever passed by a British parliament,
+was, like the Reform Bill, extorted from the legislature by a pressure
+from without; that it was conceded, not cheerfully, but with fear; and
+that it was carried by statesmen who had spent their lives in opposing
+what they now suddenly advocated. Such was the history of these events;
+and such likewise has been the history of all those improvements which
+are important enough to rank as epochs in the history of modern
+legislation.
+
+Besides this, there is another circumstance worthy the attention of
+those writers who ascribe a large part of European civilization to
+measures originated by European governments. This is, that every great
+reform which has been effected, has consisted, not in doing something
+new, but in undoing something old. The most valuable additions made to
+legislation have been enactments destructive of preceding legislation;
+and the best laws which have been passed, have been those by which some
+former laws were repealed. In the case just mentioned, of the corn-laws,
+all that was done was to repeal the old laws, and leave trade to its
+natural freedom. When this great reform was accomplished, the only
+result was, to place things on the same footing as if legislators had
+never interfered at all. Precisely the same remark is applicable to
+another leading improvement in modern legislation, namely, the decrease
+of religious persecution. This is unquestionably an immense boon;
+though, unfortunately, it is still imperfect, even in the most civilized
+countries. But it is evident that the concession merely consists in
+this: that legislators have retraced their own steps, and undone their
+own work. If we examine the policy of the most humane and enlightened
+governments, we shall find this to be the course they have pursued. The
+whole scope and tendency of modern legislation is, to restore things to
+that natural channel from which the ignorance of preceding legislation
+has driven them. This is one of the great works of the present age; and
+if legislators do it well, they will deserve the gratitude of mankind.
+But though we may thus be grateful to individual lawgivers, we owe no
+thanks to lawgivers, considered as a class. For since the most valuable
+improvements in legislation are those which subvert preceding
+legislation, it is clear that the balance of good cannot be on their
+side. It is clear, that the progress of civilization cannot be due to
+those who, on the most important subjects, have done so much harm, that
+their successors are considered benefactors, simply because they reverse
+their policy, and thus restore affairs to the state in which they would
+have remained, if politicians had allowed them to run on in the course
+which the wants of society required.
+
+Indeed, the extent to which the governing classes have interfered, and
+the mischiefs which that interference has produced, are so remarkable,
+as to make thoughtful men wonder how civilization could advance, in the
+face of such repeated obstacles. In some of the European countries, the
+obstacles have, in fact, proved insuperable, and the national progress
+is thereby stopped. Even in England, where, from causes which I shall
+presently relate, the higher ranks have for some centuries been less
+powerful than elsewhere, there has been inflicted an amount of evil,
+which, though much smaller than that incurred in other countries, is
+sufficiently serious to form a melancholy chapter in the history of the
+human mind. To sum up these evils would be to write a history of English
+legislation; for it may be broadly stated, that, with the exception of
+certain necessary enactments respecting the preservation of order, and
+the punishment of crime, nearly everything which has been done, has been
+done amiss. Thus, to take only such conspicuous facts as do not admit of
+controversy, it is certain that all the most important interests have
+been grievously damaged by the attempts of legislators to aid them.
+Among the accessories of modern civilization, there is none of greater
+moment than trade, the spread of which has probably done more than any
+other single agent to increase the comfort and happiness of man. But
+every European government which has legislated respecting trade, has
+acted as if its main object were to suppress the trade, and ruin the
+traders. Instead of leaving the national industry to take its own
+course, it has been troubled by an interminable series of regulations,
+all intended for its good, and all inflicting serious harm. To such a
+height has this been carried, that the commercial reforms which have
+distinguished England during the last twenty years, have solely
+consisted in undoing this mischievous and intrusive legislation. The
+laws formerly enacted on this subject, and too many of which are still
+in force, are marvellous to contemplate. It is no exaggeration to say,
+that the history of the commercial legislation of Europe presents every
+possible contrivance for hampering the energies of commerce. Indeed, a
+very high authority, who has maturely studied this subject, has recently
+declared, that if it had not been for smuggling, trade could not have
+been conducted, but must have perished, in consequence of this incessant
+interference.[410] However paradoxical this assertion may appear, it
+will be denied by no one who knows how feeble trade once was, and how
+strong the obstacles were which opposed it. In every quarter, and at
+every moment, the hand of government was felt. Duties on importation,
+and duties on exportation; bounties to raise up a losing trade, and
+taxes to pull down a remunerative one; this branch of industry
+forbidden, and that branch of industry encouraged; one article of
+commerce must not be grown, because it was grown in the colonies;
+another article might be grown and bought, but not sold again, while a
+third article might be bought and sold, but not leave the country. Then,
+too, we find laws to regulate wages; laws to regulate prices; laws to
+regulate profits; laws to regulate the interest of money; custom-house
+arrangements of the most vexatious kind, aided by a complicated scheme,
+which was well called the sliding-scale,--a scheme of such perverse
+ingenuity, that the duties constantly varied on the same article, and no
+man could calculate beforehand what he would have to pay. To this
+uncertainty, itself the bane of all commerce, there was added a severity
+of exaction, felt by every class of consumers and producers. The tolls
+were so onerous, as to double and often quadruple the cost of
+production. A system was organized, and strictly enforced, of
+interference with markets, interference with manufactories, interference
+with machinery, interference even with shops. The towns were guarded by
+excisemen, and the ports swarmed with tide-waiters, whose sole business
+was to inspect nearly every process of domestic industry, peer into
+every package, and tax every article; while, that absurdity might be
+carried to its extreme height, a large part of all this was by way of
+protection: that is to say, the money was avowedly raised, and the
+inconvenience suffered, not for the use of the government, but for the
+benefit of the people; in other words, the industrious classes were
+robbed, in order that industry might thrive.
+
+  [410] 'C'est à la contrebande que le commerce doit de n'avoir pas péri
+        sous l'influence du régime prohibitif; tandis que ce régime
+        condamnait les peuples à s'approvisionner aux sources les plus
+        éloignées, la contrebande rapprochait les distances, abaissait
+        les prix, et neutralisait l'action funeste des monopoles.'
+        _Blanqui_, _Histoire de l'Economie, Politique en Europe_, Paris,
+        1845, vol. ii. pp. 25, 26.
+
+Such are some of the benefits which European trade owes to the paternal
+care of European legislators. But worse still remains behind. For the
+economical evils, great as they were, have been far surpassed by the
+moral evils which this system produced. The first inevitable consequence
+was, that, in every part of Europe, there arose numerous and powerful
+gangs of armed smugglers, who lived by disobeying the laws which their
+ignorant rulers had imposed. These men, desperate from the fear of
+punishment,[411] and accustomed to the commission of every crime,
+contaminated the surrounding population; introduced into peaceful
+villages vices formerly unknown; caused the ruin of entire families;
+spread, wherever they came, drunkenness, theft, and dissoluteness; and
+familiarized their associates with those coarse and swinish debaucheries
+which were the natural habits of so vagrant and lawless a life.[412] The
+innumerable crimes arising from this,[413] are directly chargeable upon
+the European governments by whom they were provoked. The offences were
+caused by the laws; and now that the laws are repealed, the offences
+have disappeared. But it will hardly be pretended, that the interests of
+civilization have been advanced by such a policy as this. It will
+hardly be pretended, that we owe much to a system which, having called
+into existence a new class of criminals, at length retraces its steps;
+and, though it thus puts an end to the crime, only destroys what its own
+acts had created.
+
+  [411] The 19 Geo. II. c. 34, made 'all forcible acts of smuggling,
+        carried on in defiance of the laws, or _even in disguise to evade
+        them_, felony without benefit of clergy.' _Blackstone's
+        Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 155. Townsend, who travelled through
+        France in 1786, says, that when any of the numerous smugglers
+        were taken, 'some of them are hanged, some are broken upon the
+        wheel, and some are burnt alive.' _Townsend's Spain_, vol. i. p.
+        85, edit. 1792. On the general operation of the French laws
+        against smugglers in the eighteenth century, compare _Tucker's
+        Life of Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 213, 214, with _Parliamentary
+        History_, vol. ix. p. 1240.
+
+  [412] In a work of considerable ability, the following account is given
+        of the state of things in England and France so late as the year
+        1824: 'While this was going forward on the English coast, the
+        smugglers on the opposite shore were engaged, with much more
+        labour, risk, and expense, in introducing English woollens, by a
+        vast system of fraud and lying, into the towns, past a series of
+        custom-houses. In both countries, there was an utter
+        dissoluteness of morals connected with these transactions.
+        Cheating and lying were essential to the whole system;
+        drunkenness accompanied it; contempt for all law grew up under
+        it; honest industry perished beneath it; and it was crowned with
+        murder.' _Martineau's History of England during Thirty Years'
+        Peace_, vol. i. p. 341, 8vo. 1849.
+
+  [413] For evidence of the extraordinary extent to which smuggling was
+        formerly carried, and that not secretly, but by powerful bodies
+        of armed men, see _Parliamentary History_, vol. ix. pp. 243, 247,
+        1290, 1345, vol. x. pp. 394, 405, 530, 532, vol. xi. p. 935. And
+        on the number of persons engaged in it, compare _Tomline's Life
+        of Pitt_, vol. i. p. 359: see also _Sinclair's History of the
+        Public Revenue_, vol. iii. p. 232; _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol.
+        i. p. 391. In France, the evil was equally great. M. Lemontey
+        says, that early in the eighteenth century, 'la contrebande
+        devenait une profession ouverte, et des compagnies de cavalerie
+        désertèrent tout entières leurs étendards pour suivre contre le
+        fisc cette guerre populaire.' _Lemontey_, _Essai sur
+        l'Etablissement monarchique de Louis XIV_, p. 430. According to
+        Townsend, there were, in 1786, 'more than 1500 smugglers in the
+        Pyrenees.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_, vol. i. p. 84.
+
+It is unnecessary to say, that these remarks do not affect the real
+services rendered to society by every tolerably organized government. In
+all countries, a power of punishing crime, and of framing laws, must
+reside somewhere; otherwise the nation is in a state of anarchy. But the
+accusation which the historian is bound to bring against every
+government which has hitherto existed is, that it has overstepped its
+proper functions, and, at each step, has done incalculable harm. The
+love of exercising power has been found to be so universal, that no
+class of men who have possessed authority have been able to avoid
+abusing it. To maintain order, to prevent the strong from oppressing the
+weak, and to adopt certain precautions respecting the public health, are
+the only services which any government can render to the interests of
+civilization. That these are services of immense value, no one will
+deny; but it cannot be said, that by them civilization is advanced, or
+the progress of Man accelerated. All that is done is, to afford the
+opportunity of progress; the progress itself must depend upon other
+matters. And that this is the sound view of legislation, is, moreover,
+evident from the fact, that as knowledge is becoming more diffused, and
+as an increasing experience is enabling each successive generation
+better to understand the complicated relations of life; just in the same
+proportion are men insisting upon the repeal of those protective laws,
+the enactment of which was deemed by politicians to be the greatest
+triumph of political foresight.
+
+Seeing, therefore, that the efforts of government in favour of
+civilization are, when most successful, altogether negative; and seeing
+too, that when those efforts are more than negative, they become
+injurious,--it clearly follows, that all speculations must be erroneous
+which ascribe the progress of Europe to the wisdom of its rulers. This
+is an inference which rests not only on the arguments already adduced,
+but on facts which might be multiplied from every page of history. For
+no government having recognized its proper limits, the result is, that
+every government has inflicted on its subjects great injuries; and has
+done this nearly always with the best intentions. The effects of its
+protective policy in injuring trade, and, what is far worse, in
+increasing crime, have just been noticed; and to these instances,
+innumerable others might be added. Thus, during many centuries, every
+government thought it was its bounden duty to encourage religious truth,
+and discourage religious error. The mischief this has produced is
+incalculable. Putting aside all other considerations, it is enough to
+mention its two leading consequences; which are, the increase of
+hypocrisy, and the increase of perjury. The increase of hypocrisy is the
+inevitable result of connecting any description of penalty with the
+profession of particular opinions. Whatever may be the case with
+individuals, it is certain that the majority of men find an extreme
+difficulty in long resisting constant temptation. And when the
+temptation comes to them in the shape of honour and emolument, they are
+too often ready to profess the dominant opinions, and abandon, not
+indeed their belief, but the external marks by which that belief is made
+public. Every man who takes this step is a hypocrite; and every
+government which encourages this step to be taken, is an abettor of
+hypocrisy and a creator of hypocrites. Well, therefore, may we say, that
+when a government holds out as a bait, that those who profess certain
+opinions shall enjoy certain privileges, it plays the part of the
+tempter of old, and, like the Evil One, basely offers the good things of
+this world to him who will change his worship and deny his faith. At the
+same time, and as a part of this system, the increase of perjury has
+accompanied the increase of hypocrisy. For legislators, plainly seeing
+that proselytes thus obtained could not be relied upon, have met the
+danger by the most extraordinary precautions; and compelling men to
+confirm their belief by repeated oaths, have thus sought to protect the
+old creed against the new converts. It is this suspicion as to the
+motives of others, which has given rise to oaths of every kind and in
+every direction. In England, even the boy at college is forced to swear
+about matters which he cannot understand, and which far riper minds are
+unable to master. If he afterwards goes into Parliament, he must again
+swear about his religion; and at nearly every stage of political life he
+must take fresh oaths; the solemnity of which is often strangely
+contrasted with the trivial functions to which they are the prelude. A
+solemn adjuration of the Deity being thus made at every turn, it has
+happened, as might have been expected, that oaths, enjoined as a matter
+of course, have at length degenerated into a matter of form. What is
+lightly taken, is easily broken. And the best observers of English
+society,--observers too whose characters are very different, and who
+hold the most opposite opinions,--are all agreed on this, that the
+perjury habitually practised in England, and of which government is the
+immediate creator, is so general, that it has become a source of
+national corruption, has diminished the value of human testimony, and
+shaken the confidence which men naturally place in the word of their
+fellow-creatures.[414]
+
+  [414] Archbishop Whately says, what hardly any thinking man will now
+        deny, 'If oaths were abolished--leaving the penalties for false
+        witness (no unimportant part of our security) unaltered--I am
+        convinced that, on the whole, testimony would be more trustworthy
+        than it is.' _Whately's Elements of Rhetoric_, 8vo. 1850, p. 47.
+        See also on the amount of perjury caused by English legislation,
+        _Jeremy Bentham's Works_, edit. Bowring, vol. ii. p. 210, vol. v.
+        pp. 191-229, 454-466, vol. vi. pp. 314, 315; _Orme's Life of
+        Owen_, p. 195; _Locke's Works_, vol. iv. p. 6; _Berkeley's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 196; _Whiston's Memoirs_, pp. 33, 411-413;
+        _Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy and Literature_, pp. 454,
+        522, 527, 528. Sir W. Hamilton sums up: 'But if the perjury of
+        England stands pre-eminent in the world, the perjury of the
+        English Universities, and of Oxford in particular, stands
+        pre-eminent in England,' p. 528. Compare _Priestley's Memoirs_,
+        vol. i. p. 374 and _Baker's Life of Sir Thomas Bernard_, 1819,
+        pp. 188, 189.
+
+The open vices, and, what is much more dangerous, the hidden
+corruption, thus generated in the midst of society by the ignorant
+interference of Christian rulers, is indeed a painful subject; but it is
+one which I could not omit in an analysis of the causes of civilization.
+It would be easy to push the inquiry still further, and to show how
+legislators, in every attempt they have made to protect some particular
+interests, and uphold some particular principles, have not only failed,
+but have brought about results diametrically opposite to those which
+they proposed. We have seen that their laws in favour of industry have
+injured industry; that their laws in favour of religion have increased
+hypocrisy; and that their laws to secure truth have encouraged perjury.
+Exactly in the same way, nearly every country has taken steps to prevent
+usury, and keep down the interest of money; and the invariable effect
+has been to increase usury, and raise the interest of money. For, since
+no prohibition, however stringent, can destroy the natural relation
+between demand and supply, it has followed, that when some men want to
+borrow, and other men want to lend, both parties are sure to find means
+of evading a law which interferes with their mutual rights.[415] If the
+two parties were left to adjust their own bargain undisturbed, the usury
+would depend on the circumstances of the loan; such as the amount of
+security, and the chance of repayment. But this natural arrangement has
+been complicated by the interference of government.[416] A certain risk
+being always incurred by those who disobey the law, the usurer, very
+properly, refuses to lend his money unless he is also compensated for
+the danger he is in from the penalty hanging over him. This compensation
+can only be made by the borrower, who is thus obliged to pay what in
+reality is a double interest: one interest for the natural risk on the
+loan, and another interest for the extra risk from the law. Such, then,
+is the position in which every European legislature has placed itself.
+By enactments against usury, it has increased what it wished to destroy;
+it has passed laws, which the imperative necessities of men compel them
+to violate: while, to wind up the whole, the penalty for such violation
+falls on the borrowers; that is, on the very class in whose favour the
+legislators interfered.[417]
+
+  [415] 'L'observation rigoureuse de ces loix seroit destructive de tout
+        commerce; aussi ne sont-elles pas observées rigoureusement.'
+        _Mémoire sur les Prêts d'Argent_, sec. xiv., in _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. v. pp. 278, 279. Compare _Ricardo's Works_, pp.
+        178, 179, with _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_, pp. 53, 54, 228.
+
+  [416] Aided by the church. Ecclesiastical councils contain numerous
+        regulations against usury; and, in 1179, Pope Alexander ordered
+        that usurers were not to be buried: 'Quia in omnibus ferè locis
+        crimen usurarum invaluit; ut multi negotiis prætermissis quasi
+        licitè usuras exerceant; et qualiter utriusque testamenti pagina
+        condemnetur, non attendunt: ideò constituimus, ut usurarii
+        manifesti nec ad communionem recipiantur altaris, nec
+        Christianam, si in hoc peccato decesserint, accipiant sepulturam,
+        sed nec oblationem eorum quisquam accipiat.' _Rog. de Hoved.
+        Annal. in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 335, Lond.
+        1596, folio. In Spain, the Inquisition took cognizance of usury.
+        See _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. p. 339.
+        Compare _Ledwich's Antiquities of Ireland_, p. 133.
+
+  [417] The whole subject of the usury laws has been treated by Bentham in
+        so complete and exhaustive a manner, that I cannot do better than
+        refer the reader to his admirable 'Letters.' A part only of the
+        question is discussed, and that very imperfectly, in _Rey's
+        Science Sociale_, vol. iii. pp. 64, 65. On the necessity of usury
+        to mitigate the effects of a commercial panic, see _Mill's
+        Principles of Political Economy_, vol. ii. p. 185.
+
+In the same meddling spirit, and with the same mistaken notions of
+protection, the great Christian governments have done other things still
+more injurious. They have made strenuous and repeated efforts to destroy
+the liberty of the press, and prevent men from expressing their
+sentiments on the most important questions in politics and religion. In
+nearly every country, they, with the aid of the church, have organized a
+vast system of literary police; the sole object of which is, to abrogate
+the undoubted right of every citizen to lay his opinions before his
+fellow-citizens. In the very few countries where they have stopped short
+of these extreme steps, they have had recourse to others less violent,
+but equally unwarrantable. For even where they have not openly forbidden
+the free dissemination of knowledge, they have done all that they could
+to check it. On all the implements of knowledge, and on all the means by
+which it is diffused, such as paper, books, political journals, and the
+like, they have imposed duties so heavy, that they could hardly have
+done worse if they had been the sworn advocates of popular ignorance.
+Indeed, looking at what they have actually accomplished, it may be
+emphatically said, that they have taxed the human mind. They have made
+the very thoughts of men pay toll. Whoever wishes to communicate his
+ideas to others, and thus do what he can to increase the stock of our
+acquirements, must first pour his contributions into the imperial
+exchequer. That is the penalty inflicted on him for instructing his
+fellow-creatures. That is the blackmail which government extorts from
+literature; and on receipt of which it accords its favour, and agrees to
+abstain from further demands. And what causes all this to be the more
+insufferable, is the use which is made of these and similar exactions,
+wrung from every kind of industry, both bodily and mental. It is truly a
+frightful consideration, that knowledge is to be hindered, and that the
+proceeds of honest labour, of patient thought, and sometimes of profound
+genius, are to be diminished, in order that a large part of their scanty
+earnings may go to swell the pomp of an idle and ignorant court,
+minister to the caprice of a few powerful individuals, and too often
+supply them with the means of turning against the people resources which
+the people called into existence.
+
+These, and the foregoing statements, respecting the effects produced on
+European society by political legislation, are not doubtful or
+hypothetical inferences, but are such as every reader of history may
+verify for himself. Indeed, some of them are still acting in England;
+and, in one country or another, the whole of them may be seen in full
+force. When put together, they compose an aggregate so formidable, that
+we may well wonder how, in the face of them, civilization has been able
+to advance. That, under such circumstances, it has advanced, is a
+decisive proof of the extraordinary energy of Man; and justifies a
+confident belief, that as the pressure of legislation is diminished,
+and the human mind less hampered, the progress will continue with
+accelerated speed. But it is absurd, it would be a mockery of all sound
+reasoning, to ascribe to legislation any share in the progress; or to
+expect any benefit from future legislators, except that sort of benefit
+which consists in undoing the work of their predecessors. This is what
+the present generation claims at their hands; and it should be
+remembered that what one generation solicits as a boon, the next
+generation demands as a right. And, when the right is pertinaciously
+refused, one of two things has always happened: either the nation has
+retrogaded, or else the people have risen. Should the government remain
+firm, this is the cruel dilemma in which men are placed. If they submit,
+they injure their country; if they rebel, they may injure it still more.
+In the ancient monarchies of the East, their usual plan was to yield; in
+the monarchies of Europe, it has been to resist. Hence those
+insurrections and rebellions which occupy so large a space in modern
+history, and which are but repetitions of the old story, the undying
+struggle between oppressors and oppressed. It would, however, be unjust
+to deny, that in one country the fatal crisis has now for several
+generations been successfully averted. In one European country, and in
+one alone, the people have been so strong and the government so weak,
+that the history of legislation, taken as a whole, is, notwithstanding a
+few aberrations, the history of slow, but constant concession: reforms
+which would have been refused to argument, have been yielded from fear;
+while from the steady increase of democratic opinions, protection after
+protection, and privilege after privilege, have, even in our time, been
+torn away; until the old institutions, though they retain their former
+name, have lost their former vigour, and there no longer remains a doubt
+as to what their fate must ultimately be. Nor need we add, that in this
+same country, where, more than in any other of Europe, legislators are
+the exponents and the servants of the popular will, the progress has, on
+this account, been more undeviating than elsewhere; there has been
+neither anarchy nor revolution; and the world has been made familiar
+with the great truth, that one main condition of the prosperity of a
+people is, that its rulers shall have very little power, that they shall
+exercise that power very sparingly, and that they shall by no means
+presume to raise themselves into supreme judges of the national
+interests, or deem themselves authorized to defeat the wishes of those
+for whose benefit alone they occupy the post entrusted to them.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI.
+
+  ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE
+                                  AGES.
+
+
+I have now laid before the reader an examination of those conspicuous
+circumstances to which the progress of civilization is commonly
+ascribed; and I have proved that such circumstances, so far from being
+the cause of civilization, are at best only its effects; and that
+although religion, literature, and legislation do, undoubtedly, modify
+the condition of mankind, they are still more modified by it. Indeed, as
+we have clearly seen, they, even in their most favourable position, can
+be but secondary agents; because, however beneficial their apparent
+influence may be, they are themselves the product of preceding changes,
+and their results will vary according to the variations of the society
+on which they work.
+
+It is thus that, by each successive analysis, the field of the present
+inquiry has been narrowed, until we have found reason to believe that
+the growth of European civilization is solely due to the progress of
+knowledge, and that the progress of knowledge depends on the number of
+truths which the human intellect discovers, and on the extent to which
+they are diffused. In support of this proposition, I have, as yet, only
+brought forward such general arguments as establish a very strong
+probability; which, to raise to a certainty, will require an appeal to
+history in the widest sense of the term. Thus to verify speculative
+conclusions by an exhaustive enumeration of the most important
+particular facts, is the task which I purpose to execute so far as my
+powers will allow; and in the preceding chapter I have briefly stated
+the method according to which the investigation will be conducted.
+Besides this, it has appeared to me that the principles which I have
+laid down may also be tested by a mode of proceeding which I have not
+yet mentioned, but which is intimately connected with the subject now
+before us. This is, to incorporate with an inquiry into the progress of
+the history of Man, another inquiry into the progress of History itself.
+By this means, great light will be thrown on the movements of society;
+since there must always be a connexion between the way in which men
+contemplate the past, and the way in which they contemplate the present;
+both views being in fact different forms of the same habits of thought,
+and therefore presenting, in each age, a certain sympathy and
+correspondence with each other. It will, moreover, be found, that such
+an inquiry into what I call the history of history, will establish two
+leading facts of considerable value. The first fact is, that during the
+last three centuries, historians, taken as a class, have shown a
+constantly increasing respect for the human intellect, and an aversion
+for those innumerable contrivances by which it was formerly shackled.
+The second fact is, that during the same period, they have displayed a
+growing tendency to neglect matters once deemed of paramount importance,
+and have been more willing to attend to subjects connected with the
+condition of the people and the diffusion of knowledge. These two facts
+will be decisively established in the present Introduction; and it must
+be admitted, that their existence corroborates the principles which I
+have propounded. If it can be ascertained, that as society has improved,
+historical literature has constantly tended in one given direction,
+there arises a very strong probability in favour of the truth of those
+views towards which it is manifestly approaching. Indeed, it is a
+probability of this sort which makes it so important for the student of
+any particular science to be acquainted with its history; because there
+is always a fair presumption that when general knowledge is advancing,
+any single department of it, if studied by competent men, is also
+advancing, even when the results may have been so small as to seem
+unworthy of attention. Hence it becomes highly important to observe the
+way in which, during successive ages, historians have shifted their
+ground; since we shall find that such changes have in the long-run
+always pointed to the same quarter, and are, in reality, only part of
+that vast movement by which the human intellect, with infinite
+difficulty, has vindicated its own rights, and slowly emancipated itself
+from those inveterate prejudices which long impeded its action.
+
+With a view to these considerations, it seems advisable that, when
+examining the different civilizations into which the great countries of
+Europe have diverged, I should also give an account of the way in which
+history has been commonly written in each country. In the employment of
+this resource, I shall be mainly guided by a desire to illustrate the
+intimate connexion between the actual condition of a people and their
+opinions respecting the past; and, in order to keep this connexion in
+sight, I shall treat the state of historical literature, not as a
+separate subject, but as forming part of the intellectual history of
+each nation. The present volume will contain a view of the principal
+characteristics of French civilization until the great Revolution; and
+with that there will be incorporated an account of the French
+historians, and of the remarkable improvements they introduced into
+their own departments of knowledge. The relation which these
+improvements bore to the state of society from which they proceeded, is
+very striking, and will be examined at some length; while, in the next
+volume, the civilization and the historical literature of the other
+leading countries will be treated in a similar manner. Before, however,
+entering into these different subjects, it has occurred to me, that a
+preliminary inquiry into the origin of European history would be
+interesting, as supplying information respecting matters which are
+little known, and also as enabling the reader to understand the extreme
+difficulty with which history has reached its present advanced, but
+still very imperfect, state. The materials for studying the earliest
+condition of Europe have long since perished; but the extensive
+information we now possess concerning barbarous nations will supply us
+with a useful resource, because they have all much in common; the
+opinions of extreme ignorance being, indeed, every where the same,
+except when modified by the differences which nature presents in various
+countries. I have, therefore, no hesitation in employing the evidence
+which has been collected by competent travellers, and drawing inferences
+from it respecting that period of the European mind, of which we have no
+direct knowledge. Such conclusions will, of course, be speculative; but,
+during the last thousand years, we are quite independent of them,
+inasmuch as every great country has had chroniclers of its own since the
+ninth century, while the French have an uninterrupted series since the
+sixth century. In the present chapter, I intend to give specimens of the
+way in which, until the sixteenth century, history was habitually
+written by the highest European authorities. Its subsequent improvement
+during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, will be related under
+the separate heads of the countries where the progress was made; and as
+history, previous to the improvement, was little else than a tissue of
+the grossest errors, I will, in the first place, examine the leading
+causes of its universal corruption, and indicate the steps by which it
+was so disfigured that, during several centuries, Europe did not possess
+a single man who had critically studied the past, or who was even able
+to record with tolerable accuracy the events of his own time.
+
+At a very early period in the progress of a people, and long before they
+are acquainted with the use of letters, they feel the want of some
+resource, which in peace may amuse their leisure, and in war may
+stimulate their courage. This is supplied to them by the invention of
+ballads; which form the groundwork of all historical knowledge, and
+which, in one shape or another, are found among some of the rudest
+tribes of the earth. They are, for the most part, sung by a class of men
+whose particular business it is thus to preserve the stock of
+traditions. Indeed, so natural is this curiosity as to past events,
+that there are few nations to whom these bards or minstrels are unknown.
+Thus, to select a few instances, it is they who have preserved the
+popular traditions, not only of Europe,[418] but also of China, Tibet,
+and Tartary;[419] likewise of India,[420] of Scinde,[421] of
+Belochistan,[422] of Western Asia,[423] of the islands of the Black
+Sea,[424] of Egypt,[425] of Western Africa,[426] of North America,[427]
+of South America,[428] and of the islands in the Pacific.[429]
+
+  [418] For an account of the ancient bards of Gaul, see the _Benedictine
+        Hist. Lit. de la France_, vol. i. part i. pp. 25-28. Those of
+        Scotland are noticed in _Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands_, p.
+        89; and for a modern instance in the island of Col, near Mull,
+        see _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. i. p. 307. As to the Irish
+        bards in the seventh century, see _Sharon Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 571. Spenser's account of them in the
+        sixteenth century (_Somers Tracts_, vol. i. pp. 590, 591) shows
+        that the order was then falling into contempt; and in the
+        seventeenth century this is confirmed by Sir William Temple;
+        _Essay on Poetry_, in _Temple's Works_, vol. iii. pp. 431, 432.
+        But it was not till the eighteenth century that they became
+        extinct; for Mr. Prior (_Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. pp. 36, 37)
+        says, that Carolan, 'the last of the ancient Irish bards,' died
+        in 1738. Without them the memory of many events would have been
+        entirely lost; since, even at the end of the seventeenth century,
+        there being no registers in Ireland, the ordinary means of
+        recording facts were so little known, that parents often took the
+        precaution of having the names and ages of children marked on
+        their arms with gunpowder. See _Kirkman's Memoirs of Charles
+        Macklin_, 8vo. 1799, vol. i. pp. 144, 145, a curious book.
+        Compare, respecting Carolan, _Nichols's Illustrations of the
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. vii. pp. 688-694.
+
+  [419] On these Toolholos, as they are called, see _Huc's Travels in
+        Tartary, Thibet, and China_, vol. i. pp. 65-67. Huc says, p. 67,
+        'These poet-singers, who remind us of the minstrels and
+        rhapsodists of Greece, are also very numerous in China; but they
+        are, probably, no where so numerous or so popular as in Thibet.'
+
+  [420] On the bards of the Deccan, see _Wilks's History of the South of
+        India_, 4to. 1810, vol. i. pp. 20, 21, and _Transac. of the
+        Bombay Soc._ vol. i. p. 162. For those of other parts of India,
+        see _Heber's Journey_, vol. ii. pp. 452-455; _Burnes on the
+        North-west Frontier of India_, in _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol.
+        iv. pp. 110, 111; _Prinsep_, in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol.
+        viii. p. 395; _Forbes's Oriental Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 376, 377,
+        543; and _Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix. p. 78. They are mentioned
+        in the oldest Veda, which is also the oldest of all the Indian
+        books. See _Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. p. 158.
+
+  [421] See _Burton's Sindh_, p. 56, 8vo. 1851.
+
+  [422] _Burton's Sindh_, p. 59.
+
+  [423] _Burnes's Travels into Bokhara_, 8vo. 1834, vol. ii. pp. 107, 115,
+        116.
+
+  [424] _Clarke's Travels_, 8vo. 1816, vol. ii. p. 101.
+
+  [425] Compare _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. p. 304, with
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p. 96, vol. ii. p. 92.
+
+  [426] I have mislaid my note on the bards of Western Africa, and can
+        only refer to a hasty notice in _Mungo Park's Travels_, vol. i.
+        p. 70. 8vo. 1817.
+
+  [427] _Buchanan's Sketches of the North-American Indians_, p. 337.
+
+  [428] _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. pp. 31, 32, 117.
+
+  [429] _Ellis_, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. pp. 85, 199, 411;
+        _Ellis_, _Tour through Hawaii_, p. 91. Compare _Cook's Voyages_,
+        vol. v. p. 237, with _Beechey's Voyage to the Pacific_, vol. ii.
+        p. 106. Some of these ballads have been collected, but, I
+        believe, not published. See _Cheever's Sandwich Islands_, 8vo.
+        1851, p. 181.
+
+In all these countries, letters were long unknown; and, as a people in
+that state have no means of perpetuating their history except by oral
+tradition, they select the form best calculated to assist their memory;
+and it will, I believe, be found that the first rudiments of knowledge
+consist always of poetry, and often of rhyme.[430] The jingle pleases
+the ear of the barbarian, and affords a security that he will hand it
+down to his children in the unimpaired state in which he received
+it.[431] This guarantee against error increases still further the value
+of these ballads; and instead of being considered as a mere amusement,
+they rise to the dignity of judicial authorities.[432] The allusions
+contained in them, are satisfactory proofs to decide the merits of rival
+families, or even to fix the limits of those rude estates which such a
+society can possess. We therefore find, that the professed reciters and
+composers of these songs are the recognized judges in all disputed
+matters; and as they are often priests, and believed to be inspired, it
+is probably in this way that the notion of the divine origin of poetry
+first arose.[433] These ballads will, of course, vary, according to the
+customs and temperaments of the different nations, and according to the
+climate to which they are accustomed. In the south they assume a
+passionate and voluptuous form; in the north they are rather remarkable
+for their tragic and warlike character.[434] But, notwithstanding these
+diversities, all such productions have one feature in common. They are
+not only founded on truth, but making allowance for the colourings of
+poetry, they are all strictly true. Men who are constantly repeating
+songs which they constantly hear, and who appeal to the authorized
+singers of them as final umpires in disputed questions, are not likely
+to be mistaken on matters, in the accuracy of which they have so lively
+an interest.[435]
+
+  [430] It is a singular proof of the carelessness with which the history
+        of barbarous nations has been studied, that authors constantly
+        assert rhyme to be a comparatively recent contrivance; and even
+        Pinkerton, writing to Laing in 1799, says, 'Rhyme was not known
+        in Europe till about the ninth century.' _Pinkerton's Literary
+        Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 92. The truth is, that rhyme was not
+        only known to the ancient Greeks and Romans, but was used, long
+        before the date Pinkerton mentions, by the Anglo-Saxons, by the
+        Irish, by the Welsh, and, I believe, by the Brétons. See _Mure's
+        Hist. of the Literature of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 113; _Hallam's
+        Lit. of Europe_, vol. i. p. 31; _Villemarqué_, _Chants Populaires
+        de la Bretagne_, vol. i. pp. lviii. lix. compared with
+        _Souvestre_, _les Derniers Bretons_, p. 143; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. pp. 383, 643, vol. vii. pp. 324, 328, 330.
+        Rhyme is also used by the Fantees (_Bowdich_, _Mission to
+        Ashantee_, p. 358); by the Persians (_Transac. of Bombay Soc._
+        vol. ii. p. 82); by the Chinese (_Transac. of Asiatic Soc._ vol.
+        ii. pp. 407, 409, and _Davis's Chinese_, vol. ii. p. 269); by the
+        Malays (_Asiatic Researches_, vol. x. pp. 176, 196); by the
+        Javanese (_Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 19, 20); and by the Siamese (_Transac. of Asiatic Soc._ vol.
+        iii. p. 299).
+
+  [431] The habit thus acquired, long survives the circumstances which
+        made it necessary. During many centuries, the love of
+        versification was so widely diffused, that works in rhyme were
+        composed on nearly all subjects, even in Europe; and this
+        practice, which marks the ascendency of the imagination, is, as I
+        have shown, a characteristic of the great Indian civilization,
+        where the understanding was always in abeyance. On early French
+        historians who wrote in rhyme, see _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers
+        Etats_, vol. vi. p. 147. Montucla (_Hist. des Mathémat._ vol. i.
+        p. 506) mentions a mathematical treatise, written in the
+        thirteenth century, 'en vers techniques.' Compare the remarks of
+        Matter (_Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. pp. 179-183) on
+        the scientific poetry of Aratus; and on that of Hygin, p. 250.
+        Thus, too, we find an Anglo-Norman writing 'the Institutes of
+        Justinian in verse;' _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vii. p.
+        307: and a Polish historian composing 'his numerous works on
+        genealogy and heraldry mostly in rhyme.' _Talvi's Language and
+        Literature of the Slavic Nations_, 8vo. 1850, p. 246. Compare
+        _Origines du Droit Français_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol.
+        ii. p. 310.
+
+  [432] Mr. Ellis, a missionary in the South-Sea Islands, says of the
+        inhabitants, 'Their traditionary ballads were a kind of standard,
+        or classical authority, to which they referred for the purpose of
+        determining any disputed fact in their history.' And when doubts
+        arose, 'as they had no records to which they could at such times
+        refer, they could only oppose one oral tradition to another;
+        which unavoidably involved the parties in protracted, and often
+        obstinate debates.' _Ellis_, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. pp.
+        202, 203. Compare _Elphinstone's Hist. of India_, p. 66; _Laing's
+        Heimskringla_, 8vo. 1844, vol. i. pp. 50, 51; _Twell's Life of
+        Pocock_, edit. 1816, p. 143.
+
+  [433] The inspiration of poetry is sometimes explained by its
+        spontaneousness (_Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, II^e série,
+        vol. i. pp. 135, 136); and there can be no doubt that one cause
+        of the reverence felt for great poets, is the necessity they seem
+        to experience of pouring out their thoughts without reference to
+        their own wishes. Still, it will, I believe, be found, that the
+        notion of poetry being a divine art is most rife in those states
+        of society in which knowledge is monopolised by the bards, and in
+        which the bards are both priests and historians. On this
+        combination of pursuits, compare a note in _Malcolm's Hist. of
+        Persia_, vol. i. p. 90, with _Mure's Hist. of the Lit. of
+        Greece_, vol. i. p. 148, vol. ii. p. 228, and _Petrie's_ learned
+        work, _Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland_, Dublin, 1845, p.
+        354. For evidence of the great respect paid to bards, see
+        _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, pp. 234-236; _Wheaton's Hist. of
+        the Northmen_, pp. 50, 51; _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. i. p.
+        3; _Warton's Hist. of English Poetry_, 1840, vol. i. pp. xxvi.
+        xl.; _Grote's Hist. of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 182, 1st edit.; and
+        on their important duties, see the laws of M[oe]lmund,
+        _Villemarqué_, _Chants Populaires de la Bretagne_, 1846, vol. i.
+        pp. v. and vi.; _Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. p. 229;
+        and _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii. p.
+        372.
+
+  [434] _Villemarqué_, _Chants Populaires_, vol. i. p. lv.
+
+  [435] As to the general accuracy of the early ballads, which has been
+        rashly attacked by several writers, and among others by Sir
+        Walter Scott, see _Villemarqué_, _Chants Populaires_, vol. i. pp.
+        xxv.-xxxi., and _Talvi's Slavic Nations_, p. 150. On the tenacity
+        of oral tradition, compare _Niebuhr's History of Rome_, 1847,
+        vol. i. p. 230, with _Laing's Denmark_, pp. 197, 198, 350;
+        _Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen_, pp. 38, 39, 57-59. Another
+        curious illustration of this is, that several barbarous nations
+        continue to repeat the old traditions in the old words, for so
+        many generations, that at length the very language becomes
+        unintelligible to the majority of those who recite them. See
+        _Mariner's Account of the Tonga Islands_, vol. i. p. 156, vol.
+        ii. p. 217, and _Catlin's North-American Indians_, vol. i. p.
+        126.
+
+This is the earliest, and most simple, of the various stages through
+which history is obliged to pass. But, in the course of time, unless
+unfavourable circumstances intervene, society advances, and, among other
+changes, there is one in particular of the greatest importance: I mean
+the introduction of the art of writing, which, before many generations
+are passed, must effect a complete alteration in the character of the
+national traditions. The manner in which this occurs has, so far as I am
+aware, never been pointed out; and it will, therefore, be interesting to
+attempt to trace some of its details.
+
+The first, and perhaps the most obvious consideration, is that the
+introduction of the art of writing gives permanence to the national
+knowledge, and thus lessens the utility of that oral information, in
+which all the acquirements of an unlettered people must be contained.
+Hence it is, that as a country advances, the influence of tradition
+diminishes, and traditions themselves become less trustworthy.[436]
+Besides this, the preservers of these traditions lose, in this stage of
+society, much of their former reputation. Among a perfectly unlettered
+people, the singers of ballads are, as we have already seen, the sole
+depositories of those historical facts on which the fame, and often the
+property, of their chieftains principally depend. But, when this same
+nation becomes acquainted with the art of writing, it grows unwilling to
+intrust these matters to the memory of itinerant singers, and avails
+itself of its new art to preserve them in a fixed and material form. As
+soon as this is effected, the importance of those who repeat the
+national traditions is sensibly diminished. They gradually sink into an
+inferior class, which, having lost its old reputation, no longer
+consists of those superior men to whose abilities it owed its former
+fame.[437] Thus we see, that although, without letters, there can be no
+knowledge of much importance, it is nevertheless true, that their
+introduction is injurious to historical traditions in two distinct
+ways: first by weakening the traditions, and secondly by weakening the
+class of men whose occupation it is to preserve them.
+
+  [436] That the invention of letters would at first weaken the memory, is
+        noticed in Plato's Phædrus, chap. 135 (_Platonis Opera_, vol. i.
+        p. 187, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826); where, however, the argument
+        is pushed rather too far.
+
+  [437] This inevitable decline in the ability of the bards is noticed,
+        though, as it appears to me, from a wrong point of view, in
+        _Mure's Literat. of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 230.
+
+But this is not all. Not only does the art of writing lessen the number
+of traditionary truths, but it directly encourages the propagation of
+falsehoods. This is effected by what may be termed a principle of
+accumulation, to which all systems of belief have been deeply indebted.
+In ancient times, for example, the name of Hercules was given to several
+of those great public robbers who scourged mankind, and who, if their
+crimes were successful, as well as enormous, were sure after their death
+to be worshipped as heroes.[438] How this appellation originated is
+uncertain; but it was probably bestowed at first on a single man, and
+afterwards on those who resembled him in the character of their
+achievements.[439] This mode of extending the use of a single name is
+natural to a barbarous people;[440] and would cause little or no
+confusion, as long as the traditions of the country remained local and
+unconnected. But as soon as these traditions became fixed by a written
+language, the collectors of them, deceived by the similarity of name,
+assembled the scattered facts, and, ascribing to a single man these
+accumulated exploits, degraded history to the level of a miraculous
+mythology.[441] In the same way, soon after the use of letters was known
+in the North of Europe, there was drawn up by Saxo Grammaticus the life
+of the celebrated Ragnar Lodbrok. Either from accident or design, this
+great warrior of Scandinavia, who had taught England to tremble, had
+received the same name as another Ragnar, who was prince of Jutland
+about a hundred years earlier. This coincidence would have caused no
+confusion, as long as each district preserved a distinct and independent
+account of its own Ragnar. But, by possessing the resource of writing,
+men became able to consolidate the separate trains of events, and, as it
+were, fuse two truths into one error. And this was what actually
+happened. The credulous Saxo put together the different exploits of both
+Ragnars, and, ascribing the whole of them to his favourite hero, has
+involved in obscurity one of the most interesting parts of the early
+history of Europe.[442]
+
+  [438] Varro mentions forty-four of these vagabonds, who were all called
+        Hercules. See a learned article in _Smith's Biog. and Mythology_,
+        vol. ii. p. 401, 8vo. 1846. See also _Mackay's Religious
+        Development of the Greeks and Hebrews_, vol. ii. pp. 71-79. On
+        the relation between Hercules and Melcarth, compare _Matter_,
+        _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 257, with _Heeren's Asiatic
+        Nations_, vol. i. p. 295, 8vo. 1846. And as to the Hercules of
+        Egypt, _Prichard's Analysis of Egyptian Mythology_, 1838, pp.
+        109, 115-119. As to the confusion of the different Hercules by
+        the Dorians, see _Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. p. 257;
+        and compare p. 130.
+
+  [439] This appears to be the opinion of Frederick Schlegel; _Schlegel's
+        Lectures on the History of Literature_, Edinb. 1818, vol. i.
+        p. 260.
+
+  [440] The habit of generalizing names precedes that more advanced state
+        of society in which men generalize phenomena. If this proposition
+        is universally true, which I take it to be, it will throw some
+        light on the history of disputes between the nominalists and the
+        realists.
+
+  [441] We may form an idea of the fertility of this source of error from
+        the fact, that in Egypt there were fifty-three cities bearing the
+        same name: 'L'auteur du Kamous nous apprend qu'il y a en Egypte
+        cinquante-trois villes du nom de Schobra: en effet, j'ai retrouvé
+        tous ces noms dans les deux dénombremens déjà cités.'
+        _Quatremère_, _Recherches sur la Langue et la Littérature de
+        l'Egypte_, p. 199.
+
+  [442] On this confusion respecting Ragnar Lodbrok, see _Geijer's History
+        of Sweden_, part i. pp. 13, 14; _Lappenberg's Anglo-Saxon Kings_,
+        vol. ii. p. 31; _Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen_, p. 150;
+        _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, p. 383; _Crichton's
+        Scandinavia_, vol. i. p. 116. A comparison of these passages will
+        justify the sarcastic remark of Koch on the history of Swedish
+        and Danish heroes; _Koch_, _Tableau des Révolutions_, vol. i. p.
+        57 note.
+
+The annals of the North afford another curious instance of this source
+of error. A tribe of Finns, called Quæns, occupied a considerable part
+of the eastern coast of the Gulf of Bothnia. Their country was known as
+Quænland; and this name gave rise to a belief that, to the north of the
+Baltic, there was a nation of Amazons. This would easily have been
+corrected by local knowledge; but, by the use of writing, the flying
+rumour was at once fixed; and the existence of such a people is
+positively affirmed in some of the earliest European histories.[443]
+Thus, too, Abo, the ancient capital of Finland, was called Turku, which,
+in the Swedish language, means a market-place. Adam of Bremen, having
+occasion to treat of the countries adjoining the Baltic,[444] was so
+misled by the word Turku, that this celebrated historian assures his
+readers that there were Turks in Finland.[445]
+
+  [443] _Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol. iii. p. 273. The
+        Norwegians still give to the Finlanders the name of Quæner. See
+        _Dillon's Lapland and Iceland_, 8vo. 1840, vol. ii. p. 221.
+        Compare _Laing's Sweden_, pp. 45, 47. The Amazon river in South
+        America owes its name to a similar fable. _Henderson's Hist. of
+        Brazil_, p. 453; _Southey's Hist. of Brazil_, vol. i. p. 112;
+        _M'Culloh's Researches concerning America_, pp. 407, 408; and
+        _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. xv. p. 65, for an account of the
+        wide diffusion of this error.
+
+  [444] Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p. 30) calls him 'the
+        Strabo of the Baltic;' and it was from him that most of the
+        geographers in the Middle Ages derived their knowledge of the
+        North.
+
+  [445] 'It was called in Finnish _Turku_, from the Swedish word _torg_,
+        which signifies a market-place. The sound of this name misled Adam
+        of Bremen into the belief that there were Turks in Finland.'
+        _Cooley's Hist. of Maritime and Inland Discovery_, London, 1830,
+        vol. i. p. 211.
+
+To these illustrations many others might be added, showing how mere
+names deceived the early historians, and gave rise to relations which
+were entirely false, and might have been rectified on the spot; but
+which, owing to the art of writing, were carried into distant countries,
+and thus placed beyond the reach of contradiction. Of such cases, one
+more may be mentioned, as it concerns the history of England. Richard
+I., the most barbarous of our princes, was known to his contemporaries
+as the Lion; an appellation conferred upon him on account of his
+fearlessness, and the ferocity of his temper.[446] Hence it was said
+that he had the heart of a lion; and the title C[oe]ur de Lion not only
+became indissolubly connected with his name, but actually gave rise to a
+story, repeated by innumerable writers, according to which he slew a
+lion in single combat.[447] The name gave rise to the story; the story
+confirmed the name; and another fiction was added to that long series of
+falsehoods of which history mainly consisted during the Middle Ages.
+
+  [446] The chronicler of his crusade says, that he was called Lion on
+        account of his never pardoning an offence: 'Nihil injuriarum
+        reliquit inultum: unde et unus (_i.e._ the King of France) dictus
+        est Agnus a Griffonibus, alter Leonis nomen accepit.' _Chronicon
+        Ricardi Divisiensis de Rebus gestis Ricardi Primi_, edit.
+        Stevenson, Lond. 1838, p. 18. Some of the Egyptian kings received
+        the name of Lion 'from their heroic exploits.' _Vyse on the
+        Pyramids_, vol. iii. p. 116.
+
+  [447] See Price's learned Preface to _Warton's History of English
+        Poetry_, vol. i. p. 21; and on the similar story of Henry the
+        Lion, see _Maury_, _Légendes du Moyen Age_, p. 160. Compare the
+        account of Duke Godfrey's conflict with a bear, in _Matthæi Paris
+        Historia Major_, p. 29, Lond. 1684, folio. I should not be
+        surprised if the story of Alexander and the Lion (_Thirlwall's
+        History of Greece_, vol. vi. p. 305) were equally fabulous.
+
+The corruptions of history, thus naturally brought about by the mere
+introduction of letters, were, in Europe, aided by an additional cause.
+With the art of writing, there was, in most cases, also communicated a
+knowledge of Christianity; and the new religion not only destroyed many
+of the Pagan traditions, but falsified the remainder, by amalgamating
+them with monastic legends. The extent to which this was carried would
+form a curious subject for inquiry; but one or two instances of it will
+perhaps be sufficient to satisfy the generality of readers.
+
+Of the earliest state of the great Northern nations we have little
+positive evidence; but several of the lays in which the Scandinavian
+poets related the feats of their ancestors, or of their contemporaries,
+are still preserved; and, notwithstanding their subsequent corruption,
+it is admitted by the most competent judges that they embody real and
+historical events. But in the ninth and tenth centuries, Christian
+missionaries found their way across the Baltic, and introduced a
+knowledge of their religion among the inhabitants of Northern
+Europe.[448] Scarcely was this effected, when the sources of history
+began to be poisoned. At the end of the eleventh century, Sæmund
+Sigfussen, a Christian priest, gathered the popular, and hitherto
+unwritten, histories of the North into what is called the Elder Edda;
+and he was satisfied with adding to his compilation the corrective of a
+Christian hymn.[449] A hundred years later, there was made another
+collection of the native histories; but the principle which I have
+mentioned, having had a longer time to operate, now displayed its
+effects still more clearly. In this second collection, which is known by
+the name of the Younger Edda, there is an agreeable mixture of Greek,
+Jewish, and Christian fables; and, for the first time in the
+Scandinavian annals, we meet with the widely diffused fiction of a
+Trojan descent.[450]
+
+  [448] The first missionary was Ebbo, about the year 822. He was followed
+        by Anschar, who afterwards pushed his enterprise as far as
+        Sweden. The progress was, however, slow; and it was not till the
+        latter half of the 11th century that Christianity was established
+        firmly in the North. See _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. v.
+        pp. 373, 374, 379, 380, 400-402; _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol.
+        i. pp. 188, 215, 216; _Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands_, p.
+        125. It is often supposed that some of the Danes in Ireland were
+        Christians as early as the reign of Ivar I.; but this is a
+        mistake, into which Ledwich fell by relying on a coin, which in
+        reality refers to Ivar II. _Petrie's Ecclesiastical Architecture
+        of Ireland_, p. 225; and _Ledwich's Antiquities of Ireland_, p.
+        159.
+
+  [449] Mr. Wheaton (_History of Northmen_, p. 60) says, that Sæmund
+        'merely added one song of his own composition, of a moral and
+        Christian religious tendency; so as thereby to consecrate and
+        leaven, as it were, the whole mass of Paganism.'
+
+  [450] _Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen_, pp. 89, 90; _Mallet's Northern
+        Antiquities_, pp. 377, 378, 485; _Schlegel's Lectures on the
+        History of Literature_, vol. i. p. 265. Indeed, these
+        interpolations are so numerous, that the earlier German
+        antiquaries believed the Edda to be a forgery by the northern
+        monks,--a paradox which Müller refuted more than forty years ago.
+        _Note in Wheaton_, p. 61. Compare _Palgrave's English
+        Commonwealth, Anglo-Saxon Period_, vol. i. p. 135.
+
+If, by way of further illustration, we turn to other parts of the world,
+we shall find a series of facts confirming this view. We shall find
+that, in those countries where there has been no change of religion,
+history is more trustworthy and connected than in those countries where
+such a change has taken place. In India, Brahmanism, which is still
+supreme, was established at so early a period, that its origin is lost
+in the remotest antiquity.[451] The consequence is, that the native
+annals have never been corrupted by any new superstition; and the
+Hindus are possessed of historic traditions more ancient than can be
+found among any other Asiatic people.[452] In the same way, the Chinese
+have for upwards of 2,000 years preserved the religion of Fo, which is a
+form of Buddhism.[453] In China, therefore, though the civilization has
+never been equal to that of India, there is a history, not, indeed, as
+old as the natives would wish us to believe, but still stretching back
+to several centuries before the Christian era, from whence it has been
+brought down to our own times in an uninterrupted succession.[454] On
+the other hand, the Persians, whose intellectual development was
+certainly superior to that of the Chinese, are nevertheless without any
+authentic information respecting the early transactions of their ancient
+monarchy.[455] For this I can see no possible reason, except the fact,
+that Persia, soon after the promulgation of the Koran, was conquered by
+the Mohammedans, who completely subverted the Parsee religion, and thus
+interrupted the stream of the national traditions.[456] Hence it is
+that, putting aside the myths of the Zendavesta, we have no native
+authorities for Persian history of any value, until the appearance, in
+the eleventh century, of the Shah Nameh; in which, however, Ferdousi has
+mingled the miraculous relations of those two religions by which his
+country had been successively subjected.[457] The result is, that if it
+were not for the various discoveries which have been made, of
+monuments, inscriptions, and coins, we should be compelled to rely on
+the scanty and inaccurate details in the Greek writers for our knowledge
+of the history of one of the most important of the Asiatic
+monarchies.[458]
+
+  [451] As is evident from the conflicting statements made by the best
+        orientalists, each of whom has some favourite hypothesis of his
+        own respecting its origin. It is enough to say, that we have no
+        account of India existing without Brahmanism; and as to its real
+        history, nothing can be understood, until more steps have been
+        taken towards generalizing the laws which regulate the growth of
+        religious opinions.
+
+  [452] Dr. Prichard (_Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol. iv. pp. 101-105)
+        thinks that the Hindus have a history beginning B.C. 1391.
+        Compare _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. i. pp. 311, 312. Mr. Wilson
+        says, that even the genealogies in the Puranas are, 'in all
+        probability, much more authentic than has been sometimes
+        supposed.' Wilson's note in _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. i. pp.
+        161, 162. See also his preface to the _Vishnu Purana_, p. lxv.;
+        and _Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. p. 244.
+
+  [453] _Journal of Asiatic Soc._ vol. vi. p. 251; _Herder_, _Ideen zur
+        Geschichte_, vol. iv. p. 70; _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. i. p.
+        104. I learn from a note in _Erman's Siberia_, vol. ii. p. 306,
+        that one of the missionaries gravely suggests that 'Buddhism
+        originated in the errors of the Manichæans, and is therefore but
+        an imitation of Christianity.'
+
+  [454] M. Bunsen says, that the Chinese have 'a regular chronology,
+        extending back 3,000 years B.C.' _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p. 240.
+        See also _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 475, vol. iv. p. 455;
+        _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. i. pp. 47, 48; and the
+        statements of Klaproth and Rémusat, in _Prichard's Physical
+        Hist._ vol. iv. pp. 476, 477. The superior exactness of the
+        Chinese annals is sometimes ascribed to their early knowledge of
+        printing, with which they claim to have been acquainted in B.C.
+        1100. _Meidinger's Essay_, in _Journal of Statistical Society_,
+        vol. iii. p. 163. But the fact is, that printing was unknown in
+        China till the ninth or tenth century after Christ, and moveable
+        types were not invented before 1041. _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol.
+        ii. p. 623; _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 7; _Journal
+        Asiatique_, vol. i. p. 137, Paris, 1822; _Davis's Chinese_, vol.
+        i. pp. 174, 178, vol. iii. p. 1. There are some interesting
+        papers on the early history of China in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._
+        vol. i. pp. 57-86, 213-222, vol. ii. pp. 166-171, 276-287.
+
+  [455] 'From the death of Alexander (323 B.C.) to the reign of Ardeshir
+        Babegan (Artaxerxes), the founder of the Sassanian dynasty (200
+        A.D.), a period of more than five centuries, is almost a blank in
+        the Persian history.' _Troyer's Preliminary Discourse to the
+        Dabistan_, 8vo. 1843, vol. i. pp. lv. lvi. See to the same effect
+        _Erskine on the Zend-Avesta_, in _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 303-305; and _Malcolm's Hist. of Persia_, vol. i. p.
+        68. The ancient Persian traditions are said to have been Pehlvi;
+        _Malcolm_, vol. i. pp. 501-505; but if so, they have all
+        perished, p. 555: compare Rawlinson's note in _Journal of Geog.
+        Soc._ vol. x. p. 82.
+
+  [456] On the antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old Persian
+        history, see a note in _Grote's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. p. 623.
+        Even at present, or, at all events, during this century, the best
+        education in Persia consisted in learning the elements of Arabic
+        grammar, 'logic, jurisprudence, the traditions of their prophet,
+        and the commentaries on the Koran.' _Vans Kennedy on Persian
+        Literature_, in _Transac. of Bombay Society_, vol. ii. p. 62. In
+        the same way the Mohammedans neglected the old history of India,
+        and would, no doubt, have destroyed or corrupted it; but they
+        never had anything like the hold of India that they had of
+        Persia, and, above all, they were unable to displace the native
+        religion. However, their influence, so far as it went, was
+        unfavourable; and Mr. Elphinstone (_Hist. of India_, p. 468)
+        says, that till the sixteenth century there was no instance of a
+        Mussulman carefully studying Hindu literature.
+
+  [457] On the Shah Nameh, see _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iv. pp. 544,
+        545, vol. v. p. 594; _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. ii. pp. 64,
+        65; _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iv. p. 225. It is supposed
+        by a very high authority that the Persian cuneiform inscriptions
+        'will enable us, in the end, to introduce something like
+        chronological accuracy and order into the myths and traditions
+        embodied in the Shah Nameh.' _Rawlinson on the Inscriptions of
+        Assyria and Babylonia_, in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol. xii. p.
+        446.
+
+  [458] On the ignorance of the Greeks respecting Persian history, see
+        Vans Kennedy, in _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. ii. pp. 119,
+        127-129, 136. Indeed, this learned writer says (p. 138) he is
+        'inclined to suspect that no Greek author ever derived his
+        information from any native of Persia Proper, that is, of the
+        country to the east of the Euphrates.' See also on the
+        perplexities in Persian chronology, _Grote's Hist. of Greece_,
+        vol. vi. p. 496, vol. ix. p. 3, vol. x. p. 405; and _Donaldson's
+        New Cratylus_, 1839, p. 87 note. As to the foolish stories which
+        the Greeks relate respecting Achæmenes, compare _Malcolm's Hist.
+        of Persia_, vol. i. p. 18, with _Heeren's Asiatic Nations_, vol.
+        i. p. 243. Even Herodotus, who is invaluable in regard to Egypt,
+        is not to be relied upon for Persia; as was noticed long ago by
+        Sir W. Jones, in the preface to his _Nader Shah_ (_Jones's
+        Works_, vol. v. p. 540), and is partly admitted by Mr. Mure
+        (_History of the Literature of Ancient Greece_, vol. iv. p. 338,
+        8vo. 1853).
+
+Even among more barbarous nations, we see the same principle at work.
+The Malayo-Polynesian race is well known to ethnologists, as covering an
+immense series of islands, extending from Madagascar to within 2,000
+miles of the western coast of America.[459] The religion of these
+widely scattered people was originally Polytheism, of which the purest
+forms were long preserved in the Philippine Islands.[460] But in the
+fifteenth century, many of the Polynesian nations were converted to
+Mohammedanism;[461] and this was followed by a process precisely the
+same as that which I have pointed out in other countries. The new
+religion, by changing the current of the national thoughts, corrupted
+the purity of the national history. Of all the islands in the Indian
+Archipelago, Java was the one which reached the highest
+civilization.[462] Now, however, the Javanese have not only lost their
+historical traditions, but even those lists of their kings which are
+extant are interpolated with the names of Mohammedan saints.[463] On the
+other hand, we find that in the adjacent island of Bali, where the old
+religion is still preserved,[464] the legends of Java are remembered and
+cherished by the people.[465]
+
+  [459] That is, to Easter Island, which appears to be its furthest
+        boundary (_Prichard's Phys. Hist._ vol. v. p. 6); and of which
+        there is a good account in _Beechey's Voyage to the Pacific_,
+        vol. i. pp. 43-58, and a notice in _Jour. of Geog. Society_, vol.
+        i. p. 195. The language of Easter Island has been long known to
+        be Malayo-Polynesian; for it was understood by a native of the
+        Society Islands, who accompanied Cook (_Cook's Voyages_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 294, 308; and _Prichard_, vol. v. p. 147: compare
+        _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, p. 164). Ethnologists have not
+        usually paid sufficient honour to this great navigator, who was
+        the first to remark the similarity between the different
+        languages in Polynesia proper. _Cook's Voyages_, vol. ii. pp. 60,
+        61, vol. iii. pp. 230, 280, 290, vol. iv. p. 305, vol. vi. p.
+        230, vol. vii. p. 115. As to Madagascar being the western limit
+        of this vast race of people, see _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iv.
+        p. 222; _Reports on Ethnology by Brit. Assoc. for 1847_, pp. 154,
+        216, 250; and _Ellis's Hist. of Madagascar_, vol. i. p. 133.
+
+  [460] Also the seat of the Tagala language; which, according to William
+        Humboldt, is the most perfect of all the forms of the
+        Malayo-Polynesian. _Prichard's Physical Hist._ vol. v. pp. 36,
+        51, 52.
+
+  [461] _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, p. 281. De Thou (_Hist. Univ._
+        vol. xiii. p. 59) supposes that the Javanese did not become
+        Mohammedans till late in the sixteenth century; but it is now
+        known that their conversion took place at least a hundred years
+        earlier, the old religion being finally abolished in 1478. See
+        _Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. ii. p. 312;
+        _Low's Sarawak_, p. 96; and _Raffles' Hist. of Java_, vol. i. pp.
+        309, 349, vol. ii. pp. 1, 66, 254. The doctrines of Mohammed
+        spread quickly; and the Malay pilgrims enjoy the reputation, in
+        modern times, of being among the most scrupulously religious of
+        those who go to the Hadj. _Burckhardt's Arabia_, vol. ii. pp. 96,
+        97.
+
+  [462] The Javanese civilization is examined at great length by William
+        Humboldt, in his celebrated work, _Ueber die Kawi Sprache_,
+        Berlin, 1836. From the evidence supplied by some early Chinese
+        writings, which have only recently been published, there are good
+        grounds for believing that the Indian Colonies were established
+        in Java in the first century after Christ. See _Wilson on the Foe
+        Kue Ki_, in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol. v. p. 137; compare vol.
+        vi. p. 320.
+
+  [463] _Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. ii. p. 297.
+        Compare with this the exactness with which, even in the island of
+        Celebes, the dates were preserved 'before the introduction of
+        Mahomedanism.' _Crawfurd_, vol. i. p. 306. For similar Footnote:
+        instances of royal genealogies being obscured by the introduction
+        into them of the names of gods, see _Kemble's Saxons in England_,
+        vol. i. pp. 27, 335.
+
+  [464] _Asiatic Researches_, vol. x. p. 191, vol. xiii. p. 128. In the
+        Appendix to _Raffles' Hist. of Java_, vol. ii. p. cxlii., it is
+        said, that 'in Bali not more than one in two hundred, if so many,
+        are Mahomedans.' See also p. 65, and vol. i. p. 530.
+
+  [465] Indeed, the Javanese appear to have no other means of acquiring
+        the old Kawi traditions than by learning them from natives of
+        Bali. See note to an Essay on the Island of Bali, in _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. xiii. p. 162, Calcutta, 1820, 4to. Sir Stamford
+        Raffles (_Hist. of Java_, vol. i. p. 400) says, 'It is chiefly to
+        Bali that we must look for illustrations of the ancient state of
+        the Javans.' See also p. 414.
+
+It would be useless to adduce further evidence respecting the manner in
+which, among an imperfectly civilized people, the establishment of a new
+religion will always affect the accuracy of their early history. I need
+only observe, that in this way the Christian priests have obscured the
+annals of every European people they converted, and have destroyed or
+corrupted the traditions of the Gauls,[466] of the Welsh, of the
+Irish,[467] of the Anglo-Saxons,[468] of the Sclavonic nations,[469] of
+the Finns,[470] and even of the Icelanders.[471]
+
+  [466] Respecting the corruption of Druidical traditions in Gaul by
+        Christian priests, see _Villemarqué_, _Chants Populaires de la
+        Bretagne_, Paris, 1846, vol. i. pp. xviii. xix.
+
+  [467] The injury done to the traditions handed down by Welsh and Irish
+        bards, is noticed in Dr. Prichard's valuable work, _Physical
+        Hist. of Mankind_, vol. iii. p. 184, 8vo, 1841. See also
+        _Warton's Hist. of English Poetry_, vol. i. p. xxxvii. note.
+
+  [468] See the remarks on Beowulf, in _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. i.
+        p. 7, 8vo, 1842. See also pp. 13, 14: and compare _Kemble's
+        Saxons in England_, vol. i. p. 331.
+
+  [469] _Talvi's Language and Literature of the Slavic Nations_, 8vo,
+        1850, p. 231. The Pagan songs of the Slovaks, in the north-west
+        of Hungary, were for a time preserved; but even they are now
+        lost. _Talvi_, p. 216.
+
+  [470] The monkish chroniclers neglected the old Finnish traditions; and
+        allowing them to perish, preferred the inventions of Saxo and
+        Johannes Magnus. _Prichard's Physical Hist._ vol. iii. pp. 284,
+        285.
+
+  [471] For an instance in which the monks have falsified the old
+        Icelandic traditions, see Mr. Keightley's learned book on _Fairy
+        Mythology_, 8vo, 1850, p. 159.
+
+Besides all this, there occurred other circumstances tending in the same
+direction. Owing to events which I shall hereafter explain, the
+literature of Europe, shortly before the final dissolution of the Roman
+Empire, fell entirely into the hands of the clergy, who were long
+venerated as the sole instructors of mankind. For several centuries, it
+was extremely rare to meet with a layman who could read or write; and of
+course it was still rarer to meet with one able to compose a work.
+Literature, being thus monopolized by a single class, assumed the
+peculiarities natural to its new masters.[472] And as the clergy, taken
+as a body, have always looked on it as their business to enforce belief,
+rather than encourage inquiry, it is no wonder if they displayed in
+their writings the spirit incidental to the habits of their profession.
+Hence, as I have already observed, literature, during many ages, instead
+of benefiting society, injured it, by increasing credulity, and thus
+stopping the progress of knowledge. Indeed, the aptitude for falsehood
+became so great, that there was nothing men were unwilling to believe.
+Nothing came amiss to their greedy and credulous ears. Histories of
+omens, prodigies, apparitions, strange portents, monstrous appearances
+in the heavens, the wildest and most incoherent absurdities, were
+repeated from mouth to mouth, and copied from book to book, with as much
+care as if they were the choicest treasures of human wisdom.[473] That
+Europe should ever have emerged from such a state, is the most decisive
+proof of the extraordinary energy of Man, since we cannot even conceive
+a condition of society more unfavourable to his progress. But it is
+evident, that until the emancipation was effected, the credulity and
+looseness of thought which were universal, unfitted men for habits of
+investigation, and made it impossible for them to engage in a successful
+study of past affairs, or even record with accuracy what was taking
+place around them.[474]
+
+  [472] The Rev. Mr. Dowling, who looks back with great regret to this
+        happy period, says, 'Writers were almost universally
+        ecclesiastics. Literature was scarcely anything but a religious
+        exercise; for everything that was studied, was studied with a
+        reference to religion. The men, therefore, who wrote history,
+        wrote ecclesiastical history.' _Dowling's Introduction to the
+        Critical Study of Ecclesiastical History_, 8vo, 1838, p. 56; a
+        work of some talent, but chiefly interesting as a manifesto by an
+        active party.
+
+  [473] Thus, for instance, a celebrated historian, who wrote at the end
+        of the twelfth century says of the reign of William Rufus:
+        'Ejusdem regis tempore, ut ex parte supradictum est, in sole,
+        luna, et stellis multa signa visa sunt, mare quoque littus
+        persæpe egrediebatur, et homines et animalia submersit, villas et
+        domos quamplures subvertit. In pago qui Barukeshire nominatur,
+        ante occisionem regis sanguis de fonte tribus septimanis
+        emanavit. Multis etiam Normannis diabolus in horribili specie se
+        frequenter in silvis ostendens, plura cum eis de rege et Ranulfo,
+        et quibusdam aliis locutus est. Nec mirum, nam illorum tempore
+        ferè omnis legum siluit justitia, causisque justitiæ subpositis,
+        sola in principibus imperabat pecunia.' _Rog. de Hoveden Annal.
+        in Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 268. See also the same work, pp.
+        356-358; and compare _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_,
+        part i. pp. 266, 289, part ii. p. 298.
+
+  [474] Even the descriptions of natural objects which historians
+        attempted in the Middle Ages, were marked by the same
+        carelessness. See some good observations by Dr. Arnold, on Bede's
+        account of the Solent Sea. _Arnold's Lectures on Modern History_,
+        pp. 102, 103.
+
+If, therefore, we recur to the facts just cited, we may say that,
+omitting several circumstances altogether subordinate, there were three
+leading causes of the corruption of the history of Europe in the Middle
+Ages. The first cause was, the sudden introduction of the art of
+writing, and the consequent fusion of different local traditions, which,
+when separate, were accurate, but when united were false. The second
+cause was, the change of religion; which acted in two ways, producing
+not merely an interruption of the old traditions, but also an
+interpolation of them. And the third cause, probably the most powerful
+of all, was, that history became monopolized by a class of men whose
+professional habits made them quick to believe, and who, moreover, had a
+direct interest in increasing the general credulity, since it was the
+basis upon which their own authority was built.
+
+By the operation of these causes, the history of Europe became corrupted
+to an extent for which we can find no parallel in any other period. That
+there was, properly speaking, no history, was the smallest part of the
+inconvenience; but, unhappily, men, not satisfied with the absence of
+truth, supplied its place by the invention of falsehood. Among
+innumerable instances of this, there is one species of inventions worth
+noticing, because they evince that love of antiquity, which is a marked
+characteristic of those classes by whom history was then written. I
+allude to fictions regarding the origin of different nations, in all of
+which the spirit of the Middle Ages is very discernible. During many
+centuries, it was believed by every people that they were directly
+descended from ancestors who had been present at the siege of Troy. That
+was a proposition which no one thought of doubting.[475] The only
+question was, as to the details of so illustrious a lineage. On this,
+however, there was a certain unanimity of opinion; since, not to mention
+inferior countries, it was admitted that the French were descended from
+Francus, whom everybody knew to be the son of Hector; and it was also
+known that the Britons came from Brutus, whose father was no other than
+Æneas himself.[476]
+
+  [475] In _Le Long's Bibliothèque Historique de la France_, vol. ii.
+        p. 3, it is said, that the descent of the kings of France from
+        the Trojans was universally believed before the sixteenth
+        century: 'Cette descendance a été crue véritable près de huit
+        cents ans, et soutenue par tous les écrivains de notre histoire;
+        la fausseté n'en a été reconnue qu'au commencement du seizième
+        siècle.' Polydore Vergil, who died in the middle of the sixteenth
+        century, attacked this opinion in regard to England, and thereby
+        made his history unpopular. See _Ellis's Preface to Polydore
+        Vergil_, p. xx. 4to, 1844, published by the Camden Society. 'He
+        discarded Brute, as an unreal personage.' In 1128, Henry I., king
+        of England, inquired from a learned man respecting the early
+        history of France. The answer is preserved by an historian of the
+        thirteenth century: 'Regum potentissime, inquiens, sicut pleræque
+        gentes Europæ, ita Franci a Trojanis originem duxerunt.' _Matthæi
+        Paris Hist. Major_, p. 59. See also _Rog. de Hov. in Scriptores
+        post Bedam_, p. 274. On the descent of the Britons from Priam and
+        Æneas, see _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. p.
+        66. Indeed, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, their
+        Trojan origin was stated as a notorious fact, in a letter written
+        to Pope Boniface by Edward I., and signed by the English
+        nobility. See _Warton's Hist. of English Poetry_, vol. i. pp.
+        131, 132; and _Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. i.
+        p. 185.
+
+  [476] The general opinion was, that Brutus, or Brute, was the son of
+        Æneas; but some historians affirmed that he was the
+        great-grandson. See _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 63,
+        vol. vii. p. 220.
+
+Touching the origin of particular places, the great historians of the
+Middle Ages are equally communicative. In the accounts they give of
+them, as well as in the lives they write of eminent men, the history
+usually begins at a very remote period; and the events relating to their
+subject are often traced back, in an unbroken series, from the moment
+when Noah left the ark, or even when Adam passed the gates of
+Paradise.[477] On other occasions, the antiquity they assign is somewhat
+less; but the range of their information is always extraordinary. They
+say, that the capital of France is called after Paris, the son of Priam,
+because he fled there when Troy was overthrown.[478] They also mention
+that Tours owed its name to being the burial-place of Turonus, one of
+the Trojans;[479] while the city of Troyes was actually built by the
+Trojans, as its etymology clearly proves.[480] It was well ascertained
+that Nuremberg was called after the Emperor Nero;[481] and Jerusalem
+after King Jebus,[482] a man of vast celebrity in the Middle Ages, but
+whose existence later historians have not been able to verify. The river
+Humber received its name because, in ancient times, a king of the Huns
+had been drowned in it.[483] The Gauls derived their origin, according
+to some, from Galathia, a female descendant of Japhet; according to
+others, from Gomer, the son of Japhet.[484] Prussia was called after
+Prussus, a brother of Augustus.[485] This was remarkably modern; but
+Silesia had its name from the prophet Elisha--from whom, indeed, the
+Silesians descended;[486] while as to the city of Zurich, its exact date
+was a matter of dispute, but it was unquestionably built in the time of
+Abraham.[487] It was likewise from Abraham and Sarah that the gipsies
+immediately sprung.[488] The blood of the Saracens was less pure, since
+they were only descended from Sarah--in what way it is not mentioned;
+but she probably had them by another marriage, or, may be, as the fruit
+of an Egyptian intrigue.[489] At all events, the Scotch certainly came
+from Egypt; for they were originally the issue of Scota, who was a
+daughter of Pharaoh, and who bequeathed to them her name.[490] On sundry
+similar matters, the Middle Ages possessed information equally
+valuable. It was well known that the city of Naples was founded on
+eggs;[491] and it was also known, that the order of St. Michael was
+instituted in person by the archangel, who was himself the first knight,
+and to whom, in fact, chivalry owes its origin.[492] In regard to the
+Tartars, that people, of course, proceeded from Tartarus; which some
+theologians said was an inferior kind of hell, but others declared to be
+hell itself.[493] However this might be, the fact of their birth-place
+being from below was indisputable, and was proved by many circumstances
+which showed the fatal and mysterious influence they were able to
+exercise. For the Turks were identical with the Tartars; and it was
+notorious, that since the Cross had fallen into Turkish hands, all
+Christian children had ten teeth less than formerly; a universal
+calamity, which there seemed to be no means of repairing.[494]
+
+  [477] In the _Notes to a Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483_, pp.
+        183-187, edit. 4to, 1827, there is a pedigree, in which the
+        history of the bishops of London is traced back, not only to the
+        migration of Brutus from Troy, but also to Noah and Adam. Thus,
+        too, Goropius, in his history of Antwerp, written in the
+        sixteenth century: 'Vond zoowell de Nederlandsche taal als de
+        Wysbegeerte van Orpheus in de ark van Noach.' _Van Kampen_,
+        _Geschiedenis der Letteren_, 8vo, 1821, vol. i. p. 91; see also
+        p. 86. In the thirteenth century, Mathew Paris (_Historia Major_,
+        p. 352) says of Alfred, 'Hujus genealogia in Anglorum historiis
+        perducitur usque ad Adam primum parentem.' See, to the same
+        effect, _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. pp.
+        323, 324, 415. In William of Malmesbury's Chronicle (_Scriptores
+        post Bedam_, p. 22 rev.) the genealogy of the Saxon kings is
+        traced back to Adam. For other, and similar, instances, see a
+        note in _Lingard's History of England_, vol. i. p. 403. And Mr.
+        Ticknor (_History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 509)
+        mentions that the Spanish chroniclers present 'an uninterrupted
+        succession of Spanish kings from Tubal, a grandson of Noah.'
+
+  [478] Monteil, in his curious book, _Histoire des divers Etats_, vol. v.
+        p. 70, mentions the old belief 'que les Parisiens sont du sang
+        des rois des anciens Troyens, par Paris, fils de Priam.' Even in
+        the seventeenth century this idea was not extinct; and Coryat,
+        who travelled in France in 1608, gives another version of it. He
+        says, 'As for her name of Paris, she hath it (as some write) from
+        Paris, the eighteenth king of Gallia Celtica, whom some write to
+        have been lineally descended from Japhet, one of the three sons
+        of Noah, and to have founded this city.' _Coryat's Crudities_,
+        1611, reprinted 1776, vol. i. pp. 27, 28.
+
+  [479] 'Erat ibi quidam Tros nomine Turonus Bruti nepos.... De nomine
+        ipsius prædicta civitas Turonis vocabulum nacta est; quia ibidem
+        sepultus fuit.' _Galfredi Monumet. Hist. Briton._ lib. i. cap.
+        xv. p. 19. And Mathew of Westminster, who wrote in the fourteenth
+        century, says (_Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 17): 'Tros nomine
+        Turnus.... De nomine verò ipsius Turonorum civitas vocabulum
+        traxit, quia ibidem, ut testatur Homerus, sepultus fuit.'
+
+  [480] 'On convient bien que les Troyens de notre Troyes sont du sang des
+        anciens Troyens.' _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_, vol. v. p. 69.
+
+  [481] Monconys, who was in Nuremberg in 1663, found this opinion still
+        held there; and he seems himself half inclined to believe it;
+        for, in visiting a castle, he observes, 'Mais je ne sçai si c'est
+        un ouvrage de Néron, comme l'on le dit, et que même le nom de
+        Nuremberg en vient.' _Voyages de Monconys_, vol. iv. p. 141,
+        edit. Paris, 1695.
+
+  [482] 'Deinceps regnante in ea Jebusæo, dicta Jebus, et sic ex Jebus et
+        Salem dicta est Jebussalem. Unde post dempta _b_ littera et
+        addita _r_, dicta est Hierusalem.' _Matthæi Paris Historia
+        Major_, p. 43. This reminds me of another great writer, who was
+        one of the fathers, and was moreover a saint, and who, says M.
+        Matter, 'dérive les Samaritains du roi Samarius, fils de Canaan.'
+        _Matter_, _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 41.
+
+  [483] 'Humber rex Hunnorum ... ad flumen diffugiens, submersus est intra
+        ipsum, et nomen suum flumini reliquit.' _Matthæi Westmonast.
+        Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 19.
+
+  [484] These two opinions, which long divided the learned world, are
+        stated in _Le Long_, _Bibliothèque Historique de la France_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 5, 49.
+
+  [485] See a curious allusion to this in _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+        vol. viii. p. 160; where, however, it is erroneously supposed to
+        be a Russian invention.
+
+  [486] 'The Silesians are not without voluminous writers upon their
+        antiquities; and one of them gravely derives the name and descent
+        of his country from the prophet Elisha.' _Adams's Letters on
+        Silesia_, p. 267, Lond. 8vo, 1804.
+
+  [487] In 1608, Coryat, when in Zurich, was 'told by the learned
+        Hospinian that their city was founded in the time of Abraham.'
+        _Coryat's Crudities_, vol. i. Epistle to the Reader, sig. D. I
+        always give the most recent instance I have met with, because, in
+        the history of the European intellect, it is important to know
+        how long the spirit of the Middle Ages survived in different
+        countries.
+
+  [488] They were 'seuls enfants légitimes' of Abraham and Sarah.
+        _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_, vol. v. p. 19.
+
+  [489] Mathew Paris, who is apprehensive lest the reputation of Sarah
+        should suffer, says, 'Saraceni perversé se putant ex Sara dici;
+        sed veriùs Agareni dicuntur ab Agar; et Ismaelitæ, ab Ismaele
+        filio Abrahæ.' _Hist. Major_, p. 357. Compare a similar passage
+        in _Mezeray_, _Histoire de France_, vol. i. p. 127: 'Sarrasins,
+        ou de la ville de Sarai, ou de Sara femme d'Abraham, duquel ils
+        se disent faussement légitimes héritiers.' After this, the idea,
+        or the fear of the idea, soon died away; and Beausobre (_Histoire
+        Critique de Manichée_, vol. i. p. 24) says: 'On dérive
+        vulgairement le nom de Sarrasins du mot arabe Sarah, ou Sarak,
+        qui signifie effectivement voleur.' A good example of a secular
+        turn given to a theological etymology. For a similar case in
+        northern history, see _Whitelocke's Journal of the Swedish
+        Embassy_, vol. i. pp. 190, 191.
+
+  [490] Early in the fourteenth century, this was stated, in a letter to
+        the Pope, as a well-known historical fact. See _Lingard's Hist.
+        of England_, vol. ii. p. 187: 'They are sprung from Scota the
+        daughter of Pharaoh, who landed in Ireland, and whose descendants
+        wrested, by force of arms, the northern half of Britain from the
+        progeny of Brute.'
+
+  [491] Mr. Wright (_Narratives of Sorcery_, 8vo, 1851, vol. i. p. 115)
+        says, 'The foundation of the city of Naples upon eggs, and the
+        egg on which its fate depended, seem to have been legends
+        generally current in the Middle Ages;' and he refers to
+        _Montfaucon_, _Monumens de la Mon. Fr._ vol. ii. p. 329, for
+        proof, that by the statutes of the order of the Saint Esprit, 'a
+        chapter of the knights was appointed to be held annually in
+        castello ovi incantati in mirabili periculo.'
+
+  [492] 'The order of Saint Michael, in France, pretends to the possession
+        of a regular descent from Michael the Archangel, who, according
+        to the enlightened judgment of French antiquarians, was the
+        premier chevalier in the world; and it was he, they say, who
+        established the earliest chivalric order in Paradise itself.'
+        _Mills's Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. pp. 363, 364.
+
+  [493] The etymology of Tartars from Tartarus is ascribed to the piety of
+        Saint Louis in _Prichard's Physical History_, vol. iv. p. 278;
+        but I think that I have met with it before his time, though I
+        cannot now recover the passage. The earliest instance I remember
+        is in 1241, when the saint was twenty-six years old. See a letter
+        from the emperor Frederick, in _Matthæi Paris Historia Major_, p.
+        497: 'Pervenissent dicti Tartari (imo Tartarei),' &c; and on the
+        expression of Louis, see p. 496: 'Quos vocamus Tartaros ad suas
+        Tartareas sedes.' Since the thirteenth century, the subject has
+        attracted the attention of English divines; and the celebrated
+        theologian Whiston mentions 'my last famous discovery, or rather
+        my revival of Dr. Giles Fletcher's famous discovery, that the
+        Tartars are no other than the ten tribes of Israel, which have
+        been so long sought for in vain.' _Memoirs of the Life and
+        Writings of William Whiston_, p. 575. Compare, on the opinions
+        held respecting the Tartars, _Journal Asiatique_, I^e série, vol.
+        vi. p. 374, Paris, 1825.
+
+  [494] Peignot (_Dict. des Livres_, vol. ii. p. 69, Paris, 1806) says,
+        that Rigord, in his history of Philip Augustus, assures his
+        readers 'que depuis que la vraie croix a été prise par les Turcs,
+        les enfans n'ont plus que 20 ou 23 dents, au lieu qu'ils en
+        avaient 30 ou 32 auparavant.' Even in the fifteenth century, it
+        was believed that the number of teeth had diminished from 32 to
+        22, or at most 24. See _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 481, 482, Paris, 1815. Compare _Hecker on the Black
+        Death_, pp. 31, 32, in his learned work, _Epidemics of the Middle
+        Ages_, published by the Sydenham Society.
+
+Other points relating to the history of past events were cleared up with
+equal facility. In Europe during many centuries, the only animal food in
+general use was pork; beef, veal, and mutton, being comparatively
+unknown.[495] It was, therefore, with no small astonishment that the
+crusaders, on returning from the East, told their countrymen that they
+had been among a people who, like the Jews, thought pork unclean, and
+refused to eat it. But the feelings of lively wonder which this
+intelligence excited, were destroyed as soon as the cause of the fact
+was explained. The subject was taken up by Mathew Paris, the most
+eminent historian during the thirteenth century, and one of the most
+eminent during the Middle Ages.[496] This celebrated writer informs us,
+that the Mohammedans refuse to eat pork on account of a singular
+circumstance which happened to their prophet. It appears that Mohammed,
+having, on one occasion, gorged himself with food and drink till he was
+in a state of insensibility, fell asleep on a dunghill, and, in this
+disgraceful condition, was seen by a litter of pigs. The pigs attacked
+the fallen prophet, and suffocated him to death; for which reason his
+followers abominate pigs, and refuse to partake of their flesh.[497]
+This striking fact explains one great peculiarity of the
+Mohammedans;[498] and another fact, equally striking, explains how it
+was that their sect came into existence. For it was well known, that
+Mohammed was originally a cardinal, and only became a heretic because he
+failed in his design of being elected pope.[499]
+
+  [495] In the sacred books of the Scandinavians, pork is represented as
+        the principal food, even in heaven. See _Mallet's Northern
+        Antiquities_, p. 105. It was the chief food of the Irish in the
+        twelfth century: _Ledwich_, _Antiquities of Ireland_, Dublin,
+        1804, p. 370; and also of the Anglo-Saxons at an earlier period:
+        _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 22. In France it was
+        equally common, and Charlemagne kept in his forests immense
+        droves of pigs. _Note in Esprit des Lois_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Montesquieu_, p. 513. In Spain those who did not like pork were
+        tried by the Inquisition as suspected Jews: _Llorente_, _Hist. de
+        l'Inquisition_, vol. i. pp. 269, 442, 445. Late in the sixteenth
+        century, there was a particular disease, said to be caused by the
+        quantity of it eaten in Hungary. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Médecine_, vol. iii. p. 93; and even at present, the barbarous
+        Lettes are passionately fond of it. _Kohl's Russia_, pp. 386,
+        387. In the middle of the sixteenth century, I find that Philip
+        II., when in England, generally dined on bacon; of which he ate
+        so much, as frequently to make himself very ill. See _Ambassades
+        de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre_, vol. v. pp. 240, 241,
+        edit. 1763. The ambassador writes, that Philip was 'grand mangeur
+        oultre mesure,' and used to consume large quantities 'de lard,
+        dont il faict le plus souvent son principal repas.' In the Middle
+        Ages, 'les Thuringiens payaient leur tribut en porcs, la denrée
+        la plus précieuse de leur pays.' _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol.
+        ii. p. 389.
+
+  [496] Sismondi (_Hist. des Français_, vol. vii. pp. 325, 326) passes a
+        high eulogy upon him; and Mosheim (_Ecclesiast. History_, vol. i.
+        p. 313) says: 'Among the historians (of the thirteenth century),
+        the first place is due to Mathew Paris; a writer of the highest
+        merit, both in point of knowledge and prudence.'
+
+  [497] _Matthæi Paris Historia Major_, p. 362. He concludes his account
+        by saying, 'Unde adhuc Saraceni sues præ cæteris animalibus
+        exosas habent et abominabiles.' Mathew Paris obtained his
+        information from a clergyman, 'quendam magni nominis celebrem
+        prædicatorem,' p. 360. According to Mathew of Westminster, the
+        pigs not only suffocated Mohammed, but actually ate the greater
+        part of him: 'In maxima parte a porcis corrosum invenerunt.'
+        _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 215.
+
+  [498] By a singular contradiction, the African Mohammedans now 'believe
+        that a great enmity subsists between hogs and Christians.' _Mungo
+        Park's Travels_, vol. i. p. 185. Many medical authors have
+        supposed that pork is peculiarly unwholesome in hot countries;
+        but this requires confirmation: and it is certain, that it is
+        recommended by Arabian physicians, and is more generally eaten
+        both in Asia and in Africa than is usually believed. Comp.
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 323; _Volney_,
+        _Voyage en Syrie_, vol. i. p. 449; _Buchanan's Journey through
+        the Mysore_, vol. ii. p. 88, vol. iii. p. 57; _Raffles' Hist. of
+        Java_, vol. ii. p. 5; _Ellis's Hist. of Madagascar_, vol. i. pp.
+        201, 403, 416; _Cook's Voyages_, vol. ii. p. 265; _Burnes's
+        Travels into Bokhara_, vol. iii. p. 141. As facts of this sort
+        are important physiologically and socially, it is advisable that
+        they should be collected; and I therefore add, that the
+        North-American Indians are said to have 'a disgust for pork.'
+        _Journal of the Geog. Society_, vol. xv. p. 30; and that Dobell
+        (_Travels_, vol. ii. p. 260, 8vo, 1830) says, 'I believe there is
+        more pork eaten in China than in all the rest of the world put
+        together.'
+
+  [499] This idea, which was a favourite one in the Middle Ages, is said
+        to have been a Rabbinical invention. See _Lettres de Gui Patin_,
+        vol. iii. p. 127: 'que Mahomet, le faux prophète, avait été
+        cardinal; et que, par dépit de n'avoir été pape, il s'étoit fait
+        hérésiarque.'
+
+In regard to the early history of Christianity, the great writers of the
+Middle Ages were particularly inquisitive; and they preserved the memory
+of events, of which otherwise we should have been entirely ignorant.
+After Froissart, the most celebrated historian of the fourteenth
+century, was certainly Mathew of Westminster, with whose name, at least,
+most readers are familiar. This eminent man directed his attention,
+among other matters, to the history of Judas, in order to discover the
+circumstances under which the character of that arch-apostate was
+formed. His researches seem to have been very extensive; but their
+principal results were, that Judas, when an infant, was deserted by his
+parents, and exposed on an island called Scarioth, from whence he
+received the name of Judas Iscariot. To this the historian adds, that
+after Judas grew up, he, among other enormities, slew his own father,
+and then married his own mother.[500] The same writer, in another part
+of his history, mentions a fact interesting to those who study the
+antiquities of the Holy See. Some questions had been raised as to the
+propriety of kissing the pope's toe, and even theologians had their
+doubts touching so singular a ceremony. But this difficulty also was set
+at rest by Mathew of Westminster, who explains the true origin of the
+custom. He says, that formerly it was usual to kiss the hand of his
+holiness; but that towards the end of the eighth century, a certain lewd
+woman, in making an offering to the pope, not only kissed his hand, but
+also pressed it. The pope--his name was Leo--seeing the danger, cut off
+his hand, and thus escaped the contamination to which he had been
+exposed. Since that time, the precaution has been taken of kissing the
+pope's toe instead of his hand; and lest any one should doubt the
+accuracy of this account, the historian assures us that the hand, which
+had been cut off five or six hundred years before, still existed in
+Rome, and was indeed a standing miracle, since it was preserved in the
+Lateran in its original state, free from corruption.[501] And as some
+readers might wish to be informed respecting the Lateran itself, where
+the hand was kept, this also is considered by the historian, in another
+part of his great work, where he traces it back to the emperor Nero. For
+it is said that this wicked persecutor of the faith, on one occasion,
+vomited a frog covered with blood, which he believed to be his own
+progeny, and therefore caused to be shut up in a vault, where it
+remained hidden for some time. Now, in the Latin language, _latente_
+means hidden, and _rana_ means a frog; so that, by putting these two
+words together, we have the origin of the Lateran, which, in fact, was
+built where the frog was found.[502]
+
+  [500] See the ample details in _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_,
+        part i. pp. 86, 87; and at p. 88, 'Judas matrem suam uxorem
+        duxerat, et quòd patrem suum occiderat.'
+
+  [501] This took place in the year 798. _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores
+        Historiarum_, part i. p. 293. The historian thus concludes his
+        relation: 'Et statutum est nunc quòd numquam extunc manus Papæ ab
+        offerentibus deoscularetur, sed pes. Cùm ante fuerat consuetudo
+        quòd manus, non pes, deoscularetur. In hujus miraculi memoriam
+        reservatur adhuc manus abscissa in thesauro lateranensi, quam
+        dominus custodit incorruptam ad laudem matris suæ.'
+
+  [502] '... Ita ut Nero se puero gravidum existimaret.... Tandem dolore
+        nimio vexatus, medicis ait: Accelerate tempus partus, quia
+        languore vix anhelitum habeo respirandi. Tunc ipsum ad vomitum
+        impotionaverunt, et ranam visu terribilem, humoribus infectam, et
+        sanguine edidit cruentatam.... Unde et pars illa civitatis, ut
+        aliqui dicunt, ubi rana latuerat, Lateranum, à latente rana,
+        nomen accepit.' _Matthæi Westmonast._ part i. p. 98. Compare the
+        account given by Roger of Hoveden, of a woman who vomited two
+        toads. _Script. post Bedam_, p. 457 rev. In the Middle Ages there
+        were many superstitions respecting these animals, and they appear
+        to have been used by heralds as marks of degradation. See
+        _Lankester's Memorials of Ray_, p. 197.
+
+It would be easy to fill volumes with similar notions, all of which were
+devoutly believed in those ages of darkness, or, as they have been well
+called, Ages of Faith. Those, indeed, were golden days for the
+ecclesiastical profession, since the credulity of men had reached a
+height which seemed to ensure to the clergy a long and universal
+dominion. How the prospects of the church were subsequently darkened,
+and how the human reason began to rebel, will be related in another part
+of this Introduction, where I shall endeavour to trace the rise of that
+secular and sceptical spirit to which European civilization owes its
+origin. But, before closing the present chapter, it may be well to give
+a few more illustrations of the opinions held in the Middle Ages; and,
+for this purpose, I will select the two historical accounts, which, of
+all others, were the most popular, exercised most influence, and were
+most universally believed.
+
+The histories to which I refer, are those of Arthur and Charlemagne;
+both of which bear the names of dignitaries of the church, and were
+received with the respect due to their illustrious authors. That
+concerning Charlemagne is called the Chronicle of Turpin, and purports
+to be written by Turpin, archbishop of Rheims, a friend of the emperor
+and his companion in war.[503] From some passages it contains, there is
+reason to think that it was really composed at the beginning of the
+twelfth century;[504] but, in the Middle Ages, men were not nice in
+these matters, and no one was likely to dispute its authenticity.
+Indeed, the name of an archbishop of Rheims was sufficient
+recommendation; and we find accordingly, that in the year 1122 it
+received the formal approbation of the pope;[505] and that Vincent de
+Beauvais, one of the most celebrated writers in the thirteenth century,
+and tutor to the sons of Louis IX., mentions it as a work of value, and
+as being the principal authority for the reign of Charlemagne.[506]
+
+  [503] '... Ego Turpinus in valle Caroli loco præfato, astante rege,' &c.
+        _De Vita Caroli Magni_, p. 74, edit. Ciampi.
+
+  [504] Turner (_History of England_, vol. vii. pp. 250-268) has attempted
+        to prove that it was written by Calixtus II.; but his arguments,
+        though ingenious and learned, are not decisive. Warton (_Hist.
+        Eng. Poetry_, vol. i. p. 128) says it was composed about 1110.
+
+  [505] The pope 'statuit historiam Sancti Caroli descriptam a beato
+        Turpino Remensi Archiepiscopo esse authenticam.' _Note in
+        Turner_, vol. vii. p. 250.
+
+  [506] In his famous Speculum, 'il recommande spécialement les études
+        historiques, dont il paraît que la plupart de ses contemporains
+        méconnaissaient l'utilité; mais lorsqu'il indique les sources où
+        il puisera ce genre d'instruction, c'est Turpin qu'il désigne
+        comme le principal historien de Charlemagne.' _Histoire
+        Littéraire de la France_, vol. xviii. p. 474, Paris, 1835, 4to;
+        see also p. 517; and on its influence in Spain, see _Ticknor's
+        History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp. 222, 223.
+
+A book thus generally read, and sanctioned by such competent judges,
+must be a tolerable standard for testing the knowledge and opinions of
+those times. On this account, a short notice of it will be useful for
+our present purpose, as it will enable us to understand the extreme
+slowness with which history has improved, and the almost imperceptible
+steps by which it advanced, until fresh life was breathed into it by the
+great thinkers of the eighteenth century.
+
+In the Chronicle of Turpin, we are informed that the invasion of Spain
+by Charlemagne took place in consequence of the direct instigation of
+St. James, the brother of St. John.[507] The apostle, being the cause of
+the attack, adopted measures to secure its success. When Charlemagne
+besieged Pamplona, that city made an obstinate resistance; but as soon
+as prayers were offered up by the invaders, the walls suddenly fell to
+the ground.[508] After this, the emperor rapidly overran the whole
+country, almost annihilated the Mohammedans, and built innumerable
+churches.[509] But, the resources of Satan are inexhaustible. On the
+side of the enemy, a giant now appeared, whose name was Fenacute, and
+who was descended from Goliath of old.[510] This Fenacute was the most
+formidable opponent the Christians had yet encountered. His strength was
+equal to that of forty men;[511] his face measured one cubit; his arms
+and legs four cubits; his total height was twenty cubits. Against him
+Charlemagne sent the most eminent warriors; but they were easily
+discomfited by the giant; of whose prodigious force some idea may be
+formed from the fact, that the length even of his fingers was three
+palms.[512] The Christians were filled with consternation. In vain did
+more than twenty chosen men advance against the giant; not one returned
+from the field; Fenacute took them all under his arms, and carried them
+off into captivity.[513] At length the celebrated Orlando came forward,
+and challenged him to mortal combat. An obstinate fight ensued; and the
+Christian, not meeting with the success he expected, engaged his
+adversary in a theological discussion.[514] Here the pagan was easily
+defeated; and Orlando, warmed by the controversy, pressed on his enemy,
+smote the giant with his sword, and dealt him a fatal wound. After
+this, the last hope of the Mohammedans was extinct; the Christian arms
+had finally triumphed, and Charlemagne divided Spain among those gallant
+followers who had aided him in effecting its conquest.[515]
+
+  [507] _Caroli Magni Historia_, edit. Ciampi, pp. 3-5.
+
+  [508] '... Muri collapsi funditus corruerunt.' _De Vita Caroli_, p. 5.
+        On this, Ciampi, in his notes on Turpin, gravely says (pp. 94,
+        95): 'Questo fatto della presa di Pamplona è reso maraviglioso
+        per la subitanea caduta delle mura, a somiglianza delle mura di
+        Gerico.' This reminds me of a circumstance mentioned by Monconys,
+        who, on visiting Oxford in 1663, was shown a horn which was
+        preserved in that ancient city, because it was said to be made in
+        the same way as that by which the walls of Jericho were blown
+        down: 'Les Juifs tiennent que leurs ancêtres se servirent de
+        pareilles pour abbattre les murailles de Jérico.' _Voyages de
+        Monconys_, vol. iii. p. 95, edit. Paris, 1695.
+
+  [509] _De Vita Caroli_, cap. v. pp. 11, 12; is headed 'De ecclesiis quas
+        Carolus fecit.'
+
+  [510] 'Gigas nomine Fenacutus, qui fuit de genere Goliat.' _De Vita
+        Caroli_, p. 39.
+
+  [511] 'Vim xl. fortium possidebat.' p. 39.
+
+  [512] 'Erat enim statura ejus quasi cubitis xx., facies erat longa quasi
+        unius cubiti, et nasus illius unius palmi mensurati, et brachia
+        et crura ejus quatuor cubitorum erant, et digiti ejus tribus
+        palmis,' p. 40.
+
+  [513] _De Vita Caroli_, p. 40.
+
+  [514] Ibid. pp. 43-47.
+
+  [515] _De Vita Caroli_, p. 52. On the twelve peers of Charlemagne, in
+        connexion with Turpin, see _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Français_, vol.
+        v. pp. 246, 537, 538, vol. vi. p. 534.
+
+On the history of Arthur, the Middle Ages possessed information equally
+authentic. Different accounts had been circulated respecting this
+celebrated king;[516] but their comparative value was still unsettled,
+when, early in the twelfth century, the subject attracted the attention
+of Geoffrey, the well-known Archdeacon of Monmouth. This eminent man, in
+A.D. 1147, published the result of his inquiries, in a work which he
+called _History of the Britons_.[517] In this book, he takes a
+comprehensive view of the whole question; and not only relates the life
+of Arthur, but also traces the circumstances which prepared the way for
+the appearance of that great conqueror. In regard to the actions of
+Arthur, the historian was singularly fortunate, inasmuch as the
+materials necessary for that part of his subject were collected by
+Walter Archdeacon of Oxford, who was a friend of Geoffrey, and who, like
+him, took great interest in the study of history.[518] The work is,
+therefore, the joint composition of the two archdeacons; and is entitled
+to respect, not only on this account, but also because it was one of the
+most popular of all the productions of the Middle Ages.
+
+  [516] The Welsh, however, accused Gildas of having thrown his history
+        'into the sea.' _Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth_, vol. i. p.
+        453. The industrious Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. i.
+        pp. 282-295) has collected a great deal of evidence respecting
+        Arthur; of whose existence he, of course, entertains no doubt.
+        Indeed, at p. 292, he gives us an account of the discovery, in
+        the twelfth century, of Arthur's body!
+
+  [517] In _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vii. pp. 269, 270, it is said
+        to have appeared in 1128; but Mr. Wright (_Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol.
+        ii. p. 144) seems to have proved that the real date is 1147.
+
+  [518] Geoffrey says, 'A Gualtero Oxinefordensi in multis historiis
+        peritissimo viro audivit' (_i.e. ille_ Geoffrey) 'vili licet
+        stylo, breviter tamen propalabit, quæ pr[oe]lia inclytus ille rex
+        post victoriam istam, in Britanniam reversus, cum nepote suo
+        commiserit.' _Galfredi Monumetensis Historia Britonum_, lib. xi.
+        sec. i. p. 200. And in the dedication to the Earl of Gloucester,
+        p. 1, he says, 'Walterus Oxinefordensis archidiaconus, vir in
+        oratoria arte atque in exoticis historiis eruditus.' Compare
+        _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 248.
+
+The earlier part of this great history is occupied with the result of
+those researches which the Archdeacon of Monmouth had made into the
+state of Britain before the accession of Arthur. With this we are not so
+much concerned; though it may be mentioned, that the archdeacon
+ascertained that, after the capture of Troy, Ascanius fled from the
+city, and begat a son, who became father to Brutus.[519] In those days,
+England was peopled by giants, all of whom were slain by Brutus; who,
+having extirpated the entire race, built London, settled the affairs of
+the country, and called it, after himself, by the name of Britain.[520]
+The archdeacon proceeds to relate the actions of a long line of kings
+who succeeded Brutus, most of whom were remarkable for their abilities,
+and some were famous for the prodigies which occurred in their time.
+Thus, during the government of Rivallo, it rained blood for three
+consecutive days;[521] and when Morvidus was on the throne, the coasts
+were infested by a horrid sea-monster, which, having devoured
+innumerable persons, at length swallowed the king himself.[522]
+
+  [519] _Galfredi Historia Britonum_, pp. 3, 4.
+
+  [520] 'Erat tunc nomen insulæ Albion, quæ a nemine, exceptis paucis
+        gigantibus, inhabitabatur.... Denique Brutus de nomine suo
+        insulam Britanniam, sociosque suos Britones appellat.' _Galf.
+        Hist. Britonum_, p. 20.
+
+  [521] 'In tempore ejus tribus diebus cecidit pluvia sanguinea, et
+        muscarum affluentia; quibus homines moriebantur.' _Hist. Brit._
+        p. 36.
+
+  [522] 'Advenerat namque ex partibus Hibernici maris inauditæ feritatis
+        bellua, quæ incolas maritimos sine intermissione devorabat.
+        Cumque fama aures ejus attigisset, accossit ipse ad illam, et
+        solus cum sola congressus est. At cum omnia tela sua in illam in
+        vanum consumpsisset, acceleravit monstrum illud, et apertis
+        faucibus ipsum velut pisciculum devoravit.' _Hist. Brit._ p. 51.
+
+These and similar matters are related by the Archdeacon of Monmouth as
+the fruit of his own inquiries; but in the subsequent account of Arthur,
+he was aided by his friend the Archdeacon of Oxford. The two archdeacons
+inform their readers, that King Arthur owed his existence to a magical
+contrivance of Merlin, the celebrated wizard; the particulars of which
+they relate with a minuteness which, considering the sacred character of
+the historians, is rather remarkable.[523] The subsequent actions of
+Arthur did not belie his supernatural origin. His might nothing was able
+to withstand. He slew an immense number of Saxons; he overran Norway,
+invaded Gaul, fixed his court at Paris, and made preparations to effect
+the conquest of all Europe.[524] He engaged two giants in single combat,
+and killed them both. One of these giants, who inhabited the Mount of
+St. Michael, was the terror of the whole country, and destroyed all the
+soldiers sent against him, except those he took prisoners, in order to
+eat them while they were yet alive.[525] But he fell a victim to the
+prowess of Arthur; as also did another giant, named Ritho, who was, if
+possible, still more formidable. For Ritho, not content with warring on
+men of the meaner sort, actually clothed himself in furs which were
+entirely made of the beards of the kings he had killed.[526]
+
+  [523] The particulars of the intrigue are in _Galf. Hist. Brit._
+        pp. 151, 152. For information respecting Merlin, see also
+        _Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. pp. 161, 162;
+        and _Naudé_, _Apologie pour les Grands Hommes_, pp. 308, 309,
+        318, 319, edit. Amsterdam, 1712.
+
+  [524] _Hist. Britonum_, pp. 167-170; a brilliant chapter.
+
+  [525] 'Sed et plures capiebat quos semivivos devorabat.' _Hist. Brit._
+        p. 181.
+
+  [526] 'Hic namque ex barbis regum quos peremerat, fecerat sibi pelles,
+        et mandaverat Arturo ut barbam suam diligenter excoriaret, atque
+        excoriatam sibi dirigeret: ut quemadmodum ipse ceteris præerat
+        regibus, ita quoque in honorem ejus ceteris barbis ipsam
+        superponeret.' _Galf. Hist. Brit._ p. 184.
+
+Such were the statements which, under the name of history, were laid
+before the world in the twelfth century; and that, too, not by obscure
+writers, but by high dignitaries of the church. Nor was anything
+wanting by which the success of the work might be ensured. Its vouchers
+were the Archdeacon of Monmouth, and the Archdeacon of Oxford; it was
+dedicated to Robert Earl of Gloucester, the son of Henry I.; and it was
+considered so important a contribution to the national literature, that
+its principal author was raised to the bishopric of Asaph,--a preferment
+which he is said to owe to his success in investigating the annals of
+English history.[527] A book thus stamped with every possible mark of
+approbation, is surely no bad measure of the age in which it was
+admired. Indeed, the feeling was so universal, that, during several
+centuries, there are not more than two or three instances of any critic
+suspecting its accuracy.[528] A Latin abridgment of it was published by
+the well-known historian, Alfred of Beverley;[529] and, in order that it
+might be more generally known, it was translated into English by
+Layamon,[530] and into Anglo-Norman, first by Gaimar, and afterwards by
+Wace;[531] zealous men, who were anxious that the important truths it
+contained should be diffused as widely as circumstances would allow.
+
+  [527] 'It was partly, perhaps, the reputation of this book, which
+        procured its author the bishopric of St. Asaph.' _Life of
+        Geoffrey of Monmouth_, in _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p.
+        144, 8vo, 1846. According to the Welsh writers, he was Bishop of
+        Llandaff. See _Stephens's Literature of the Kymry_, 8vo, 1849, p.
+        323.
+
+  [528] Mr. Wright (_Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 146) says: 'Within a
+        century after its first publication, it was generally adopted by
+        writers on English history; and during several centuries, only
+        one or two rare instances occur of persons who ventured to speak
+        against its veracity.' And Sir Henry Ellis says of Polydore
+        Vergil, who wrote early in the sixteenth century, 'For the
+        repudiation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's history, Polydore Vergil
+        was considered almost as a man deprived of reason. Such were the
+        prejudices of the time.' _Polydore Vergil's English Hist._ vol.
+        i. p. x. edit. Ellis, 1846, 4to. See also, on its popularity,
+        _Lappenberg's Hist. of the Anglo-Saxon Kings_, vol. i. p. 102. In
+        the seventeenth century, which was the first sceptical century in
+        Europe, men began to open their eyes on these matters; and Boyle,
+        for example, classes together 'the fabulous labours of Hercules,
+        and exploits of Arthur of Britain.' _Boyle's Works_, vol. iv. p.
+        425.
+
+  [529] _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 156; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. vii. p. 282.
+
+  [530] According to Mr. Wright (_Biog. Brit._ vol. ii. p. 439), it was
+        translated through the medium of Wace. But it would be more
+        correct to say, that Layamon made the absurdities of Geoffrey the
+        basis of his work, rather than translated them; for he amplifies
+        15,000 lines of Wace's _Brut_ into 32,000 of his own jargon. See
+        _Sir F. Madden's Preface to Layamon's Brut_, 8vo, 1847, vol. i.
+        p. xiii. I cannot refrain from bearing testimony to the great
+        philological value of this work of Layamon's, by the publication
+        of which its accomplished editor has made an important
+        contribution towards the study of the history of the English
+        language. So far, however, as Layamon is concerned, we can only
+        contemplate with wonder an age of which he was considered an
+        ornament.
+
+  [531] _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. pp. 151, 207; _Hallam's
+        Literature of Europe_, vol. i. p. 35.
+
+It will hardly be necessary that I should adduce further evidence of the
+way in which history was written during the Middle Ages; for the
+preceding specimens have not been taken at random, but have been
+selected from the ablest and most celebrated authors; and as such
+present a very favourable type of the knowledge and judgment of Europe
+in those days. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, there
+appeared, for the first time, faint signs of an approaching change;[532]
+but this improvement was not very marked until late in the sixteenth
+century, or even early in the seventeenth. The principal steps of this
+interesting movement will be traced in another part of the Introduction,
+when I shall show, that although in the seventeenth century the progress
+was unmistakable, there was no attempt to take a comprehensive view of
+history until nearly the middle of the eighteenth century; when the
+subject was studied, first by the great French thinkers, then by one or
+two of the Scotch, and, some years later, by the Germans. This
+reformation of history was connected, as I shall point out, with other
+intellectual changes, which corresponded to it, and which affected the
+social relations of all the principal countries of Europe. But, without
+anticipating what will be found in another part of this volume, it is
+sufficient to say, that not only was no history written before the end
+of the sixteenth century, but that the state of society was such as to
+make it impossible for one to be written. The knowledge of Europe was
+not yet ripe enough to enable it to be successfully applied to the study
+of past events. For we are not to suppose that the deficiencies of the
+early historians were caused by a lack of natural abilities. The average
+intellect of men is probably always the same; but the pressure exercised
+on them by society is constantly varying. It was, therefore, the general
+condition of society, which, in former days, compelled even the ablest
+writers to believe the most childish absurdities. Until that condition
+was altered, the existence of history was impossible, because it was
+impossible to find any one who knew what was most important to relate,
+what to reject, and what to believe.
+
+  [532] Of which Froissart is the earliest instance; since he is the
+        first who took a secular view of affairs, all the preceding
+        historians being essentially theological. In Spain, too, we find,
+        late in the fourteenth century, a political spirit beginning to
+        appear among historians. See the remarks on Ayala, in _Ticknor's
+        Hist. of Spanish Lit._ vol. i. pp. 165, 166; where, however, Mr.
+        Ticknor represents Froissart as more unworldly than he really
+        was.
+
+The consequence was, that even when history was studied by men of such
+eminent abilities as Macchiavelli and Bodin, they could turn it to no
+better account than to use it as a vehicle for political speculations;
+and in none of their works do we find the least attempt to rise to
+generalizations large enough to include all the social phenomena. The
+same remark applies to Comines, who, though inferior to Macchiavelli and
+Bodin, was an observer of no ordinary acuteness, and certainly displays
+a rare sagacity in his estimation of particular characters. But this was
+due to his own intellect; while the age in which he lived made him
+superstitious, and, for the larger purposes of history, miserably
+shortsighted. His shortsightedness is strikingly shown in his utter
+ignorance of that great intellectual movement, which, in his own time,
+was rapidly overthrowing the feudal institutions of the Middle Ages; but
+to which he never once alludes, reserving his attention for those
+trivial political intrigues in the relation of which he believed
+history to consist.[533] As to his superstition, it would be idle to
+give many instances of that; since no man could live in the fifteenth
+century without having his mind enfeebled by the universal credulity. It
+may, however, be observed, that though he was personally acquainted with
+statesmen and diplomatists, and had, therefore, the fullest opportunity
+of seeing how enterprises of the fairest promise are constantly ruined,
+merely by the incapacity of those who undertake them, he, on all
+important occasions, ascribes such failure, not to the real cause, but
+to the immediate interference of the Deity. So marked, and so
+irresistible, was the tendency of the fifteenth century, that this
+eminent politician, a man of the world, and well skilled in the arts of
+life, deliberately asserts that battles are lost, not because the army
+is ill supplied, nor because the campaign is ill conceived, nor because
+the general is incompetent; but because the people or their prince are
+wicked, and Providence seeks to punish them. For, says Comines, war is a
+great mystery; and being used by God as the means of accomplishing his
+wishes, He gives victory, sometimes to one side, sometimes to the
+other.[534] Hence, too, disturbances occur in the state, solely by
+divine disposition; and they never would happen, except that princes or
+kingdoms, having become prosperous, forget the source from which their
+prosperity proceeded.[535]
+
+  [533] On this, Arnold says, truly enough, 'Comines's Memoirs are
+        striking from their perfect unconsciousness: the knell of the
+        Middle Ages had been already sounded, yet Comines has no other
+        notions than such as they had tended to foster; he describes
+        their events, their characters, their relations, as if they were
+        to continue for centuries.' _Arnold's Lectures on Modern
+        History_, p. 118. To this I may add, that whenever Comines has
+        occasion to mention the lower classes, which is very rarely the
+        case, he speaks of them with great contempt. See two striking
+        instances in _Mémoires de Philippe de Comines_, vol. ii. pp. 277,
+        287, edit. Paris, 1826.
+
+  [534] He says, that a field of battle is 'un des accomplissemens des
+        [oe]uvres que Dieu a commencées aucunes fois par petites mouvetez
+        et occasions, et en donnant la victoire aucunes fois à l'un, et
+        aucunes fois à l'autre: et est cecy mystère si grand, que les
+        royaumes et grandes seigneuries en prennent aucunes fois fins et
+        désolations, et les autres accroissement, et commencement de
+        régner.' _Mém. de Comines_, vol. i. pp. 361, 362. Respecting the
+        wanton invasion of Italy, he says, that the expedition might have
+        been easily ruined if the enemy had thought of poisoning the
+        wells or the food: 'mais ils n'y eussent point failly, s'ils y
+        eussent voulu essayer; mais il est de croire que nostre sauveur
+        et rédempteur Jésus-Christ leur ostoit leur vouloir.' vol. iii.
+        p. 154. So, he adds, p. 155, 'pour conclure l'article, semble que
+        nostre seigneur Jésus-Christ ait voulu que toute la gloire du
+        voyage ait esté attribuée à luy.' Compare the _Institutes of
+        Timour_, p. 7; an instructive combination of superstition and
+        ferocity.
+
+  [535] 'Mais mon advis est que cela ne se fait que par disposition
+        divine; car quand les princes ou royaumes out esté en grande
+        prospérité ou richesses, et ils ont mesconnoissance dont procède
+        telle grâce, Dieu leur dresse un ennemi ou ennemie, dont nul ne
+        se douteroit, comme vous pouvez voir par les rois nommez en la
+        Bible, et par ce que puis peu d'années en avez veu en cette
+        Angleterre, et en cette maison de Bourgogne et autres lieux que
+        avez veu et voyez tous les jours.' _Mém. de Comines_, vol. i. pp.
+        388, 389. See also his remarks on the Duke of Burgundy, vol. ii.
+        p. 179; and in particular, his extraordinary digression, livre v.
+        chap. xviii. vol. ii. pp. 290-298.
+
+Such attempts as these, to make politics a mere branch of theology,[536]
+are characteristic of the time; and they are the more interesting, as
+the work of a man of great ability, and of one, too, who had grown old
+in the experience of public life. When views of this sort were
+advocated, not by a monk in his cloister, but by a distinguished
+statesman, well versed in public affairs, we may easily imagine what was
+the average intellectual condition of those who were every way his
+inferiors. It is but too evident, that from them nothing could be
+expected; and that many steps had yet to be taken, before Europe could
+emerge from the superstition in which it was sunk, and break through
+those grievous impediments which hindered its future progress.
+
+  [536] Dr. Lingard (_Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 357) says, 'From the
+        doctrine of a superintending providence, the piety of our
+        ancestors had drawn a rash but very convenient inference, that
+        success is an indication of the Divine will, and that, of course,
+        to resist a victorious competitor, is to resist the judgment of
+        heaven:' see also p. 114. The last vestige of this once universal
+        opinion is the expression, which is gradually falling into
+        disuse, of 'appealing to the God of Battles.'
+
+But, though much remained to be done, there can be no doubt that the
+movement onward was uninterrupted, and that, even while Comines was
+writing, there were unequivocal symptoms of a great and decisive change.
+Still, they were only indications of what was approaching; and about a
+hundred years elapsed, after his death, before the progress was apparent
+in the whole of its results. For, though the Protestant Reformation was
+a consequence of this progress, it was for some time unfavourable to it,
+by encouraging the ablest men in the discussion of questions
+inaccessible to human reason, and thus diverting them from subjects in
+which their efforts would have been available for the general purposes
+of civilization. Hence we find, that little was really accomplished
+until the end of the sixteenth century, when, as we shall see in the
+next two chapters, the theological fervour began to subside in England
+and France, and the way was prepared for that purely secular philosophy,
+of which Bacon and Descartes were the exponents, but by no means the
+creators.[537] This epoch belongs to the seventeenth century, and from
+it we may date the intellectual regeneration of Europe; just as from the
+eighteenth century we may date its social regeneration. But during the
+greater part of the sixteenth century, the credulity was still
+universal, since it affected not merely the lowest and most ignorant
+classes, but even those who were best educated. Of this innumerable
+proofs might be given; though, for the sake of brevity, I will confine
+myself to two instances, which are particularly striking, from the
+circumstances attending them, and from the influence they exercised over
+men who might be supposed little liable to similar delusions.
+
+  [537] See _Guizot_, _Civilisation en Europe_, p. 166; the best passage
+        in that able, but rather unequal work: 'Parcourez l'histoire du
+        v^e au xvi^e siècle; c'est la théologie qui possède et dirige
+        l'esprit humain; toutes les opinions sont empreintes de
+        théologie; les questions philosophiques, politiques, historiques,
+        sont toujours considérées sous un point de vue théologique.
+        L'église est tellement souveraine dans l'ordre intellectuel, que
+        même les sciences mathématiques et physiques sont tenues de se
+        soumettre à ses doctrines. L'esprit théologique est en quelque
+        sort le sang qui a coulé dans les veines du monde européen
+        jusqu'à Bacon et Descartes. Pour la première fois, Bacon en
+        Angleterre, et Descartes en France, ont jeté l'intelligence hors
+        des voies de la théologie.' A noble passage, and perfectly true:
+        but what would have been the effect produced by Bacon and
+        Descartes, if, instead of living in the seventeenth century, they
+        had lived in the seventh? Would their philosophy have been
+        equally secular; or, being equally secular, would it have been
+        equally successful?
+
+At the end of the fifteenth, and early in the sixteenth century,
+St[oe]ffler, the celebrated astronomer, was professor of mathematics at
+Tübingen. This eminent man rendered great services to astronomy, and was
+one of the first who pointed out the way of remedying the errors in the
+Julian calendar, according to which time was then computed.[538] But
+neither his abilities nor his knowledge could protect him against the
+spirit of his age. In 1524, he published the result of some abstruse
+calculations, in which he had been long engaged, and by which he had
+ascertained the remarkable fact, that in that same year the world would
+again be destroyed by a deluge. This announcement, made by a man of such
+eminence, and made, too, with the utmost confidence, caused a lively and
+universal alarm.[539] News of the approaching event was rapidly
+circulated, and Europe was filled with consternation. To avoid the first
+shock, those who had houses by the sea, or on rivers, abandoned
+them;[540] while others, perceiving that such measures could only be
+temporary, adopted more active precautions. It was suggested that, as a
+preliminary step, the Emperor Charles V. should appoint inspectors to
+survey the country, and mark those places which, being least exposed to
+the coming flood, would be most likely to afford a shelter. That this
+should be done, was the wish of the imperial general, who was then
+stationed at Florence, and by whose desire a work was written
+recommending it.[541] But the minds of men were too distracted for so
+deliberate a plan; and besides, as the height of the flood was
+uncertain, it was impossible to say whether it would not reach the top
+of the most elevated mountains. In the midst of these and similar
+schemes, the fatal day drew near, and nothing had yet been contrived on
+a scale large enough to meet the evil. To enumerate the different
+proposals which were made and rejected, would fill a long chapter. One
+proposal is, however, worth noticing, because it was carried into effect
+with great zeal, and is, moreover, very characteristic of the age. An
+ecclesiastic of the name of Auriol, who was then professor of canon law
+at the University of Toulouse, revolved in his own mind various
+expedients by which this universal disaster might be mitigated. At
+length it occurred to him that it was practicable to imitate the course
+which, on a similar emergency, Noah had adopted with eminent success.
+Scarcely was the idea conceived, when it was put into execution. The
+inhabitants of Toulouse lent their aid; and an ark was built, in the
+hope that some part, at least, of the human species might be preserved,
+to continue their race, and repeople the earth, after the waters should
+have subsided, and the land again become dry.[542]
+
+  [538] Compare _Biog. Univ._ vol. xliii. p. 577, with _Montucla_, _Hist.
+        des Mathématiques_, vol. i. p. 678.
+
+  [539] Naudé mentions, that in France it drove many persons almost mad:
+        'In Gallia parum afuit quin ad insaniam homines non paucos
+        periculi metu (diluvium) adegerit.' _Bayle_, in voce
+        _Stofflerus_, note B.
+
+  [540] 'Nam Petrus Cirvellus Hispanorum omnium sui temporis doctissimus,
+        cum theologiæ, in almo Complutensi gymnasio, lectoris munere
+        fungeretur, et vero multos, ut ipsemet inquit, fluviis vel mari
+        finitimos populos, jam stupido metu perculsos, domicilia ac sedes
+        mutare vidisset, ac prædia, supellectilem, bonaque omnia, contra
+        justum valorem sub actione distrahere, ac alia loca vel
+        altitudine, vel siccitate magis secura requirere, sui officii
+        esse putavit, in publica illa consternatione, quam de nihilo
+        excitare persuasum non habebat,' &c. _Bayle_, note B.
+
+  [541] Ibid.
+
+  [542] In addition to the account in Bayle, the reader may refer to
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. iii. p. 88, vol. xxxi. p. 283, vol. xliii. pp.
+        577, 578; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. iii. p. 251;
+        _Delambre_, _Hist. de l'Astronomie du Moyen Age_, Paris, 1819,
+        4to, p. 376; _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathématiques_, vol. i. p.
+        622; _Dict. Philosoph._, article _Astrologie_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xxxvii. pp. 148, 149.
+
+About seventy years after this alarm had passed away, there happened
+another circumstance, which for a time afforded occupation to the most
+celebrated men in one of the principal countries of Europe. At the end
+of the sixteenth century, terrible excitement was caused by a report
+that a golden tooth had appeared in the jaw of a child born in Silesia.
+The rumour, on being investigated, turned out to be too true. It became
+impossible to conceal it from the public; and the miracle was soon known
+all over Germany, where, being looked on as a mysterious omen, universal
+anxiety was felt as to what this new thing might mean. Its real import
+was first unfolded by Dr. Horst. In 1595, this eminent physician
+published the result of his researches, by which it appears that, at the
+birth of the child, the sun was in conjunction with Saturn, at the sign
+Aries. The event, therefore, though supernatural, was by no means
+alarming. The golden tooth was the precursor of a golden age, in which
+the emperor would drive the Turks from Christendom, and lay the
+foundations of an empire that would last for thousands of years. And
+this, says Horst, is clearly alluded to by Daniel, in his well-known
+second chapter, where the prophet speaks of a statue with a golden
+head.[543]
+
+  [543] This history of the golden tooth is partly related by De Thou: see
+        his _Hist. Univ._ vol. xi. pp. 634, 635. And on the controversy
+        to which it gave rise, compare _Hist. des Oracles_, chap. iv., in
+        _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, vol. ii. pp. 219, 220, ed. Paris,
+        1766; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. iii. pp. 247-249;
+        _Biog. Univ._, vol. xx. p. 579.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE
+             SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+It is difficult for an ordinary reader, living in the middle of the
+nineteenth century, to understand, that only three hundred years before
+he was born, the public mind was in the benighted state disclosed in the
+preceding chapter. It is still more difficult for him to understand that
+the darkness was shared not merely by men of an average education, but
+by men of considerable ability, men in every respect among the foremost
+of their age. A reader of this sort may satisfy himself that the
+evidence is indisputable; he may verify the statements I have brought
+forward, and admit that there is no possible doubt about them; but even
+then he will find it hard to conceive that there ever was a state of
+society in which such miserable absurdities were welcomed as sober and
+important truths, and were supposed to form an essential part of the
+general stock of European knowledge.
+
+But a more careful examination will do much to dissipate this natural
+astonishment. In point of fact, so far from wondering that such things
+were believed, the wonder would have been if they were rejected. For in
+those times, as in all others, every thing was of a piece. Not only in
+historical literature, but in all kinds of literature, on every
+subject--in science, in religion, in legislation--the presiding
+principle was a blind and unhesitating credulity. The more the history
+of Europe anterior to the seventeenth century is studied, the more
+completely will this fact be verified. Now and then a great man arose,
+who had his doubts respecting the universal belief; who whispered a
+suspicion as to the existence of giants thirty feet high, of dragons
+with wings, and of armies flying through the air; who thought that
+astrology might be a cheat, and necromancy a bubble; and who even went
+so far as to raise a question respecting the propriety of drowning every
+witch and burning every heretic. A few such men there undoubtedly were;
+but they were despised as mere theorists, idle visionaries, who,
+unacquainted with the practice of life, arrogantly opposed their own
+reason to the wisdom of their ancestors. In the state of society in
+which they were born, it was impossible that they should make any
+permanent impression. Indeed, they had enough to do to look to
+themselves, and provide for their own security; for, until the latter
+part of the sixteenth century, there was no country in which a man was
+not in great personal peril if he expressed open doubts respecting the
+belief of his contemporaries.
+
+Yet it is evident, that until doubt began, progress was impossible. For,
+as we have clearly seen, the advance of civilization solely depends on
+the acquisitions made by the human intellect, and on the extent to which
+those acquisitions are diffused. But men who are perfectly satisfied
+with their own knowledge, will never attempt to increase it. Men who are
+perfectly convinced of the accuracy of their opinions, will never take
+the pains of examining the basis on which they are built. They look
+always with wonder, and often with horror, on views contrary to those
+which they inherited from their fathers; and while they are in this
+state of mind, it is impossible that they should receive any new truth
+which interferes with their foregone conclusions.
+
+On this account it is, that although the acquisition of fresh knowledge
+is the necessary precursor of every step in social progress, such
+acquisition must itself be preceded by a love of inquiry, and therefore
+by a spirit of doubt; because without doubt there will be no inquiry,
+and without inquiry there will be no knowledge. For knowledge is not an
+inert and passive principle, which comes to us whether we will or no;
+but it must be sought before it can be won; it is the product of great
+labour and therefore of great sacrifice. And it is absurd to suppose
+that men will incur the labour, and make the sacrifice, for subjects
+respecting which they are already perfectly content. They who do not
+feel the darkness, will never look for the light. If on any point we
+have attained to certainty, we make no further inquiry on that point;
+because inquiry would be useless, or perhaps dangerous. The doubt must
+intervene, before the investigation can begin. Here, then, we have the
+act of doubting as the originator, or, at all events, the necessary
+antecedent, of all progress. Here we have that scepticism, the very name
+of which is an abomination to the ignorant; because it disturbs their
+lazy and complacent minds; because it troubles their cherished
+superstitions; because it imposes on them the fatigue of inquiry; and
+because it rouses even sluggish understandings to ask if things are as
+they are commonly supposed, and if all is really true which they from
+their childhood have been taught to believe.
+
+The more we examine this great principle of scepticism, the more
+distinctly shall we see the immense part it has played in the progress
+of European civilization. To state in general terms, what in this
+Introduction will be fully proved, it may be said, that to scepticism we
+owe that spirit of inquiry, which, during the last two centuries, has
+gradually encroached on every possible subject; has reformed every
+department of practical and speculative knowledge; has weakened the
+authority of the privileged classes, and thus placed liberty on a surer
+foundation; has chastized the despotism of princes; has restrained the
+arrogance of the nobles; and has even diminished the prejudices of the
+clergy. In a word, it is this which has remedied the three fundamental
+errors of the olden time: errors which made the people, in politics too
+confiding; in science too credulous; in religion too intolerant.
+
+This rapid summary of what has actually been effected, may perhaps
+startle those readers to whom such large investigations are not
+familiar. The importance, however, of the principle at issue is so
+great, that I purpose in this Introduction to verify it by an
+examination of all the prominent forms of European civilization. Such an
+inquiry will lead to the remarkable conclusion, that no single fact has
+so extensively affected the different nations as the duration, the
+amount, and above all the diffusion, of their scepticism. In Spain, the
+church, aided by the Inquisition, has always been strong enough to
+punish sceptical writers, and prevent, not indeed the existence, but the
+promulgation of sceptical opinions.[544] By this means the spirit of
+doubt being quenched, knowledge has for several centuries remained
+almost stationary; and civilization, which is the fruit of knowledge,
+has also been stationary. But in England and France, which, as we shall
+presently see, are the countries where scepticism first openly appeared,
+and where it has been most diffused, the results are altogether
+different; and the love of inquiry being encouraged, there has arisen
+that constantly-progressive knowledge to which these two great nations
+owe their prosperity. In the remaining part of this volume, I shall
+trace the history of this principle in France and England, and examine
+the different forms under which it has appeared, and the way in which
+those forms have affected the national interests. In the order of the
+investigation, I shall give the precedence to England; because, for the
+reasons already stated, its civilization must be deemed more normal than
+that of France; and therefore, notwithstanding its numerous
+deficiencies, it approaches the natural type more closely than its
+great neighbour has been able to do. But as the fullest details
+respecting English civilization will be found in the body of the present
+work, I intend in the Introduction to devote merely a single chapter to
+it, and to consider our national history simply in reference to the
+immediate consequences of the sceptical movement; reserving for a future
+occasion those subsidiary matters which, though less comprehensive, are
+still of great value. And as the growth of religious toleration is
+undoubtedly the most important of all, I will, in the first place, state
+the circumstances under which it appeared in England in the sixteenth
+century; and I will then point out how other events, which immediately
+followed, were part of the same progress, and were indeed merely the
+same principles acting in different directions.
+
+  [544] On the influence of the French literature, which, late in the
+        eighteenth century, crept into Spain in spite of the church, and
+        diffused a considerable amount of scepticism among the most
+        educated classes, compare _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_,
+        vol. i. p. 322, vol. ii. p. 543, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99, 102, 148;
+        _Doblado's Letters from Spain_, pp. 115, 119, 120, 133, 231, 232;
+        _Lord Holland's Foreign Reminiscences_, edit. 1850, p. 76;
+        _Southey's Hist. of Brazil_, vol. iii. p. 607; and an imperfect
+        statement of the same fact in _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. x.
+        p. 8. In regard to the Spanish colonies, compare _Humboldt_,
+        _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 818, with _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i.
+        p. 83.
+
+A careful study of the history of religious toleration will prove, that
+in every Christian country where it has been adopted, it has been forced
+upon the clergy by the authority of the secular classes.[545] At the
+present day, it is still unknown to those nations among whom the
+ecclesiastical power is stronger than the temporal power; and as this,
+during many centuries, was the general condition, it is not wonderful
+that, in the early history of Europe, we should find scarcely a trace of
+so wise and benevolent an opinion. But at the moment when Elizabeth
+mounted the throne of England, our country was about equally divided
+between two hostile creeds; and the queen, with remarkable ability,
+contrived during some time so to balance the rival powers, as to allow
+to neither a decisive preponderance. This was the first instance which
+had been seen in Europe of a government successfully carried on without
+the active participation of the spiritual authority; and the consequence
+was, that for several years the principle of toleration, though still
+most imperfectly understood, was pushed to an extent which is truly
+surprising for so barbarous an age.[546] Unhappily, after a time,
+various circumstances, which I shall relate in their proper place,
+induced Elizabeth to change a policy which she, even with all her
+wisdom, perhaps considered to be a dangerous experiment, and for which
+the knowledge of the country was as yet hardly ripe. But although she
+now allowed the Protestants to gratify their hatred against the
+Catholics, there was, in the midst of the sanguinary scenes which
+followed, one circumstance very worthy of remark. Although many persons
+were most unquestionably executed merely for their religion, no one
+ventured to state their religion as the cause of their execution.[547]
+The most barbarous punishments were inflicted upon them; but they were
+told that they might escape the punishment by renouncing certain
+principles which were said to be injurious to the safety of the
+state.[548] It is true, that many of these principles were such as no
+Catholic could abandon without at the same time abandoning his religion,
+of which they formed an essential part. But the mere fact that the
+spirit of persecution was driven to such a subterfuge, showed that a
+great progress had been made by the age. A most important point, indeed,
+was gained when the bigot became a hypocrite; and when the clergy,
+though willing to burn men for the good of their souls, were obliged to
+justify their cruelty by alleging considerations of a more temporal,
+and, as they considered, a less important character.[549]
+
+  [545] Nearly two hundred years ago, Sir William Temple observed that in
+        Holland the clergy possessed less power than in other countries;
+        and that, therefore, there existed an unusual amount of
+        toleration. _Observations upon the United Provinces_, in
+        _Temple's Works_, vol. i. pp. 157-162. About seventy years later,
+        the same inference was drawn by another acute observer, Le Blanc,
+        who, after mentioning the liberality which the different sects
+        displayed towards each other in Holland, adds, 'La grande raison
+        d'une harmonie si parfaite est que tout s'y régle par les
+        séculiers de chacune de ces religions, et qu'on n'y souffriroit
+        pas des ministres, dont le zèle imprudent pourroit détruire cette
+        heureuse correspondance.' _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Français_,
+        vol. i. p. 73. I merely give these as illustrations of an
+        important principle, which I shall hereafter prove.
+
+  [546] 'In the first eleven years of her reign, not one Roman Catholic
+        was prosecuted capitally for religion.' _Neal's Hist. of the
+        Puritans_, vol. i. p. 444; and the same remark in _Collier's
+        Eccles. Hist._ vol. vii. p. 252, edit. 1840.
+
+  [547] Without quoting the impudent defence which Chief-Justice Popham
+        made, in 1606, for the barbarous treatment of the Catholics
+        (_Campbell's Chief Justices_, vol. i. p. 225), I will give the
+        words of the two immediate successors of Elizabeth. James I.
+        says: 'The trewth is, according to my owne knowledge, the late
+        queene of famous memory never punished any Papist for religion.'
+        _Works of King James_, London, 1616, folio, p. 252. And Charles
+        I. says: 'I am informed, neither Queen Elizabeth nor my father
+        did ever avow that any priest in their times was executed merely
+        for religion.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 713.
+
+  [548] This was the defence set up in 1583, in a work called _The
+        Execution of Justice in England_, and ascribed to Burleigh. See
+        _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 146, 147; and _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. i. pp. 189-208: 'a number of persons whom they term
+        as martyrs,' p. 195; and at p. 202, the writer attacks those who
+        have 'entitled certain that have suffered for treason to be
+        martyrs for religion.' In the same way, the opponents of Catholic
+        Emancipation in our time, found themselves compelled to abandon
+        the old theological ground, and to defend the persecution of the
+        Catholics rather by political arguments than by religious ones.
+        Lord Eldon, who was by far the most influential leader of the
+        intolerant party, said, in a speech in the House of Lords, in
+        1810, that 'the enactments against the Catholics were meant to
+        guard, not against the abstract opinions of their religion, but
+        against the political dangers of a faith which acknowledged a
+        foreign supremacy.' _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. i. p. 435; see
+        also pp. 483, 501, 577-580. Compare _Alison's Hist._ vol. vi. pp.
+        379 seq., a summary of the debate in 1805.
+
+  [549] Mr. Sewell seems to have this change in view in his _Christian
+        Politics_, 8vo, 1844, p. 277. Compare _Coleridge's note_ in
+        _Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol. i. p. 270. An able writer says
+        of the persecutions which, in the seventeenth century, the Church
+        of England directed against her opponents: 'This is the stale
+        pretence of the clergy in all countries, after they have
+        solicited the government to make penal laws against those they
+        call heretics or schismaticks, and prompted the magistrates to a
+        vigorous execution, then they lay all the odium on the civil
+        power for whom they have no excuse to allege, but that such men
+        suffered, not for religion, but for disobedience to the laws.'
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 534. See also _Butler's Mem. of the
+        Catholics_, vol. i. p. 389, and vol. ii. pp. 44-46.
+
+A remarkable evidence of the change that was then taking place, is found
+in the two most important theological works which appeared in England
+during the reign of Elizabeth. _Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity_ was
+published at the end of the sixteenth century,[550] and is still
+considered one of the greatest bulwarks of our national church. If we
+compare this work with _Jewel's Apology for the Church of England_,
+which was written thirty years before it,[551] we shall at once be
+struck by the different methods these eminent writers employed. Both
+Hooker and Jewel were men of learning and genius. Both of them were
+familiar with the Bible, the Fathers, and the Councils. Both of them
+wrote with the avowed object of defending the Church of England; and
+both of them were well acquainted with the ordinary weapons of
+theological controversy. But here the resemblance stops. The men were
+very similar; their works are entirely different. During the thirty
+years which had elapsed, the English intellect had made immense
+progress; and the arguments which in the time of Jewel were found
+perfectly satisfactory, would not have been listened to in the time of
+Hooker. The work of Jewel is full of quotations from the Fathers and the
+Councils, whose mere assertions, when they are uncontradicted by
+Scripture, he seems to regard as positive proofs. Hooker, though he
+shows much respect to the Councils, lays little stress upon the Fathers,
+and evidently considered that his readers would not pay much attention
+to their unsupported opinions. Jewel inculcates the importance of faith;
+Hooker insists upon the exercise of reason.[552] The first employs all
+his talents in collecting the decisions of antiquity, and in deciding
+upon the meaning which they may be supposed to bear. The other quotes
+the ancients, not so much from respect for their authority, as with the
+view of illustrating his own arguments. Thus, for instance, both Hooker
+and Jewel assert the undoubted right of the sovereign to interfere in
+ecclesiastical affairs. Jewel, however, fancied that he had proved the
+right, when he had pointed out that it was exercised by Moses, by
+Joshua, by David, and by Solomon.[553] On the other hand, Hooker lays
+down that this right exists, not because it is ancient, but because it
+is advisable; and because it is unjust to suppose that men who are not
+ecclesiastics will consent to be bound by laws which ecclesiastics alone
+have framed.[554] In the same opposite spirit do these great writers
+conduct their defence of their own church. Jewel, like all the authors
+of his time, had exercised his memory more than his reason; and he
+thinks to settle the whole dispute by crowding together texts from the
+Bible, with the opinions of the commentators upon them.[555] But Hooker,
+who lived in the age of Shakespeare and Bacon, found himself
+constrained to take views of a far more comprehensive character. His
+defence rests neither upon tradition nor upon commentators, nor ever
+upon revelation; but he is content that the pretensions of the hostile
+parties shall be decided by their applicability to the great exigencies
+of society, and by the ease with which they adapt themselves to the
+general purposes of ordinary life.[556]
+
+  [550] The first four books, which are in every point of view the most
+        important, were published in 1594. _Walton's Life of Hooker_, in
+        _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog._ vol. iii. p. 509. The sixth book
+        is said not to be authentic; and doubts have been thrown upon the
+        seventh and eighth books; but Mr. Hallam thinks that they are
+        certainly genuine. _Literature of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 24, 25.
+
+  [551] _Jewel's Apology_ was written in 1561 or 1562. See _Wordsworth's
+        Eccles. Biog._ vol. iii. p. 313. This work, the Bible, and _Fox's
+        Martyrs_, were ordered, in the reign of Elizabeth, 'to be fixed
+        in all parish churches, to be read by the people.' _Aubrey's
+        Letters_, vol. ii. p. 42. The order, in regard to Jewel's
+        _Defence_, was repeated by James I. and Charles I. _Butler's Mem.
+        of the Catholics_, vol. iv. p. 413.
+
+  [552] 'Wherefore the natural measure whereby to judge our doings is, the
+        sentence of Reason determining and setting down what is good to
+        be done.' _Eccl. Polity_, book i. sec. viii. in _Hooker's Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 99. He requires of his opponents, 'not to exact at our
+        hands for every action the knowledge of some place of Scripture
+        out of which we stand bound to deduce it, as by divers
+        testimonies they seek to enforce; but rather, as the truth is, so
+        to acknowledge, that _it sufficeth if such actions be framed
+        according to the law of reason_.' Book ii. sec. i. _Works_, vol.
+        i. p. 151. 'For men to be tied and led by authority, as it were
+        with a kind of captivity of judgment, and, though there be reason
+        to the contrary, not to listen unto it, but to follow, like
+        beasts, the first in the herd, they know not nor care not
+        whither: this were brutish. Again, that authority of men should
+        prevail with men, either against or above Reason, is no part of
+        our belief. Companies of learned men, be they never so great and
+        reverend, are to yield unto Reason.' Book ii. sec. vii. vol. i.
+        pp. 182, 183. In book v. sec. viii. vol. ii. p. 23, he says, that
+        even 'the voice of the church' is to be held inferior to reason.
+        See also a long passage in book vii. sec. xi. vol. iii. p. 152;
+        and on the application of reason to the general theory of
+        religion, see vol. i. pp. 220-223, book iii. sec. viii. Again, at
+        p. 226: 'Theology, what is it, but the science of things divine?
+        What science can be attained unto, without the help of natural
+        discourse and Reason?' And he indignantly asks those who insist
+        on the supremacy of faith, 'May we cause our faith without Reason
+        to appear reasonable in the eyes of men?' vol. i. p. 230.
+
+  [553] After referring to Isaiah, he adds: 'Præter, inquam, hæc omnia, ex
+        historiis et optimorum temporum exemplis videmus pios principes
+        procurationem ecclesiarum ab officio suo nunquam putasse alienam.
+
+        'Moses civilis magistratus, ac ductor populi, omnem religionis,
+        et sacrorum rationem, et accepit a Deo, et populo tradidit, et
+        Aaronem episcopum de aureo vitulo, et de violata religione,
+        vehementer et graviter castigavit. Josue, etsi non aliud erat,
+        quàm magistratus civilis, tamen cùm primùm inauguraretur et
+        præficeretur populo, accepit mandata nominatim de religione,
+        deque colendo Deo.
+
+        'David rex, cùm omnis jam religio, ab impio rege Saule prorsus
+        esset dissipata, reduxit arcam Dei, hoc est, religionem
+        restituit: nec tantùm adfuit ut admonitor aut hortator operis,
+        sed etiam psalmos et hymnos dedit, et classes disposuit, et
+        pompam instituit, et quodammodo præfuit sacerdotibus.
+
+        'Salomon rex ædificavit templum Domino, quod ejus pater David
+        animo tantùm destinaverat: et postremò orationem egregiam habuit
+        ad populum de religione, et cultu Dei; et Abiatharum episcopum
+        postea summovit, et in ejus locum Sadocum surrogavit.' _Apolog.
+        Eccles. Anglic._ pp. 161, 162.
+
+  [554] He says that, although the clergy may be supposed more competent
+        than laymen to regulate ecclesiastical matters, this will
+        practically avail them nothing: 'It were unnatural not to think
+        the pastors and bishops of our souls a great deal more fit than
+        men of secular trades and callings; howbeit, when all which the
+        wisdom of all sorts can do is done, for the devising of laws in
+        the church, it is the general consent of all that giveth them the
+        form and vigour of laws; without which they could be no more unto
+        us than the counsels of physicians to the sick.' _Ecclesiastical
+        Polity_, book viii. sec. vi. vol. iii. p. 303. He adds, p. 326:
+        'Till it be proved that some special law of Christ hath for ever
+        annexed unto the clergy alone the power to make ecclesiastical
+        laws, we are to hold it a thing most _consonant with equity and
+        reason_, that no ecclesiastical laws be made in a Christian
+        commonwealth, without consent as well of the laity as of the
+        clergy, but least of all without consent of the highest power.'
+
+  [555] 'Quòd si docemus sacrosanctum Dei evangelium, et veteres
+        episcopos, atque ecclesiam primitivam nobiscum facere.' If this
+        be so, then, indeed, 'speramus, neminem illorum' (his opponents)
+        'ita negligentem fore salutis suæ, quin ut velit aliquando
+        cogitationem suscipere, ad utros potiùs se adjungat.' _Apolog.
+        Eccles. Anglic._ p. 17. At p. 53, he indignantly asks if any one
+        will dare to impeach the Fathers: 'Ergo Origenes, Ambrosius,
+        Augustinus, Chrysostomus, Gelasius, Theodoretus erant desertores
+        fidei catholicæ? Ergo tot veterum episcoporum et doctorum virorum
+        tanta consensio nihil aliud erat quàm conspiratio hæreticorum?
+        Aut quod tum laudabatur in illis, id nunc damnatur in nobis?
+        Quodque in illis erat catholicum, id nunc mutatis tantùm hominum
+        voluntatibus, repentè factum est schismaticum? Aut quod olim erat
+        verum, nunc statim, quia istis non placet, erit falsum?' His work
+        is full of this sort of eloquent, but, as it appears to our age,
+        pointless declamation.
+
+  [556] This large view underlies the whole of the _Ecclesiastical
+        Polity_. I can only afford room for a few extracts, which will be
+        illustrations rather than proofs: the proof will be obvious to
+        every competent reader of the work itself. 'True it is, the
+        ancienter the better ceremonies of religion are; howbeit not
+        absolutely true and without exception; _but true only so far
+        forth as those different ages do agree_ in the state of those
+        things for which, at the first, those rites, orders, and
+        ceremonies were instituted.' vol. i. p. 36. 'We count those
+        things perfect which want nothing requisite for the end whereto
+        they were instituted.' vol. i. p. 191. 'Because when a thing doth
+        cease to be available unto the end which gave it being, the
+        continuance of it must then of necessity appear superfluous.' And
+        even of the laws of God, he boldly adds: 'Notwithstanding the
+        authority of their Maker, the mutability of that end for which
+        they are made doth also make them changeable.' vol. i. p. 236.
+        'And therefore laws, though both ordained of God himself, and the
+        end for which they were ordained continuing, may notwithstanding
+        cease, if by alteration of persons or times they be found
+        unsufficient to attain unto that end.' vol. i. p. 238. At p. 240:
+        'I therefore conclude, that neither God's being Author of laws
+        for government of his church, nor his committing them unto
+        Scripture, is any reason sufficient wherefore all churches should
+        for ever be bound to keep them without change.' See, too, vol.
+        iii. p. 169, on 'the exigence of necessity.' Compare pp. 182,
+        183, and vol. i. p. 323, vol. ii. pp. 273, 424. Not a vestige of
+        such arguments can be found in Jewel; who, on the contrary, says
+        (_Apologia_, p. 114), 'Certè in religionem Dei nihil gravius dici
+        potest, quàm si ea accusetur novitatis. Ut enim in Deo ipso, ita
+        in ejus cultu nihil oportet esse novum.'
+
+It requires but little penetration to see the immense importance of the
+change which these two great works represent. As long as an opinion in
+theology was defended by the old dogmatic method, it was impossible to
+assail it without incurring the imputation of heresy. But when it was
+chiefly defended by human reasoning, its support was seriously weakened.
+For by this means the element of uncertainty was let in. It might be
+alleged, that the arguments of one sect are as good as those of another;
+and that we cannot be sure of the truth of our principles, until we have
+heard what is to be said on the opposite side. According to the old
+theological theory, it was easy to justify the most barbarous
+persecution. If a man knew that the only true religion was the one which
+he professed, and if he also knew that those who died in a contrary
+opinion were doomed to everlasting perdition--if he knew these things
+beyond the remotest possibility of a doubt, he might fairly argue, that
+it is merciful to punish the body in order to save the soul, and secure
+to immortal beings their future salvation, even though he employed so
+sharp a remedy as the halter or the stake.[557] But if this same man is
+taught to think that questions of religion are to be settled by reason
+as well as by faith, he can scarcely avoid the reflection, that the
+reason even of the strongest minds is not infallible, since it has led
+the ablest men to the most opposite conclusions. When this idea is once
+diffused among a people, it cannot fail to influence their conduct. No
+one of common sense and common honesty will dare to levy upon another,
+on account of his religion, the extreme penalty of the law, when he
+knows it possible that his own opinions may be wrong, and that those of
+the man he has punished may be right. From the moment when questions of
+religion begin to evade the jurisdiction of faith, and submit to the
+jurisdiction of reason, persecution becomes a crime of the deepest dye.
+Thus it was in England in the seventeenth century. As theology became
+more reasonable, it became less confident, and therefore more merciful.
+Seventeen years after the publication of the great work of Hooker, two
+men were publicly burned by the English bishops, for holding heretical
+opinions.[558] But this was the last gasp of expiring bigotry; and since
+that memorable day, the soil of England has never been stained by the
+blood of a man who has suffered for his religious creed.[559]
+
+  [557] Archbishop Whately has made some very good remarks on this. See
+        his _Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human Nature_,
+        pp. 237, 238.
+
+  [558] Their names were Legat and Wightman, and they suffered in 1611:
+        see the contemporary account in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ii. pp.
+        400-408. Compare _Blackstone's Comment._ vol. iv. p. 49;
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. i. pp. 143, 144; and note
+        in _Burton's Diary_, vol. i. p. 118. Of these martyrs to their
+        opinions, Mr. Hallam says: 'The first was burned by King, bishop
+        of London; the second by Neyle, of Litchfield.' _Const. Hist._
+        vol. i. pp. 611, 612.
+
+  [559] It should be mentioned, to the honour of the Court of Chancery,
+        that late in the sixteenth, and early in the seventeenth century,
+        its powers were exerted against the execution of those cruel
+        laws, by which the Church of England was allowed to persecute men
+        who differed from its own views. See _Campbell's Chancellors_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 135, 176, 231.
+
+We have thus seen the rise of that scepticism which in physics must
+always be the beginning of science, and in religion must always be the
+beginning of toleration. There is, indeed, no doubt that in both cases
+individual thinkers may, by a great effort of original genius,
+emancipate themselves from the operation of this law. But in the
+progress of nations no such emancipation is possible. As long as men
+refer the movements of the comets to the immediate finger of God, and as
+long as they believe that an eclipse is one of the modes by which the
+Deity expresses his anger, they will never be guilty of the blasphemous
+presumption of attempting to predict such supernatural appearances.
+Before they could dare to investigate the causes of these mysterious
+phenomena, it is necessary that they should believe, or at all events
+that they should suspect, that the phenomena themselves were capable of
+being explained by the human mind. In the same way, until men are
+content in some degree to bring their religion before the bar of their
+own reason, they never can understand how it is that there should be a
+diversity of creeds, or how any one can differ from themselves without
+being guilty of the most enormous and unpardonable crime.[560]
+
+  [560] 'To tax any one, therefore, with want of reverence, because he
+        pays no respect to what we venerate, is either irrelevant, or is
+        a mere confusion. The fact, so far as it is true, is no reproach,
+        but an honour; because to reverence all persons and all things is
+        absolutely wrong: reverence shown to that which does not deserve
+        it, is no virtue; no, nor even an amiable weakness, but a plain
+        folly and sin. But if it be meant that he is wanting in proper
+        reverence, not respecting what is really to be respected, that is
+        assuming the whole question at issue, because what we call
+        divine, he calls an idol; and as, supposing that we are in the
+        right, we are bound to fall down and worship, so, supposing him
+        to be in the right, he is no less bound to pull it to the ground
+        and destroy it.' _Arnold's Lectures on Modern History_, pp. 210,
+        211. Considering the ability of Dr. Arnold, considering his great
+        influence, and considering his profession, his antecedents, and
+        the character of the university in which he was speaking, it must
+        be allowed that this is a remarkable passage, and one well worthy
+        the notice of those who wish to study the tendencies of the
+        English mind during the present generation.
+
+If we now continue to trace the progress of opinions in England, we
+shall see the full force of these remarks. A general spirit of inquiry,
+of doubt, and even of insubordination, began to occupy the minds of men.
+In physics, it enabled them, almost at a blow, to throw off the shackles
+of antiquity, and give birth to sciences founded not on notions of old,
+but on individual observations and individual experiments.[561] In
+politics, it stimulated them to rise against the government, and
+eventually bring their king to the scaffold. In religion, it vented
+itself in a thousand sects, each of which proclaimed, and often
+exaggerated, the efficiency of private judgment.[562] The details of
+this vast movement form one of the most interesting parts of the
+history of England: but without anticipating what I must hereafter
+relate, I will at present mention only one instance, which, from the
+circumstances attending it, is very characteristic of the age. The
+celebrated work by Chillingworth on the _Religion of Protestants_, is
+generally admitted to be the best defence which the Reformers have been
+able to make against the Church of Rome.[563] It was published in
+1637,[564] and the position of the author would induce us to look for
+the fullest display of bigotry that was consistent with the spirit of
+his time. Chillingworth had recently abandoned the creed which he now
+came forward to attack; and he, therefore, might be expected to have
+that natural inclination to dogmatize with which apostasy is usually
+accompanied. Besides this, he was the godson and the intimate friend of
+Laud,[565] whose memory is still loathed, as the meanest, the most
+cruel, and the most narrowminded man who ever sat on the episcopal
+bench.[566] He was, moreover, a fellow of Oxford, and was a constant
+resident at that ancient university, which has always been esteemed as
+the refuge of superstition, and which has preserved to our own day its
+unenviable fame.[567] If now we turn to the work that was written under
+these auspices, we can scarcely believe that it was produced in the same
+generation, and in the same country, where, only twenty-six years
+before, two men had been publicly burned because they advocated opinions
+different to those of the established church. It is, indeed, a most
+remarkable proof of the prodigious energy of that great movement which
+was now going on, that its pressure should be felt under circumstances
+the most hostile to it which can possibly be conceived; and that a
+friend of Laud, and a fellow of Oxford, should, in a grave theological
+treatise, lay down principles utterly subversive of that theological
+spirit which for many centuries had enslaved the whole of Europe.
+
+  [561] On the connexion between the rise of the Baconian philosophy and
+        the change in the spirit of theologians, compare _Comte_,
+        _Philosophie Positive_, vol. v. p. 701, with _Whately on Dangers
+        to Christian Faith_, pp. 148, 149. It favoured, as Tennemann
+        (_Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. p. 14) says, the 'Belebung der
+        selbstthätigen Kraft des menschlichen Geistes;' and hence the
+        attack on the inductive philosophy in _Newman's Development of
+        Christian Doctrine_, pp. 179-183. But Mr. Newman does not seem to
+        be aware how irrevocably we are now pledged to the movement which
+        he seeks to reverse.
+
+  [562] The rapid increase of heresy in the middle of the seventeenth
+        century is very remarkable, and it greatly aided civilization in
+        England by encouraging habits of independent thought. In Feb.
+        1646-7, Boyle writes from London, 'There are few days pass here,
+        that may not justly be accused of the brewing or broaching of
+        some new opinion. Nay, some are so studiously changling in that
+        particular, they esteem an opinion as a diurnal, after a day or
+        two scarce worth the keeping. If any man have lost his religion,
+        let him repair to London, and I'll warrant him he shall find it:
+        I had almost said too, and if any man has a religion, let him but
+        come hither now, and he shall go near to lose it.' _Birch's Life
+        of Boyle_, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. i. pp. 20, 21. See also
+        _Bates's Account of the late Troubles_, edit. 1685, part ii. p.
+        219, on 'that unbridled licentiousness of hereticks which grew
+        greater and greater daily.' Compare to the same effect _Carlyle's
+        Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 289; _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p.
+        608; and _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii.
+        p. 203: 'sectaries began to swarm.'
+
+  [563] Not to quote the opinions of inferior men respecting
+        Chillingworth, it is enough to mention, that Lord Mansfield said
+        he was 'a perfect model of argumentation.' _Butler's
+        Reminiscences_, vol. i. p. 126. Compare a letter from Warburton,
+        in _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv.
+        p. 849.
+
+  [564] _Des Maizeaux_, _Life of Chillingworth_, p. 141.
+
+  [565] _Aubrey's Letters and Lives_, vol. ii. p. 285; _Des Maizeaux_,
+        _Life of Chillingworth_, pp. 2, 9. The correspondence between
+        Laud and Chillingworth is supposed to be lost. _Des Maizeaux_, p.
+        12. Carwithen (_Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii. p. 214)
+        says, 'Laud was the godfather of Chillingworth.'
+
+  [566] The character of Laud is now well understood and generally known.
+        His odious cruelties made him so hated by his contemporaries,
+        that after his condemnation, many persons shut up their shops,
+        and refused to open them till he was executed. This is mentioned
+        by Walton, an eye-witness. See _Walton's Life of Sanderson_, in
+        _Wordsworth's Eccles. Biog._ vol. iv. p. 429.
+
+  [567] A modern writer suggests, with exquisite simplicity, that
+        Chillingworth derived his liberal principles _from_ Oxford: 'the
+        very same college which nursed the high intellect and tolerant
+        principles of Chillingworth.' _Bowles's Life of Bishop Ken_, vol.
+        i. p. xxi.
+
+In this great work, all authority in matters of religion is openly set
+at defiance. Hooker, indeed, had appealed from the jurisdiction of the
+Fathers to the jurisdiction of reason; he had, however, been careful to
+add, that the reason of individuals ought to bow before that of the
+church, as we find it expressed in great Councils, and in the general
+voice of ecclesiastical tradition.[568] But Chillingworth would hear of
+none of these things. He would admit of no reservations which tended to
+limit the sacred right of private judgment. He not only went far beyond
+Hooker in neglecting the Fathers,[569] but he even ventured to despise
+the Councils. Although the sole object of his work was to decide on the
+conflicting claims of the two greatest sects into which the Christian
+Church has broken, he never quotes as authorities the Councils of that
+very church respecting which the disputes were agitated.[570] His strong
+and subtle intellect, penetrating the depths of the subject, despised
+that sort of controversy which had long busied the minds of men. In
+discussing the points upon which the Catholics and Protestants were at
+issue, he does not inquire whether the doctrines in question met the
+approval of the early church, but he asks if they are in accordance with
+human reason; and he does not hesitate to say that, however true they
+may be, no man is bound to believe them if he finds that they are
+repugnant to the dictates of his own understanding. Nor will he consent
+that faith should supply the absence of authority. Even this favourite
+principle of theologians is by Chillingworth made to yield to the
+supremacy of the human reason.[571] Reason, he says, gives us
+knowledge; while faith only gives us belief, which is a part of
+knowledge, and is, therefore, inferior to it. It is by reason, and not
+by faith, that we must discriminate in religious matters; and it is by
+reason alone that we can distinguish truth from falsehood. Finally, he
+solemnly reminds his readers, that in religious matters no one ought to
+be expected to draw strong conclusions from imperfect premises, or to
+credit improbable statements upon scanty evidence; still less, he says,
+was it ever intended that men should so prostitute their reason, as to
+believe with infallible faith that which they are unable to prove with
+infallible arguments.[572]
+
+  [568] Hooker's undue respect for the Councils of the Church is noticed
+        by Mr. Hallam, _Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 213. Compare the
+        hesitating remarks in _Coleridge's Literary Remains_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 35, 36.
+
+  [569] Reading the Fathers he contemptuously calls travelling on a
+        'north-west discovery.' _Chillingworth's Religion of
+        Protestants_, p. 366. Even to Augustine, who was probably the
+        ablest of them, Chillingworth pays no deference. See what he says
+        at pp. 196, 333, 376; and as to the authority of the Fathers in
+        general, see pp. 252, 346. Chillingworth observed, happily
+        enough, that churchmen 'account them fathers when they are for
+        them, and children when they are against them.' _Calamy's Life_,
+        vol. i. p. 253.
+
+  [570] As to the supposed authority of Councils, see _Religion of
+        Protestants_, pp. 132, 463. It affords curious evidence of the
+        slow progress of theologians to observe the different spirit in
+        which some of our clergy consider these matters. See, for
+        instance, _Palmer on the Church_, 1839, vol. ii. pp. 150-171. In
+        no other branch of inquiry do we find this obstinate
+        determination to adhere to theories which all thinking men have
+        rejected for the last two centuries.
+
+  [571] Indeed, he attempts to fasten the same doctrine upon the
+        Catholics; which, if he could have done, would of course have
+        ended the controversy. He says, rather unfairly, 'Your church you
+        admit, because you think you have reason to do so; so that by
+        you, as well as Protestants, all is finally resolved into your
+        own reason.' _Relig. of Protest._ p. 134.
+
+  [572] 'God desires only that we believe the conclusion, as much as the
+        premises deserve; that the strength of our faith be equal or
+        proportionable to the credibility of the motives to it.' _Relig.
+        of Protest._ p. 66. 'For my part, I am certain that God hath
+        given us our reason to discern between truth and falsehood; and
+        he that makes not this use of it, but believes things he knows
+        not why, I say it is by chance that he believes the truth, and
+        not by choice; and I cannot but fear that God will not accept of
+        this sacrifice of fools.' p. 133. 'God's spirit, if he please,
+        may work more,--a certainty of adherence beyond a certainty of
+        evidence; but neither God doth, nor man may, require of us, as
+        our duty, to give a greater assent to the conclusion than the
+        premises deserve; to build an infallible faith upon motives that
+        are only highly credible and not infallible; as it were a great
+        and heavy building upon a foundation that hath not strength
+        proportionate.' p. 149. 'For faith is not knowledge, no more than
+        three is four, but eminently contained in it; so that he that
+        knows, believes, and something more; but he that believes many
+        times does not know--nay, if he doth barely and merely believe,
+        he doth never know.' p. 412. See also p. 417.
+
+No one of ordinary reflection can fail to perceive the manifest tendency
+of these opinions. But what is more important to observe is, the process
+through which, in the march of civilization, the human mind had been
+obliged to pass before it could reach such elevated views. The
+Reformation, by destroying the dogma of an infallible church, had of
+course weakened the reverence which was paid to ecclesiastical
+antiquity. Still, such was the force of old associations, that our
+countrymen long continued to respect what they had ceased to venerate.
+Thus it was, that Jewel, though recognizing the supreme authority of the
+Bible, had, in cases where it was silent or ambiguous, anxiously
+appealed to the early church, by whose decision he supposed all
+difficulties could be easily cleared. He, therefore, only used his
+reason to ascertain the discrepancies which existed between Scripture
+and tradition; but when they did not clash, he paid what is now
+considered a superstitious deference to antiquity. Thirty years after
+him came Hooker;[573] who made a step in advance, and laying down
+principles from which Jewel would have shrunk with fear, did much to
+weaken that which it was reserved for Chillingworth utterly to destroy.
+Thus it is, that these three great men represent the three distinct
+epochs of the three successive generations in which they respectively
+lived. In Jewel, reason is, if I may so say, the superstructure of the
+system; but authority is the basis upon which the superstructure is
+built. In Hooker, authority is only the superstructure, and reason is
+the basis.[574] But in Chillingworth, whose writings were harbingers of
+the coming storm, authority entirely disappears, and the whole fabric of
+religion is made to rest upon the way in which the unaided reason of man
+shall interpret the decrees of an omnipotent God.
+
+  [573] On the connexion between the Reformation and the views advocated
+        in the _Ecclesiastical Polity_, compare _Newman's Development of
+        Christian Doctrine_, p. 47, with some able remarks by Locke, in
+        _King's Life of Locke_, vol. ii. pp. 99-101. Locke, who was
+        anything but a friend to the church, was a great admirer of
+        Hooker, and in one place calls him 'the arch-philosopher.' _Essay
+        on Government_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. iv. p. 380.
+
+  [574] The opposition between Jewel and Hooker was so marked, that some
+        of the opponents of Hooker quoted against him Jewel's Apology.
+        See _Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog._ vol. iii. p. 513. Dr. Wordsworth
+        calls this 'curious;' but it would be much more curious if it had
+        not happened. Compare the remarks made by the Bishop of Limerick
+        (_Parr's Works_, vol. ii. p. 470, _Notes on the Spital Sermon_),
+        who says, that Hooker 'opened that fountain of reason,' &c.;
+        language which will hardly be considered too strong by those who
+        have compared the _Ecclesiastical Polity_ with the theological
+        works previously produced by the English church.
+
+The immense success of this great work of Chillingworth, must have aided
+that movement of which it is itself an evidence.[575] It formed a
+decisive vindication of religious dissent;[576] and thus justified the
+breaking up of the Anglican church, which the same generation lived to
+witness. Its fundamental principle was adopted by the most influential
+writers of the seventeenth century,--such as Hales, Owen, Taylor,
+Burnet, Tillotson, Locke, and even the cautious and time-serving Temple;
+all of whom insisted upon the authority of private judgment, as forming
+a tribunal from which no one had the power of appeal. The inference to
+be drawn from this seems obvious.[577] If the ultimate test of truth is
+individual judgment, and if no one can affirm that the judgments of men,
+which are often contradictory, can ever be infallible, it follows of
+necessity that there is no decisive criterion of religious truth. This
+is a melancholy, and, as I firmly believe, a most inaccurate conclusion;
+but it is one which every nation must entertain, before it can achieve
+that great work of toleration, which, even in our own country, and in
+our own time, is not yet consummated. It is necessary that men should
+learn to doubt, before they begin to tolerate; and that they should
+recognize the fallibility of their own opinions, before they respect the
+opinions of their opponents.[578] This great process is far from being
+yet completed in any country; and the European mind, barely emerged from
+its early credulity, and from an overweening confidence in its own
+belief, is still in a middle, and, so to say, a probationary stage. When
+that stage shall be finally passed, when we shall have learned to
+estimate men solely by their character and their acts, and not at all by
+their theological dogmas, we shall then be able to form our religious
+opinions by that purely transcendental process, of which in every age
+glimpses have been granted to a few gifted minds. That this is the
+direction in which things are now hastening, must be clear to every one
+who has studied the progress of modern civilization. Within the short
+space of three centuries, the old theological spirit has been compelled,
+not only to descend from its long-established supremacy, but to abandon
+those strongholds to which, in the face of advancing knowledge, it has
+vainly attempted to secure a retreat. All its most cherished pretensions
+it has been forced gradually to relinquish.[579] And although in England
+a temporary prominence has recently been given to certain religious
+controversies, still the circumstances attending them show the
+alteration in the character of the age. Disputes which, a century ago,
+would have set the whole kingdom in a flame, are now regarded with
+indifference by the vast majority of educated men. The complications of
+modern society, and the immense variety of interests into which it is
+divided, have done much to distract the intellect, and to prevent it
+from dwelling upon subjects which a less-occupied people would deem of
+paramount importance. Besides this, the accumulations of science are far
+superior to those of any former age, and offer suggestions of such
+surpassing interest, that nearly all our greatest thinkers devote to
+them the whole of their time, and refuse to busy themselves with matters
+of mere speculative belief. The consequence is, that what used to be
+considered the most important of all questions, is now abandoned to
+inferior men, who mimic the zeal, without possessing the influence of
+those really great divines whose works are among the glories of our
+early literature. These turbulent polemics have, indeed, distracted the
+church by their clamour, but they have not made the slightest impression
+upon the great body of English intellect; and an overwhelming majority
+of the nation is notoriously opposed to that monastic and ascetic
+religion which it is now vainly attempted to reconstruct. The truth is,
+that the time for these things has gone by. Theological interests have
+long ceased to be supreme; and the affairs of nations are no longer
+regulated according to ecclesiastical views.[580] In England, where the
+march has been more rapid than elsewhere, this change is very
+observable. In every other department we have had a series of great and
+powerful thinkers, who have done honour to their country, and have won
+the admiration of mankind. But for more than a century, we have not
+produced a single original work in the whole field of controversial
+theology. For more than a century, the apathy on this subject has been
+so marked, that there has been made no addition of value to that immense
+mass of divinity which, among thinking men, is in every successive
+generation losing something of its former interest.[581]
+
+  [575] Des Maizeaux (_Life of Chillingworth_, pp. 220, 221) says: 'His
+        book was received with a general applause; and, what perhaps
+        never happened to any other controversial work of that bulk, two
+        editions of it were published within less than five months....
+        The quick sale of a book, and especially of a book of
+        controversy, in folio, is a good proof that the author hit the
+        taste of his time.' See also _Biographia Britannica_, edit.
+        Kippis, vol. iii. pp. 511, 512.
+
+  [576] Or, as Calamy cautiously puts it, Chillingworth's work 'appeared
+        to me to go a great way towards the justifying of moderate
+        conformity.' _Calamy's Life_, vol. i. p. 234. Compare _Palmer on
+        the Church_, vol. i. pp. 267, 268; and what is probably an
+        allusion to Chillingworth in _Doddridge's Correspond. and Diary_,
+        vol. ii. p. 81. See also the opinion of Hobbes, in _Aubrey's
+        Letters and Lives_, vol. ii. pp. 288, 629.
+
+  [577] A short but able view of the aspect which the English mind now
+        began to assume, will be found in _Stäudlin_, _Geschichte der
+        theologischen Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. pp. 95 seq.
+
+  [578] In _Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith_, pp. 188-198, there is a
+        perspicuous statement of the arguments now commonly received
+        against coercing men for their religious opinions. But the most
+        powerful of these arguments are based entirely upon expediency,
+        which would have insured their rejection in an age of strong
+        religious convictions. Some, and only some, of the theological
+        difficulties respecting toleration, are noticed in _Coleridge's
+        Lit. Remains_, vol. i. pp. 312-315; and in another work (_The
+        Friend_, vol. i. p. 73), he mentions, what is the real fact 'that
+        same indifference which makes toleration so easy a virtue with
+        us.' See also _Archdeacon Hare's Guesses at Truth_, 2nd series,
+        1848, p. 278; and _Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. Hist._ vol. v.
+        p. 817: 'a spirit of mutual toleration and forbearance has
+        appeared (at least one good consequence of religious
+        indifference).'
+
+  [579] It would be idle to offer proofs of so notorious a fact; but the
+        reader will be interested by some striking remarks in
+        _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Réforme_, vol. i. pp. 228, 229.
+
+  [580] A writer intimately acquainted with the social condition of the
+        great European countries, says: 'Ecclesiastical power is almost
+        extinct as an active element in the political or social affairs
+        of nations or of individuals, in the cabinet or in the family
+        circle; and a new element, literary power, is taking its place in
+        the government of the world.' _Laing's Denmark_, 1852, p. 82. On
+        this natural tendency in regard to legislation, see _Meyer_,
+        _Esprit des Institut. Judiciaires_, vol. i. p. 267 note; and a
+        good summary in _Stäudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 304, 305. It is not surprising to find that many of
+        the clergy complain of a movement so subversive of their own
+        power. Compare _Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church_, pp. 40,
+        108-111, 388; _Sewell's Christian Politics_, pp. 276, 277, 279;
+        _Palmer's Treatise on the Church_, vol. ii. p. 361. It is thus
+        that everything is tending to confirm the remarkable prediction
+        of Sir James Mackintosh, that 'church-power (unless some
+        revolution, auspicious to priestcraft, should replunge Europe in
+        ignorance) will certainly not survive the nineteenth century.'
+        _Mem. of Mackintosh_, vol. i. p. 67.
+
+  [581] 'The "divines" in England at the present day, her bishops,
+        professors, and prebendaries, are not theologians. They are
+        logicians, chemists, skilled in the mathematics, historians, poor
+        commentators upon Greek poets.' _Theodore Parker's Critical and
+        Miscellaneous Writings_, 1848, p. 302. At p. 33, the same high
+        authority says: 'But, within the present century, what has been
+        written in the English tongue, in any department of theological
+        scholarship, which is of value and makes a mark on the age? The
+        _Bridgewater Treatises_, and the new edition of _Paley_,--we
+        blush to confess it,--are the best things.' Sir William Hamilton
+        (_Discussions on Philosophy_, 1852, p. 699) notices the decline
+        of 'British theology,' though he appears ignorant of the cause of
+        it. The Rev. Mr. Ward (_Ideal of a Christian Church_, p. 405)
+        remarks, that 'we cannot wonder, however keenly we may mourn, at
+        the decline and fall of dogmatic theology.' See also _Lord
+        Jeffrey's Essays_, vol. iv. p. 337: 'Warburton, we think, was the
+        last of our great divines.... The days of the Cudworths and
+        Barrows, the Hookers and Taylors, are long gone by.' Dr. Parr was
+        the only English theologian since Warburton who possessed
+        sufficient learning to retrieve this position; but he always
+        refused to do so, being, unconsciously to himself, held back by
+        the spirit of his age. Thus, we find him writing to Archbishop
+        Magee, in 1823: 'As to myself, I long ago determined not to take
+        any active part in polemical theology.' _Parr's Works_, vol. vii.
+        p. 11.
+
+        In the same way, since the early part of the eighteenth century,
+        hardly any one has carefully read the Fathers, except for mere
+        historical and secular purposes. The first step was taken about
+        the middle of the seventeenth century, when the custom of quoting
+        them in sermons began to be abandoned. _Burnet's Own Time_, vol.
+        i. pp. 329, 330; _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 184. After this they
+        rapidly fell into contempt; and the Rev. Mr. Dowling (_Study of
+        Ecclesiast. History_, p. 195) asserts, that 'Waterland, who died
+        in 1740, was the last of our great patristical scholars.' To this
+        I may add, that nine years subsequent to the death of Waterland,
+        the obvious decay of professional learning struck Warburton,
+        afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, so much, that he wrote to
+        Jortin, somewhat roughly, 'anything makes a divine among our
+        parsons.' See his _Letter_, written in 1749, in _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of Lit. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 173; and for other
+        evidence of the neglect by the clergy of their ancient studies,
+        see _Jones's Memoirs of Horne, Bishop of Norwich_, pp. 68, 184;
+        and the complaint of Dr. Knowler, in 1766, in _Nichols's Lit.
+        Anec._ vol. ii. p. 130. Since then, attempts have been made at
+        Oxford to remedy this tendency; but such attempts, being opposed
+        by the general march of affairs, have been, and must be, futile.
+        Indeed, so manifest is the inferiority of these recent efforts,
+        that one of the most active cultivators in that field frankly
+        admits, that, in point of knowledge, his own party has effected
+        nothing; and he even asserts, with great bitterness, that 'it is
+        melancholy to say it, but the chief, perhaps the only, English
+        writer who has any claim to be considered an ecclesiastical
+        historian, is the infidel Gibbon.' _Newman on the Develop. of
+        Christ. Doct._ p. 5.
+
+These are only some of the innumerable signs, which must be discerned by
+every man who is not blinded by the prejudices of an imperfect
+education. An immense majority of the clergy,--some from ambitious
+feelings, but the greater part, I believe, from conscientious
+motives,--are striving to check the progress of that scepticism which is
+now gathering in upon us from every quarter.[582] It is time that these
+well-intentioned, though mistaken, men should see the delusion under
+which they labour. That by which they are so much alarmed, is the
+intermediate step which leads from superstition to toleration. The
+higher order of minds have passed through this stage, and are
+approaching what is probably the ultimate form of the religious history
+of the human race. But the people at large, and even some of those who
+are commonly called educated men, are only now entering that earlier
+epoch in which scepticism[583] is the leading feature of the mind. So
+far, therefore, from our apprehensions being excited by this
+rapidly-increasing spirit, we ought rather to do everything in our power
+to encourage that which, though painful to some, is salutary to all;
+because by it alone can religious bigotry be effectually destroyed. Nor
+ought we to be surprised that, before this can be done, a certain degree
+of suffering must first intervene.[584] If one age believes too much, it
+is but a natural reaction that another age should believe too little.
+Such are the imperfections of our nature, that we are compelled, by the
+very laws of its progress, to pass through those crises of scepticism
+and of mental distress, which to a vulgar eye are states of national
+decline and national shame; but which are only as the fire by which the
+gold must be purged before it can leave its dross in the pot of the
+refiner. To apply the imagery of the great allegorist, it is necessary
+that the poor pilgrim, laden with the weight of accumulated
+superstitions, should struggle through the Slough of Despond and the
+Valley of Death, before he can reach that glorious city, glittering with
+gold and with jewels, of which the first sight is sufficient recompense
+for his toils and his fears.
+
+  [582] As some writers, moved by their wishes rather than by their
+        knowledge, seek to deny this, it may be well to observe, that the
+        increase of scepticism since the latter part of the eighteenth
+        century is attested by an immense mass of evidence, as will
+        appear to whoever will compare the following authorities:
+        _Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith_, p. 87; _Kay's Social
+        Condition of the People_, vol. ii. p. 506; _Tocqueville_, _de la
+        Démocratie_, vol. iii. p. 72; _J. H. Newman on Development_, pp.
+        28, 29; _F. W. Newman's Natural History of the Soul_, p. 197;
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. ii. p. 5, vol. iii. pp. 688, 689; _Felkin's
+        Moral Statistics_, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. i. p. 541;
+        _Watson's Observations on the Life of Wesley_, pp. 155, 194;
+        _Matter_, _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. ii. p. 485; _Ward's Ideal
+        of a Christian Church_, pp. 266, 267, 404; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. ii. pp. 129, 142, vol. iii. p. 509; _Priestley's
+        Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128, 446, vol. ii. p. 751; _Cappe's
+        Memoirs_, p. 367; _Nichols's Lit. Anec. of Eighteenth Century_,
+        vol. iv. p. 671, vol. viii. p. 473; _Nichols's Illust. of Lit.
+        Hist._ vol. v. p. 640; _Combe's Notes on the United States_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 171, 172, 183.
+
+  [583] It has been suggested to me by an able friend, that there is a
+        class of persons who will misunderstand this expression; and that
+        there is another class who, without misunderstanding it, will
+        intentionally misrepresent its meaning. Hence, it may be well to
+        state distinctly what I wish to convey by the word 'scepticism.'
+        By scepticism I merely mean hardness of belief; so that an
+        increased scepticism is an increased perception of the difficulty
+        of proving assertions; or, in other words, it is an increased
+        application, and an increased diffusion, of the rules of
+        reasoning, and of the laws of evidence. This feeling of
+        hesitation and of suspended judgment has, in every department of
+        thought, been the invariable preliminary to all the intellectual
+        revolutions through which the human mind has passed; and without
+        it, there could be no progress, no change, no civilization. In
+        physics, it is the necessary precursor of science; in politics,
+        of liberty; in theology, of toleration. These are the three
+        leading forms of scepticism; it is, therefore, clear, that in
+        religion the sceptic steers a middle course between atheism and
+        orthodoxy, rejecting both extremes, because he sees that both are
+        incapable of proof.
+
+  [584] What a learned historian has said of the effect which the method
+        of Socrates produced on a very few Greek minds, is applicable to
+        that state through which a great part of Europe is now passing:
+        'The Socratic dialectics, clearing away from the mind its mist of
+        fancied knowledge, and laying bare the real ignorance, produced
+        an immediate effect, like the touch of the torpedo. The
+        newly-created consciousness of ignorance was alike unexpected,
+        painful, and humiliating,--a season of doubt and discomfort, yet
+        combined with an internal working and yearning after truth, never
+        before experienced. Such intellectual quickening, which could
+        never commence until the mind had been disabused of its original
+        illusion of false knowledge, was considered by Socrates not
+        merely as the index and precursor, but as the indispensable
+        condition of future progress.' _Grote's Hist. of Greece_, vol.
+        viii. pp. 614, 615, 8vo, 1851. Compare _Kritik der reinen
+        Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 572, 577. 'So ist der
+        Skeptizismus ein Ruheplatz für die menschliche Vernunft, da sie
+        sich über ihre dogmatische Wanderung besinnen und den Entwurf von
+        der Gegend machen kann, wo sie sich befindet, um ihren Weg
+        fernerhin mit mehrerer Sicherheit wählen zu können, aber nicht
+        ein Wohnplatz zum beständigen Aufenthalte.... So ist das
+        skeptische Verfahren zwar an sich selbst für die Vernunftfragen
+        nicht befriedigend, aber doch vorübend, um ihre Vorsichtigkeit zu
+        erwecken und auf gründliche Mittel zu weisen, die sie in ihren
+        rechtmässigen Besitzen sichern können.'
+
+During the whole of the seventeenth century, this double movement of
+scepticism and of toleration continued to advance; though its progress
+was constantly checked by the two successors of Elizabeth, who in every
+thing reversed the enlightened policy of the great queen. These princes
+exhausted their strength in struggling against the tendencies of an age
+they were unable to understand; but, happily, the spirit which they
+wished to quench had reached a height that mocked their control. At the
+same time, the march of the English mind was still farther aided by the
+nature of those disputes which, during half a century, divided the
+country. In the reign of Elizabeth, the great contest had been between
+the church and its opponents; between those who were orthodox, and those
+who were heretical. But in the reigns of James and Charles, theology was
+for the first time merged in politics. It was no longer a struggle of
+creeds and dogmas; but it was a struggle between those who favoured the
+crown, and those who supported the parliament. The minds of men, thus
+fixed upon matters of real importance, neglected those inferior pursuits
+that had engrossed the attention of their fathers.[585] When, at length,
+public affairs had reached their crisis, the hard fate of the king,
+which eventually advanced the interests of the throne, was most
+injurious to those of the church. There can, indeed, be no doubt that
+the circumstances connected with the execution of Charles, inflicted a
+blow upon the whole system of ecclesiastical authority, from which, in
+this country, it has never been able to recover. The violent death of
+the king excited the sympathies of the people; and by thus strengthening
+the hands of the royalists, hastened the restoration of the
+monarchy.[586] But the mere name of that great party which had risen to
+power, was suggestive of the change that, in a religious point of view,
+was taking place in the national mind. It was, indeed, no light thing,
+that England should be ruled by men who called themselves Independents;
+and who, under that title, not only beat back the pretensions of the
+clergy, but professed an unbounded contempt for all those rites and
+dogmas which the clergy had, during many centuries, continued to
+amass.[587] True it is, that the Independents did not always push to
+their full extent the consequences of their own doctrines.[588] Still,
+it was a great matter to have those doctrines recognized by the
+constituted authorities of the state. Besides this, it is important to
+remark, that the Puritans were more fanatical than superstitious.[589]
+They were so ignorant of the real principles of government, as to direct
+penal laws against private vices; and to suppose that immorality could
+be stemmed by legislation.[590] But, notwithstanding this serious
+error, they always resisted the aggressions even of their own clergy;
+and the destruction of the old episcopal hierarchy, though perhaps too
+hastily effected, must have produced many beneficial results. When the
+great party by whom these things were accomplished, was at length
+overthrown, the progress of events still continued to tend in the same
+direction. After the Restoration, the church, though reinstated in her
+ancient pomp, had evidently lost her ancient power.[591] At the same
+time, the new king, from levity, rather than from reason, despised the
+disputes of theologians, and treated questions of religion with what he
+considered a philosophic indifference.[592] The courtiers followed his
+example, and thought they could not err in imitating him, whom they
+regarded as the Lord's anointed. The results were such as must be
+familiar even to the most superficial readers of English literature.
+That grave and measured scepticism, by which the Independents had been
+characterized, lost all its decorum when it was transplanted into the
+ungenial atmosphere of a court. The men by whom the king was surrounded,
+were unequal to the difficulties of suspense; and they attempted to
+fortify their doubts by the blasphemous expression of a wild and
+desperate infidelity. With scarcely an exception, all those writers who
+were most favoured by Charles, exhausted the devices of their ribald
+spirit, in mocking a religion, of the nature of which they were
+profoundly ignorant. These impious buffooneries would, by themselves,
+have left no permanent impression on the age; but they deserve
+attention, because they were the corrupt and exaggerated representatives
+of a more general tendency. They were the unwholesome offspring of that
+spirit of disbelief, and of that daring revolt against authority, which
+characterized the most eminent Englishmen during the seventeenth
+century. It was this which caused Locke to be an innovator in his
+philosophy, and an Unitarian in his creed. It was this which made Newton
+a Socinian; which forced Milton to be the great enemy of the church, and
+which not only turned the poet into a rebel, but tainted with Arianism
+the _Paradise Lost_. In a word, it was the same contempt for tradition,
+and the same resolution to spurn the yoke, which, being first carried
+into philosophy by Bacon, was afterwards carried into politics by
+Cromwell; and which, during that very generation, was enforced in
+theology by Chillingworth, Owen, and Hales; in metaphysics by Hobbes and
+Glanvil; and in the theory of government by Harrington, Sydney, and
+Locke.
+
+  [585] Dr. Arnold, whose keen eye noted this change, says (_Lectures on
+        Modern History_, p. 232), 'What strikes us predominantly, is,
+        that what, in Elizabeth's time, was a controversy between
+        divines, was now a great political contest between the crown and
+        the parliament.' The ordinary compilers, such as Sir A. Alison
+        (_Hist. of Europe_, vol. i. p. 51), and others, have entirely
+        misrepresented this movement; an error the more singular, because
+        the eminently political character of the struggle was recognized
+        by several contemporaries. Even Cromwell, notwithstanding the
+        difficult game he had to play, distinctly stated, in 1655, that
+        the origin of the war was not religious. See _Carlyle's
+        Cromwell_, vol. iii. p. 103; and corroborative evidence in
+        _Walker's History of Independency_, part i. p. 132. James I. also
+        saw that the Puritans were more dangerous to the state than to
+        the church: 'do not so far differ from us in points of religion,
+        as in their confused form of policy and parity; being ever
+        discontented with the present government, and impatient to suffer
+        any superiority; which maketh their sects insufferable in any
+        well-governed commonwealth.' _Speech of James I._, in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. i. p. 982. See also the observations ascribed to De
+        Foe, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 572: 'The king and
+        parliament fell out about matters of civil right; ... the first
+        difference between the king and the English parliament did not
+        respect religion, but civil property.'
+
+  [586] See _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 716. Sir W. Temple,
+        in his _Memoirs_, observes, that the throne of Charles II. was
+        strengthened by 'what had passed in the last reign.' _Temple's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 344. This may be illustrated by the remarks
+        of M. Lamartine on the execution of Louis XVI. _Hist. des
+        Girondins_, vol. v. pp. 86-7: 'Sa mort, au contraire, aliénait de
+        la cause française cette partie immense des populations qui ne
+        juge les événements humains que par le c[oe]ur. La nature humaine
+        est pathétique; la république l'oublia, elle donna à la royauté
+        quelque chose du martyre, à la liberté quelque chose de la
+        vengeance. Elle prépara ainsi une réaction contre la cause
+        républicaine, et mit du côté de la royauté la sensibilité,
+        l'intérêt, les larmes d'une partie des peuples.'
+
+  [587] The energy with which the House of Commons, in 1646, repelled the
+        pretensions of 'the Assembly of Divines,' is one of many proofs
+        of the determination of the predominant party not to allow
+        ecclesiastical encroachments. See the remarkable details in
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. pp. 459-463; see also p. 1305. As a
+        natural consequence, the Independents were the first sect which,
+        when possessed of power, advocated toleration. Compare _Orme's
+        Life of Owen_, pp. 63-75, 102-111; _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p.
+        542; _Walker's Hist. of Independency_, part ii. pp. 50, 157, part
+        iii. p. 22; _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 610, 640.
+        Some writers ascribe great merit to Jeremy Taylor for his
+        advocacy of toleration (_Heber's Life of Taylor_, p. xxvii.; and
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. p. 417); but the truth is that when he
+        wrote the famous _Liberty of Prophesying_, his enemies were in
+        power; so that he was pleading for his own interests. When,
+        however, the Church of England again obtained the upper hand,
+        Taylor withdrew the concessions which he had made in the season
+        of adversity. See the indignant remarks of Coleridge (_Lit.
+        Remains_, vol. iii. p. 250), who, though a great admirer of
+        Taylor, expresses himself strongly on this dereliction: see also
+        a recently published _Letter to Percy, Bishop of Dromore_, in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. History_, vol. vii. p. 464.
+
+  [588] However, Bishop Short (_History of the Church of England_, 8vo,
+        1847, pp. 452, 458) says, what is undoubtedly true, that the
+        hostility of Cromwell to the church was not theological, but
+        political. The same remark is made by Bishop Kennet. _Note_ in
+        _Burton's Diary_, vol. ii. p. 479. See also _Vaughan's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. xcvii.; and on the generally tolerant spirit of this
+        great man, see _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 14; and the
+        evidence in _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. iii. pp. 37-47.
+        But the most distinct recognition of the principle, is in a
+        _Letter from Cromwell to Major-General Crawford_, recently
+        printed in _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. pp. 201, 202, 8vo, 1846.
+        In it Cromwell writes, 'Sir, the state, in choosing men to serve
+        it, takes no notice of their opinions; if they be willing
+        faithfully to serve it--that satisfies.' See additional proof in
+        _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of Engl._ vol. ii. pp. 245, 249.
+
+  [589] No one can understand the real history of the Puritans, who does
+        not take this into consideration. In the present Introduction, it
+        is impossible to discuss so large a subject; and I must reserve
+        it for the future part of this work, in which the history of
+        England will be specially treated. In the mean time, I may
+        mention, that the distinction between fanaticism and superstition
+        is clearly indicated, but not analyzed, by Archbishop Whately, in
+        his _Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human Nature_,
+        p. 49. This should be compared with _Hume's Philosophical Works_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 81-89, Edinb. 1826, on the difference between
+        enthusiasm and superstition; a difference which is noticed, but,
+        as it appears to me, misunderstood, by Maclaine, in his
+        _Additions to Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 38.
+
+  [590] Compare _Barrington's Observations on the Statutes_, p. 143, with
+        _Burton's Diary of the Parliaments of Cromwell_, vol. i. pp.
+        xcviii. 145, 392, vol. ii. pp. 35, 229. In 1650, a second
+        conviction of fornication was made felony, without benefit of
+        clergy; but, after the Restoration, Charles II. and his friends
+        found this law rather inconvenient; so it was repealed. See
+        _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 65.
+
+  [591] See _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, edit. 1854, vol. i. p. 51. At
+        p. 129, the same writer says, with sorrow, 'The church recovered
+        much of her temporal possessions, but not her spiritual rule.'
+        The power of the bishops was abridged 'by the destruction of the
+        court of high-commission.' _Short's Hist. of the Church of
+        England_, p. 595. See also, on the diminished influence of the
+        Church-of-England clergy after the Restoration, _Southey's Life
+        of Wesley_, vol. i. pp. 278, 279; and _Watson's Observations on
+        the Life of Wesley_, pp. 129-131.
+
+  [592] Buckingham and Halifax, the two men who were perhaps best
+        acquainted with Charles II., both declared that he was a deist.
+        Compare _Lingard's Hist. of Engl._ vol. viii. p. 127, with
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. p. 55. His subsequent
+        conversion to Catholicism is exactly analogous to the increased
+        devotion of Louis XIV. during the later years of his life. In
+        both cases, superstition was the natural refuge of a worn-out and
+        discontented libertine, who had exhausted all the resources of
+        the lowest and most grovelling pleasures.
+
+The progress which the English intellect was now making towards shaking
+off ancient superstitions,[593] was still further aided by the
+extraordinary zeal displayed in the cultivation of the physical
+sciences. This, like all great social movements, is clearly traceable to
+the events by which it was preceded. It was partly cause, and partly
+effect, of the increasing incredulity of the age. The scepticism of the
+educated classes made them dissatisfied with those long-established
+opinions, which only rested on unsupported authority; and this gave rise
+to a desire to ascertain how far such notions might be verified or
+refuted by the real condition of things. A curious instance of the
+rapid progress of this spirit may be found in the works of an author who
+was one of the most eminent among the mere literary men of his time.
+While the Civil War was barely decided, and three years before the
+execution of the king, Sir Thomas Browne published his celebrated work,
+called _Inquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors_.[594] This able and
+learned production has the merit of anticipating some of those results
+which more modern inquirers have obtained;[595] but it is chiefly
+remarkable, as being the first systematic and deliberate onslaught ever
+made in England upon those superstitious fancies which were then
+prevalent respecting the external world. And what is still more
+interesting is, that the circumstances under which it appeared make it
+evident, that while the learning and genius of the author belonged to
+himself, the scepticism which he displayed respecting popular belief was
+forced on him by the pressure of the age.
+
+  [593] One of the most curious instances of this may be seen in the
+        destruction of the old notions respecting witchcraft. This
+        important revolution in our opinions was effected, so far as the
+        educated classes are concerned, between the Restoration and the
+        Revolution; that is to say, in 1660, the majority of educated men
+        still believed in witchcraft; while in 1688, the majority
+        disbelieved it. In 1665, the old orthodox view was stated by
+        Chief-Baron Hale, who, on a trial of two women for witchcraft,
+        said to the jury: 'That there are such creatures as witches, I
+        make no doubt at all; for, first, the Scriptures have affirmed so
+        much; secondly, the wisdom of all nations hath provided laws
+        against such persons, which is an argument of their confidence of
+        such a crime.' _Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices_, vol. i.
+        pp. 565, 566. This reasoning was irresistible, and the witches
+        were hung; but the change in public opinion began to affect even
+        the judges, and after this melancholy exhibition of the
+        Chief-Baron, such scenes became gradually rarer; though Lord
+        Campbell is mistaken in supposing (p. 563) that this was 'the
+        last capital conviction in England for the crime of bewitching.'
+        So far from this, three persons were executed at Exeter for
+        witchcraft in 1682. See _Hutchinson's Historical Essay concerning
+        Witchcraft_, 1720, pp. 56, 57. Hutchinson says: 'I suppose these
+        are the last three that have been hanged in England.' If,
+        however, one may rely upon a statement made by Dr. Parr, two
+        witches were hung at Northampton in 1705; and in '1712, five
+        other witches suffered the same fate at the same place.' _Parr's
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 182, 8vo, 1828. This is the more shameful,
+        because, as I shall hereafter prove, from the literature of that
+        time, a disbelief in the existence of witches had become almost
+        universal among educated men; though the old superstition was
+        still defended on the judgment-seat and in the pulpit. As to the
+        opinions of the clergy, compare _Cudworth's Intellect. Syst._
+        vol. iii. pp. 345, 348; _Vernon Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 302,
+        303; _Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+        220, 221; _Wesley's Journals_, pp. 602, 713. Wesley, who had more
+        influence than all the bishops put together, says: 'It is true,
+        likewise, that the English in general, and, indeed, most of the
+        men of learning in Europe, have given up all accounts of witches
+        and apparitions as mere old wives' fables. I am sorry for
+        it.... The giving up witchcraft is, in effect, giving up the
+        Bible.... But I cannot give up, to all the Deists in Great
+        Britain, the existence of witchcraft, till I give up the credit
+        of all history, sacred and profane.'
+
+        However, all was in vain. Every year diminished the old belief;
+        and in 1736, a generation before Wesley had recorded these
+        opinions, the laws against witchcraft were repealed, and another
+        vestige of superstition effaced from the English statute-book.
+        See _Barrington on the Statutes_, p. 407; _Note_ in _Burton's
+        Diary_, vol. i. p. 26; _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. i. p.
+        307.
+
+        To this it may be interesting to add, that in Spain a witch was
+        burned so late as 1781. _Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish Literature_,
+        vol. iii. p. 238.
+
+  [594] The first edition was published in 1646. _Works of Sir Thomas
+        Browne_, vol. ii. p. 163.
+
+  [595] See the notes in Mr. Wilkin's edition of _Browne's Works_, Lond.
+        1836, vol. ii. pp. 284, 360, 361.
+
+In or about 1633, when the throne was still occupied by a superstitious
+prince; when the Church of England was at the height of her apparent
+power; and when men were incessantly persecuted for their religious
+opinions--this same Sir Thomas Browne wrote his _Religio Medici_,[596]
+in which we find all the qualities of his later work, except the
+scepticism. Indeed, in the _Religio Medici_, there is shown a credulity
+that must have secured the sympathy of those classes which were then
+dominant. Of all the prejudices which at that time were deemed an
+essential part of the popular creed, there was not one which Browne
+ventured to deny. He announces his belief in the philosopher's
+stone;[597] in spirits, and tutelary angels;[598] and in
+palmistry.[599] He not only peremptorily affirms the reality of witches,
+but he says that those who deny their existence are not merely infidels,
+but atheists.[600] He carefully tells us that he reckons his nativity,
+not from his birth, but from his baptism; for before he was baptized, he
+could not be said to exist.[601] To these touches of wisdom, he moreover
+adds, that the more improbable any proposition is, the greater his
+willingness to assent to it; but that when a thing is actually
+impossible, he is on that very account prepared to believe it.[602]
+
+  [596] The precise date is unknown; but Mr. Wilkin supposes that it was
+        written 'between the years 1633 and 1635.' Preface to _Religio
+        Medici_, in _Browne's Works_, vol. ii. p. 4.
+
+  [597] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 58.
+
+  [598] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 47.
+
+  [599] Or, as he calls it, 'chiromancy.' _Religio Medici_, in _Browne's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 89.
+
+  [600] 'For my part, I have ever believed, and do now know, that there
+        are witches. They that doubt of these, do not only deny them, but
+        spirits; and are obliquely, and upon consequence, a sort, not of
+        infidels, but atheists.' Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 43, 44.
+
+  [601] 'From this I do compute or calculate my nativity.' Ibid. vol. ii.
+        p. 64.
+
+  [602] _Religio Medici_, sec. ix. in _Browne's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 13,
+        14: unfortunately too long to extract. This is the 'credo quia
+        impossibile est,' originally one of Tertullian's absurdities, and
+        once quoted in the House of Lords by the Duke of Argyle, as 'the
+        ancient religious maxim.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xi. p. 802. Compare
+        the sarcastic remark on this maxim in the _Essay concerning Human
+        Understanding_, book iv. chap. xviii. _Locke's Works_, vol. ii.
+        p. 271. It was the spirit embodied in this sentence which
+        supplied Celsus with some formidable arguments against the
+        Fathers. _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. i. pp. 227, 228.
+
+Such were the opinions put forth by Sir Thomas Browne in the first of
+the two great works he presented to the world. But in his _Inquiries
+into Vulgar Errors_, there is displayed a spirit so entirely different,
+that if it were not for the most decisive evidence, we could hardly
+believe it to be written by the same man. The truth, however, is, that
+during the twelve years which elapsed between the two works, there was
+completed that vast social and intellectual revolution, of which the
+overthrow of the church and the execution of the king were but minor
+incidents. We know from the literature, from the private correspondence,
+and from the public acts of that time, how impossible it was, even for
+the strongest minds, to escape the effects of the general intoxication.
+No wonder, then, that Browne, who certainly was inferior to several of
+his contemporaries, should have been affected by a movement which they
+were unable to resist. It would have been strange, indeed, if he alone
+had remained uninfluenced by that sceptical spirit, which, because it
+had been arbitrarily repressed, had now broken all bounds, and in the
+reaction soon swept away those institutions which vainly attempted to
+stop its course.
+
+It is in this point of view that a comparison of the two works becomes
+highly interesting, and, indeed, very important. In this, his later
+production, we hear no more about believing things because they are
+impossible; but we are told of 'the two great pillars of truth,
+experience and solid reason.'[603] We are also reminded that one main
+cause of error is 'adherence unto authority;'[604] that another is,
+'neglect of inquiry;'[605] and, strange to say, that a third is
+'credulity.'[606] All this was not very consistent with the old
+theological spirit; and we need not, therefore, be surprised that Browne
+not only exposes some of the innumerable blunders of the Fathers,[607]
+but, after speaking of errors in general, curtly adds: 'Many others
+there are, which we resign unto divinity, and perhaps deserve not
+controversy.'[608]
+
+  [603] _Inquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors_, book iii. chap. xxviii.
+        in _Browne's Works_, vol. ii. p. 534.
+
+  [604] Ibid. book i. chap. vii. vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [605] 'A supinity, or neglect of inquiry.' Ibid. book i. chap. v.
+        vol. ii. p. 211.
+
+  [606] 'A third cause of common errors is the credulity of men.' Book i.
+        chap. v. vol. ii. p. 208.
+
+  [607] See two amusing instances in vol. ii. pp. 267, 438.
+
+  [608] _Vulgar and Common Errors_, book vii. chap. xi., in _Browne's
+        Works_, vol. iii. p. 326.
+
+The difference between these two works is no bad measure of the rapidity
+of that vast movement which, in the middle of the seventeenth century,
+was seen in every branch of practical and speculative life. After the
+death of Bacon, one of the most distinguished Englishmen was certainly
+Boyle, who, if compared with his contemporaries, may be said to rank
+immediately below Newton, though, of course, very inferior to him as an
+original thinker.[609] With the additions he made to our knowledge we
+are not immediately concerned; but it may be mentioned, that he was the
+first who instituted exact experiments into the relation between colour
+and heat;[610] and by this means, not only ascertained some very
+important facts, but laid a foundation for that union between optics and
+thermotics, which, though not yet completed, now merely waits for some
+great philosopher to strike out a generalization large enough to cover
+both, and thus fuse the two sciences into a single study. It is also to
+Boyle, more than to any other Englishman, that we owe the science of
+hydrostatics, in the state in which we now possess it.[611] He is the
+original discoverer of that beautiful law, so fertile in valuable
+results, according to which the elasticity of air varies as its
+density.[612] And, in the opinion of one of the most eminent modern
+naturalists, it was Boyle who opened up those chemical inquiries, which
+went on accumulating until, a century later, they supplied the means by
+which Lavoisier and his contemporaries fixed the real basis of
+chemistry, and enabled it for the first time to take its proper stand
+among those sciences that deal with the external world.[613]
+
+  [609] Monk (_Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p. 37) says, that Boyle's
+        discoveries 'have placed his name in a rank second only to that
+        of Newton;' and this, I believe, is true, notwithstanding the
+        immense superiority of Newton.
+
+  [610] Compare _Powell on Radiant Heat_ (_Brit. Assoc._ vol. i. p. 287),
+        with _Lloyd's Report on Physical Optics_, 1834, p. 338. For the
+        remarks on colours, see _Boyle's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 1-40; and
+        for the account of his experiments, pp. 41-80; and a slight
+        notice in _Brewster's Life of Newton_, vol. i. pp. 155, 156, 236.
+        It is, I think, not generally known, that Power is said to be
+        indebted to Boyle for originating some of his experiments on
+        colours. See a letter from Hooke, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. v. p.
+        533.
+
+  [611] Dr. Whewell (_Bridgewater Treatise_, p. 266) well observes, that
+        Boyle and Pascal are to hydrostatics what Galileo is to
+        mechanics, and Copernicus, Kepler, and Newton to astronomy. See
+        also on Boyle, as the founder of hydrostatics, _Thomson's Hist.
+        of the Royal Society_, pp. 397, 398; and his _Hist. of
+        Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 204.
+
+  [612] This was discovered by Boyle about 1650, and confirmed by Mariotte
+        in 1676. See _Whewell's Hist. of the Inductive Sciences_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 557, 588; _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 215;
+        _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 41, 200; _Brande's Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 363. This law has been empirically verified by the
+        French Institute, and found to hold good for a pressure even of
+        twenty-seven atmospheres. See _Challis on the Mathematical Theory
+        of Fluids_, in _Sixth Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 226; and
+        _Herschel's Nat. Philos._ p. 231. Although Boyle preceded
+        Mariotte by a quarter of a century, the discovery is rather
+        unfairly called the law of Boyle and Mariotte; while foreign
+        writers, refining on this, frequently omit the name of Boyle
+        altogether, and term it the law of Mariotte! See, for instance,
+        _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, p. 126; _Monteil Divers Etats_,
+        vol. viii. p. 122; _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, p. 236; _Comte_,
+        _Philos. Pos._ vol. i. pp. 583, 645, vol. ii. pp. 484, 615;
+        _Pouillet_, _Elémens de Physique_, vol. i. p. 339, vol. ii. pp.
+        58, 183.
+
+  [613] 'L'un des créateurs de la physique expérimentale, l'illustre
+        Robert Boyle, avait aussi reconnu, dès le milieu du dix-septième
+        siècle, une grande partie des faits qui servent aujourd'hui de
+        base à cette chimie nouvelle.' _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences_,
+        vol. i. p. 30. The 'aussi' refers to Rey. See also _Cuvier_,
+        _Hist. des Sciences Naturelles_, part ii. pp. 322, 346-349. A
+        still more recent writer says, that Boyle 'stood, in fact, on the
+        very brink of the pneumatic chemistry of Priestley; he had in his
+        hand the key to the great discovery of Lavoisier.' _Johnston on
+        Dimorphous Bodies_, in _Reports of Brit. Assoc._ vol. vi. p. 163.
+        See further respecting Boyle, _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie
+        Anatomique_, Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 576, 577, 579, vol. ii. p.
+        24; and _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. iv. p. 177.
+
+The application of these discoveries to the happiness of Man, and
+particularly to what may be called the material interests of
+civilization, will be traced in another part of this work; but what I
+now wish to observe, is the way in which such investigations harmonized
+with the movement I am attempting to describe. In the whole of his
+physical inquiries, Boyle constantly insists upon two fundamental
+principles: namely, the importance of individual experiments, and the
+comparative unimportance of the facts which, on these subjects,
+antiquity has handed down.[614] These are the two great keys to his
+method: they are the views which he inherited from Bacon, and they are
+also the views which have been held by every man who, during the last
+two centuries, has added anything of moment to the stock of human
+knowledge. First to doubt,[615] then to inquire, and then to discover,
+has been the process universally followed by our great teachers. So
+strongly did Boyle feel this, that though he was an eminently religious
+man,[616] he gave to the most popular of his scientific works the title
+of _The Sceptical Chemist_; meaning to intimate, that until men were
+sceptical concerning the chemistry of their own time, it would be
+impossible that they should advance far in the career which lay before
+them. Nor can we fail to observe that this remarkable work, in which
+such havoc was made with old notions, was published in 1661,[617] the
+year after the accession of Charles II., in whose reign the spread of
+incredulity was indeed rapid, since it was seen not only among the
+intellectual classes, but even among the nobles and personal friends of
+the king. It is true, that in that rank of society, it assumed an
+offensive and degenerate form. But the movement must have been one of no
+common energy which, in so early a stage, could thus penetrate the
+recesses of the palace, and excite the minds of the courtiers; a lazy
+and feeble race, who from the frivolity of their habits are, under
+ordinary circumstances, predisposed to superstition, and prepared to
+believe whatever the wisdom of their fathers has bequeathed to them.
+
+  [614] This disregard of ancient authority appears so constantly in his
+        works, that it is difficult to choose among innumerable passages
+        which might be quoted. I will select one which strikes me as well
+        expressed, and is certainly very characteristic. In his _Free
+        Inquiry into the vulgarly received Notion of Nature_, he says
+        (_Boyle's Works_, vol. iv. p. 359), 'For I am wont to judge of
+        opinions as of coins: I consider much less, in any one that I am
+        to receive, whose inscription it bears, than what metal it is
+        made of. It is indifferent enough to me whether it was stamped
+        many years or ages since, or came but yesterday from the mint.'
+        In other places he speaks of the 'schoolmen' and 'gownmen' with a
+        contempt not much inferior to that expressed by Locke himself.
+
+  [615] In his _Considerations touching Experimental Essays_, he says
+        (_Boyle's Works_, vol. i. p. 197), 'Perhaps you will wonder,
+        Pyrophilus, that in almost every one of the following essays I
+        should speak so doubtingly, and use so often _perhaps_, _it
+        seems_, _it is not improbable_, and such other expressions as
+        argue a diffidence of the truth of the opinions I incline to,'
+        &c. Indeed, this spirit is seen at every turn. Thus his _Essay on
+        Crystals_, which, considering the then state of knowledge, is a
+        remarkable production, is entitled 'Doubts and Experiments
+        touching the curious Figures of Salts.' _Works_, vol. ii. p. 488.
+        It is, therefore, with good reason that M. Humboldt terms him
+        'the cautious and doubting Robert Boyle.' _Humboldt's Cosmos_,
+        vol. ii. p. 730.
+
+  [616] On the sincere Christianity of Boyle, compare _Burnet's Lives and
+        Characters_, edit. Jebb, 1833, pp. 351-360; _Life of Ken, by a
+        Layman_, vol. i. pp. 32, 33; _Whewell's Bridgewater Treatise_, p.
+        273. He made several attempts to reconcile the scientific method
+        with the defence of established religious opinions. See one of
+        the best instances of this, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. v. pp. 38,
+        39.
+
+  [617] _The Sceptical Chemist_ is in _Boyle's Works_, vol. i.
+        pp. 290-371. It went through two editions in the author's
+        lifetime, an unusual success for a book of that kind. _Boyle's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 375, vol. iv. p. 89, vol. v. p. 345. I find
+        from a letter written in 1696 (_Fairfax Correspondence_, vol. iv.
+        p. 344), that Boyle's works were then becoming scarce, and that
+        there was an intention of reprinting the whole of them. In regard
+        to the _Sceptical Chemist_, it was so popular, that it attracted
+        the attention of Monconys, a French traveller, who visited London
+        in 1663, and from whom we learn that it was to be bought for four
+        shillings, 'pour quatre chelins.' _Voyages de Monconys_, vol.
+        iii. p. 67, edit. 1695; a book containing some very curious facts
+        respecting London in the reign of Charles II.; but, so far as I
+        am aware, not quoted by any English historian. In _Sprengel's
+        Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. v. pp. 78-9, there is a summary of
+        the views advocated in the _Sceptical Chemist_, respecting which
+        Sprengel says, 'Ce fut cependant aussi en Angleterre que
+        s'élevèrent les premiers doutes sur l'exactitude des explications
+        chimiques.'
+
+In everything this tendency was now seen. Everything marked a growing
+determination to subordinate old notions to new inquiries. At the very
+moment when Boyle was prosecuting his labours, Charles II. incorporated
+the Royal Society, which was formed with the avowed object of increasing
+knowledge by direct experiment.[618] And it is well worthy of remark,
+that the charter now first granted to this celebrated institution
+declares that its object is the extension of natural knowledge, as
+opposed to that which is supernatural.[619]
+
+  [618] 'From the nature and constitution of the Royal Society, the
+        objects of their attention were necessarily unlimited. The
+        physical sciences, however, or those which are promoted by
+        experiment, were their declared objects; and experiment was the
+        method which they professed to follow in accomplishing their
+        purpose.' _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 6. When the
+        society was first instituted, experiments were so unusual, that
+        there was a difficulty of finding the necessary workmen in
+        London. See a curious passage in _Weld's Hist. of the Royal
+        Society_, 1848, vol. ii. p. 88.
+
+  [619] Dr. Paris (_Life of Sir H. Davy_, 1831, vol. ii. p. 178) says,
+        'The charter of the Royal Society states, that it was established
+        for the improvement of _natural_ science. This epithet _natural_
+        was originally intended to imply a meaning, of which very few
+        persons, I believe, are aware. At the period of the establishment
+        of the society, the arts of witchcraft and divination were very
+        extensively encouraged; and the word _natural_ was therefore
+        introduced in contradistinction to _supernatural_.' The charters
+        granted by Charles II. are printed in _Weld's History of the
+        Royal Society_, vol. ii. pp. 481-521. Evelyn (_Diary,_ 13 _Aug._
+        1662, vol. ii. p. 195) mentions, that the object of the Royal
+        Society was 'natural knowledge.' See also _Aubrey's Letters and
+        Lives_, vol. ii. p. 358; _Pulteney's Hist. of Botany_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 97, 98; and on the distinction thus established in the
+        popular mind between natural and supernatural, compare _Boyle's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 455, vol. iv. pp. 288, 359.
+
+It is easy to imagine with what terror and disgust these things were
+viewed by those inordinate admirers of antiquity who, solely occupied in
+venerating past ages, are unable either to respect the present or hope
+for the future. These great obstructors of mankind played, in the
+seventeenth century, the same part as they play in our own day,
+rejecting every novelty, and therefore opposing every improvement. The
+angry contest which arose between the two parties, and the hostility
+directed against the Royal Society, as the first institution in which
+the idea of progress was distinctly embodied, are among the most
+instructive parts of our history, and on another occasion I shall relate
+them at considerable length. At present it is enough to say, that the
+reactionary party, though led by an overwhelming majority of the clergy,
+was entirely defeated; as, indeed, was to be expected, seeing that their
+opponents had on their side nearly all the intellect of the country, and
+were moreover reinforced by such aid as the court could bestow. The
+progress was, in truth, so rapid as to carry away with it some of the
+ablest members even of the ecclesiastical profession; their love of
+knowledge proving too strong for the old traditions in which they had
+been bred. But these were exceptional cases, and, speaking generally,
+there is no doubt that in the reign of Charles II. the antagonism
+between physical science and the theological spirit was such as to
+induce nearly the whole of the clergy to array themselves against the
+science, and seek to bring it into discredit. Nor ought we to be
+surprised that they should have adopted this course. That inquisitive
+and experimental spirit which they wished to check was not only
+offensive to their prejudices, but it was also detrimental to their
+power. For, in the first place, the mere habit of cultivating physical
+science taught men to require a severity of proof which it was soon
+found that the clergy were, in their own department, unable to supply.
+And, in the second place, the additions made to physical knowledge
+opened new fields of thought, and thus tended still further to divert
+attention from ecclesiastical topics. Both these effects would of course
+be limited to the comparatively few persons who were interested in
+scientific inquiries: it is, however, to be observed, that the ultimate
+results of such inquiries must have been extended over a far wider
+surface. This may be called their secondary influence; and the way in
+which it operated is well worth our attention, because an acquaintance
+with it will go far to explain the reason of that marked opposition
+which has always existed between superstition and knowledge.
+
+It is evident, that a nation perfectly ignorant of physical laws will
+refer to supernatural causes all the phenomena by which it is
+surrounded.[620] But so soon as natural science begins to do its work,
+there are introduced the elements of a great change. Each successive
+discovery, by ascertaining the law that governs certain events, deprives
+them of that apparent mystery in which they were formerly involved.[621]
+The love of the marvellous becomes proportionably diminished; and when
+any science has made such progress as to enable those who are acquainted
+with it to foretell the events with which it deals, it is clear that the
+whole of those events are at once withdrawn from the jurisdiction of
+supernatural, and brought under the authority of natural powers.[622]
+The business of physical philosophy is, to explain external phenomena
+with a view to their prediction; and every successful prediction which
+is recognised by the people causes a disruption of one of those links
+which, as it were, bind the imagination to the occult and invisible
+world. Hence it is that, supposing other things equal, the superstition
+of a nation must always bear an exact proportion to the extent of its
+physical knowledge. This may be in some degree verified by the ordinary
+experience of mankind. For if we compare the different classes of
+society, we shall find that they are superstitious in proportion as the
+phenomena with which they are brought in contact have or have not been
+explained by natural laws. The credulity of sailors is notorious, and
+every literature contains evidence of the multiplicity of their
+superstitions, and of the tenacity with which they cling to them.[623]
+This is perfectly explicable by the principle I have laid down.
+Meteorology has not yet been raised to a science; and the laws which
+regulate winds and storms being in consequence still unknown, it
+naturally follows, that the class of men most exposed to their dangers
+should be precisely the class which is most superstitious.[624] On the
+other hand, soldiers live upon an element much more obedient to man, and
+they are less liable than sailors to those risks which defy the
+calculations of science. Soldiers, therefore, have fewer inducements to
+appeal to supernatural interference; and it is universally observed,
+that as a body they are less superstitious than sailors. If, again, we
+compare agriculturists with manufacturers, we shall see the operation of
+the same principle. To the cultivators of land, one of the most
+important circumstances is the weather, which, if it turn out
+unfavourable, may at once defeat all their calculations. But science not
+having yet succeeded in discovering the laws of rain, men are at present
+unable to foretell it for any considerable period; the inhabitant of the
+country is, therefore, driven to believe that it is the result of
+supernatural agency, and we still see the extraordinary spectacle of
+prayers offered up in our churches for dry weather or for wet weather; a
+superstition which to future ages will appear as childish as the
+feelings of pious awe with which our fathers regarded the presence of a
+comet, or the approach of an eclipse. We are now acquainted with the
+laws which determine the movements of comets and eclipses; and as we are
+able to predict their appearance, we have ceased to pray that we may be
+preserved from them.[625] But because our researches into the phenomena
+of rain happen to have been less successful,[626] we resort to the
+impious contrivance of calling in the aid of the Deity to supply those
+deficiencies in science which are the result of our own sloth; and we
+are not ashamed, in our public churches, to prostitute the rites of
+religion by using them as a cloak to conceal an ignorance we ought
+frankly to confess.[627] The agriculturist is thus taught to ascribe to
+supernatural agency the most important phenomena with which he is
+concerned;[628] and there can be no doubt that this is one of the causes
+of those superstitious feelings by which the inhabitants of the country
+are unfavourably contrasted with those of the town.[629] But the
+manufacturer, and, indeed, nearly every one engaged in the business of
+cities, has employments, the success of which being regulated by his own
+abilities, has no connexion with those unexplained events that perplex
+the imagination of the cultivators of the earth. He who, by his
+ingenuity, works up the raw material, is evidently less affected by
+uncontrollable occurrences, than he by whom the raw material is
+originally grown. Whether it is fair, or whether it is wet, he pursues
+his labours with equal success, and learns to rely solely upon his own
+energy, and the cunning of his own arm. As the sailor is naturally more
+superstitious than the soldier, because he has to deal with a more
+unstable element; just in the same way is the agriculturist more
+superstitious than the mechanic, because he is more frequently and more
+seriously affected by events which the ignorance of some men makes them
+call capricious, and the ignorance of other men makes them call
+supernatural.
+
+  [620] The speculative view of this tendency has been recently
+        illustrated in the most comprehensive manner by M. Auguste Comte,
+        in his _Philosophie Positive_; and his conclusions in regard to
+        the earliest stage of the human mind are confirmed by everything
+        we know of barbarous nations; and they are also confirmed, as he
+        has decisively proved, by the history of physical science. In
+        addition to the facts he has adduced, I may mention, that the
+        history of geology supplies evidence analogous to that which he
+        has collected from other departments.
+
+        A popular notion of the working of this belief in supernatural
+        causation may be seen in a circumstance related by Combe. He
+        says, that in the middle of the eighteenth century the country
+        west of Edinburgh was so unhealthy, 'that every spring the
+        farmers and their servants were seized with fever and ague.' As
+        long as the cause of this was unknown, 'these visitations were
+        believed to be sent by Providence;' but after a time the land was
+        drained, the ague disappeared, and the inhabitants perceived that
+        what they had believed to be supernatural was perfectly natural,
+        and that the cause was the state of the land, not the
+        intervention of the Deity. _Combe's Constitution of Man_, Edinb.
+        1847, p. 156.
+
+  [621] I say apparent mystery, because it does not at all lessen the real
+        mystery. But this does not affect the accuracy of my remark,
+        inasmuch as the people at large never enter into such subtleties
+        as the difference between Law and Cause; a difference, indeed,
+        which is so neglected, that it is often lost sight of even in
+        scientific books. All that the people know is, that events which
+        they once believed to be directly controlled by the Deity, and
+        modified by Him, are not only foretold by the human mind, but are
+        altered by human interference. The attempts which Paley and
+        others have made to solve this mystery by rising from the laws to
+        the cause, are evidently futile, because to the eye of reason the
+        solution is as incomprehensible as the problem; and the arguments
+        of the natural theologians, in so far as they are arguments, must
+        depend on reason. As Mr. Newman truly says, 'A God uncaused and
+        existing from eternity, is to the full as incomprehensible as a
+        world uncaused and existing from eternity. We must not reject the
+        latter theory as incomprehensible; for so is every other possible
+        theory.' _Newman's Natural History of the Soul_, 1849, p. 36. The
+        truth of this conclusion is unintentionally confirmed by the
+        defence of the old method, which is set up by Dr. Whewell in his
+        _Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 262-5; because the remarks made by
+        that able writer refer to men who, from their vast powers, were
+        most likely to rise to that transcendental view of religion which
+        is slowly but steadily gaining ground among us. Kant, probably
+        the deepest thinker of the eighteenth century, clearly saw that
+        no arguments drawn from the external world could prove the
+        existence of a First Cause. See, among other passages, two
+        particularly remarkable in _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, _Kant's
+        Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 478, 481, on 'der physikotheologische
+        Beweis.'
+
+  [622] This is tersely expressed by M. Lamennais: 'Pourquoi les corps
+        gravitent-ils les uns vers les autres? Parceque Dieu l'a voulu,
+        disaient les anciens. Parceque les corps s'attirent, dit la
+        science.' _Maury_, _Légendes du Moyen Age_, p. 33. See to the
+        same effect _Mackay's Religious Development_, 1850, vol. i. pp.
+        5, 30, 31, and elsewhere. See also a partial statement of the
+        antithesis in _Copleston's Inquiry into Necessity and
+        Predestination_, p. 49; an ingenious but overrated book.
+
+  [623] I much regret that I did not collect proof of this at an earlier
+        period of my reading. But having omitted taking the requisite
+        notes, I can only refer, on the superstition of sailors to
+        _Heber's Journey through India_, vol. i. p. 423; _Richardson's
+        Travels in the Sahara_, vol. i. p. 11; _Burckhardt's Travels in
+        Arabia_, vol. ii. p. 347; _Davis's Chinese_, vol. iii. pp. 16,
+        17; _Travels of Ibn Batuta in the Fourteenth Century_, p. 43;
+        _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol. i. p. 9; _Works of Sir Thomas
+        Browne_, vol. i. p. 130; _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. iv. p.
+        566; _Burnes's Travels into Bokhara_, vol. iii. p. 53; _Leigh
+        Hunt's Autobiography_, 1850, vol. ii. p. 255; _Cumberland's
+        Memoirs_, 1807, vol. i. pp. 422-425; _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. i.
+        pp. 96, 97; _Richardson's Arctic Expedition_, vol. i. p. 93;
+        _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 207, vol. iii. p. 197.
+
+  [624] Andokides, when accused before the dikastery at Athens, said, 'No,
+        dikasts; the dangers of accusation and trial are human, but the
+        dangers encountered at sea are divine.' _Grote's Hist. of
+        Greece_, vol. xi. p. 252. Thus, too, it has been observed, that
+        the dangers of the whale-fishery stimulated the superstition of
+        the Anglo-Saxons. See _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol. i. pp.
+        390, 391. Erman, who mentions the dangerous navigation of the
+        Lake of Baikal, says, 'There is a saying at Irkutsk, that it is
+        only upon the Baikal, in the autumn, that a man learns to pray
+        from his heart.' _Erman's Travels in Siberia_, vol. ii. p. 186.
+
+  [625] In Europe, in the tenth century, an entire army fled before one of
+        those appearances, which would now scarcely terrify a child:
+        'Toute l'armée d'Othon se dispersa subitement à l'apparition
+        d'une éclipse de soleil, qui la remplit de terreur, et qui fut
+        regardée comme l'annonce du malheur qu'on attendait depuis
+        longtemps.' _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. ii. p. 368.
+        The terror inspired by eclipses was not finally destroyed before
+        the eighteenth century; and in the latter half of the seventeenth
+        century they still caused great fear both in France and in
+        England. See _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. ii. p. 52, vol. iii. p. 372;
+        _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 366; _Lettres de Patin_, vol.
+        iii. p. 36. Compare _Voyages de Monconys_, vol. v. p. 104, with
+        _Hare's Guesses at Truth_, 2nd series, pp. 194, 195. There
+        probably never has been an ignorant nation whose superstition has
+        not been excited by eclipses. For evidence of the universality of
+        this feeling, see _Symes's Embassy to Ava_, vol. ii. p. 296;
+        _Raffles' Hist. of Java_, vol. i. p. 530; _Southey's Hist. of
+        Brazil_, vol. i. p. 354, vol. ii. p. 371; _Marsden's Hist. of
+        Sumatra_, p. 159; _Niebuhr_, _Description de l'Arabie_, p. 105;
+        _Moffat's Southern Africa_, p. 337; _Mungo Park's Travels_, vol.
+        i. p. 414; _Moorcroft's Travels in the Himalayan Provinces_, vol.
+        ii. p. 4; _Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. i.
+        p. 305; _Ellis's Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. p. 331;
+        _Mackay's Religious Development_, vol. i. p. 425; _Works of Sir
+        W. Jones_, vol. iii. p. 176, vol. vi. p. 16; _Wilson's Note_ in
+        the _Vishnu Purana_, p. 140; _Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus_,
+        vol. i. part ii. p. 90; _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathématiques_,
+        vol. i. p. 444; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xii. p. 484; _Ward's
+        View of the Hindoos_, vol. i. p. 101; _Prescott's Hist. of Peru_,
+        vol. i. p. 123; _Kohl's Russia_, p. 374; _Thirlwall's Hist. of
+        Greece_, vol. iii. p. 440, vol. vi. p. 216; _Murray's Life of
+        Bruce_, p. 103; _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p. 289; _Grote's
+        Hist. of Greece_, vol. vii. p. 432, vol. xii. pp. 205, 557;
+        _Journal Asiatique_, I^e série, vol. iii. p. 202, Paris, 1823;
+        _Clot-Bey_, _de la Peste_, Paris, 1840, p. 224.
+
+        In regard to the feelings inspired by comets, and the influence
+        of Bayle in removing those superstitions late in the seventeenth
+        century, compare _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philosoph._, vol. xi.
+        p. 252; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iii. p. 415;
+        _Lettres de Sevigné_, vol. iv. p. 336; _Autobiography of Sir S.
+        D'Ewes_, edit. Halliwell, vol. i. pp. 122, 123, 136.
+
+  [626] On the peculiar complications which have retarded meteorology, and
+        thus prevented us from accurately predicting the weather, compare
+        _Forbes on Meteorology_, in _Second Report of British
+        Association_, pp. 249-251; _Cuvier_, _Progrès des Sciences_, vol.
+        i. pp. 69, 248; _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, pp. 2-4; _Prout's
+        Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 290-295; _Somerville's Physical Geog._
+        vol. ii. pp. 18, 19. But all the best authorities are agreed that
+        this ignorance cannot last long; and that the constant advance
+        which we are now making in physical science will eventually
+        enable us to explain even these phenomena. Thus, for instance,
+        Sir John Leslie says, 'It cannot be disputed, however, that all
+        the changes which happen in the mass of our atmosphere, involved,
+        capricious, and irregular as they may appear, are yet the
+        necessary results of principles as fixed, and perhaps as simple,
+        as those which direct the revolutions of the solar system. Could
+        we unravel the intricate maze, we might trace the action of each
+        distinct cause, and hence deduce the ultimate effects arising
+        from their combined operation. With the possession of such data,
+        we might safely predict the state of the weather at any future
+        period, as we now calculate an eclipse of the sun or moon, or
+        foretell a conjunction of the planets.' _Leslie's Natural
+        Philosophy_, p. 405: see also p. 185, and the remarks of Mr. Snow
+        Harris (_Brit. Assoc. for 1844_, p. 241), and of Mr. Hamilton
+        (_Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. xix. p. xci.) Thus, too, Dr.
+        Whewell (_Bridgewater Treatise_, p. 3) says, that 'the changes of
+        winds and skies are produced by causes, of whose rules "no
+        philosophical mind" will doubt the fixity.'
+
+  [627] This connexion between ignorance and devotion is so clearly
+        marked, that many nations have a separate god for the weather, to
+        whom they say their prayers. In countries where men stop short of
+        this, they ascribe the changes to witchcraft, or to some other
+        supernatural power. See _Mariner's Tonga Islands_, vol. ii. pp.
+        7, 108; _Tuckey's Expedit. to the Zaire_, pp. 214, 215; _Ellis's
+        Hist. of Madagascar_, vol. ii. p. 354; _Asiatic Researches_, vol.
+        vi. pp. 193, 194, 297, vol. xvi. pp. 223, 342; _Southey's Hist.
+        of Brazil_, vol. iii. p. 187; _Davis's Chinese_, vol. ii. p. 154;
+        _Beausobre_, _Hist. de Manichée_, vol. ii. p. 394; _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. Syst._ vol. ii. p. 539. The Hindus refer rain to
+        supernatural causes in the _Rig Veda_, which is the oldest of
+        their religious books; and they have held similar notions ever
+        since. _Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. pp. xxx. 10, 19, 26, 145, 175,
+        205, 224, 225, 265, 266, vol. ii. pp. 28, 41, 62, 110, 153, 158,
+        164, 166, 192, 199, 231, 258, 268, 293, 329; _Journal of Asiatic
+        Soc._ vol. iii. p. 91; _Coleman's Mythol. of the Hindus_, p. 111;
+        _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. i. p. 38. See further two
+        curious passages in the _Dabistan_, vol. i. p. 115, vol. ii. p.
+        337; and on the 'Rain-makers,' compare _Catlin's North-American
+        Indians_, vol. i. pp. 134-140, with _Buchanan's North-American
+        Indians_, pp. 258, 260: also a precisely similar class in Africa
+        (_Moffat's Southern Africa_, pp. 305-325), and in Arabia
+        (_Niebuhr_, _Desc. de l'Arabie_, pp. 237, 238).
+
+        Coming to a state of society nearer our own, we find that in the
+        ninth century it was taken for granted in Christian countries
+        that wind and hail were the work of wizards (_Neander's Hist. of
+        the Church_, vol. vi. pp. 118, 139); that similar views passed on
+        to the sixteenth century, and were sanctioned by Luther (_Maury_,
+        _Légendes Pieuses_, pp. 18, 19); and finally, that when Swinburne
+        was in Spain, only eighty years ago, he found the clergy on the
+        point of putting an end to the opera, because they 'attributed
+        the want of rain to the influence of that ungodly entertainment.'
+        _Swinburne's Travels through Spain in 1775 and 1776_, vol. i. p.
+        177, 2nd edit. London, 1787.
+
+  [628] See some remarks by the Rev. Mr. Ward, which strike me as rather
+        incautious, and which certainly are dangerous to his own
+        profession, as increasing the hostility between it and science,
+        in _Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church_, p. 278. What Coleridge
+        has said, is worth attending to: see _The Friend_, vol. iii. pp.
+        222, 223.
+
+  [629] M. Kohl, whose acuteness as a traveller is well known, has found
+        that the agricultural classes are the 'most blindly ignorant and
+        prejudiced' of all. _Kohl's Russia_, p. 365. And Sir R.
+        Murchison, who has enjoyed extensive means of observation,
+        familiarly mentions the 'credulous farmers.' _Murchison's
+        Siluria_, p. 61. In Asia, exactly the same tendency has been
+        noticed: see _Marsden's Hist. of Sumatra_, p. 63. Some curious
+        evidence of agricultural superstitions respecting the weather may
+        be seen in _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. iii. pp. 31,
+        39.
+
+It would be easy, by an extension of these remarks, to show how the
+progress of manufactures, besides increasing the national wealth, has
+done immense service to civilization, by inspiring Man with a confidence
+in his own resources;[630] and how, by giving rise to a new class of
+employments, it has, if I may so say, shifted the scene in which
+superstition is most likely to dwell. But to trace this would carry me
+beyond my present limits; and the illustrations already given are
+sufficient to explain how the theological spirit must have been
+diminished by that love of experimental science, which forms one of the
+principal features in the reign of Charles II.[631]
+
+  [630] In this point of view, the opposite tendencies of agriculture and
+        manufactures are judiciously contrasted by Mr. Porter, at the end
+        of his essay on the _Statistics of Agriculture_, _Journal of the
+        Statist. Soc._ vol. ii. pp. 295, 296.
+
+  [631] Indeed, there never has been a period in England in which physical
+        experiments were so fashionable. This is merely worth observing
+        as a symptom of the age, since Charles II. and the nobles were
+        not likely to add, and did not add, anything to our knowledge;
+        and their patronage of science, such as it was, degraded it
+        rather than advanced it. Still, the prevalence of the taste is
+        curious; and in addition to the picture drawn by Mr. Macaulay
+        (_Hist. of England_, 1st edit. vol. i. pp. 408-412), I may refer
+        the reader to _Monconys' Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 31; _Sorbiere's
+        Voyage to England_, pp. 32, 33; _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. ii. pp.
+        199, 286; _Pepys' Diary_, vol. i. p. 375, vol. ii. p. 34, vol.
+        iii. p. 85, vol. iv. p. 229; _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. i. pp.
+        171, 322, vol. ii. p. 275; _Burnet's Lives_, p. 144; _Campbell's
+        Chief-Justices_, vol. i. p. 582.
+
+I have now laid before the reader what I conceive to be the point of
+view from which we ought to estimate a period whose true nature seems to
+me to have been grievously misunderstood. Those political writers who
+judge events without regard to that intellectual development of which
+they are but a part, will find much to condemn, and scarcely anything to
+approve, in the reign of Charles II. By such authors, I shall be
+censured for having travelled out of that narrow path in which history
+has been too often confined. And yet I am at a loss to perceive how it
+is possible, except by the adoption of such a course, to understand a
+period which, on a superficial view, is full of the grossest
+inconsistencies. This difficulty will be rendered very obvious, if we
+compare for a moment the nature of the government of Charles with the
+great things which, under that government, were peaceably effected.
+Never before was there such a want of apparent connexion between the
+means and the end. If we look only at the characters of the rulers, and
+at their foreign policy, we must pronounce the reign of Charles II. to
+be the worst that has ever been seen in England. If, on the other hand,
+we confine our observations to the laws which were passed, and to the
+principles which were established, we shall be obliged to confess that
+this same reign forms one of the brightest epochs in our national
+annals. Politically and morally, there were to be found in the
+government all the elements of confusion, of weakness, and of crime. The
+king himself was a mean and spiritless voluptuary, without the morals of
+a Christian, and almost without the feelings of a man.[632] His
+ministers, with the exception of Clarendon, whom he hated for his
+virtues, had not one of the attributes of statesmen, and nearly all of
+them were pensioned by the crown of France.[633] The weight of taxation
+was increased,[634] while the security of the kingdom was
+diminished.[635] By the forced surrender of the charters of the towns,
+our municipal rights were endangered.[636] By shutting the exchequer,
+our national credit was destroyed.[637] Though immense sums were spent
+in maintaining our naval and military power, we were left so
+defenceless, that when a war broke out, which had long been preparing,
+we seemed suddenly to be taken by surprise. Such was the miserable
+incapacity of the government, that the fleets of Holland were able, not
+only to ride triumphant round our coasts, but to sail up the Thames,
+attack our arsenals, burn our ships, and insult the metropolis of
+England.[638] Yet, notwithstanding all these things, it is an undoubted
+fact, that in this same reign of Charles II. more steps were taken in
+the right direction than had been taken, in any period of equal length,
+during the twelve centuries we had occupied the soil of Britain. By the
+mere force of that intellectual movement, which was unwittingly
+supported by the crown, there were effected, in the course of a few
+years, reforms which changed the face of society.[639] The two great
+obstacles by which the nation had long been embarrassed, consisted of a
+spiritual tyranny and a territorial tyranny: the tyranny of the church
+and the tyranny of the nobles. An attempt was now made to remedy these
+evils; not by palliatives, but by striking at the power of the classes
+who did the mischief. For now it was that a law was placed on the
+statute-book, taking away that celebrated writ, which enabled the
+bishops or their delegates to cause those men to be burned whose
+religion was different to their own.[640] Now it was that the clergy
+were deprived of the privilege of taxing themselves, and were forced to
+submit to an assessment made by the ordinary legislature.[641] Now, too,
+there was enacted a law forbidding any bishop, or any ecclesiastical
+court, to tender the _ex-officio_ oath, by which the church had hitherto
+enjoyed the power of compelling a suspected person to criminate
+himself.[642] In regard to the nobles, it was also during the reign of
+Charles II. that the House of Lords, after a sharp struggle, was obliged
+to abandon its pretensions to an original jurisdiction in civil suits;
+and thus lost for ever an important resource for extending its own
+influence.[643] It was in the same reign that there was settled the
+right of the people to be taxed entirely by their representatives; the
+House of Commons having ever since retained the sole power of proposing
+money bills, and regulating the amount of imposts, merely leaving to the
+Peers the form of consenting to what has been already determined.[644]
+These were the attempts which were made to bridle the clergy and the
+nobles. But there were also effected other things of equal importance.
+By the destruction of the scandalous prerogatives of Purveyance and
+Preemption, a limit was set to the power of the sovereign to vex his
+refractory subjects.[645] By the Habeas Corpus Act, the liberty of every
+Englishman was made as certain as law could make it; it being guaranteed
+to him, that if accused of crime, he, instead of languishing in prison,
+as had often been the case, should be brought to a fair and speedy
+trial.[646] By the Statute of Frauds and Perjuries, a security hitherto
+unknown was conferred upon private property.[647] By the abolition of
+general impeachments, an end was put to a great engine of tyranny, with
+which powerful and unscrupulous men had frequently ruined their
+political adversaries.[648] By the cessation of those laws which
+restricted the liberty of printing, there was laid the foundation of
+that great Public Press, which, more than any other single cause, has
+diffused among the people a knowledge of their own power, and has thus,
+to an almost incredible extent, aided the progress of English
+civilization.[649] And, to complete this noble picture, there were
+finally destroyed those feudal incidents, which our Norman conquerors
+had imposed,--the military tenures; the court of wards; the fines for
+alienation; the right of forfeiture for marriage by reason of tenure;
+the aids, the homages, the escuages, the primer seisins; and all those
+mischievous subtleties, of which the mere names sound in modern ears as
+a wild and barbarous jargon, but which pressed upon our ancestors as
+real and serious evils.[650]
+
+  [632] His treatment of his young wife immediately after marriage is
+        perhaps the worst thing recorded of this base and contemptible
+        prince. _Lister's Life of Clarendon_, vol. ii. pp. 145-153. This
+        is matter of proof; but Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. i. p. 522, and
+        vol. ii. p. 467) whispers a horrible suspicion, which I cannot
+        believe to be true, even of Charles II., and which Harris, who
+        has collected some evidence of his astounding profligacy, does
+        not mention, though he quotes one of the passages in Burnet.
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. pp. 36-43. However, as
+        Dr. Parr says, in reference to another accusation against him,
+        'There is little occasion to blacken the memory of that wicked
+        monarch, Charles II., by the aid of invidious conjectures.'
+        _Notes on James II._ in _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. p. 477. Compare
+        _Fox's History of James II._ p. 71.
+
+  [633] Even Clarendon has been charged with receiving bribes from
+        Louis XIV.; but for this there appears to be no good authority.
+        Compare _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 66, 67 note, with
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iii, p. 213.
+
+  [634] _Lister's Life of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p. 377; _Harris's Lives of
+        the Stuarts_, vol. iv. pp. 340-344.
+
+  [635] Immediately after the Restoration, the custom began of appointing
+        to naval commands incompetent youths of birth, to the
+        discouragement of those able officers who had been employed under
+        Cromwell. Compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. i. p. 290, with
+        _Pepys' Diary_, vol. ii. p. 413, vol. iii. pp. 68, 72.
+
+  [636] _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. pp. 323-328. The court
+        was so bent on abrogating the charter of the city of London, that
+        Saunders was made chief-justice for the express purpose. See
+        _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 59. Roger North says
+        (_Lives of the Norths_, vol. ii. p. 67), 'Nothing was accounted
+        at court so meritorious as the procuring of charters, as the
+        language then was.' Compare _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, pp. 379, 388.
+
+  [637] The panic caused by this scandalous robbery is described by
+        De Foe; _Wilson's Life of De Foe_, vol. i. p. 52. See also
+        _Calamy's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 78; _Parker's Hist. of his
+        Own Time_, pp. 141-143. The amount stolen by the king is
+        estimated at 1,328,526_l._ _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_,
+        vol. i. p. 315. According to Lord Campbell, 'nearly a million and
+        a half.' _Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 113.
+
+  [638] There is a very curious account in _Pepys' Diary_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 242-264, of the terror felt by the Londoners on this
+        occasion. Pepys himself buried his gold (p. 261 and pp. 376-379).
+        Evelyn (_Diary_, vol. ii. p. 287) says: 'The alarme was so
+        greate, that it put both country and citty into a paniq, feare,
+        and consternation, such as I hope I shall never see more; every
+        body was flying, none knew why or whither.'
+
+  [639] The most important of these reforms were carried, as is nearly
+        always the case, in opposition to the real wishes of the ruling
+        classes. Charles II. and James II. often said of the Habeas
+        Corpus Act, 'that a government could not subsist with such a
+        law.' _Dalrymple's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 104. Lord-Keeper
+        Guilford was even opposed to the abolition of military tenures.
+        'He thought,' says his brother, 'the taking away of the tenures a
+        desperate wound to the liberties of the people of England.'
+        _Lives of the Norths_, vol. ii. p. 82. These are the sort of men
+        by whom great nations are governed. A passage in _Life of James,
+        by Himself_, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 621, confirms the
+        statement in Dalrymple, so far as James is concerned. This should
+        be compared with a letter from Louis XIV., in the Barillon
+        correspondence. Appendix to _Fox's James II._ p. cxxiv.
+
+  [640] _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 48; _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 431. This destruction of the writ _De
+        Hæretico comburendo_ was in 1677. It is noticed in _Palmer's
+        Treatise on the Church_, vol. i. p. 500; and in _Collier's
+        Ecclesiast. Hist._ vol. viii. p. 478.
+
+  [641] This was in 1664. See the account of it in _Collier's Ecclesiast.
+        Hist._ vol. viii. pp. 463-466. Collier, who is evidently
+        displeased by the change, says: 'The consenting, therefore, to be
+        taxed by the temporal Commons, makes the clergy more dependent on
+        a foreign body, takes away the right of disposing of their own
+        money, and lays their estates in some measure at discretion.' See
+        also, on the injury this has inflicted on the church, _Lathbury's
+        Hist. of Convocation_, pp. 259, 260. And Coleridge (_Literary
+        Remains_, vol. iv. pp. 152, 153) points this out as
+        characterizing one of the three 'grand evil epochs of our present
+        church.' So marked, however, was the tendency of that time, that
+        this most important measure was peaceably effected by an
+        arrangement between Sheldon and Clarendon. See the notes by
+        Onslow in _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. i. p. 340, vol. iv. pp. 508,
+        509. Compare Lord Camden's statement (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. p.
+        169) with the speech of Lord Bathurst (vol. xxii. p. 77); and of
+        Lord Temple on Tooke's case (vol. xxxv. p. 1357). Mr. Carwithen
+        (_Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii. p. 354, Oxford, 1849)
+        grieves over 'this deprivation of the liberties of the English
+        clergy.'
+
+  [642] 13 Car. II. c. 12. Compare _Stephens's Life of Tooke_, vol. i.
+        pp. 169, 170, with _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. iii. p. 101.
+        Mr. Hallam (_Const. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 197, 198) has adduced
+        evidence of the way in which the clergy were accustomed to injure
+        their opponents by the _ex-officio_ oath.
+
+  [643] This was the issue of the famous controversy respecting Skinner,
+        in 1669; and 'from this time,' says Mr. Hallam, 'the Lords have
+        tacitly abandoned all pretensions to an original jurisdiction in
+        civil suits.' _Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 184. There is an account
+        of this case of Skinner, which was connected with the East-India
+        Company, in _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. i. pp. 102, 103.
+
+  [644] _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 189-192; and _Eccleston's
+        English Antiquities_, p. 326. The disputes between the two houses
+        respecting taxation, are noticed very briefly in _Parker's Hist.
+        of his Own Time_, pp. 135, 136.
+
+  [645] The 'famous rights of purveyance and preemption' were abolished by
+        12 Car. II. c. 24. _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 11. Burke,
+        in his magnificent speech on Economical Reform, describes the
+        abuses of the old system of purveyance. _Burke's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 239. See also _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol. ii. p. 88,
+        note; _Barrington on the Statutes_, pp. 183-185, 237; _Lingard's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. ii. pp. 338, 339; _Sinclair's Hist. of
+        the Revenue_, vol. i. p. 232; _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 1299.
+        These passages will give an idea of the iniquities practised
+        under this 'right,' which, like most gross injustices, was one of
+        the good old customs of the British constitution, being at least
+        as ancient as Canute. See _Allen on the Royal Prerogative_, p.
+        152. Indeed, a recent writer of considerable learning (_Spence_,
+        _Origin of the Laws of Europe_, p. 319) derives it from the Roman
+        law. A bill had been brought in to take it away in 1656. See
+        _Burton's Cromwellian Diary_, vol. i. p. 81. When Adam Smith
+        wrote, it still existed in France and Germany. _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book iii. chap. ii. p. 161.
+
+  [646] On the Habeas Corpus Act, which became law in 1679, see
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iii. pp. 345-347; _Mackintosh_,
+        _Revolution of 1688_, p. 49; and _Lingard's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. viii. p. 17. The peculiarities of this law, as compared with
+        the imitations of it in other countries, are clearly stated in
+        _Meyer_, _Esprit des Institutions Judiciaires_, vol. ii. p. 283.
+        Mr. Lister (_Life of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p. 454) says:
+        'Imprisonment in gaols beyond the seas was not prevented by law
+        till the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act, in 1679.'
+
+  [647] Blackstone (_Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 439) calls this 'a great
+        and necessary security to private property;' and Lord Campbell
+        (_Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 423) terms it 'the most important
+        and most beneficial piece of juridical legislation of which we
+        can boast.' On its effects, compare Jones's valuable _Commentary
+        on Isæus_ (_Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iv. p. 239) with
+        _Story's Conflict of Laws_, pp. 521, 522, 627, 884; and _Tayler
+        on Statute Law_, in _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. xvii.
+        p. 150.
+
+  [648] Lord Campbell (_Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 247) says,
+        that the struggle in 1667 'put an end to general impeachments.'
+
+  [649] Printing at first was regulated by royal proclamations; then by
+        the Star-chamber; and afterwards by the Long Parliament. The
+        decrees of the Star-chamber were taken as the basis of 13 and 14
+        Car. II. c. 33; but this act expired in 1679, and was not renewed
+        during the reign of Charles II. Compare _Blackstone's Comment._
+        vol. iv. p. 152, with _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. p.
+        154, and _Fox's Hist. of James II._ p. 146.
+
+  [650] The fullest account I have seen in any history, of this great
+        Revolution, which swept away the traditions and the language of
+        feudalism, is that given in _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 369-378. But Harris, though an industrious collector, was
+        a man of slender ability, and not at all aware of the real nature
+        of a change, of which the obvious and immediately practical
+        results formed the smallest part. The true point of view is, that
+        it was a formal recognition by the legislature that the Middle
+        Ages were extinct, and that it was necessary to inaugurate a more
+        modern and innovating policy. Hereafter I shall have occasion to
+        examine this in detail, and show how it was merely a symptom of a
+        revolutionary movement. In the meantime the reader may refer to
+        the very short notices in _Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal Property_,
+        p. 89; _Blackstone's Comment._ vol. ii. pp. 76, 77; _Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 11; _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. pp. 53, 167,
+        168; _Meyer_, _Institutions Judiciaires_, vol. ii. p. 58.
+
+These were the things which were done in the reign of Charles II.; and
+if we consider the miserable incompetence of the king, the idle
+profligacy of his court, the unblushing venality of his ministers, the
+constant conspiracies to which the country was exposed from within, and
+the unprecedented insults to which it was subjected from without; if we,
+moreover, consider that to all this there were added two natural
+calamities of the most grievous description,--a Great Plague, which
+thinned society in all its ranks, and scattered confusion through the
+kingdom, and a Great Fire, which, besides increasing the mortality from
+the pestilence, destroyed in a moment those accumulations of industry by
+which industry itself is nourished;--if we put all these things
+together, how can we reconcile inconsistencies apparently so gross? How
+could so wonderful a progress be made in the face of these unparalleled
+disasters? How could such men, under such circumstances, effect such
+improvements? These are questions which our political compilers are
+unable to answer; because they look too much at the peculiarities of
+individuals, and too little at the temper of the age in which those
+individuals live. Such writers do not perceive that the history of every
+civilized country is the history of its intellectual development, which
+kings, statesmen, and legislators are more likely to retard than to
+hasten; because, however great their power may be, they are at best the
+accidental and insufficient representatives of the spirit of their time;
+and because, so far from being able to regulate the movements of the
+national mind, they themselves form the smallest part of it, and, in a
+general view of the progress of Man, are only to be regarded as the
+puppets who strut and fret their hour upon a little stage; while, beyond
+them, and on every side of them, are forming opinions and principles
+which they can scarcely perceive, but by which alone the whole course of
+human affairs is ultimately governed.
+
+The truth is, that the vast legislative reforms, for which the reign of
+Charles II. is so remarkable, merely form a part of that movement,
+which, though traceable to a much earlier period, had only for three
+generations been in undisguised operation. These important improvements
+were the result of that bold, sceptical, inquiring, and reforming
+spirit, which had now seized the three great departments of Theology, of
+Science, and of Politics. The old principles of tradition, of authority,
+and of dogma, were gradually becoming weaker; and of course, in the same
+proportion, there was diminished the influence of the classes by whom
+those principles were chiefly upheld. As the power of particular
+sections of society thus declined, the power of the people at large
+increased. The real interests of the nation began to be perceived, so
+soon as the superstitions were dispersed by which those interests had
+long been obscured. This, I believe, is the real solution of what at
+first seems a curious problem,--namely, how it was that such
+comprehensive reforms should have been accomplished in so bad, and in
+many respects so infamous, a reign. It is, no doubt, true, that those
+reforms were essentially the result of the intellectual march of the
+age; but, so far from being made in spite of the vices of the sovereign,
+they were actually aided by them. With the exception of the needy
+profligates who thronged his court, all classes of men soon learned to
+despise a king who was a drunkard, a libertine, and a hypocrite; who had
+neither shame nor sensibility; and who, in point of honour, was unworthy
+to enter the presence of the meanest of his subjects. To have the throne
+filled for a quarter of a century by such a man as this, was the surest
+way of weakening that ignorant and indiscriminate loyalty, to which the
+people have often sacrificed their dearest rights. Thus, the character
+of the king, merely considered from this point of view, was eminently
+favourable to the growth of national liberty.[651] But the advantage
+did not stop there. The reckless debaucheries of Charles made him abhor
+everything approaching to restraint; and this gave him a dislike to a
+class, whose profession, at least, pre-supposes a conduct of more than
+ordinary purity. The consequence was, that he, not from views of
+enlightened policy, but merely from a love of vicious indulgence, always
+had a distaste for the clergy; and, so far from advancing their power,
+frequently expressed for them an open contempt.[652] His most intimate
+friends directed against them those coarse and profligate jokes which
+are preserved in the literature of the time; and which, in the opinion
+of the courtiers, were to be ranked among the noblest specimens of human
+wit. From men of this sort the church had, indeed, little to apprehend;
+but their language, and the favour with which it was received, are part
+of the symptoms by which we may study the temper of that age. Many other
+illustrations will occur to most readers; I may, however, mention one,
+which is interesting on account of the eminence of the philosopher
+concerned in it. The most dangerous opponent of the clergy in the
+seventeenth century, was certainly Hobbes, the subtlest dialectician of
+his time; a writer, too, of singular clearness, and, among British
+metaphysicians, inferior only to Berkeley. This profound thinker
+published several speculations very unfavourable to the church, and
+directly opposed to principles which are essential to ecclesiastical
+authority. As a natural consequence, he was hated by the clergy; his
+doctrines were declared to be highly pernicious; and he was accused of
+wishing to subvert the national religion, and corrupt the national
+morals.[653] So far did this proceed, that, during his life, and for
+several years after his death, every man who ventured to think for
+himself was stigmatized as a Hobbist, or, as it was sometimes called, a
+Hobbian.[654] This marked hostility on the part of the clergy was a
+sufficient recommendation to the favour of Charles. The king, even
+before his accession, had imbibed many of his principles;[655] and,
+after the Restoration, he treated the author with what was deemed a
+scandalous respect. He protected him from his enemies; he somewhat
+ostentatiously hung up his portrait in his own private room at
+Whitehall;[656] and he even conferred a pension on this, the most
+formidable opponent who had yet appeared against the spiritual
+hierarchy.[657]
+
+  [651] Mr. Hallam has a noble passage on the services rendered to English
+        civilization by the vices of the English court: 'We are, however,
+        much indebted to the memory of Barbara Duchess of Cleveland,
+        Louisa Duchess of Portsmouth, and Mrs. Eleanor Gwyn. We owe a
+        tribute of gratitude to the Mays, the Killigrews, the
+        Chiffinches, and the Grammonts. They played a serviceable part in
+        ridding the kingdom of its besotted loyalty. They saved our
+        forefathers from the Star-chamber and the High-commission court;
+        they laboured in their vocation against standing armies and
+        corruption; they pressed forward the great ultimate security of
+        English freedom--the expulsion of the House of Stuart.' _Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 50.
+
+  [652] Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. i. p. 448) tells us that, in 1667, the
+        king, even at the council-board, expressed himself against the
+        bishops, and said, that the clergy 'thought of nothing but to get
+        good benefices, and to keep a good table.' See also, on his
+        dislike to the bishops, vol. ii. p. 22; and _Pepys' Diary_, vol.
+        iv. p. 2. In another place, vol. iv. p. 42, Pepys writes: 'And I
+        believe the hierarchy will in a little time be shaken, whether
+        they will or no; the king being offended with them, and set upon
+        it, as I hear.' Evelyn, in a conversation with Pepys, noticed
+        with regret such conduct of Charles, 'that a bishop shall never
+        be seen about him, as the king of France hath always.' _Pepys_,
+        vol. iii. p. 201. Evelyn, in his benevolent way, ascribes this to
+        'the negligence of the clergy;' but history teaches us that the
+        clergy have never neglected kings, except when the king has first
+        neglected them. Sir John Reresby gives a curious account of a
+        conversation Charles II. held with him respecting 'mitred heads,'
+        in which the feeling of the king is very apparent. _Reresby's
+        Travels and Memoirs_, p. 238.
+
+  [653] On the animosity of the clergy against Hobbes, and on the extent
+        to which he reciprocated it, compare _Aubrey's Letters and
+        Lives_, vol. ii. pp. 532, 631; _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._
+        vol. x. p. 111; with the angry language of Burnet (_Own Time_,
+        vol. i. p. 322), and of Whiston (_Memoirs_, p. 251). See also
+        _Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses_, edit. Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1211.
+        Monconys, who was in London in 1663, says of Hobbes, 'Il me dit
+        l'aversion que tous les gens d'église tant catholiques que
+        protestans avoient pour lui.' _Monconys' Voyages_, vol. iii. p.
+        43; and p. 115, 'M. Hobbes, que je trouvai toujours fort ennemi
+        des prêtres catholiques et des protestans.' About the same time,
+        Sorbiere was in London; and he writes respecting Hobbes: 'I know
+        not how it comes to pass, the clergy are afraid of him, and so
+        are the Oxford mathematicians and their adherents; wherefore his
+        majesty (Charles II.) was pleased to make a very good comparison
+        when he told me, he was like a bear, whom they baited with dogs
+        to try him.' _Sorbiere's Voyage to England_, p. 40.
+
+  [654] This was a common expression for whoever attacked established
+        opinions late in the seventeenth, and even early in the
+        eighteenth century. For instances of it, see _Baxter's Life of
+        Himself_, folio, 1696, part iii. p. 48; _Boyle's Works_, vol. v.
+        pp. 505, 510; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p. 41; _Vernon
+        Correspond._ vol. iii. p. 13; _King's Life of Locke_, vol. i. p.
+        191; _Brewster's Life of Newton_, vol. ii. p. 149.
+
+  [655] Burnet says, they 'made deep and lasting impressions on the king's
+        mind.' _Own Time_, vol. i. p. 172.
+
+  [656] A likeness, by Cooper. See _Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses_, edit.
+        Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1208.
+
+  [657] _Sorbiere's Voyage to England_, p. 39; _Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses_,
+        vol. iii. p. 1208. On the popularity of the works of Hobbes in
+        the reign of Charles II. compare _Pepys' Diary_, vol. iv. p. 164,
+        with _Lives of the Norths_, vol. iii. p. 339.
+
+If we look for a moment at the ecclesiastical appointments of Charles,
+we shall find evidence of the same tendency. In his reign, the highest
+dignities in the church were invariably conferred upon men who were
+deficient either in ability or in honesty. It would perhaps be an
+over-refinement to ascribe to the king a deliberate plan for lowering
+the reputation of the episcopal bench; but it is certain, that if he had
+such a plan, he followed the course most likely to effect his purpose.
+For it is no exaggeration to say, that, during his life, the leading
+English prelates were, without exception, either incapable or insincere;
+they were unable to defend what they really believed, or else they did
+not believe what they openly professed. Never before were the interests
+of the Anglican church so feebly guarded. The first Archbishop of
+Canterbury appointed by Charles was Juxon, whose deficiencies were
+notorious; and of whom his friends could only say, that his want of
+ability was compensated by the goodness of his intentions.[658] When he
+died, the king raised up as his successor Sheldon, whom he had
+previously made Bishop of London; and who not only brought discredit on
+his order by acts of gross intolerance,[659] but who was so regardless
+of the common decencies of his station, that he used to amuse his
+associates, by having exhibitions in his own house, imitating the way in
+which the Presbyterians delivered their sermons.[660] After the death of
+Sheldon, Charles appointed to the archbishopric Sancroft; whose
+superstitious fancies exposed him to the contempt even of his own
+profession, and who was as much despised as Sheldon had been hated.[661]
+In the rank immediately below this, we find the same principle at work.
+The three Archbishops of York, during the reign of Charles II., were
+Frewen, Stearn, and Dolben; who were so utterly devoid of ability, that
+notwithstanding their elevated position, they are altogether forgotten,
+not one reader out of a thousand having ever heard their names.[662]
+
+  [658] Bishop Burnet says of him, at his appointment: 'As he was never a
+        great divine, so he was now superannuated.' _Own Time_, vol. i.
+        p. 303.
+
+  [659] Of which his own friend, Bishop Parker, gives a specimen. See
+        _Parker's History of his own Time_, pp. 31-33. Compare _Neal's
+        Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. iv. p. 429; _Wilson's Mem. of De
+        Foe_, vol. i. p. 46.
+
+  [660] In 1669, Pepys was at one of these entertainments, which took
+        place not only at the house, but in the presence of the
+        archbishop. See the scandalous details in _Pepys' Diary_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 321, 322; or in _Wilson's De Foe_, vol. i. pp. 44, 45.
+
+  [661] Burnet, who knew Sancroft, calls him 'a poor-spirited and fearful
+        man' (_Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 354); and mentions (vol. iii. p.
+        138) an instance of his superstition, which will be easily
+        believed by whoever has read his ridiculous sermons, which D'Oyly
+        has wickedly published. See Appendix to _D'Oyly's Sancroft_, pp.
+        339-420. Dr. Lake says that everybody was amazed when it was
+        known that Sancroft was to be archbishop. _Lake's Diary_, 30th
+        Dec. 1677, p. 18, in vol. i. of the _Camden Miscellany_, 1847,
+        4to. His character, so far as he had one, is fairly drawn by Dr.
+        Birch: 'slow, timorous, and narrow-spirited, but at the same time
+        a good, honest, and well-meaning man.' _Birch's Life of
+        Tillotson_, p. 151. See also respecting him, _Macaulay's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 616, vol. iii. p. 77, vol. iv. pp. 40-42.
+
+  [662] Frewen was so obscure a man, that there is no life of him either
+        in _Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary_, or in Rose's more
+        recent, but inferior work. The little that is known of Stearn, or
+        Sterne, is unfavourable. Compare _Burnet_, vol. ii. p. 427, with
+        _Baxter's Life of Himself_, folio, 1696, part ii. p. 338. And of
+        Dolben I have been unable to collect anything of interest, except
+        that he had a good library. See the traditionary account in
+        _Jones's Memoirs of Bishop Horne_, p. 66.
+
+Such appointments as these are indeed striking; and what makes them more
+so, is, that they were by no means necessary; they were not forced on
+the king by court intrigue, nor was there a lack of more competent men.
+The truth seems to be, that Charles was unwilling to confer
+ecclesiastical promotion upon any one who had ability enough to increase
+the authority of the church, and restore it to its former pre-eminence.
+At his accession, the two ablest of the clergy were undoubtedly Jeremy
+Taylor and Isaac Barrow. Both of them were notorious for their loyalty;
+both of them were men of unspotted virtue; and both of them have left a
+reputation which will hardly perish while the English language is
+remembered. But Taylor, though he had married the king's sister,[663]
+was treated with marked neglect; and, being exiled to an Irish
+bishopric, had to pass the remainder of his life in what, at that time,
+was truly called a barbarous country.[664] As to Barrow, who, in point
+of genius, was probably superior to Taylor,[665] he had the
+mortification of seeing the most incapable men raised to the highest
+posts in the church, while he himself was unnoticed; and,
+notwithstanding that his family had greatly suffered in the royal
+cause,[666] he received no sort of preferment until five years before
+his death, when the king conferred on him the mastership of Trinity
+College, Cambridge.[667]
+
+  [663] His wife was Joanna Bridges, a bastard of Charles I. Compare
+        _Notes and Queries_, vol. vii. p. 305, with _Heber's Life of
+        Jeremy Taylor_, in _Taylor's Works_, vol. i. p. xxxiv. Bishop
+        Heber, p. xxxv. adds, 'But, notwithstanding the splendour of such
+        an alliance, there is no reason to believe that it added
+        materially to Taylor's income.'
+
+  [664] Coleridge (_Lit. Remains_, vol. iii. p. 208) says, that this
+        neglect of Jeremy Taylor by Charles 'is a problem of which
+        perhaps his virtues present the most probable solution.'
+
+  [665] Superior, certainly, in comprehensiveness, and in the range of his
+        studies; so that it is aptly said by a respectable authority,
+        that he was at once 'the great precursor of Sir Isaac Newton, and
+        the pride of the English pulpit.' _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast.
+        Biog._ vol. iv. p. 344. See also, respecting Barrow, _Montucla_,
+        _Hist. des Mathémat._ vol. ii. pp. 88, 89, 359, 360, 504, 505,
+        vol. iii. pp. 436-438.
+
+  [666] 'His father having suffered greatly in his estate by his
+        attachment to the royal cause.' _Chalmers's Biog. Dict._ vol. iv.
+        p. 39.
+
+  [667] Barrow, displeased at not receiving preferment after the
+        Restoration, wrote the lines:
+
+        'Te magis optavit rediturum Carole nemo;
+          Et sensit nemo te rediisse minus.'
+
+        _Hamilton's Life of Barrow_, in _Barrow's Works_, Edinb. 1845,
+        vol. i. p. xxiii.
+
+It is hardly necessary to point out how all this must have tended to
+weaken the church, and accelerate that great movement for which the
+reign of Charles II. is remarkable.[668] At the same time, there were
+many other circumstances which, in this preliminary sketch, it is
+impossible to notice, but which were stamped with the general character
+of revolt against ancient authority. In a subsequent volume, this will
+be placed in a still clearer light, because I shall have an opportunity
+of bringing forward evidence which, from the abundance of its details,
+would be unsuited to the present Introduction. Enough, however, has been
+stated, to indicate the general march of the English mind, and supply
+the reader with a clue by which he may understand those still more
+complicated events, which, as the seventeenth century advanced, began to
+thicken upon us.
+
+  [668] Everything Mr. Macaulay has said on the contempt into which the
+        clergy fell in the reign of Charles II. is perfectly accurate;
+        and from evidence which I have collected, I know that this very
+        able writer, of whose immense research few people are competent
+        judges, has rather understated the case than overstated it. On
+        several subjects I should venture to differ from Mr. Macaulay;
+        but I cannot refrain from expressing my admiration of his
+        unwearied diligence, of the consummate skill with which he has
+        arranged his materials, and of the noble love of liberty which
+        animates his entire work. These are qualities which will long
+        survive the aspersions of his puny detractors,--men who, in point
+        of knowledge and ability, are unworthy to loosen the shoe-latchet
+        of him they foolishly attack.
+
+A few years before the death of Charles II., the clergy made a great
+effort to recover their former power by reviving those doctrines of
+Passive Obedience and Divine Right, which are obviously favourable to
+the progress of superstition.[669] But as the English intellect was now
+sufficiently advanced to reject such dogmas, this futile attempt only
+increased the opposition between the interests of the people as a body,
+and the interests of the clergy as a class. Scarcely had this scheme
+been defeated, when the sudden death of Charles placed on the throne a
+prince whose most earnest desire was to restore the Catholic church, and
+reinstate among us that mischievous system which openly boasts of
+subjugating the reason of Man. This change in affairs was, if we
+consider it in its ultimate results, the most fortunate circumstance
+which could have happened to our country. In spite of the difference of
+their religion, the English clergy had always displayed an affection
+towards James, whose reverence for the priesthood they greatly admired;
+though they were anxious that the warmth of his affections should be
+lavished on the Church of England and not on the Church of Rome. They
+were sensible of the advantages which would accrue to their own order,
+if his piety could be turned into a new channel.[670] They saw that it
+was for his interest to abandon his religion; and they thought that to a
+man so cruel and so vicious, his own interest would be the sole
+consideration.[671] The consequence was, that in one of the most
+critical moments of his life, they made in his favour a great and
+successful effort; and they not only used all their strength to defeat
+the bill by which it was proposed to exclude him from the succession,
+but when the measure was rejected, they presented an address to Charles,
+congratulating him on the result.[672] When James actually mounted the
+throne, they continued to display the same spirit. Whether they still
+hoped for his conversion, or whether, in their eagerness to persecute
+the dissenters, they overlooked the danger to their own church, is
+uncertain; but it is one of the most singular and unquestionable facts
+in our history, that for some time there existed a strict alliance
+between a Protestant hierarchy and a Popish king.[673] The terrible
+crimes which were the result of this compact are but too notorious. But
+what is more worthy of attention is, the circumstance that caused the
+dissolution of this conspiracy between the crown and the church. The
+ground of the quarrel was an attempt made by the king to effect, in some
+degree, a religious toleration. By the celebrated Test and Corporation
+Acts, it had been ordered, that all persons who were employed by
+government should be compelled, under a heavy penalty, to receive the
+sacrament according to the rites of the English church. The offence of
+James was, that he now issued what was called a Declaration of
+Indulgence, in which he announced his intention of suspending the
+execution of these laws.[674] From this moment, the position of the two
+great parties was entirely changed. The bishops clearly perceived that
+the statutes which it was thus attempted to abrogate, were highly
+favourable to their own power; and hence, in their opinion, formed an
+essential part of the constitution of a Christian country. They had
+willingly combined with James, while he assisted them in persecuting men
+who worshipped God in a manner different from themselves.[675] So long
+as this compact held good, they were indifferent as to matters which
+they considered to be of minor importance. They looked on in silence,
+while the king was amassing the materials with which he hoped to turn a
+free government into an absolute monarchy.[676] They saw Jeffreys and
+Kirke torturing their fellow-subjects; they saw the gaols crowded with
+prisoners, and the scaffold streaming with blood.[677] They were well
+pleased that some of the best and ablest men in the kingdom should be
+barbarously persecuted; that Baxter should be thrown into prison, and
+that Howe should be forced into exile. They witnessed with composure the
+most revolting cruelties, because the victims of them were the opponents
+of the English church. Although the minds of men were filled with terror
+and with loathing, the bishops made no complaint. They preserved their
+loyalty unimpaired, and insisted on the necessity of humble submission
+to the Lord's anointed.[678] But the moment James proposed to protect
+against persecution those who were hostile to the church; the moment he
+announced his intention of breaking down that monopoly of offices and of
+honours which the bishops had long secured for their own party;--the
+moment this took place, the hierarchy became alive to the dangers with
+which the country was threatened from the violence of so arbitrary a
+prince.[679] The king had laid his hand on the ark, and the guardians of
+the temple flew to arms. How could they tolerate a prince who would not
+allow them to persecute their enemies? How could they support a
+sovereign who sought to favour those who differed from the national
+church? They soon determined on the line of conduct it behoved them to
+take. With an almost unanimous voice, they refused to obey the order by
+which the king commanded them to read in their churches the edict for
+religious toleration.[680] Nor did they stop there. So great was their
+enmity against him they had recently cherished, that they actually
+applied for aid to those very dissenters whom, only a few weeks before,
+they had hotly persecuted; seeking by magnificent promises to win over
+to their side men they had hitherto hunted even to the death.[681] The
+most eminent of the Nonconformists were far from being duped by this
+sudden affection.[682] But their hatred of Popery, and their fear of the
+ulterior designs of the king, prevailed over every other consideration;
+and there arose that singular combination between churchmen and
+dissenters, which has never since been repeated. This coalition, backed
+by the general voice of the people, soon overturned the throne, and gave
+rise to what is justly deemed one of the most important events in the
+history of England.
+
+  [669] _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 142, 143, 153-156; from which
+        it appears that this movement began about 1681. The clergy, as a
+        body, are naturally favourable to this doctrine; and the
+        following passage, published only twelve years ago, will give the
+        reader an idea of the views that some of them entertain. The Rev.
+        Mr. Sewell (_Christian Politics_, Lond. 1844, p. 157) says, that
+        the reigning prince is 'a being armed with supreme physical power
+        by the hand and permission of Providence; as such, the lord of
+        our property, the master of our lives, the fountain of honour,
+        the dispenser of law, before whom each subject must surrender his
+        will and conform his actions.... Who, when he errs, errs as a
+        man, and not as a king, and is responsible, not to man, but to
+        God.' And at p. 111, the same writer informs us that the church,
+        'with one uniform, unhesitating voice, has proclaimed the duty of
+        "passive obedience."' See also on this slavish tenet, as upheld
+        by the church, _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog._ vol. iv. p. 668;
+        _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii. p. 523; _Lathbury's Hist. of
+        Convocation_, p. 228; _Lathbury's Nonjurors_, pp. 50, 135, 197;
+        and a letter from Nelson, author of the _Fasts and Festivals_, in
+        _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iv. p. 216. With good reason,
+        therefore, did Fox tell the House of Commons, that 'by being a
+        good churchman, a person might become a bad citizen.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 1377.
+
+  [670] The Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1678, was engaged in an attempt
+        to convert James; and in a letter to the Bishop of Winchester, he
+        notices the 'happy consequences' which would result from his
+        success. See this characteristic letter in _Clarendon Corresp._
+        vol. ii. pp. 465, 466. See also the motives of the bishops,
+        candidly but broadly stated, in Mr. Wilson's valuable work, _Life
+        of De Foe_, vol. i. p. 74.
+
+  [671] In a high-church pamphlet, published in 1682, against the Bill of
+        Exclusion, the cause of James is advocated; but the inconvenience
+        he would suffer by remaining a Catholic is strongly insisted
+        upon. See the wily remarks in _Somers Tracts_, vol. viii.
+        pp. 258, 259.
+
+  [672] _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog._ vol. iv. p. 665. On their
+        eagerness against the bill, see _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_,
+        vol. v. p. 181; _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. ii. p. 246; _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. x. pp. 216, 253; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol.
+        iii. p. 353; _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol.
+        ii. p. 431.
+
+  [673] At the accession of James II. 'the pulpits throughout England
+        resounded with thanksgivings; and a numerous set of addresses
+        flattered his Majesty, in the strongest expressions, with
+        assurances of unshaken loyalty and obedience, without limitation
+        or reserve.' _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 2. See
+        also _Calamy's Life_, vol. i. p. 118.
+
+  [674] On the 18th March, 1687, the king announced to the Privy Council
+        that he had determined 'to grant, by his own authority, entire
+        liberty of conscience to all his subjects. On the 4th April
+        appeared the memorable Declaration of Indulgence.' _Macaulay's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 211; and see _Life of James II._,
+        edited by Clarke, vol. ii, p. 112. There is a summary of the
+        Declaration in _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. pp. 30,
+        31. As to the second Declaration, see _Macaulay_, vol. ii. pp.
+        344, 345; _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 170.
+
+  [675] It was in the autumn of 1685, that the clergy and the government
+        persecuted the dissenters with the greatest virulence. See
+        _Macaulay's Hist._ vol. i. pp. 667, 668. Compare _Neal's Hist. of
+        the Puritans_, vol. v. pp. 4-12, with a letter from Lord
+        Clarendon, dated 21st December 1685, in _Clarendon Correspond._
+        vol. i. p. 192. It is said (_Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. pp.
+        175, 176), that on many occasions the church party made use of
+        the ecclesiastical courts to extort money from the
+        Nonconformists; and for confirmation of this, see _Mackintosh's
+        Revolution of 1688_, pp. 173, 640.
+
+  [676] It appears from the accounts in the War Office, that James, even
+        in the first year of his reign, had a standing army of nearly
+        20,000 men. _Mackintosh's Revolution_, pp. 3, 77, 688: 'A
+        disciplined army of about 20,000 men was, for the first time,
+        established during peace in this island.' As this naturally
+        inspired great alarm, the king gave out that the number did not
+        exceed 15,000. _Life of James II._, edited by Clarke, vol. ii.
+        pp. 52, 57.
+
+  [677] Compare _Burnet_, vol. iii. pp. 55-62, with _Dalrymple's Memoirs_,
+        vol. i. part i. book ii. pp. 198-203. Ken, so far as I remember,
+        was the only one who set his face against these atrocities. He
+        was a very humane man, and did what he could to mitigate the
+        sufferings of the prisoners in Monmouth's rebellion; but it is
+        not mentioned that he attempted to stop the persecutions directed
+        against the innocent Nonconformists, who were barbarously
+        punished, not because they rebelled, but because they dissented.
+        _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. i. p. 298.
+
+  [678] 'From the conduct of the clergy in this and the former reign, it
+        is quite clear, that if the king had been a Protestant, of the
+        profession of the Church of England, or even a quiet, submissive
+        Catholic, without any zeal for his religion,--confining himself
+        solely to matters of state, and having a proper respect for
+        church property,--he might have plundered other Protestants at
+        his pleasure, and have trampled upon the liberties of his
+        country, without the danger of resistance.' _Wilson's Life of De
+        Foe_, vol. i. p. 136. Or, as Fox says, 'Thus, as long as James
+        contented himself with absolute power in civil matters, and did
+        not make use of his authority against the church, everything went
+        smooth and easy.' _Fox's Hist. of James II._, p. 165.
+
+  [679] Compare _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 58, with _Life
+        of James II._, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 70; where it is well
+        said, that the clergy of the Church of England 'had preached
+        prerogative and the sovereign power to the highest pitch, while
+        it was favourable to them; but when they apprehended the least
+        danger from it, they cried out as soon as the shoe pinched,
+        though it was of their own putting on.' See also pp. 113, 164.
+        What their servility was to the crown, while they thought that
+        the crown was with them, may be estimated from the statement of
+        De Foe: 'I have heard it publicly preached, that if the king
+        commanded my head, and sent his messengers to fetch it, I was
+        bound to submit, and stand while it was cut off.' _Wilson's Life
+        of De Foe_, vol. i. p. 118.
+
+  [680] D'Oyly (_Life of Sancroft_, p. 164) says, 'On the whole, it is
+        supposed that not more than 200 out of the whole body of clergy,
+        estimated at 10,000, complied with the king's requisition.' 'Only
+        seven obeyed in the city of London, and not above 200 all England
+        over.' _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 218. On Sunday, 20th May
+        1688, Lord Clarendon writes: 'I was at St. James's church; in the
+        evening I had an account that the Declaration was read only in
+        four churches in the city and liberties.' _Clarendon Corresp._
+        vol. ii. pp. 172, 173. When this conduct became known, it was
+        observed that the church 'supported the crown only so long as she
+        dictated to it; and became rebellious at the moment when she was
+        forbidden to be intolerant.' _Mackintosh's Revolution of 1688_,
+        p. 255.
+
+  [681] The first advances were made when the Declaration of the king in
+        favour of 'liberty of conscience' was on the point of being
+        issued, and immediately after the proceedings at Oxford had shown
+        his determination to break down the monopoly of offices possessed
+        by the church. 'The clergy at the same time prayed and entreated
+        the dissenters to appear on their side, and stand by the
+        Establishment, making large promises of favour and brotherly
+        affection if ever they came into power.' _Neal's Hist. of the
+        Puritans_, vol. v. p. 29. See also, at pp. 58, 59, the
+        conciliating letter from the Archbishop of Canterbury after the
+        Declaration. 'Such,' says Neal, 'such was the language of the
+        church in distress!' Compare _Birch's Life of Tillotson_, p. 153;
+        _Ellis's Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 63; _Ellis's Orig. Letters_,
+        2nd series, vol. iv. p. 117; _Mackintosh's Revolution_, p. 286;
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 132; _Macaulay's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 218, 219.
+
+  [682] See the indignant language of De Foe _Wilson's Life of De Foe_,
+        vol. i. pp. 130, 131, 133, 134; and a _Letter from a Dissenter to
+        the Petitioning Bishops_, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. pp. 117,
+        118. The writer says: 'Pray, my lords, let me ask you a question.
+        Suppose the king, instead of his Declaration, had issued out a
+        proclamation, commanding justices of the peace, constables,
+        informers, and all other persons, to be more rigorous, if
+        possible, against dissenters, and do their utmost to the perfect
+        quelling and destroying them; and had ordered this to be read in
+        your churches in the time of divine service,--would you have made
+        any scruple of that?'
+
+Thus it was, that the proximate cause of that great revolution which
+cost James his crown, was the publication by the king of an edict of
+religious toleration, and the consequent indignation of the clergy at
+seeing so audacious an act performed by a Christian prince. It is true,
+that if other things had not conspired, this alone could never have
+effected so great a change. But it was the immediate cause of it,
+because it was the cause of the schism between the church and the
+throne, and of the alliance between the church and the dissenters. This
+is a fact never to be forgotten. We ought never to forget, that the
+first and only time the Church of England has made war upon the crown,
+was when the crown had declared its intention of tolerating, and in some
+degree protecting, the rival religions of the country.[683] There is no
+doubt that the Declaration which was then issued was illegal, and that
+it was conceived in an insidious spirit. But declarations equally
+illegal, equally insidious, and much more tyrannical, had on other
+occasions been made by the sovereign, without exciting the anger of the
+clergy.[684] These are things which it is good for us to ponder. These
+are lessons of inestimable value for those to whom it is given, not,
+indeed, to direct, but in some degree to modify, the march of public
+opinion. As to the people in general, it is impossible for them to
+exaggerate the obligations which they and all of us owe to the
+Revolution of 1688. But let them take heed that superstition does not
+mingle with their gratitude. Let them admire that majestic edifice of
+national liberty, which stands alone in Europe like a beacon in the
+midst of the waters; but let them not think that they owe anything to
+men who, in contributing to its erection, sought the gratification of
+their own selfishness, and the consolidation of that spiritual power
+which by it they fondly hoped to secure.
+
+  [683] That this was the immediate cause, so far as the head of the
+        church-party was concerned, is unblushingly avowed by the
+        biographer and defender of the then Archbishop of Canterbury.
+        'The order published from the king in council, May 4th, 1688,
+        directing the archbishops and bishops to send to the clergy in
+        their respective dioceses the Declaration for Liberty of
+        Conscience, to be publicly read in all the churches of the
+        kingdom, made it impossible for the Archbishop of Canterbury to
+        abstain any longer from engaging in an open and declared
+        opposition to the counsels under which the king was now unhappily
+        acting.' _D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft_, p. 151.
+
+  [684] Some writers have attempted to defend the clergy, on the ground
+        that they thought it illegal to publish a declaration of this
+        kind. But such a defence is incompatible with their doctrine of
+        passive obedience; and besides this, it was contradicted by
+        precedents and decisions of their own. Jeremy Taylor, in his
+        _Ductor Dubitantium_, their great work of authority, asserts that
+        'the unlawful proclamations and edicts of a true prince may be
+        published by the clergy in their several charges.' _Heber's Life
+        of Taylor_, p. cclxxxvi. Heber adds: 'I wish I had not found this
+        in Taylor; and I thank Heaven that the principle was not adopted
+        by the English clergy in 1687.' But why was it not adopted in
+        1687? Simply because in 1687 the king attacked the monopoly
+        enjoyed by the clergy; and therefore the clergy forgot their
+        principle, that they might smite their enemy. And what makes the
+        motives of this change still more palpable is, that as late as
+        1681, the Archbishop of Canterbury caused the clergy to read a
+        Declaration issued by Charles II.; and that in a revised copy of
+        the Liturgy he had also added to the rubric to the same effect.
+        See _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 56. Compare
+        _Calamy's Own Life_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200; _Mackintosh's
+        Revolution_, pp. 242, 243; _D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft_, p. 152;
+        _King's Life of Locke_, vol. i. p. 259; _Life of James II._,
+        edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+It is, indeed, difficult to conceive the full amount of the impetus
+given to English civilization by the expulsion of the House of Stuart.
+Among the most immediate results, may be mentioned the limits that were
+set to the royal prerogative;[685] the important steps that were taken
+towards religious toleration;[686] the remarkable and permanent
+improvement in the administration of justice;[687] the final abolition
+of a censorship over the press;[688] and, what has not excited
+sufficient attention, the rapid growth, of those great monetary
+interests by which, as we shall hereafter see, the prejudices of the
+superstitious classes have in no small degree been counterbalanced.[689]
+These are the main characteristics of the reign of William III.; a reign
+often aspersed, and little understood,[690] but of which it may be truly
+said, that, taking its difficulties into due consideration, it is the
+most successful and the most splendid recorded in the history of any
+country. But these topics rather belong to the subsequent volumes of
+this work; and at present we are only concerned in tracing the effects
+of the Revolution upon that ecclesiastical power by which it was
+immediately brought about.
+
+  [685] They are summed up in a popular pamphlet ascribed to Lord Somers,
+        and printed in _Somers Tracts_, vol. x. pp. 263, 264. The
+        diminished respect felt for the crown after 1688 is judiciously
+        noticed in _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 9.
+
+  [686] The Toleration Act was passed in 1689. A copy of it is given by
+        the historians of the dissenters, who call it their Magna Charta.
+        See _Bogue and Bennett's History of the Dissenters_, vol. i. pp.
+        187-198. The historian of the Catholics equally allows that the
+        reign of William III. is 'the era from which their enjoyment of
+        religious toleration may be dated.' _Butler's Memoirs of the
+        Catholics_, vol. iii. pp. 122, 139. This is said by Mr. Butler in
+        regard, not to the Protestant dissenters, but to the Catholics;
+        so that we have the admission of both parties as to the
+        importance of this epoch. Even the shameful act forced upon
+        William in 1700 was, as Mr. Hallam truly says, evaded in its
+        worst provisions. _Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 332, 333.
+
+  [687] _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. pp. 102, 355, and his
+        _Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. pp. 95, 116, 118, 136, 142, 143. See
+        also _Barrington's Observations on the Statutes_, pp. 23, 102,
+        558; and even _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. i. p. 236, vol.
+        ix. p. 243; an unwary concession from such an enemy to popular
+        liberty.
+
+  [688] This was effected before the end of the seventeenth century. See
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. pp. 121, 122. Compare Lord
+        Camden on Literary Property, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 994;
+        _Hunt's History of Newspapers_, vol. i. pp. 161, 162; _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 555; and a more detailed account in
+        _Macaulay's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. pp. 348 seq. 540 seq.;
+        though Mr. Macaulay in ascribing, p. 353, so much to the
+        influence of Blount, has not, I think, sufficiently dwelt on the
+        operation of larger and more general causes.
+
+  [689] Mr. Cooke (_Hist. of Party_, vol. ii. pp. 5, 148) notices this
+        remarkable rise of the monied classes early in the eighteenth
+        century; but he merely observes, that the consequence was to
+        strengthen the Whig party. Though this is undoubtedly true, the
+        ultimate results, as I shall hereafter point out, were far more
+        important than any political or even economical consequences. It
+        was not till 1694 that the Bank of England was established; and
+        this great institution at first met with the warmest opposition
+        from the admirers of old times, who thought it must be useless
+        because their ancestors did without it. See the curious details
+        in _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. iii. pp. 6-9; and on
+        the connexion between it and the Whigs, see _Macaulay's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iv. p. 502. There is a short account of its origin
+        and progress in _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. ii.
+        p. 130.
+
+  [690] Frequently misunderstood, even by those who praise it. Thus, for
+        instance, a living writer informs us that, 'great as have been
+        the obligations which England owes, in many different views, to
+        the Revolution, it is beyond all question the greatest, that it
+        brought in a sovereign instructed in the art of overcoming the
+        ignorant impatience of taxation which is the invariable
+        characteristic of free communities; and thus gave it a government
+        capable of turning to the best account the activity and energy of
+        its inhabitants, at the same time that it had the means given it
+        of maintaining their independence.' _Alison's Hist. of Europe_,
+        vol. vii. p. 5. This, I should suppose, is the most eccentric
+        eulogy ever passed on William III.
+
+Scarcely had the clergy succeeded in expelling James, when the greater
+number of them repented of their own act.[691] Indeed, even before he
+was driven from the country, several things had occurred to make them
+doubt the policy of the course they were pursuing. During the last few
+weeks that he was allowed to reign, he had shown symptoms of increasing
+respect for the English hierarchy. The archbishopric of York had so long
+been vacant, as to cause a belief that it was the intention of the crown
+either to appoint to it a Catholic, or else to seize its revenues.[692]
+But James, to the delight of the church, now filled up this important
+office by nominating Lamplugh, who was well known to be a stanch
+churchman and a zealous defender of episcopal privileges.[693] Just
+before this, the king also rescinded the order by which the Bishop of
+London had been suspended from the exercise of his functions.[694] To
+the bishops in general he made great promises of future favour;[695]
+some of them, it was said, were to be called to his privy council; and,
+in the meantime, he cancelled that ecclesiastical commission which, by
+limiting their power, had excited their anger.[696] Besides this, there
+occurred some other circumstances which the clergy now had to consider.
+It was rumoured, and it was generally believed, that William was no
+great admirer of ecclesiastical establishments; and that, being a friend
+to toleration, he was more likely to diminish the power than increase
+the privileges of the English hierarchy.[697] It was also known that he
+favoured the Presbyterians, whom the Church not unreasonably regarded as
+her bitterest enemies.[698] And when, in addition to all this, William,
+on mere grounds of expediency, actually abolished episcopacy in
+Scotland, it became evident that, by thus repudiating the doctrine of
+divine right, he had directed a great blow against those opinions on
+which, in England, ecclesiastical authority was based.[699]
+
+  [691] On their sudden repentance, and on the causes of it, see _Neal's
+        Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 71.
+
+  [692] _Mackintosh's Revolution of 1688_, pp. 81, 191. After the death of
+        Archbishop Dolben, 'the see was kept vacant for more than two
+        years,' and Cartwright hoped to obtain it. See _Cartwright's
+        Diary_, by Hunter, 4to, 1843, p. 45. In the same way, we find
+        from a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury (_Clarendon
+        Corresp._ vol. i. p. 409) that in May 1686 uneasiness was felt
+        because the Irish bishoprics were not filled up. Compare
+        _Burnet_, vol. iii. p. 103. Carwithen (_Hist. of the Ch. of
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 492) says, that James had intended to raise
+        the Jesuit Petre to the archbishopric.
+
+  [693] Lamplugh was translated from the bishopric of Exeter to the
+        archbishopric of York in November 1688. See the contemporary
+        account in the _Ellis Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 303, and
+        _Ellis's Original Letters_, second series, vol. iv. p. 151. He
+        was a most orthodox man; and not only hated the dissenters, but
+        showed his zeal by persecuting them. _Wilson's Life of De Foe_,
+        vol. i. pp. 94, 95. Compare an anecdote of him in _Baxter's Life
+        of Himself_, folio, 1696, part iii. pp. 178, 179.
+
+  [694] In a letter, dated London, 29th September 1688 (_Ellis_,
+        _Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 224, and _Ellis's Orig. Letters_,
+        second series, vol. iv. p. 128), it is stated, that the Bishop of
+        London's 'suspension is taken off.' See also _Somers Tracts_,
+        vol. ix. p. 215. This is the more observable, because, according
+        to Johnstone, there was an intention, in December 1687, of
+        depriving him. _Mackintosh's Revolution_, pp. 211, 212.
+
+  [695] This disposition on the part of the king again to favour the
+        bishops and the church became a matter of common remark in
+        September 1688. See _Ellis Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 201, 202,
+        209, 219, 224, 225, 226, 227; _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 188, 192. Sir John Reresby, who was then in London, writes,
+        in October 1688, that James 'begins again to court the Church of
+        England.' _Reresby's Memoirs_, p. 357. Indeed, the difficulties
+        of James were now becoming so great, that he had hardly any
+        choice.
+
+  [696] _Ellis Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 211; _Life of James II._, edit.
+        Clarke, vol. ii. p. 189.
+
+  [697] In November 1687, it was said that he wished the dissenters to
+        have 'entire liberty for the full exercise of their religion,'
+        and to be freed 'from the severity of the penal laws.' _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 184. This is the earliest distinct notice I
+        have seen of William's desire to deprive the church of the power
+        of punishing nonconformists; but after he arrived in England his
+        intentions became obvious. In January 1688-9 the friends of the
+        church complained 'that the countenance he gave the dissenters
+        gave too much cause of jealousy to the Church of England.'
+        _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 238. Compare _Neal's Hist. of
+        the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 81; _Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the
+        Dissenters_, vol. ii. p. 318; _Birch's Life of Tillotson_, pp.
+        156, 157; _Somers Tracts_, vol. x. p. 341, vol. xi. p. 108.
+        Burnet, in his summary of the character of William, observes
+        that, 'his indifference as to the forms of church-government, and
+        his being zealous for toleration, together with his cold
+        behaviour towards the clergy, gave them generally very ill
+        impressions of him.' _Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 550. At p. 192 the
+        bishop says, 'He took no notice of the clergy, and seemed to have
+        little concern in the matters of the church or of religion.'
+
+  [698] Sir John Reresby, who was an attentive observer of what was going
+        on, says, 'The prince, upon his arrival, seemed more inclined to
+        the Presbyterians than to the members of the church; which
+        startled the clergy.' _Reresby's Memoirs_, p. 375: see also pp.
+        399, 405: 'the church-people hated the Dutch, and had rather turn
+        Papists than receive the Presbyterians among them.' Compare
+        _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. iii. p. 281: 'the Presbyterians, our new
+        governors.'
+
+  [699] Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 50) says of the clergy in 1689:
+        'The king was suspected by them, by reason of the favour showed
+        to dissenters; but chiefly for his abolishing episcopacy in
+        Scotland, and his consenting to the setting up presbytery there.'
+        On this great change, compare _Bogue and Bennett's History of
+        Dissenters_, vol. ii. pp. 379-384; _Barry's Hist. of the Orkney
+        Islands_, p. 257; _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. pp. 85,
+        86: and on the indignation felt by the Anglican clergy at the
+        abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, see a contemporary pamphlet
+        in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. pp. 510, 516, where fears are
+        expressed lest William should effect a similar measure in
+        England. The writer very fairly observes, p. 522, 'For if we give
+        up the _jus divinum_ of episcopacy in Scotland, we must yield it
+        also as to England. And then we are wholly precarious.' See also
+        vol. x. pp. 341, 503; _Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation_, pp. 277,
+        278; and _Macpherson's Original Papers_, vol. i. p. 509.
+
+While these things were agitating the public mind, the eyes of men were
+naturally turned upon the bishops, who, though they had lost much of
+their former power, were still respected by a large majority of the
+people as the guardians of the national religion. But at this critical
+moment they were so blinded, either by their ambition or by their
+prejudices, that they adopted a course which of all others was the most
+injurious to their reputation. They made a sudden attempt to reverse
+that political movement of which they were themselves the principal
+originators. Their conduct on this occasion amply confirms that account
+of their motives which I have already given. If, in aiding those
+preliminary measures by which the Revolution was effected, they had been
+moved by a desire of relieving the nation from despotism, they would
+have eagerly welcomed that great man at whose approach the despot took
+to flight. This is what the clergy would have done, if they had loved
+their country better than they loved their order. But they pursued a
+precisely opposite course; because they preferred the petty interests of
+their own class to the welfare of the great body of the people, and
+because they would rather that the country should be oppressed than that
+the church should be humbled. Nearly the whole of the bishops and clergy
+had, only a few weeks before, braved the anger of their sovereign sooner
+than read in their churches an edict for religious toleration, and seven
+of the most influential of the episcopal order had, in the same cause,
+willingly submitted to the risk of a public trial before the ordinary
+tribunals of the land. This bold course they professed to have adopted,
+not because they disliked toleration, but because they hated tyranny.
+And yet when William arrived in England, and when James stole away from
+the kingdom like a thief in the night, this same ecclesiastical
+profession pressed forward to reject that great man, who, without
+striking a blow, had by his mere presence saved the country from the
+slavery with which it was threatened. We shall not easily find in modern
+history another instance of such gross inconsistency, or rather, let us
+say, of such selfish and reckless ambition. For this change of plan, far
+from being concealed, was so openly displayed, and the causes of it were
+so obvious, that the scandal was laid bare before the whole country.
+Within the space of a few weeks the apostasy was consummated. The first
+in the field was the Archbishop of Canterbury, who, anxious to retain
+his office, had promised to wait upon William. But when he saw the
+direction things were likely to take, he withdrew his promise, and would
+not recognize a prince who showed such indifference to the sacred
+order.[700] Indeed, so great was his anger, that he sharply rebuked his
+chaplain for presuming to pray for William and Mary, although they had
+been proclaimed with the full consent of the nation, and although the
+crown had been delivered to them by the solemn and deliberate act of a
+public convention of the estates of the realm.[701] While such was the
+conduct of the primate of England, his brethren were not wanting to him
+in this great emergency of their common fate. The oath of allegiance was
+refused not only by the Archbishop of Canterbury, but also by the Bishop
+of Bath and Wells, by the Bishop of Chester, by the Bishop of
+Chichester, by the Bishop of Ely, by the Bishop of Gloucester, by the
+Bishop of Norwich, by the Bishop of Peterborough, and by the Bishop of
+Worcester.[702] As to the inferior clergy, our information is less
+precise; but it is said that about six hundred of them imitated their
+superiors in declining to recognize for their king him whom the country
+had elected.[703] The other members of this turbulent faction were
+unwilling, by so bold a measure, to incur that deprivation of their
+livings with which William would probably have visited them. They,
+therefore, preferred a safer and more inglorious opposition, by which
+they could embarrass the government without injuring themselves, and
+could gain the reputation of orthodoxy without incurring the pains of
+martyrdom.
+
+  [700] _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 340. Burnet, who had the best
+        means of information, says, 'Though he had once agreed to it, yet
+        would not come.' Lord Clarendon, in his _Diary_, 3rd January
+        1688-9, writes, that the archbishop expressed to him on that day
+        his determination neither to call on William nor even to send to
+        him (_Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 240); and this
+        resolution appears to have been taken deliberately: 'he was
+        careful not to do it, for the reasons he formerly gave me.'
+
+  [701] See the account given by his chaplain Wharton, in _D'Oyly's Life
+        of Sancroft_, p. 259, where it is stated that the archbishop was
+        very irate ('vehementer excandescens'), and told him, 'that he
+        must thenceforward desist from offering prayers for the new king
+        and queen, or else from performing the duties of his chapel.' See
+        also _Birch's Life of Tillotson_, p. 144. Thus too the Bishop of
+        Norwich declared 'that he would not pray for King William and
+        Queen Mary.' _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 263. The same
+        spirit was universal among the high-church clergy; and when
+        public prayers were offered up for the king and queen, they were
+        called by the nonjurors 'the immoral prayers,' and this became a
+        technical and recognized expression. _Life of Ken, by a Layman_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 648, 650.
+
+  [702] _Lathbury's Hist. of the Nonjurors_, p. 45; _D'Oyly's Sancroft_,
+        p. 260.
+
+  [703] Nairne's Papers mention, in 1693, 'six hundred ministers who have
+        not taken the oaths.' _Macpherson's Orig. Papers_, vol. i. p. 459.
+
+The effect which all this produced on the temper of the nation may be
+easily imagined. The question was now narrowed to an issue which every
+plain man could at once understand. On the one side, there was an
+overwhelming majority of the clergy.[704] On the other side there was
+all the intellect of England, and all her dearest interests. The mere
+fact that such an opposition could exist without kindling a civil war,
+showed how the growing intelligence of the people had weakened the
+authority of the ecclesiastical profession. Besides this, the opposition
+was not only futile, but it was also injurious to the class that made
+it.[705] For it was now seen that the clergy only cared for the people
+as long as the people cared for them. The violence with which these
+angry men[706] set themselves against the interests of the nation
+clearly proved the selfishness of that zeal against James, of which they
+had formerly made so great a merit. They continued to hope for his
+return, to intrigue for him, and in some instances to correspond with
+him; although they well knew that his presence would cause a civil war,
+and that he was so generally hated that he dared not show his face in
+England unless protected by the troops of a foreign and hostile
+power.[707]
+
+  [704] The only friends William possessed among the clergy were the
+        low-churchmen, as they were afterwards called; and it is supposed
+        that they formed barely a tenth of the entire body in 1689: 'We
+        should probably overrate their numerical strength, if we were to
+        estimate them at a tenth part of the priesthood.' _Macaulay's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 74.
+
+  [705] The earliest allusion I have seen to the injury the clergy were
+        inflicting on the church, by their conduct after the arrival of
+        William, is in _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. iii. p. 273,--a curious
+        passage, gently hinting at the 'wonder of many,' at the behaviour
+        of 'the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some of the rest.' With
+        Evelyn, who loved the church, this was an unpleasant subject; but
+        others were less scrupulous; and in parliament, in particular,
+        men did not refrain from expressing what must have been the
+        sentiments of every impartial observer. In the celebrated debate,
+        in January 1688-9, when the throne was declared vacant, Pollexfen
+        said: 'Some of the clergy are for one thing, some for another; I
+        think they scarce know what they would have.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        v. p. 55. In February, Maynard, one of the most influential
+        members, indignantly said: 'I think the clergy are out of their
+        wits; and I believe, if the clergy should have their wills, few
+        or none of us should be here again.' _Ibid._ vol. v. p. 129. The
+        clergy were themselves bitterly sensible of the general
+        hostility; and one of them writes, in 1694: 'The people of
+        England, who were so excessively enamoured of us when the bishops
+        were in the tower, that they hardly forbore to worship us, are
+        now, I wish I could say but cool and very indifferent towards
+        us.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 525. The growing indignation
+        against the clergy, caused by their obvious desire to sacrifice
+        the country to the interests of the church, is strikingly
+        displayed in a letter from Sir Roland Gwyne, written in 1710, and
+        printed in _Macpherson's Orig. Papers_, vol. ii. p. 207.
+
+  [706] They are so called by Burnet: 'these angry men, that had raised
+        this flame in the church.' _Own Time_, vol. v. p. 17.
+
+  [707] Indeed, the high-church party, in their publications, distinctly
+        intimated, that if James were not recalled, he should be
+        reinstated by a foreign army. _Somers Tracts_, vol. x. pp. 377,
+        405, 457, 462. Compare _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p.
+        138. Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. iv. pp. 361, 362) says, they were
+        'confounded' when they heard of the peace of 1697; and Calamy
+        (_Life of Himself_, vol. ii. p. 322) makes the same remark on the
+        death of Louis XIV.: 'It very much puzzled the counsels of the
+        Jacobites, and spoiled their projects.'
+
+But this was not the whole of the damage which, in those anxious times,
+the church inflicted upon herself. When the bishops refused to take the
+oaths to the new government, measures were adopted to remove them from
+their sees; and William did not hesitate to eject by force of law the
+Archbishop of Canterbury and five of his brethren.[708] The prelates,
+smarting under the insult, were goaded into measures of unusual
+activity. They loudly proclaimed that the powers of the church, which
+had long been waning, were now extinct.[709] They denied the right of
+the legislature to pass a law against them. They denied the right of the
+sovereign to put that law into execution.[710] They not only continued
+to give themselves the title of bishops, but they made arrangements to
+perpetuate the schism which their own violence had created. The
+Archbishop of Canterbury, as he insisted upon being called, made a
+formal renunciation of his imaginary right into the hands of Lloyd,[711]
+who still supposed himself to be Bishop of Norwich, although William had
+recently expelled him from his see. The scheme of these turbulent
+priests was then communicated to James, who willingly supported their
+plan for establishing a permanent feud in the English church.[712] The
+result of this conspiracy between the rebellious prelates and the
+pretended king, was the appointment of a series of men who gave
+themselves out as forming the real episcopacy, and who received the
+homage of every one who preferred the claims of the church to the
+authority of the state.[713] This mock succession of imaginary bishops
+continued for more than a century;[714] and, by dividing the allegiance
+of churchmen, lessened the power of the church.[715] In several
+instances, the unseemly spectacle was exhibited of two bishops for the
+same place; one nominated by the spiritual power, the other nominated by
+the temporal power. Those who considered the church as superior to the
+state, of course attached themselves to the spurious bishops; while the
+appointments of William were acknowledged by that rapidly increasing
+party, who preferred secular advantages to ecclesiastical theories.[716]
+
+  [708] _D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft_, p. 266; _Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog._
+        iv. p. 683.
+
+  [709] Sancroft, on his death-bed, in 1693, prayed for the 'poor
+        suffering church, which, by this revolution, is almost
+        destroyed.' _D'Oyly's Sancroft_, p. 311; and _Macpherson's
+        Original Papers_, vol. i. p. 280. See also _Remarks_, published
+        in 1693 (_Somers Tracts_, vol. x. p. 504) where it is said, that
+        William had, 'as far as possible he could, dissolved the true old
+        Church of England;' and that, 'in a moment of time, her face was
+        so altered, as scarce to be known again.'
+
+  [710] 'Ken, though deprived, never admitted in the secular power the
+        right of deprivation; and it is well known that he studiously
+        retained his title.' _Bowles's Life of Ken_, vol. ii. p. 225.
+        Thus, too, Lloyd, so late as 1703, signs himself, 'Wm. Nor.'
+        (_Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii. p. 720); though, having
+        been legally deprived, he was no more bishop of Norwich than he
+        was emperor of China. And Sancroft, in the last of his letters,
+        published by D'Oyly (_Life_, p. 303), signs 'W. C.'
+
+  [711] The strange document, by which he appointed Dr. Lloyd his
+        vicar-general, is printed in Latin, in _D'Oyly's Sancroft_, p.
+        295, and in English, in _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii.
+        p. 640.
+
+  [712] _Lathbury's Hist. of the Nonjurors_, p. 96; _Life of Ken, by a
+        Layman_, vol. ii. pp. 641, 642.
+
+  [713] The struggle between James and William was essentially a struggle
+        between ecclesiastical interests and secular interests; and this
+        was seen as early as 1689, when, as we learn from Burnet, who was
+        much more a politician than a priest, 'the church was as the word
+        given out by the Jacobite party, under which they might more
+        safely shelter themselves,' _Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 57. See also,
+        on this identification of the Jacobites with the church, _Birch's
+        Life of Tillotson_, p. 222; and the argument of Dodwell, pp. 246,
+        247, in 1691. Dodwell justly observed, that the successors of the
+        deprived bishops were schismatical, in a spiritual point of view;
+        and that, 'if they should pretend to lay authority as sufficient,
+        they would overthrow the being of a church as a society.' The
+        bishops appointed by William were evidently intruders, according
+        to church principles; and as their intrusion could only be
+        justified according to lay principles, it followed that the
+        success of the intrusion was the triumph of lay principles over
+        church ones. Hence it is, that the fundamental idea of the
+        rebellion of 1688, is the elevation of the state above the
+        church; just as the fundamental idea of the rebellion of 1642, is
+        the elevation of the commons above the crown.
+
+  [714] According to Dr. D'Oyly (_Life of Sancroft_, p. 297), Dr. Gordon
+        'died in London, November 1779, and is supposed to have been the
+        last nonjuring bishop.' In _Short's Hist. of the Church of
+        England_, p. 583, Lond. 1847, it is also stated, that 'this
+        schism continued till 1779.' But Mr. Hallam (_Const. Hist._ vol.
+        ii. p. 404) has pointed out a passage in the _State Trials_,
+        which proves that another of the bishops, named Cartwright, was
+        still living at Shrewsbury in 1793; and Mr. Lathbury (_Hist. of
+        the Nonjurors_, Lond. 1845, p. 412) says, that he died in 1799.
+
+  [715] Calamy (_Own Life_, vol. i. pp. 328-330, vol. ii. pp. 338, 357,
+        358) gives an interesting account of these feuds within the
+        church, consequent upon the revolution. Indeed, their bitterness
+        was such, that it was necessary to coin names for the two
+        parties; and, between 1700 and 1702, we, for the first time, hear
+        the expressions, high-church and low-church. See _Burnet's Own
+        Time_, vol. iv. p. 447, vol. v. p. 70. Compare _Wilson's Life of
+        De Foe_, vol. ii. p. 26; _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. pp. 162, 498. On
+        the difference between them, as it was understood in the reign of
+        Anne, see _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 532, and _Macpherson's
+        Orig. Papers_, vol. ii. p. 166. On the dawning schism in the
+        church, see the speech of Sir T. Littleton, in 1690, _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. v. p. 593. Hence many complained that they could not
+        tell which was the real church. See curious evidence of this
+        perplexity in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. pp. 477-481.
+
+  [716] The alternative is fairly stated in a letter written in 1691
+        (_Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii. p. 599): 'If the deprived
+        bishop be the only lawful bishop, then the people and clergy of
+        his diocese are bound to own him, and no other; then all the
+        bishops who own the authority of a new archbishop, and live in
+        communion with him, are schismatics; and the clergy who live in
+        communion with schismatical bishops are schismatics themselves;
+        and the whole Church of England now established by law is
+        schismatical.'
+
+Such were some of the events which, at the end of the seventeenth
+century, widened the breach that had long existed between the interests
+of the nation and the interests of the clergy.[717] There was also
+another circumstance which considerably increased this alienation. Many
+of the English clergy, though they retained their affection for James,
+did not choose to brave the anger of the government, or risk the loss of
+their livings. To avoid this, and to reconcile their conscience with
+their interest, they availed themselves of a supposed distinction
+between a king by right and a king in possession.[718] The consequence
+was, that while with their lips they took an oath of allegiance to
+William, they in their hearts paid homage to James; and, while they
+prayed for one king in their churches, they were bound to pray for
+another in their closets.[719] By this wretched subterfuge, a large
+body of the clergy were at once turned into concealed rebels; and we
+have it on the authority of a contemporary bishop, that the
+prevarication of which these men were notoriously guilty was a still
+further aid to that scepticism, the progress of which he bitterly
+deplores.[720]
+
+  [717] Lord Mahon (_Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 245) notices, what he
+        terms, the 'unnatural alienation between the church and state,'
+        consequent upon the Revolution of 1688: and on the diminished
+        power of the church caused by the same event, see _Phillimore's
+        Mem. of Lyttleton_, vol. i. p. 352.
+
+  [718] The old absurdity of _de facto_ and _de jure_; as if any man could
+        retain a right to a throne which the people would not allow him
+        to occupy!
+
+  [719] In 1715, Leslie, by far the ablest of them, thus states their
+        position: 'You are now driven to this dilemma,--swear, or swear
+        not; if you swear, you kill the soul; and if you swear not, you
+        kill the body, in the loss of your bread.' _Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        xiii. p. 686. The result of the dilemma was what might have been
+        expected; and a high-church writer, in the reign of William III.,
+        boasts (_Somers Tracts_, vol. x. p. 344) that the oaths taken by
+        the clergy were no protection to the government: 'not that the
+        government receives any security from oaths.' Whiston, too, says
+        in his _Memoirs_, p. 30: 'Yet do I too well remember that the far
+        greatest part of those of the university and clergy that then
+        took the oaths to the government, seemed to me to take them with
+        a doubtful conscience, if not against its dictates.' This was in
+        1693; and, in 1710, we find: 'There are now circumstances to make
+        us believe that the Jacobite clergy have the like instructions to
+        take any oaths, to get possession of a pulpit for the service of
+        the cause, to bellow out the hereditary right, the pretended
+        title of the Pretender.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 641. A
+        knowledge of this fact, or, at all events, a belief of it, was
+        soon diffused; and, eight years later, the celebrated Lord.
+        Cowper, then lord chancellor, said, in the House of Lords, 'that
+        his majesty had also the best part of the landed, and all the
+        trading interest; _that as to the clergy, he would say
+        nothing--but that it was notorious that the majority of the
+        populace had been poisoned, and that the poison was not yet quite
+        expelled_.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. vii. p. 541; also given, but not
+        quite _verbatim_, in _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 365.
+
+  [720] 'The prevarication of too many in so sacred a matter contributed
+        not a little to fortify the growing atheism of the present age.'
+        _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 381. See also, to the same
+        effect, vol. iv. pp. 176, 177; and a remarkable passage in
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 573. I need hardly add, that it was
+        then usual to confuse scepticism with atheism; though the two
+        things are not only different, but incompatible. In regard to the
+        quibble respecting _de facto_ and _de jure_, and the use made of
+        it by the clergy, the reader should compare _Wilson's Mem. of De
+        Foe_, vol. i. pp. 171, 172; _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 531;
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 409; and a letter from the
+        Rev. Francis Jessop, written in 1717, in _Nichols's Lit.
+        Illustrations_, vol. iv. pp. 120-123.
+
+As the eighteenth century advanced, the great movement of liberation
+rapidly proceeded. One of the most important of the ecclesiastical
+resources had formerly been Convocation; in which the clergy, by meeting
+in a body, were able to discountenance in an imposing manner whatever
+might be hostile to the church; and had, moreover, an opportunity, which
+they sedulously employed, of devising schemes favourable to the
+spiritual authority.[721] But, in the progress of the age, this weapon
+also was taken from them. Within a very few years after the Revolution,
+Convocation fell into general contempt;[722] and, in 1717, this
+celebrated assembly was finally prorogued by an act of the crown, it
+being justly considered that the country had no further occasion for its
+services.[723] Since that period, this great council of the English
+church has never been allowed to meet for the purpose of deliberating on
+its own affairs, until a few years ago, when, by the connivance of a
+feeble government, it was permitted to reassemble. So marked, however,
+has been the change in the temper of the nation, that this once
+formidable body does not now retain even a semblance of its ancient
+influence; its resolutions are no longer feared, its discussions are no
+longer studied; and the business of the country continues to be
+conducted without regard to those interests which, only a few
+generations ago, were considered by every statesman to be of supreme
+importance.[724]
+
+  [721] Among which must be particularly mentioned the practice of
+        censuring all books that encouraged free inquiry. In this
+        respect, the clergy were extremely mischievous. See _Lathbury's
+        Hist. of Convocation_, pp. 124, 286, 338, 351; and _Wilson's Life
+        of De Foe_, vol. ii. p. 170.
+
+  [722] In 1704, Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. v. p. 138) says of Convocation,
+        'but little opposition was made to them, as very little regard
+        was had to them.' In 1700, there was a squabble between the upper
+        and lower house of Convocation for Canterbury; which, no doubt,
+        aided these feelings. See _Life of Archbishop Sharp_, edited by
+        Newcome, vol. i. p. 348, where this wretched feud is related with
+        great gravity.
+
+  [723] Charles Butler (_Reminiscences_, vol. ii. p. 95) says, that the
+        final prorogation was in 1720; but, according to all the other
+        authorities I have met with, it was in 1717. See _Hallam's Const.
+        Hist._ vol. ii. p. 395; _Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation_, p.
+        385; _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 302; _Monk's Life of
+        Bentley_, vol. ii. p. 350.
+
+  [724] A letter, written by the Rev. Thomas Clayton in 1727, is worth
+        reading, as illustrating the feelings of the clergy on this
+        subject. He asserts, that one of the causes of the obvious
+        degeneracy of the age is, that, owing to Convocation not being
+        allowed to meet, 'bold and impious books appear barefaced to the
+        world without any public censure.' See this letter in _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv. pp. 414-416;
+        and compare with it, _Letters between Warburton and Hurd_, pp.
+        310-312.
+
+Indeed, immediately after the Revolution, the tendency of things became
+too obvious to be mistaken, even by the most superficial observers. The
+ablest men in the country no longer flocked into the church, but
+preferred those secular professions in which ability was more likely to
+be rewarded.[725] At the same time, and as a natural part of the great
+movement, the clergy saw all the offices of power and emolument, which
+they had been used to hold, gradually falling out of their hands. Not
+only in the dark ages, but even so late as the fifteenth century, they
+were still strong enough to monopolize the most honourable and lucrative
+posts in the empire.[726] In the sixteenth century, the tide began to
+turn against them, and advanced with such steadiness, that, since the
+seventeenth century, there has been no instance of any ecclesiastic
+being made lord chancellor;[727] and, since the beginning of the
+eighteenth century, there has been no instance of one receiving any
+diplomatic appointment, or, indeed, holding any important office in the
+state.[728] Nor has this increasing ascendency of laymen been confined
+to the executive government. On the contrary, we find in both Houses of
+Parliament the same principle at work. In the early and barbarous
+periods of our history, one half of the House of Lords consisted of
+temporal peers; the other half of spiritual ones.[729] By the beginning
+of the eighteenth century, the spiritual peers, instead of forming
+one-half of the upper house, had dwindled away to one-eighth;[730] and,
+in the middle of the nineteenth century, they have still further shrunk
+to one-fourteenth:[731] thus supplying a striking numerical instance of
+that diminution of ecclesiastical power which is an essential requisite
+of modern civilization. Precisely in the same way, more than fifty
+years have elapsed since any clergyman has been able to take his seat as
+a representative of the people; the House of Commons having, in 1801,
+formally closed their doors against a profession which, in the olden
+time, would have been gladly admitted, even by the proudest and most
+exclusive assembly.[732] In the House of Lords, the bishops still retain
+their seats; but their precarious tenure is everywhere remarked, and the
+progress of public opinion is constantly pointing to a period, which
+cannot now be far distant, when the Peers will imitate the example set
+by the Commons, and will induce the legislature to relieve the upper
+house of its spiritual members; since they, by their habits, their
+tastes, and their traditions, are evidently unfitted for the profane
+exigencies of political life.[733]
+
+  [725] On the decline of ability in ecclesiastical literature, see note
+        38 in this chapter. In 1685, a complaint was made that secular
+        professions were becoming more sought after than ecclesiastical
+        ones. See _England's Wants_, sec. lvi. in _Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        ix. p. 231, where the writer mournfully states, that in his time
+        'physic and law, professions ever acknowledged in all nations to
+        be inferior to divinity, are generally embraced by gentlemen, and
+        sometimes by persons nobly descended, and _preferred much above
+        the divine's profession_.' This preference was, of course, most
+        displayed by young men of intellect; and a large amount of energy
+        being thus drawn off from the church, gave rise to that decay of
+        spirit and of general power which has been already noticed; and
+        which is also indicated by Coleridge, in his remarks on the
+        'apologising theology' which succeeded the Revolution.
+        _Coleridge's Lit. Remains_, vol. iii. pp. 51, 52, 116, 117, 119.
+        Compare _Stephen's Essays on Ecclesiast. Biog._ 2d edit. 1850,
+        vol. ii. p. 66, on 'this depression of theology;' and _Hare's
+        Mission of the Comforter_, 1850, p. 264, on the 'intellectually
+        feebler age.' Evelyn, in 1691, laments the diminished energy then
+        beginning to be observed among 'young preachers.' _Evelyn's
+        Diary_, vol. iii. p. 309; and for another notice, in 1696, of
+        this 'dead and lifeless way of preaching,' see _Life of
+        Cudworth_, p. 35, in vol. i. of _Cudworth's Intellect Syst._
+
+  [726] Sharon Turner, describing the state of things in England in the
+        fifteenth century, says, 'Clergymen were secretaries of
+        government, the privy seals, cabinet councillors, treasurers of
+        the crown, ambassadors, commissioners to open parliament, and to
+        Scotland; presidents of the king's council, supervisors of the
+        royal works, chancellors, keepers of the records, the masters of
+        the rolls, and even the physicians, both to the king and to the
+        duke of Gloucester, during the reign of Henry VI. and
+        afterwards.' _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 132. On
+        their enormous wealth, see _Eccleston's English Antiquities_, p.
+        146: 'In the early part of the fourteenth century, it is
+        calculated that very nearly one-half of the soil of the kingdom
+        was in the hands of the clergy.'
+
+  [727] In 1625, Williams bishop of Lincoln was dismissed from his office
+        of lord-keeper; and Lord Campbell observes (_Lives of the
+        Chancellors_, vol. ii. p. 492): 'This is the last time that an
+        ecclesiastic has held the great seal of England; and,
+        notwithstanding the admiration in some quarters of mediæval
+        usages, I presume the experiment is not likely to be soon
+        repeated.'
+
+  [728] Monk (_Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p. 222) says, that Dr. John
+        Robinson, bishop of Bristol, was 'lord privy seal, and
+        plenipotentiary at the treaty of Utrecht; and is the last
+        ecclesiastic in England who has held any of the high offices of
+        state.' A high-church writer, in 1712, complains of the efforts
+        that were being made to 'thrust the churchmen out of their places
+        of power in the government.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 211.
+
+  [729] In and after the reign of Henry III. 'the number of archbishops,
+        bishops, abbots, priors, and ecclesiastical persons was for the
+        most part equal to, and very often far exceeded, the number of
+        the temporal lords and barons.' _Parry's Parliaments and Councils
+        of England_, London, 1839, p. xvii. Of this Mr. Parry gives
+        several instances; the most remarkable of which is, that 'in 49
+        Henry III., 120 prelates, and only 23 temporal lords, were
+        summoned.' This, of course, was an extreme case.
+
+  [730] See an analysis of the House of Lords, in 1713, in _Mahon's Hist.
+        of England_, vol. i. pp. 43-45; from which it appears that the
+        total was 207, of whom 26 were spiritual. This includes the
+        Catholics.
+
+  [731] By the returns in Dod for 1854, I find that the House of Lords
+        contains 436 members, of whom 30 belong to the episcopal bench.
+
+  [732] For different accounts, and of course different views, of this
+        final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons, see
+        _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_, vol. i. pp. 419, 420; _Stephens's
+        Mem. of Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 247-260; _Holland's Mem. of the Whig
+        Party_, vol. i. pp. 178-180; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vii.
+        p. 148; _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. i. p. 263; _Adolphus's
+        Hist. of George III._, vol. vii. p. 487.
+
+  [733] That the banishment of the clergy from the lower house was the
+        natural prelude to the banishment of the bishops from the upper,
+        was hinted at the time, and with regret, by a very keen observer.
+        In the discussion 'on the Bill to prevent Persons in Holy Orders
+        from sitting in the House of Commons,' Lord Thurlow 'mentioned
+        the tenure of the bishops at this time, and said, if the bill
+        went to disfranchise the lower orders of the clergy, it might go
+        the length of _striking at the right of the reverend bench
+        opposite to seats in that house_; though he knew it had been held
+        that the reverend prelates sat, in the right of their baronies,
+        as temporal peers.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv. p. 1542.
+
+While the fabric of superstition was thus tottering from internal decay,
+and while that ecclesiastical authority which had formerly played so
+great a part was gradually yielding to the advance of knowledge, there
+suddenly occurred an event which, though it might naturally have been
+expected, evidently took by surprise even those whom it most interested.
+I allude, of course, to that great religious revolution, which was a
+fitting supplement to the political revolution which preceded it. The
+dissenters, who were strengthened by the expulsion of James, had by no
+means forgotten those cruel punishments which the Church of England, in
+the days of her power, had constantly inflicted upon them; and they felt
+that the moment had now come when they could assume towards her a bolder
+front than that on which they had hitherto ventured.[734] Besides this,
+they had in the mean time received fresh causes of provocation. After
+the death of our great king William III., the throne was occupied by a
+foolish and ignorant woman, whose love for the clergy would, in a more
+superstitious age, have led to dangerous results.[735] Even as it was, a
+temporary reaction took place, and during her reign the church was
+treated with a deference which William had disdained to show.[736] The
+natural consequence immediately followed. New measures of persecution
+were devised, and fresh laws were passed against those Protestants who
+did not conform to the doctrines and discipline of the English
+church.[737] But after the death of Anne the dissenters quickly rallied;
+their hopes revived,[738] their numbers continued to increase, and in
+spite of the opposition of the clergy, the laws against them were
+repealed.[739] As by these means they were placed more on a level with
+their opponents, and as their temper was soured by the injuries they had
+recently received, it was clear that a great struggle between the two
+parties was inevitable.[740] For by this time the protracted tyranny of
+the English clergy had totally destroyed those feelings of respect
+which, even in the midst of hostility, often linger in the mind; and by
+the influence of which, if they had still existed, the contest might
+perhaps have been averted. But such motives of restraint were now
+despised; and the dissenters, exasperated by incessant persecution,[741]
+determined to avail themselves of the declining power of the church.
+They had resisted her when she was strong; it was hardly to be expected
+that they would spare her when she was feeble. Under two of the most
+remarkable men of the eighteenth century, Whitefield, the first of
+theological orators,[742] and Wesley, the first of theological
+statesmen,[743] there was organized a great system of religion, which
+bore the same relation to the Church of England that the Church of
+England bore to the Church of Rome. Thus, after an interval of two
+hundred years, a second spiritual Reformation was effected in our
+country. In the eighteenth century the Wesleyans were to the Bishops
+what, in the sixteenth century, the Reformers were to the Popes.[744] It
+is indeed true, that the dissenters from the Church of England, unlike
+the dissenters from the Church of Rome, soon lost that intellectual
+vigour for which at first they were remarkable. Since the death of their
+great leaders, they have not produced one man of original genius; and
+since the time of Adam Clarke, they have not had among them even a
+single scholar who has enjoyed an European reputation. This mental
+penury is perhaps owing, not to any circumstances peculiar to their
+sect, but merely to that general decline of the theological spirit, by
+which their adversaries have been weakened as well as themselves.[745]
+Be this as it may, it is at all events certain, that the injury they
+have inflicted on the English church is far greater than is generally
+supposed, and, I am inclined to think, is hardly inferior to that which
+in the sixteenth century Protestantism inflicted upon Popery. Setting
+aside the actual loss in the number of its members,[746] there can be
+no doubt that the mere formation of a Protestant faction, unopposed by
+the government, was a dangerous precedent; and we know from contemporary
+history that it was so considered by those who were most interested in
+the result.[747] Besides this, the Wesleyans displayed an organization
+so superior to that of their predecessors the Puritans, that they soon
+became a centre round which the enemies of the church could conveniently
+rally. And, what is perhaps still more important, the order, regularity,
+and publicity, by which their proceedings have usually been marked,
+distinguished them from other sects; and by raising them as it were to
+the dignity of a rival establishment, have encouraged the diminution of
+that exclusive and superstitious respect which was once paid to the
+Anglican hierarchy.[748]
+
+  [734] It is impossible now to ascertain the full extent to which the
+        Church of England, in the seventeenth century, persecuted the
+        dissenters; but Jeremy White is said to have had a list of sixty
+        thousand of these sufferers between 1660 and 1688, of whom no
+        less than five thousand died in prison. _Bogue and Bennett's
+        Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. i. p. 108. On the cruel spirit
+        which the clergy displayed in the reign of Charles II. compare
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. p. 106; _Orme's Life of
+        Owen_, p. 344; _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 534. Indeed, Harwood
+        frankly said in the House of Commons, in 1672, 'Our aim is to
+        bring all dissenting men into the Protestant church, and he that
+        is not willing to come into the church should not have ease.'
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. p. 530. On the zeal with which this
+        principle was carried out, see an account, written in 1671, in
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. vii. pp. 586-615; and the statement of De
+        Foe, in _Wilson's Life of De Foe_, vol. ii. pp. 443-444.
+
+  [735] Besides the correspondence which the Duchess of Marlborough
+        preserved for the instruction of posterity, we have some
+        materials for estimating the abilities of Anne in the letters
+        published in _Dalrymple's Memoirs_. In one of them Anne writes,
+        soon after the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience was issued,
+        'It is a melancholy prospect that all we of the Church of England
+        have. All the sectaries may now do what they please. Every one
+        has the free exercise of their religion, on purpose, no doubt, to
+        ruin us, which I think to all impartial judges is very plain.'
+        _Dalrymple's Memoirs_, appendix to book v. vol. ii. p. 173.
+
+  [736] See a notable passage in _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 558, which
+        should be compared with Wilson's _Life of De Foe_, vol. iii.
+        p. 372.
+
+  [737] _Bogue and Bennett's History of the Dissenters_, vol. i.
+        pp. 228-230, 237, 260-277; and _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 396, 397. Mr. Hallam says, 'It is impossible to doubt for an
+        instant, that if the queen's life had preserved the Tory
+        government for a few years, every vestige of the toleration would
+        have been effaced.' It appears from the _Vernon Correspond._ vol.
+        iii. p. 228, Lond. 1841, that soon after the accession of Anne,
+        there was a proposal 'to debar dissenters of their votes in
+        elections;' and we know from Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. v. pp. 108,
+        136, 137, 218) that the clergy would have been glad if Anne had
+        displayed even more zeal against them than she really did.
+
+  [738] _Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. p. 118.
+        In Ivimey's _History of the Baptists_, it is said that the death
+        of Anne was an 'answer to the dissenters' prayers.' _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 135; see also p. 147, on the
+        joy of the dissenters at the death of this troublesome woman.
+
+  [739] Two of the worst of them, 'the act against occasional conformity,
+        and that restraining education, were repealed in the session of
+        1719.' _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 398. The repeal of the
+        act against occasional conformity was strenuously opposed by the
+        archbishops of York and of Canterbury (_Bogue and Bennett's Hist.
+        of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. p. 132); but their opposition was
+        futile; and when the Bishop of London, in 1726, wished to strain
+        the Act of Toleration, he was prevented by Yorke, the
+        attorney-general. See the pithy reply of Yorke, in _Harris's Life
+        of Hardwicke_, vol. i. pp. 193, 194.
+
+  [740] At the end of the seventeenth century, great attention was excited
+        by the way in which the dissenters were beginning to organize
+        themselves into societies and synods. See, in the _Vernon
+        Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 128-130, 133, 156, some curious
+        evidence of this, in letters written by Vernon, who was then
+        secretary of state; and on the apprehensions caused by the
+        increase of their schools, and by their systematic interference
+        in elections, see _Life of Archbishop Sharp_, edited by Newcome,
+        vol. i. pp. 125, 358. The church was eager to put down all
+        dissenters' schools; and in 1705, the Archbishop of York told the
+        House of Lords that he 'apprehended danger from the increase of
+        dissenters, and particularly from the many academies set up by
+        them.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. pp. 492, 493. See also, on the
+        increase of their schools, pp. 1351, 1352.
+
+  [741] In _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 684, it is stated, that in the
+        reign of Charles II. 'this hard usage had begotten in the
+        dissenters the utmost animosity against the persecuting
+        churchmen.' Their increasing discontent, in the reign of Anne,
+        was observed by Calamy. See _Calamy's Own Life_, vol. ii. pp.
+        244, 255, 274, 284, 285.
+
+  [742] If the power of moving the passions be the proper test by which to
+        judge an orator, we may certainly pronounce Whitefield to be the
+        greatest since the apostles. His first sermon was delivered in
+        1736 (_Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ii. pp. 102, 122); his
+        field-preaching began in 1739 (_Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol.
+        i. pp. 196, 197); and the eighteen thousand sermons which he is
+        said to have poured forth during his career of thirty-four years
+        (_Southey's Wesley_, vol. ii. p. 531) produced the most
+        astonishing effects on all classes, educated and uneducated. For
+        evidence of the excitement caused by this marvellous man, and of
+        the eagerness with which his discourses were read as well as
+        heard, see _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ii. pp. 546, 547, and his
+        _Illustrations_, vol. iv. pp. 302-304; _Mem. of Franklin, by
+        Himself_, vol. i. pp. 161-167; _Doddridge's Correspond._ vol. iv.
+        p. 55; _Stewart's Philos. of the Mind_, vol. iii. pp. 291, 292;
+        _Lady Mary Montagu's Letters_, in her Works, 1803, vol. iv. p.
+        162; _Correspond. between Ladies Pomfret and Hartford_, 2nd edit.
+        1806, vol. i. pp. 138, 160-162; _Marchmont Papers_, vol. ii. p.
+        377.
+
+  [743] Of whom Mr. Macaulay has said (_Essays_, vol. i. p. 221, 3rd
+        edit.), that his 'genius for government was not inferior to that
+        of Richelieu;' and strongly as this is expressed, it will hardly
+        appear an exaggeration to those who have compared the success of
+        Wesley with his difficulties.
+
+  [744] It was in 1739 that Wesley first openly rebelled against the
+        church, and refused to obey the Bishop of Bristol, who ordered
+        him to quit his diocese. _Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol. i. pp.
+        226, 243. In the same year he began to preach in the fields. See
+        the remarkable entry in his _Journals_, p. 78, 29th March, 1739.
+
+  [745] They frankly confess that 'indifference has been another enemy to
+        the increase of the dissenting cause.' _Bogue and Bennett's Hist.
+        of the Dissenters_, vol. iv. p. 320. In _Newman's Development of
+        Christian Doctrine_, pp. 39-43, there are some remarks on the
+        diminished energy of Wesleyanism, which Mr. Newman seems to
+        ascribe to the fact that the Wesleyans have reached that point in
+        which 'order takes the place of enthusiasm.' p. 43. This is
+        probably true; but I still think that the larger cause has been
+        the more active one.
+
+  [746] Walpole, in his sneering way, mentions the spread of Methodism in
+        the middle of the eighteenth century (_Walpole's Letters_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 266, 272); and Lord Carlisle, in 1775, told the House of
+        Lords (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xviii. p. 634) 'that Methodism was
+        daily gaining ground, particularly in the manufacturing towns;'
+        while, to come down still later, it appears from a letter by the
+        Duke of Wellington to Lord Eldon(_Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol.
+        ii. p. 35) that about 1808 it was making proselytes in the army.
+
+        These statements, though accurate, are somewhat vague; but we
+        have other and more precise evidence respecting the rapid growth
+        of religious dissent. According to a paper found in one of the
+        chests of William III., and printed by Dalrymple (_Memoirs_, vol.
+        ii. part ii., appendix to chapter i. p. 40), the proportion in
+        England of conformists to nonconformists was as 22-4/5 to 1.
+        Eighty-four years after the death of William, the dissenters,
+        instead of comprising only a twenty-third, were estimated at 'a
+        fourth part of the whole community.' Letter from Watson to the
+        Duke of Rutland, written in 1786, in _Life of Watson, Bishop of
+        Llandaff_, vol. i. p. 246. Since then, the movement has been
+        uninterrupted; and the returns recently published by government
+        disclose the startling fact, that on Sunday, 31st March 1851, the
+        members of the Church of England who attended morning service
+        only exceeded by one-half the Independents, Baptists, and
+        Methodists who attended at their own places of worship. See the
+        Census Table, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. xviii. p. 151.
+        If this rate of decline continues, it will be impossible for the
+        Church of England to survive another century the attacks of her
+        enemies.
+
+  [747] The treatment which the Wesleyans received from the clergy, many
+        of whom were magistrates, shows what would have taken place if
+        such violence had not been discouraged by the government. See
+        _Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol. i. pp. 395-406. Wesley has
+        himself given many details, which Southey did not think proper to
+        relate, of the calumnies and insults to which he and his
+        followers were subjected by the clergy. See _Wesley's Journals_,
+        pp. 114, 145, 178, 181, 198, 235, 256, 275, 375, 562, 619, 637,
+        646. Compare _Watson's Observations on Southey's Wesley_, pp.
+        173, 174; and for other evidence of the treatment of those who
+        differed from the church, see _Correspondence and Diary of
+        Doddridge_, vol. ii. p. 17, vol. iii. pp. 108, 131, 132, 144,
+        145, 156. Grosley, who visited England in 1765, says of
+        Whitefield, 'The ministers of the established religion did their
+        utmost to baffle the new preacher; they preached against him,
+        representing him to the people as a fanatic, a visionary, &c.
+        &c.; in fine, they opposed him with so much success, that they
+        caused him to be pelted with stones in every place where he
+        opened his mouth to the public.' _Grosley's Tour to London_,
+        Lond. 1772, vol. i. p. 356.
+
+  [748] That Wesleyanism encouraged dissent by imparting to it an orderly
+        character, which in some degree approximated to
+        church-discipline, is judiciously observed in _Bogue and
+        Bennett's History of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. pp. 165, 166. But
+        these writers deal rather too harshly with Wesley; though there
+        is no doubt that he was a very ambitious man, and over-fond of
+        power. At an early period of his career he began to aim at
+        objects higher than those attempted by the Puritans, whose
+        efforts, particularly in the sixteenth century, he looked at
+        somewhat contemptuously. Thus, for instance, in 1747, only eight
+        years after he had revolted against the church, he expresses in
+        his Journal his wonder 'at the weakness of those holy confessors'
+        (the Elizabethan Puritans), 'many of whom spent so much of their
+        time and strength in disputing about surplice and hoods, or
+        kneeling at the Lord's Supper!' _Journals_, p. 249, March 13th,
+        1747. Such warfare as this would have ill satisfied the soaring
+        mind of Wesley; and from the spirit which pervades his voluminous
+        Journals, as well as from the careful and far-seeing provisions
+        which he made for managing his sect, it is evident that this
+        great schismatic had larger views than any of his predecessors,
+        and that he wished to organize a system capable of rivalling the
+        established church.
+
+But these things, interesting as they are, only formed a single step of
+that vast process by which the ecclesiastical power was weakened, and
+our countrymen thus enabled to secure a religious liberty, imperfect
+indeed, but far superior to that possessed by any other people. Among
+the innumerable symptoms of this great movement, there were two of
+peculiar importance. These were, the separation of theology, first from
+morals, and then from politics. The separation from morals was effected
+late in the seventeenth century; the separation from politics before the
+middle of the eighteenth century. And it is a striking instance of the
+decline of the old ecclesiastical spirit, that both of these great
+changes were begun by the clergy themselves. Cumberland, bishop of
+Peterborough, was the first who endeavoured to construct a system of
+morals without the aid of theology.[749] Warburton, bishop of
+Gloucester, was the first who laid down that the state must consider
+religion in reference, not to revelation, but to expediency; and that it
+should favour any particular creed, not in proportion to its truth, but
+solely with a view to its general utility.[750] Nor were these mere
+barren principles, which subsequent inquirers were unable to apply. The
+opinions of Cumberland, pushed to their furthest extent by Hume,[751]
+were shortly afterwards applied to practical conduct by Paley,[752] and
+to speculative jurisprudence by Bentham and Mill;[753] while the
+opinions of Warburton, spreading with still greater rapidity, have
+influenced our legislative policy, and are now professed, not only by
+advanced thinkers, but even by those ordinary men, who, if they had
+lived fifty years earlier, would have shrunk from them with unassembled
+fear.[754]
+
+  [749] Mr. Hallam (_Lit. of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 390) says, that
+        Cumberland 'seems to have been the first Christian writer who
+        sought to establish systematically the principles of moral right
+        independently of revelation.' See also, on this important change,
+        _Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy in England_, pp. 12, 54. The
+        dangers always incurred by making theology the basis of morals
+        are now pretty well understood; but by no writer have they been
+        pointed out more clearly than by M. Charles Comte: see the able
+        exposition in his _Traité de Législation_, vol. i. pp. 223-247.
+        There is a short and unsatisfactory account of Cumberland's book
+        in _Mackintosh's Ethical Philosophy_, pp. 134-137. He was a man
+        of considerable learning, and is noticed by M. Quatremère as one
+        of the earliest students of Coptic. _Quatremère sur la Langue et
+        la Littérature de l'Egypte_, p. 89. He was made a bishop in 1691,
+        having published the _De Legibus_ in 1672. _Chalmers's Biog.
+        Dict._ vol. xi. pp. 133, 135.
+
+  [750] This was in his work entitled _The Alliance between Church and
+        State_, which first appeared, according to Hurd (_Life of
+        Warburton_, 1794, 4to, p. 13), in 1736, and, as may be supposed,
+        caused great scandal. The history of its influence I shall trace
+        on another occasion; in the mean time, the reader should compare,
+        respecting its tendency, _Palmer on the Church_, vol. ii. pp.
+        313, 322, 323; _Parr's Works_, vol. i. pp. 657, 665, vol. vii. p.
+        128; _Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith_, p. 190; and
+        _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. p. 18. In January 1739-40,
+        Warburton writes to Stukeley (_Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. ii.
+        p. 53): 'But you know how dangerous new roads in theology are, by
+        the clamour of the bigots against me.' See also some letters
+        which passed between him and the elder Pitt in 1762, on the
+        subject of expediency, printed in _Chatham Correspond._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 184 seq. Warburton writes, p. 190, 'My opinion is, and ever
+        was, that the state has nothing at all to do with errors in
+        religion, nor the least right so much as to attempt to repress
+        them.' To make such a man a bishop was a great feat for the
+        eighteenth century, and would have been an impossible one for the
+        seventeenth.
+
+  [751] The relation between Cumberland and Hume consists in the entirely
+        secular plan according to which both investigated ethics; in
+        other respects, there is great difference between their
+        conclusions; but if the anti-theological method is admitted to be
+        sound, it is certain that the treatment of the subject by Hume is
+        more consequential from the premisses, than is that by his
+        predecessor. It is this which makes Hume a continuator of
+        Cumberland; though with the advantage, not only of coming half a
+        century after him, but of possessing a more comprehensive mind.
+        The ethical speculations of Hume are in the third book of his
+        _Treatise of Human Nature_ (_Hume's Philosophical Works_, Edin.
+        1826, vol. ii. pp. 219 seq.), and in his _Inquiry concerning the
+        Principles of Morals_, ibid. vol. iv. pp. 237-365.
+
+  [752] The moral system of Paley, being essentially utilitarian,
+        completed the revolution in that field of inquiry; and as his
+        work was drawn up with great ability, it exercised immense
+        influence in an age already prepared for its reception. His
+        _Moral and Political Philosophy_ was published in 1785; in 1786
+        it became a standard book at Cambridge; and by 1805 it had
+        'passed through fifteen editions.' _Meadley's Memoirs of Paley_,
+        pp. 127, 145. Compare _Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy_,
+        p. 176.
+
+  [753] That the writings of these two eminent men form part of the same
+        scheme, is well known to those who have studied the history of
+        the school to which they belong; and on the intellectual relation
+        they bore to each other, I cannot do better than refer to a very
+        striking letter by James Mill himself, in _Bentham's Works_,
+        edit. Bowring, vol. x. pp. 481, 482.
+
+  [754] The repeal of the Test Act, the admission of Catholics into
+        Parliament, and the steadily increasing feeling in favour of the
+        admission of the Jews, are the leading symptoms of this great
+        movement. On the gradual diffusion among us of the doctrine of
+        expediency, which, on all subjects not yet raised to sciences,
+        ought to be the sole regulator of human actions, see a
+        remarkable, but a mournful letter, written in 1812, in the _Life
+        of Wilberforce_, vol. iv. p. 28. See also the speech of Lord
+        Eldon in 1828, in _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. ii. p. 203.
+
+Thus it was that, in England, theology was finally severed from the two
+great departments of ethics and of government. As, however, this
+important change was at first not of a practical, but solely of an
+intellectual character, its operation was, for many years, confined to a
+small class, and has not yet produced the whole of those results which
+we have every reason to anticipate. But there were other circumstances
+which tended in the same direction, and which, being known to all men of
+tolerable education, produced effects more immediate, though perhaps
+less permanent. To trace their details, and point out the connexion
+between them, will be the business of part of the future volumes of this
+work: at present, I can only glance at the leading features. Of these,
+the most prominent were: The great Arian controversy, which, rashly
+instigated by Whiston, Clarke, and Waterland, disseminated doubts among
+nearly all classes;[755] the Bangorian controversy, which, involving
+matters of ecclesiastical discipline hitherto untouched, led to
+discussions dangerous to the power of the church;[756] the great work
+of Blackburne on the Confessional, which at one moment almost caused a
+schism in the Establishment itself;[757] the celebrated dispute
+respecting miracles between Middleton, Church, and Dodwell, continued,
+with still larger views, by Hume, Campbell, and Douglas; [758] the
+exposure of the gross absurdities of the Fathers, which, already begun
+by Daillé and Barbeyrac, was followed up by Cave, Middleton, and Jortin;
+the important and unrefuted statements of Gibbon, in his fifteenth and
+sixteenth chapters; the additional strength conferred on those chapters
+by the lame attacks of Davis, Chelsum, Whitaker, and Watson;[759] while,
+not to mention inferior matters, the century was closed amid the
+confusion caused by that decisive controversy between Porson and Travis,
+respecting the text of the Heavenly Witnesses, which excited immense
+attention,[760] and was immediately accompanied by the discoveries of
+geologists, in which, not only was the fidelity of the Mosaic cosmogony
+impugned, but its accuracy was shown to be impossible.[761] These
+things, following each other in rapid and startling succession,
+perplexed the faith of men, disturbed their easy credulity, and produced
+effects on the public mind, which can only be estimated by those who
+have studied the history of that time in its original sources. Indeed,
+they cannot be understood, even in their general bearings, except by
+taking into consideration some other circumstances with which the great
+progress was intimately connected.
+
+  [755] From a curious passage in _Hutton's Life of Himself_, p. 27, we
+        learn that, in 1739, the scepticism of the Anti-Trinitarians had
+        penetrated among the tradesmen at Nottingham. Compare, respecting
+        the spread of this heresy, _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. viii. p.
+        375; _Priestley's Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 25, 26, 53; _Doddridge's
+        Correspond. and Diary_, vol. ii. p. 477, note; and on Peirce, who
+        took an active part, and whom Whiston boasts of having corrupted,
+        see _Whiston's Memoirs_, pp. 143, 144. Sharp, who was Archbishop
+        of York when the controversy began, foresaw its dangerous
+        consequences. _Life of Sharp_, edited by Newcome, vol. ii. pp. 7,
+        8, 135, 136. See further _Maclaine's note_ in _Mosheim's
+        Ecclesiast. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 293, 294; _Lathbury's Hist. of
+        Convocation_, pp. 338, 342, 351; and a note in _Butler's
+        Reminisc._ vol. i. pp. 206, 207.
+
+  [756] Mr. Butler (_Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. iii. pp. 182-184,
+        347-350) notices with evident pleasure the effect of this famous
+        controversy in weakening the Anglican Church. Compare _Bogue and
+        Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. pp. 135-141.
+        Whiston (_Memoirs_, p. 244) says: 'And, indeed, this Bangorian
+        controversy seemed for a great while to engross the attention of
+        the public.' See more about it in _Lathbury's Hist. of
+        Convocation_, pp. 372-383; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p. 152,
+        vol. ix. pp. 433, 434, 516; _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. i. p.
+        840; _Bishop Newton's Life of Himself_, pp. 177, 178.
+
+  [757] _The Confessional_, a most able attack on the subscription of
+        creeds and articles, was published in 1766; and, according to a
+        contemporary observer, 'it excited a general spirit of inquiry.'
+        _Cappe's Memoirs_, pp. 147, 148. The consequence was, that in
+        1772 a society was instituted by Blackburne and other clergy of
+        the Church of England, with the avowed object of doing away with
+        all subscriptions in religion. _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p.
+        570; _Illustrations_, vol. vi. p. 854. A petition against the
+        Articles was at once drawn up, signed by 200 clergy (_Adolphus's
+        George III._ vol. i. p. 506), and brought before the House of
+        Commons. In the animated debate which followed, Sir William
+        Meredith said that 'the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of
+        England were framed when the spirit of free inquiry, when liberal
+        and enlarged notions, were yet in their infancy.' _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xvii. p. 246. He added, p. 247: 'Several of the Articles are
+        absolutely unintelligible, and, indeed, contradictory and
+        absurd.' Lord George Germain said: 'In my apprehension, some of
+        the Articles are incomprehensible, and some self-contradictory;'
+        p. 265. Mr. Sawbridge declared that the Articles are 'strikingly
+        absurd;' Mr. Salter that they are 'too absurd to be defended;'
+        and Mr. Dunning that they are 'palpably ridiculous,' p. 294. For
+        further information on this attempt at reform, see _Disney's Life
+        of Jebb_, pp. 31-36; _Meadley's Mem. of Paley_, pp. 88-94;
+        _Hodgson's Life of Porteus_, pp. 38-40; _Memoirs of Priestley_,
+        vol. ii. p. 582; and a characteristic notice in _Palmer's
+        Treatise on the Church_, vol. i. pp. 270, 271.
+
+  [758] Hume says, that on his return from Italy in 1749, he found 'all
+        England in a ferment on account of Dr. Middleton's _Free
+        Inquiry_.' _Hume's Life of Himself_, in his _Works_, vol. i. p.
+        7. See also, on the excitement caused by this masterly attack,
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p.
+        176; which should be compared with _Doddridge's Correspond._ vol.
+        iv. pp. 536, 537: and on the 'miraculous controversy' in general,
+        see _Porteus's Life of Secker_, 1797, p. 38; _Phillimore's Mem.
+        of Lyttleton_, vol. i. p. 161; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 440, 527, vol. iii. pp. 535, 750, vol. v. pp. 417, 418, 600;
+        _Hull's Letters_, 1778, vol. i. p. 109; _Warburton's Letters to
+        Hurd_, pp. 49, 50.
+
+  [759] _Gibbon's Decline and Fall_ has now been jealously scrutinized by
+        two generations of eager and unscrupulous opponents; and I am
+        only expressing the general opinion of competent judges when I
+        say, that by each successive scrutiny it has gained fresh
+        reputation. Against his celebrated fifteenth and sixteenth
+        chapters, all the devices of controversy have been exhausted; but
+        the only result has been, that while the fame of the historian is
+        untarnished, the attacks of his enemies are falling into complete
+        oblivion. The work of Gibbon remains; but who is there who feels
+        any interest in what was written against him?
+
+  [760] On the effect produced by these matchless letters of Porson, see
+        _Harford's Life of Bishop Burgess_, p. 374; and as to the
+        previous agitation of the question in England, see _Calamy's Own
+        Life_, vol. ii. pp. 442, 443; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 16-19, 146, 286-289; _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p.
+        211. Compare _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 137, vol. xiii.
+        p. 458.
+
+  [761] The sceptical character of geology was first clearly exhibited
+        during the last thirty years of the eighteenth century.
+        Previously, the geologists had, for the most part, allied
+        themselves with the theologians; but the increasing boldness of
+        public opinion now enabled them to institute independent
+        investigations, without regard to doctrines hitherto received. In
+        this point of view, much was effected by the researches of
+        Hutton, whose work, says Sir Charles Lyell, contains the first
+        attempt 'to explain the former changes of the earth's crust by
+        reference exclusively to natural agents.' _Lyell's Principles of
+        Geology_, p. 50. To establish this method was, of course, to
+        dissolve the alliance with the theologians; but an earlier
+        symptom of the change was seen in 1773, that is, fifteen years
+        before Hutton wrote: see a letter in _Watson's Life of Himself_,
+        vol. i. p. 402, where it is stated that the 'freethinkers'
+        attacked the 'Mosaic account of the world's age, especially since
+        the publication of Mr. Brydone's _Travels Through Sicily and
+        Malta_.' According to Lowndes (_Bibliographer's Manual_, vol. i.
+        p. 279), Brydone's book was published in 1773; and in 1784 Sir
+        William Jones notices the tendency of these inquiries: see his
+        _Discourse on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India_, in which he
+        observes (_Works_, vol. i. p. 233) with regret, that he lived in
+        'an age when some intelligent and virtuous persons are inclined
+        to doubt the authenticity of the accounts delivered by Moses
+        concerning the primitive world.' Since then, the progress of
+        geology has been so rapid, that the historical value of the
+        writings of Moses is abandoned by all enlightened men, even among
+        the clergy themselves. I need only refer to what has been said by
+        two of the most eminent of that profession, Dr. Arnold and Mr.
+        Baden Powell. See the observations of Arnold in _Newman's Phases
+        of Faith_, p. 111 (compare pp. 122, 123); and the still more
+        decisive remarks in _Powell's Sermons on Christianity without
+        Judaism_, 1856, pp. 38, 39. For other instances, see _Lyell's
+        Second Visit to the United States_, 1849, vol. i. pp. 219, 220.
+
+For, in the mean time, an immense change had begun, not only among
+speculative minds, but also among the people themselves. The increase of
+scepticism stimulated their curiosity; and the diffusion of education
+supplied the means of gratifying it. Hence, we find that one of the
+leading characteristics of the eighteenth century, and one which
+pre-eminently distinguished it from all that preceded, was a craving
+after knowledge on the part of those classes from whom knowledge had
+hitherto been shut out. It was in that great age, that there were first
+established schools for the lower orders on the only day they had time
+to attend them,[762] and newspapers on the only day they had time to
+read them.[763] It was then that there were first seen, in our country,
+circulating libraries;[764] and it was then, too, that the art of
+printing, instead of being almost confined to London, began to be
+generally practised in country-towns.[765] It was also in the eighteenth
+century, that the earliest systematic efforts were made to popularize
+the sciences, and facilitate the acquisition of their general
+principles, by writing treatises on them in an easy and untechnical
+style:[766] while, at the same time, the invention of Encyclopædias
+enabled their results to be brought together, and digested in a form
+more accessible than any hitherto employed.[767] Then, too, we first
+meet with literary periodical reviews; by means of which large bodies
+of practical men acquired information, scanty indeed, but every way
+superior to their former ignorance.[768] The formation of societies for
+purchasing books now became general;[769] and, before the close of the
+century, we hear of clubs instituted by reading men among the
+industrious classes.[770] In every department, the same eager curiosity
+was shown. In the middle of the eighteenth century, debating societies
+sprung up among tradesmen;[771] and this was followed by a still bolder
+innovation, for, in 1769, there was held the first public meeting ever
+assembled in England, the first in which it was attempted to enlighten
+Englishmen respecting their political rights.[772] About the same time,
+the proceedings in our courts of law began to be studied by the people,
+and communicated to them through the medium of the daily press.[773]
+Shortly before this, political newspapers arose,[774] and a sharp
+struggle broke out between them and the two Houses of Parliament
+touching the right of publishing the debates; the end of which was, that
+both houses, though aided by the crown, were totally defeated; and, for
+the first time, the people were able to study the proceedings of the
+national legislature, and thus gain some acquaintance with the national
+affairs.[775] Scarcely was this triumph completed, when fresh stimulus
+was given by the promulgation of that great political doctrine of
+personal representation,[776] which must eventually carry all before it;
+and the germ of which may be traced late in the seventeenth century,
+when the true idea of personal independence began to take root and
+flourish.[777] Finally, it was reserved for the eighteenth century to
+set the first example of calling on the people to adjudicate upon those
+solemn questions of religion in which hitherto they had never been
+consulted, although it is now universally admitted that to their growing
+intelligence these, and all other matters, must ultimately be
+referred.[778]
+
+  [762] It is usually supposed that Sunday-schools were began by Raikes,
+        in 1781; but, though he appears to have been the first to
+        organize them on a suitable scale, there is no doubt that they
+        were established by Lindsey, in or immediately after 1765. See
+        _Cappe's Memoir's_, pp. 118, 122; _Harford's Life of Burgess_, p.
+        92; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 430, 431, vol. ix. p.
+        540; _Chalmers's Biog. Dict._ vol. xxv. p. 485; _Journ. of Stat.
+        Soc._ vol. x. p. 196, v. xiii. p. 265; _Hodgson's Life of
+        Porteus_, p. 92. It is said, in _Spencer's Social Statics_, p.
+        343, that the clergy of the Church of England were, as a body,
+        opposed to the establishment of Sunday-schools. (Compare
+        _Watson's Observations on Southey's Wesley_, p. 149.) At all
+        events, they increased rapidly, and by the end of the century had
+        become common. See _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. v. pp. 678, 679;
+        _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 460; _Life of Wilberforce_,
+        vol. i. p. 180, vol. ii. p. 296; _Wesley's Journals_, pp. 806,
+        897.
+
+  [763] Mr. Hunt (_Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. p. 273) makes no mention
+        of Sunday newspapers earlier than a notice by Crabbe in 1785; but
+        in 1799, Lord Belgrave said, in the House of Commons, that they
+        first appeared 'about the year 1780.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxiv.
+        p. 1006. In 1799, Wilberforce tried to have a law enacted to
+        suppress them. _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. ii. pp. 338, 424.
+
+  [764] When Franklin came to London, in 1725, there was not a single
+        circulating library in the metropolis. See _Franklin's Life of
+        Himself_, vol. i. p. 64; and, in 1697, 'the only library in
+        London which approached the nature of a public library was that
+        of Sion College, belonging to the London clergy.' _Ellis's
+        Letters of Literary Men_, p. 245. The exact date of the earliest
+        circulating library I have not yet ascertained; but, according to
+        Southey (_The Doctor_, edit. Warter, 1848, p. 271), the first set
+        up in London was about the middle of the eighteenth century, by
+        Samuel Fancourt. Hutton (_Life of Himself_, p. 279) says, 'I was
+        the first who opened a circulating library in Birmingham, in
+        1751.' Other notices of them, during the latter half of the
+        century, will be found in _Coleridge's Biographia Literaria_,
+        vol. ii. p. 329, edit. 1847; _Leigh Hunt's Autobiography_, vol.
+        i. p. 260; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 648, 682;
+        _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 424; _Whewell's Hist. of
+        Moral Philosophy_, p. 190; _Sinclair's Correspond._ vol. i. p.
+        143. Indeed, they increased so rapidly, that some wise men
+        proposed to tax them, 'by a licence, at the rate of 2_s._ 6_d._
+        per 100 volumes per annum.' _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_,
+        vol. iii. p. 268.
+
+  [765] In 1746, Gent, the well-known printer, wrote his own life. In this
+        curious work, he states, that in 1714 there were 'few printers in
+        England, except London, at that time; none then, I am sure, at
+        Chester, Liverpool, Whitehaven, Preston, Manchester, Kendal, and
+        Leeds, as for the most part now abound.' _Life of Thomas Gent_,
+        pp. 20, 21. (Compare a list of country printing-houses, in 1724,
+        in _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p. 289.) How this state of
+        things was remedied, is a most important inquiry for the
+        historian; but in this note I can only give a few illustrations
+        of the condition of different districts. The first
+        printing-office in Rochester was established by Fisher, who died
+        in 1786 (_Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. p. 675); the first in
+        Whitby, was in 1770 (_Illustrations_, vol. iii. p. 787); and
+        Richard Greene, who died in 1793, 'was the first who brought a
+        printing-press to Lichfield' (_Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 320). In the
+        reign of Anne, there was not a single bookseller in Birmingham
+        (_Southey's Commonplace Book_, 1st series, 1849, p. 568); but, in
+        1749, we find a printer established there (_Hull's Letters_,
+        Lond. 1778, vol. i. p. 92); and, in 1774, there was a printer
+        even in Falkirk (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 1099). In other
+        parts the movement was slower; and we are told that, about 1780,
+        'there was scarcely a bookseller in Cornwall.' _Life of Samuel
+        Drew, by his Son_, 1834, pp. 40, 41.
+
+  [766] Desaguliers and Hill were the two first writers who gave
+        themselves up to popularizing physical truths. At the beginning
+        of the reign of George I. Desaguliers was 'the first who read
+        lectures in London on experimental philosophy.' _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, 3d series, 1850, p. 77. See also _Penny
+        Cyclopædia_, vol. viii. p. 430; and, on his elementary works,
+        compare _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. vi. p. 81. As to Hill, he is
+        said to have set the example of publishing popular scientific
+        works in numbers; a plan so well suited to that inquisitive age,
+        that, if we believe Horace Walpole, he 'earned fifteen guineas a
+        week.' _Letter to Henry Zouch_, January 3rd, 1761, in _Walpole's
+        Letters_, vol. iv. p. 117, edit. 1840.
+
+        In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the demand for
+        books on the natural sciences rapidly increased (see, among many
+        other instances which might be quoted, a note in _Pulteney's
+        Hist. of Botany_, vol. ii. p. 180); and, early in the reign of
+        George III., Priestley began to write popularly on physical
+        subjects. (_Memoirs of Priestley_, vol. i. pp. 288, 289.)
+        Goldsmith did something in the same direction (_Prior's Life of
+        Goldsmith_, vol. i. pp. 414, 469, vol. ii. p. 198); and Pennant,
+        whose earliest work appeared in 1766, was 'the first who treated
+        the natural history of Britain in a popular and interesting
+        style.' _Swainson on the Study of Natural History_, p. 50. In the
+        reign of George II., publishers began to encourage elementary
+        works on chemistry. _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ix. p. 763.
+
+  [767] In 1704, 1708, and 1710, Harris published his _Dictionary of Arts
+        and Sciences_; and from this, according to _Nichols's Lit. Anec._
+        vol. ix. pp. 770, 771, has 'originated all the other dictionaries
+        and cyclopædias that have since appeared.' Compare vol. v. p.
+        659; and _Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. iv.
+        p. 500.
+
+  [768] Late in the seventeenth century, an attempt was first made in
+        England to establish literary journals. _Hallam's Lit. of
+        Europe_, vol. iii. p. 539; and _Dibdin's Bibliomania_, 1842, p.
+        16. But reviews, as we now understand the word, meaning a
+        critical publication, were unknown before the accession of George
+        II.; but, about the middle of his reign, they began to increase.
+        Compare _Wright's England under the House of Hanover_, 1848, vol.
+        i. p. 304, with _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 507, 508. At
+        an earlier period, the functions of reviews were performed, as
+        Monk says, by pamphlets. _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p.
+        112.
+
+  [769] As we find from many casual notices of book clubs and book
+        societies. See, for example, _Doddridge's Correspond._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 57, 119; _Jesse's Life of Selwyn_, vol. ii. p. 23; _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. v. pp. 184, 824,
+        825; _Wakefield's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 528; _Memoirs of
+        Sir J. E. Smith_, vol. i. p. 8; _Life of Roscoe, by his Son_,
+        vol. i. p. 228 (though this last was perhaps a circulating
+        library).
+
+  [770] 'Numerous associations or clubs, composed principally of reading
+        men of the lower ranks.' _Life of Dr. Currie, by his Son_, vol.
+        i. p. 175.
+
+  [771] Of which the most remarkable was that called the Robin-Hood
+        Society; respecting which the reader should compare _Campbell's
+        Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 373; _Grosley's London_,
+        vol. i. p. 150; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 301; _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, 4th series, p. 339; _Forster's Life of
+        Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 310; _Prior's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i.
+        pp. 419, 420; _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 75; _Nichols's Lit.
+        Anec._ vol. iii. p. 154.
+
+  [772] 'From the summer of 1769 is to be dated the first establishment of
+        public meetings in England.' _Albemarle's Mem. of Rockingham_,
+        vol. ii. p. 93. 'Public meetings, ... through which the people
+        might declare their newly-acquired consciousness of power, ...
+        cannot be distinctly traced higher than the year 1769; but they
+        were now (_i.e._ in 1770) of daily occurrence.' _Cooke's Hist. of
+        Party_, vol. iii. p. 187. See also _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol.
+        ii. p. 420.
+
+  [773] The most interesting trials were first noticed in newspapers
+        towards the end of the reign of George II. _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. v. p. 52, vol. vi. p. 54.
+
+  [774] In 1696, the only newspapers were weekly; and the first daily
+        paper appeared in the reign of Anne. Compare _Simmonds's Essay on
+        Newspapers_, in _Journal of Statist. Society_, vol. iv. p. 113,
+        with _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. pp. 167, 175, vol. ii.
+        p. 90; and _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iv. p. 80. In 1710, they,
+        instead of merely communicating news, as heretofore, began to
+        take part in 'the discussion of political topics' (_Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 443); and, as this change had been
+        preceded a very few years by the introduction of cheap political
+        pamphlets (see a curious passage in _Wilson's Life of De Foe_,
+        vol. ii. p. 29), it became evident that a great movement was at
+        hand in regard to the diffusion of such inquiries. Within twenty
+        years after the death of Anne, the revolution was completed; and
+        the press, for the first time in the history of the world, was
+        made an exponent of public opinion. The earliest notice of this
+        new power which I have met in parliament, is in a speech
+        delivered by Danvers, in 1738; which is worth quoting, both
+        because it marks an epoch, and because it is characteristic of
+        that troublesome class to which the man belonged. 'But I
+        believe,' says this distinguished legislator,--'but I believe the
+        people of Great Britain are governed by a power that never was
+        heard of, as a supreme authority, in any age or country before.
+        This power, sir, does not consist in the absolute will of the
+        prince, in the direction of parliament, in the strength of an
+        army, in the influence of the clergy, neither, sir, is it a
+        petticoat government: but, sir, it is the government of the
+        press. The stuff which our weekly newspapers are filled with, is
+        received with greater reverence than acts of parliament; and the
+        sentiments of one of these scribblers have more weight with the
+        multitude than the opinion of the best politician in the
+        kingdom.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. x. p. 448.
+
+  [775] This great contest was brought to a close in 1771 and 1772; when,
+        as Lord Campbell says, 'the right of publishing parliamentary
+        debates was substantially established.' _Campbell's Chancellors_,
+        vol. v. p. 511, vol. vi. p. 90. For further information
+        respecting this important victory, see _Cooke's Hist. of Party_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 179-184; _Almon's Correspond. of Wilkes_, 1805,
+        vol. v. p. 63; _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol. i. pp. 329-351;
+        _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 290; and, on its connexion
+        with _Junius's Letters_, see _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 183, 184.
+
+        George III., always consistent and always wrong, strenuously
+        opposed this extension of the popular rights. In 1771, he wrote
+        to Lord North: 'It is highly necessary that this strange and
+        lawless method of publishing debates in the papers should be put
+        a stop to. But is not the House of Lords the best court to bring
+        such miscreants before; as it can fine, as well as imprison, and
+        has broader shoulders to support the odium of so salutary a
+        measure?' _App. to Mahon_, vol. v. p. xlviii.; and _note_ in
+        _Walpole's George III._ vol. iv. p. 280, where the words, 'in the
+        papers,' are omitted; but I copy the letter, as printed by Lord
+        Mahon. In other respects, both versions are the same; so that we
+        now know the idea George III. had of what constituted a
+        miscreant.
+
+  [776] Lord John Russell, in his work on the _History of the English
+        Constitution_, says: 'Dr. Jebb, and after him Mr. Cartwright,
+        broached the theory of personal representation;' but this appears
+        to be a mistake, since the theory is said to have been first put
+        forward by Cartwright, in 1776. Compare _Russell on the
+        Constitution_, 1821, pp. 240, 241, with _Life and Corresp. of
+        Cartwright_, 1826, vol. i. pp. 91, 92. A letter in the _Life of
+        Dr. Currie_, vol. ii. pp. 307-314, shows the interest which even
+        sober and practical men were beginning to feel in the doctrine
+        before the end of the century.
+
+  [777] On this I have a philological remark of some interest,--namely,
+        that there is reason to believe that 'the word "independence," in
+        its modern acceptation,' does not occur in our language before
+        the early part of the eighteenth century. See _Hare's Guesses at
+        Truth_, 2nd series, 1848, p. 262. A similar change, though at a
+        later period, took place in France. See the observations on the
+        word 'individualisme,' in _Tocqueville_, _Démocratie en
+        Amérique_, vol. iv. p. 156; and in the later work, by the same
+        author, _L'Ancien Régime_, Paris, 1856, pp. 148, 149.
+
+  [778] Archbishop Whately (_Dangers to Christian Faith_, pp. 76, 77)
+        says: 'Neither the attacks on our religion, nor the evidences in
+        its support, were, to any great extent, brought forward in a
+        popular form, till near the close of the last century. On both
+        sides, the learned (or those who professed to be such) seem to
+        have agreed in this,--that the mass of the people were to
+        acquiesce in the decision of their superiors, and neither should,
+        nor could, exercise their own minds on the question.' This is
+        well put, and quite true; and should be compared with the
+        complaint in _Wakefield's Life of Himself_, vol. ii. p. 21;
+        _Nichols's Lit. Anec. of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. viii. p.
+        144; and _Hodgson's Life of Bishop Porteus_, pp. 73, 74, 122,
+        125, 126. See also a speech by Mansfield, in 1781 (_Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xxii. p. 265), when an attempt was made to put down the
+        'Theological Society.' The whole debate is worth reading; not on
+        account of its merits, but because it supplies evidence of the
+        prevailing spirit.
+
+In connexion with all this, there was a corresponding change in the very
+form and make of our literature. The harsh and pedantic method, which
+our great writers had long been accustomed to employ, was ill suited to
+an impetuous and inquisitive generation, thirsting after knowledge, and
+therefore intolerant of obscurities formerly unheeded. Hence it was
+that, early in the eighteenth century, the powerful, but cumbrous,
+language, and the long, involved sentences, so natural to our ancient
+authors, were, notwithstanding their beauty, suddenly discarded, and
+were succeeded by a lighter and simpler style, which, being more rapidly
+understood, was better suited to the exigencies of the age.[779]
+
+  [779] Coleridge (_Lit. Remains_, vol. i. pp. 230 seq.) has made some
+        interesting remarks on the vicissitudes of English style; and he
+        justly observes, p. 238, that, 'after the Revolution, the spirit
+        of the nation became much more commercial than it had been
+        before; a learned body, or clerisy, as such, gradually
+        disappeared; and literature in general began to be addressed to
+        the common, miscellaneous public.' He goes on to lament this
+        change; though, in that, I disagree with him. See also _The
+        Friend_, vol. i. p. 19, where he contrasts the modern style with
+        'the stately march and difficult evolutions' of the great writers
+        of the seventeenth century. Compare, on this alteration, the
+        preface to Nader Shah, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. v. p.
+        544. See also, in _Harford's Life of Burgess_, pp. 40, 41, a
+        curious letter from Monboddo, the last of our really great
+        pedants, mourning over this characteristic of modern composition.
+        He terms it contemptuously a 'short cut of a style;' and wishes
+        to return to 'the true ancient taste,' with plenty of
+        'parentheses!'
+
+        The truth is, that this movement was merely part of that tendency
+        to approximate the different classes of society which was first
+        clearly seen in the eighteenth century, and which influenced not
+        only the style of author, but also their social habits. Hume
+        observes that, in the 'last age,' learned men had separated
+        themselves too much from the world; but that, in his time, they
+        were becoming more 'conversible.' _Essay V._, in _Hume's
+        Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. pp. 539, 540. That 'philosophers'
+        were growing men of the world, is also noticed in a curious
+        passage in _Alciphron_, dial. i., in _Berkeley's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 312; and, respecting the general social amalgamation, see a
+        letter to the Countess of Bute, in 1753, in _Works of Lady Mary
+        Montagu_, edit. 1803, vol. iv. pp. 194, 195. As to the influence
+        of Addison, who led the way in establishing the easy, and
+        therefore democratic, style, and who, more than any single
+        writer, made literature popular, compare _Aikin's Life of
+        Addison_, vol. ii. p. 65, with _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol.
+        ii. p. 7. Subsequently a reaction was attempted by Johnson,
+        Gibbon, and Parr; but this, being contrary to the spirit of the
+        age, was short-lived.
+
+The extension of knowledge being thus accompanied by an increased
+simplicity in the manner of its communication, naturally gave rise to a
+greater independence in literary men, and a greater boldness in literary
+inquiries. As long as books, either from the difficulty of their style,
+or from the general incuriosity of the people, found but few readers, it
+was evident that authors must rely upon the patronage of public bodies,
+or of rich and titled individuals. And, as men are always inclined to
+flatter those upon whom they are dependent, it too often happened that
+even our greatest writers prostituted their abilities by fawning upon
+the prejudices of their patrons. The consequence was that literature, so
+far from disturbing ancient superstitions, and stirring up the mind to
+new inquiries, frequently assumed a timid and subservient air, natural
+to its subordinate position. But now all this was changed. Those servile
+and shameful dedications;[780] that mean and crouching spirit; that
+incessant homage to mere rank and birth; that constant confusion between
+power and right; that ignorant admiration for everything which is old,
+and that still more ignorant contempt for everything which, is new:--all
+these features became gradually fainter: and authors, relying upon the
+patronage of the people, began to advocate the claims of their new
+allies with a boldness upon which they could not have ventured in any
+previous age.[781]
+
+  [780] And the servility was, for the most part, well paid; indeed,
+        rewarded far more than it was worth. During the sixteenth,
+        seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth century, a sum of
+        money was invariably presented to the author in return for his
+        dedication. Of course, the grosser the flattery, the larger the
+        sum. On the relation thus established between authors and men of
+        rank, and on the eagerness with which even eminent writers looked
+        to their patrons for gratuities, varying from 40_s._ to 100_l._,
+        see _Drake's Shakespeare and his Times_, 1817, 4to. vol. ii. p.
+        225; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. pp. 194, 309; _Whiston's
+        Memoirs_, p. 203; _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. ii. p. 709;
+        _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. iii. p. 35; _Bunbury's Life of
+        Hanmer_, p. 81. Compare a note in _Burton's Diary_, vol. iii. p.
+        52; and as to the importance of fixing on a proper person to whom
+        to dedicate, see _Ellis's Letters Lit. Men_, pp. 231-234; and the
+        matter-of-fact remark in _Bishop Newton's Life_, p. 14; also,
+        _Hughes's Letters_, edit. 1773, vol. iii. p. xxxi. appendix.
+
+        About the middle of the eighteenth century was the turning-point
+        of this deplorable condition; and Watson, for instance, in 1769,
+        laid it down as a rule, 'never to dedicate to those from whom I
+        expected favours.' _Watson's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 54. So,
+        too, Warburton, in 1758, boasts that his dedication was not, as
+        usual, 'occupied by trifles or falsehoods.' See his letter, in
+        _Chatham Correspond._ vol. i. p. 315. Nearly at the same period,
+        the same change was effected in France, where D'Alembert set the
+        example of ridiculing the old custom. See _Brougham's Men of
+        Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 439, 440; _Correspond. de Madame
+        Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 148; and _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol.
+        xl. p. 41, vol. lxi. p. 285.
+
+  [781] When Le Blanc visited England, in the middle of the reign of
+        George II., the custom of authors relying upon the patronage of
+        individuals was beginning to die away, and the plan of publishing
+        by subscription had become general. See the interesting details
+        in _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Français_, vol. i. pp. 305-308; and
+        for the former state of things, see vol. ii. pp. 148-153. Burke,
+        who came to London in 1750, observes, with surprise, that
+        'writers of the first talents are left to the capricious
+        patronage of the public. Notwithstanding discouragement,
+        literature is cultivated to a high degree.' _Prior's Life of
+        Burke_, p. 21. This increasing independence also appears from the
+        fact that, in 1762, we find the first instance of a popular
+        writer attacking public men by name; authors having previously
+        confined themselves 'to the initials only of the great men whom
+        they assailed.' _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 19. The
+        feud between literature and rank may be further illustrated by an
+        entry in Holcroft's Diary for 1798, _Mem. of Holcroft_, vol. iii.
+        p. 28.
+
+From all these things there resulted consequences of vast importance.
+From this simplification, independence, and diffusion[782] of knowledge,
+it necessarily happened, that the issue of those great disputes to which
+I have alluded became, in the eighteenth century, more generally known
+than would have been possible in any preceding century. It was now known
+that theological and political questions were being constantly agitated,
+in which genius and learning were on one side, and orthodoxy and
+tradition on the other. It became known that the points which were
+mooted were not only as to the credibility of particular facts, but also
+as to the truth of general principles, with which the interests and
+happiness of Man were intimately concerned. Disputes which had hitherto
+been confined to a very small part of society began to spread far and
+wide, and suggest doubts that served as materials for national thought.
+The consequence was, that the spirit of inquiry became every year more
+active, and more general; the desire for reform constantly increased;
+and if affairs had been allowed to run on in their natural course, the
+eighteenth century could not have passed away without decisive and
+salutary changes both in the church and the state. But soon after the
+middle of this period, there unfortunately arose a series of political
+combinations which disturbed the march of events, and eventually
+produced a crisis so full of danger, that, among any other people, it
+would certainly have ended either in a loss of liberty or in a
+dissolution of government. This disastrous reaction, from the effects of
+which England has, perhaps, barely recovered, has never been studied
+with anything like the care its importance demands; indeed, it is so
+little understood, that no historian has traced the opposition between
+it and that great intellectual movement of which I have just sketched an
+outline. On this account, as also with the view of giving more
+completeness to the present chapter, I intend to examine its most
+important epochs, and point out, so far as I am able, the way in which
+they are connected with each other. According to the scheme of this
+Introduction, such an inquiry must, of course, be very cursory, as its
+sole object is to lay a foundation for those general principles, without
+which history is a mere assemblage of empirical observations,
+unconnected, and therefore unimportant. It must likewise be remembered,
+that as the circumstances about to be considered were not social, but
+political, we are the more liable to err in our conclusions respecting
+them; and this partly because the materials for the history of a people
+are more extensive, more indirect, and therefore less liable to be
+garbled, than are those for the history of a government; and partly
+because the conduct of small bodies of men, such as ministers and kings,
+is always more capricious, that is to say, less regulated by known
+laws, than is the conduct of those large bodies collectively called
+society, or a nation.[783] With this precautionary remark, I will now
+endeavour to trace what, in a mere political point of view, is the
+reactionary and retrogressive period of English history.
+
+  [782] In England, the marked increase in the number of books took place
+        during the latter half of the eighteenth century, and
+        particularly after 1756. See some valuable evidence in _Journal
+        of the Statistical Society_, vol. iii. pp. 383, 384. To this I
+        may add, that between 1753 and 1792, the circulation of
+        newspapers was more than doubled. _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_,
+        vol. i. p. 252.
+
+  [783] The apparent caprice and irregularity in small numbers arise from
+        the perturbations produced by the operation of minor and usually
+        unknown laws. In large numbers, these perturbations have a
+        tendency to balance each other; and this I take to be the sole
+        foundation of the accuracy obtained by striking an average. If we
+        could refer all phenomena to their laws, we should never use
+        averages. Of course, the expression _capricious_ is, strictly
+        speaking, inaccurate, and is merely a measure of our ignorance.
+
+It must be considered as a most fortunate circumstance, that after the
+death of Anne,[784] the throne should be occupied for nearly fifty years
+by two princes, aliens in manners and in country, of whom one spoke our
+language but indifferently, and the other knew it not at all.[785] The
+immediate predecessors of George III. were, indeed, of so sluggish a
+disposition, and were so profoundly ignorant of the people they
+undertook to govern,[786] that, notwithstanding their arbitrary temper,
+there was no danger of their organizing a party to extend the
+boundaries of the royal prerogative.[787] And as they were foreigners,
+they never had sufficient sympathy with the English church to induce
+them to aid the clergy in their natural desire to recover their former
+power.[788] Besides this, the fractious and disloyal conduct of many of
+the hierarchy must have tended to alienate the regard of the sovereign,
+as it had already cost them the affection of the people.[789]
+
+  [784] The temporary political reaction under Anne is well related by
+        Lord Cowper, in his _Hist. of Parties_, printed in appendix to
+        _Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 411, 412. This
+        able work of Lord Campbell's, though rather inaccurate for the
+        earlier period, is particularly valuable for the history of the
+        eighteenth century.
+
+  [785] See _Reminiscences of the Courts of George I. and George II. by
+        Horace Walpole_, pp. lv. xciv.; and _Mahon's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. i. pp. 100, 235. The fault of George II. was in his bad
+        pronunciation of English; but George I. was not even able to
+        pronounce it badly, and could only converse with his minister,
+        Sir Robert Walpole, in Latin. The French court saw this state of
+        things with great pleasure; and in December 1714, Madame de
+        Maintenon wrote to the Princess des Ursins (_Lettres inédites de
+        Maintenon_, vol. iii. p. 157): 'On dit que le nouveau roi
+        d'Angleterre se dégoûte de ses sujets, et que ses sujets sont
+        dégoûtés de lui. Dieu veuille remettre le tout en meilleur
+        ordre!' On the effect this produced on the language spoken at the
+        English court, compare _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Français_, vol.
+        i. p. 159.
+
+  [786] In 1715, Leslie writes respecting George I., that he is 'a
+        stranger to you, and altogether ignorant of your language, your
+        laws, customs, and constitution.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. xiii. p.
+        703.
+
+  [787] Great light has been thrown upon the character of George II. by
+        the recent publication of _Lord Hervey's Memoirs_; a curious
+        work, which fully confirms what we know from other sources
+        respecting the king's ignorance of English politics. Indeed, that
+        prince cared for nothing but soldiers and women; and his highest
+        ambition was to combine the reputation of a great general with
+        that of a successful libertine. Besides the testimony of Lord
+        Hervey, it is certain, from other authorities, that George II.
+        was despised as well as disliked, and was spoken of
+        contemptuously by observers of his character, and even by his own
+        ministers. See the _Marchmont Papers_, vol. i. pp. 29, 181, 187.
+
+        In reference to the decline of the royal authority, it is
+        important to observe, that since the accession of George I. none
+        of our sovereigns have been allowed to be present at state
+        deliberations. See _Bancroft's American Revolution_, vol. ii. p.
+        47, and _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 191.
+
+  [788] See the remarks said to be written by Bishop Atterbury, in _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 534, contrasting the affection Anne felt
+        for the church with the coldness of George I. The whole of the
+        pamphlet (pp. 521-541) ought to be read. It affords a curious
+        picture of a baffled churchman.
+
+  [789] The ill-feeling which the Church of England generally bore against
+        the government of the two first Georges was openly displayed, and
+        was so pertinaceous as to form a leading fact in the history of
+        England. In 1722, Bishop Atterbury was arrested, because he was
+        known to be engaged in a treasonable conspiracy with the
+        Pretender. As soon as he was seized, the church offered up
+        prayers for him. 'Under the pretence,' says Lord Mahon,--'under
+        the pretence of his being afflicted with the gout, he was
+        publicly prayed for in most of the churches of London and
+        Westminster.' _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 38. See
+        also _Parl. Hist._ vol. vii. p. 988, and vol. viii. p. 347.
+
+        At Oxford, where the clergy have long been in the ascendant, they
+        made such efforts to instill their principles as to call down the
+        indignation of the elder Pitt, who, in a speech in Parliament in
+        1754, denounced that university, which he said had for many years
+        'been raising a succession of treason--there never was such a
+        seminary!' _Walpole's Mem. of George II._ vol. i. p. 413. Compare
+        the _Bedford Correspondence_, vol. i. pp. 594, 595, with
+        _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. ii. p. 383; and on the temper
+        of the clergy generally after the death of Anne, _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. vii. pp. 541, 542; _Bowles's Life of Ken_, vol. ii. pp. 188,
+        189; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. pp. 370, 426.
+
+        The immediate consequence of this was very remarkable. For the
+        government and the dissenters, being both opposed by the church,
+        naturally combined together: the dissenters using all their
+        influence against the Pretender, and the government protecting
+        them against ecclesiastical prosecutions. See evidence of this in
+        _Doddridge's Correspond. and Diary_, vol. i. p. 30, vol. ii. p.
+        321, vol. iii. pp. 110, 125, vol. iv. pp. 428, 436, 437;
+        _Hutton's Life of Himself_, pp. 159, 160; _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxviii. pp. 11, 393, vol. xxix. pp. 1434, 1463; _Memoirs of
+        Priestley_, vol. ii. p. 506; _Life of Wakefield_, vol. i. p. 220.
+
+These circumstances, though in themselves they may be considered
+trifling, were in reality of great importance, because they secured to
+the nation the progress of that spirit of inquiry, which, if there had
+been a coalition between the crown and the church, it would have been
+attempted to stifle. Even as it was, some attempts were occasionally
+made; but they were comparatively speaking rare, and they lacked the
+vigour which they would have possessed, if there had been an intimate
+alliance between the temporal and spiritual authorities. Indeed, the
+state of affairs was so favourable, that the old Tory faction, pressed
+by the people and abandoned by the crown, was unable for more than forty
+years to take any share in the government.[790] At the same time,
+considerable progress, as we shall hereafter see, was made in
+legislation; and our statute-book, during that period, contains ample
+evidence of the decline of the powerful party by which England had once
+been entirely ruled.
+
+  [790] 'The year 1762 forms an era in the history of the two factions,
+        since it witnessed the destruction of that monopoly of honours
+        and emoluments which the Whigs had held for forty-five years.'
+        _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. ii. p. 406. Compare _Albemarle's
+        Memoirs of Rockingham_, vol. ii. p. 92. Lord Bolingbroke clearly
+        foresaw what would happen in consequence of the accession of
+        George I. Immediately after the death of Anne, he wrote to the
+        Bishop of Rochester: 'But the grief of my soul is this, I see
+        plainly that the Tory party is gone.' _Macpherson's Original
+        Papers_, vol. ii. p. 651.
+
+But by the death of George II. the political aspect was suddenly
+changed, and the wishes of the sovereign became once more antagonistic
+to the interests of the people. What made this the more dangerous was,
+that, to a superficial observer, the accession of George III. was one of
+the most fortunate events that could have occurred. The new king was
+born in England, spoke English as his mother tongue,[791] and was said
+to look upon Hanover as a foreign country, whose interests were to be
+considered of subordinate importance.[792] At the same time, the last
+hopes of the House of Stuart were now destroyed;[793] the Pretender
+himself was languishing in Italy, where he shortly after died; and his
+son, a slave to vices which seemed hereditary in that family, was
+consuming his life in an unpitied and ignominious obscurity.[794]
+
+  [791] Grosley, who visited England only five years after the accession
+        of George III., mentions the great effect produced upon the
+        English when they heard the king pronounce their language without
+        'a foreign accent.' _Grosley's Tour to London_, vol. ii. p. 106.
+        It is well known that the king, in his first speech, boasted of
+        being a Briton; but what is, perhaps, less generally known is,
+        that the honour was on the side of the country: 'What a lustre,'
+        said the House of Lords in their address to him,--'what a lustre
+        does it cast upon the name of Briton when you, sir, are pleased
+        to esteem it amongst your glories!' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xv. p.
+        986.
+
+  [792] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 955; _Walpole's Mem. of George III._
+        vol. i. pp. 4, 110.
+
+  [793] The accession of George III. is generally fixed on as the period
+        when English Jacobinism became extinct. See _Butler's
+        Reminiscences_, vol. ii. p. 92. At the first court held by the
+        new king, it was observed, says Horace Walpole, that 'the Earl of
+        Litchfield, Sir Walter Bagot, and the principal Jacobites went to
+        court.' _Walpole's Mem. of George III._ vol. i. p. 14. Only three
+        years earlier the Jacobites had been active; and in 1757, Rigby
+        writes to the Duke of Bedford: 'Fox's election at Windsor is very
+        doubtful. There is a Jacobite subscription of 5,000_l._ raised
+        against him, with Sir James Dashwood's name at the head of it.'
+        _Bedford Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 261.
+
+  [794] Charles Stuart was so stupidly ignorant, that at the age of
+        twenty-five he could hardly write, and was altogether unable to
+        spell. _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. iii. pp. 165, 166, and
+        appendix, p. ix. After the death of his father, in 1766, this
+        abject creature, who called himself king of England, went to
+        Rome, and took to drinking. _Ibid._ vol. iii. pp. 351-353. In
+        1779, Swinburne saw him at Florence, where he used to appear
+        every night at the opera, perfectly drunk. _Swinburne's Courts of
+        Europe_, vol. i. pp. 253-255; and in 1787, only the year before
+        he died, he continued the same degrading practice. See a letter
+        from Sir J. E. Smith, written from Naples in March 1787, in
+        _Smith's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 208. Another letter, written as
+        early as 1761 (_Grenville Papers_, vol. i. p. 366), describes
+        'the young Pretender always drunk.'
+
+And yet these circumstances, which appeared so favourable, did of
+necessity involve the most disastrous consequences. The fear of a
+disputed succession being removed, the sovereign was emboldened to a
+course on which he otherwise would not have ventured.[795] All those
+monstrous doctrines respecting the rights of kings, which the Revolution
+was supposed to have destroyed, were suddenly revived.[796] The clergy,
+abandoning the now hopeless cause of the Pretender, displayed the same
+zeal for the House of Hanover which they had formerly displayed for the
+House of Stuart. The pulpits resounded with praises of the new king, of
+his domestic virtues, of his piety, but above all of his dutiful
+attachment to the English church. The result was, the establishment of
+an alliance between the two parties more intimate than any that had been
+seen in England since the time of Charles I.[797] Under their auspices,
+the old Tory faction rapidly rallied, and were soon able to dispossess
+their rivals of the management of the government. This reactionary
+movement was greatly aided by the personal character of George III.; for
+he, being despotic as well as superstitious, was equally anxious to
+extend the prerogative, and strengthen the church. Every liberal
+sentiment, everything approaching to reform, nay, even the mere mention
+of inquiry, was an abomination in the eyes of that narrow and ignorant
+prince. Without knowledge, without taste, without even a glimpse of one
+of the sciences, or a feeling for one of the fine arts, education had
+done nothing to enlarge a mind which nature had more than usually
+contracted.[798] Totally ignorant of the history and resources of
+foreign countries, and barely knowing their geographical position, his
+information was scarcely more extensive respecting the people over whom
+he was called to rule. In that immense mass of evidence now extant, and
+which consists of every description of private correspondence, records
+of private conversation and of public acts, there is not to be found the
+slightest proof that he knew any one of those numerous things which the
+governor of a country ought to know; or, indeed, that he was acquainted
+with a single duty of his position, except that mere mechanical routine
+of ordinary business, which might have been effected by the lowest clerk
+in the meanest office in his kingdom.
+
+  [795] On the connexion between the decline of the Stuart interest and
+        the increased power of the crown under George III., compare
+        _Thoughts on the Present Discontents_, in _Burke's Works_, vol.
+        i. pp. 127, 128, with _Watson's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 136;
+        and for an intimation that this result was expected, see
+        _Grosley's London_, vol. ii. p. 252.
+
+  [796] _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. v. p. 245: 'The divine indefeasible
+        right of kings became the favourite theme--in total forgetfulness
+        of its incompatibility with the parliamentary title of the
+        reigning monarch.' Horace Walpole (_Mem. of George III._ vol. i.
+        p. 16) says, that in 1760 'prerogative became a fashionable
+        word.'
+
+  [797] The respect George III. always displayed for church-ceremonies
+        formed of itself a marked contrast with the indifference of his
+        immediate predecessors; and the change was gratefully noticed.
+        Compare _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. pp. 54, 55, with the
+        extract from Archbishop Secker, in _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. i. p. 440. For other evidence of the admiration
+        both parties felt and openly expressed for each other, see an
+        address from the bishop and clergy of St. Asaph (_Parr's Works_,
+        vol. vii. p. 352), and a letter from the king to Pitt (_Russell's
+        Memorials of Fox_, vol. iii. p. 251), which should be compared
+        with _Priestley's Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 137, 138.
+
+  [798] The education of George III. had been shamefully neglected; and
+        when he arrived at manhood he never attempted to repair its
+        deficiencies, but remained during his long life in a state of
+        pitiable ignorance. Compare _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. pp.
+        13-15; _Walpole's Mem. of George III._ vol. i. p. 55; _Mahon's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. iv. pp. 54, 207.
+
+The course of proceeding which such a king as this was likely to follow
+could be easily foreseen. He gathered round his throne that great party,
+who, clinging to the tradition of the past, have always made it their
+boast to check the progress of their age. During the sixty years of his
+reign, he, with the sole exception of Pitt, never willingly admitted to
+his councils a single man of great ability;[799] not one whose name is
+associated with any measure of value either in domestic or in foreign
+policy. Even Pitt only maintained his position in the state by
+forgetting the lessons of his illustrious father, and abandoning those
+liberal principles in which he had been educated, and with which he
+entered public life. Because George III. hated the idea of reform, Pitt
+not only relinquished what he had before declared to be absolutely
+necessary,[800] but did not hesitate to persecute to the death the party
+with whom he had once associated in order to obtain it.[801] Because
+George III. looked upon slavery as one of those good old customs which
+the wisdom of his ancestors had consecrated, Pitt did not dare to use
+his power for procuring its abolition, but left to his successors the
+glory of destroying that infamous trade, on the preservation of which
+his royal master had set his heart.[802] Because George III. detested
+the French, of whom he knew as much as he knew of the inhabitants of
+Kamtchatka or of Tibet, Pitt, contrary to his own judgment, engaged in a
+war with France by which England was seriously imperilled, and the
+English people burdened with a debt that their remotest posterity will
+be unable to pay.[803] But, notwithstanding all this, when Pitt, only a
+few years before his death, showed a determination to concede to the
+Irish some small share of their undoubted rights, the king dismissed him
+from office; and the king's friends, as they were called,[804] expressed
+their indignation at the presumption of a minister who could oppose the
+wishes of so benign and gracious a master.[805] And when, unhappily for
+his own fame, this great man determined to return to power, he could
+only recover office by conceding that very point for which he had
+relinquished it; thus setting the mischievous example of the minister of
+a free country sacrificing his own judgment to the personal prejudices
+of the reigning sovereign.
+
+  [799] See some good remarks by Lord John Russell in his Introduction to
+        the _Bedford Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. lxii.
+
+  [800] In a motion for reform in Parliament in 1782, he declared that it
+        was 'essentially necessary.' See his speech, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xxii. p. 1418. In 1784 he mentioned 'the necessity of a
+        parliamentary reform,' vol. xxiv. p. 349; see also pp. 998, 999.
+        Compare _Disney's Life of Jebb_, p. 209. Nor is it true, as some
+        have said, that he afterwards abandoned the cause of reform
+        because the times were unfavourable to it. On the contrary, he,
+        in a speech delivered in 1800, said (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv. p.
+        47): 'Upon this subject, sir, I think it right to state the
+        inmost thoughts of my mind; I think it right to declare my most
+        decided opinion, that, _even if the times were proper for
+        experiments, any, even the slightest, change in such a
+        constitution must be considered as an evil_.' It is remarkable
+        that, even as early as 1783, Paley appears to have suspected the
+        sincerity of Pitt's professions in favour of reform. See
+        _Meadley's Memoirs of Paley_, p. 121.
+
+  [801] In 1794 Grey taunted him with this in the House of Commons:
+        'William Pitt, the reformer of that day, was William Pitt, the
+        prosecutor, ay and persecutor too, of reformers now.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 532; compare vol. xxxiii. p. 659. So, too,
+        Lord Campbell (_Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 544): 'He afterwards
+        tried to hang a few of his brother reformers who continued steady
+        in the cause.' See further, on this damning fact in the career of
+        Pitt, _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vii. p. 105; _Brougham's
+        Statesmen_, vol. ii. p. 21; _Belsham's History_, vol. ix. pp. 79,
+        242; _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 198; and even a letter from
+        the mild and benevolent Roscoe, in _Life of Roscoe, by his Son_,
+        vol. i. p. 113.
+
+  [802] Such was the king's zeal in favour of the slave-trade, that in
+        1770 'he issued an instruction under his own hand commanding the
+        governor (of Virginia), upon pain of the highest displeasure, to
+        assent to no law by which the importation of slaves should be in
+        any respect prohibited or obstructed.' _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. iii. p. 456: so that, as Mr. Bancroft
+        indignantly observes, p. 469, while the courts of law had decided
+        'that as soon as any slave set his foot on English ground he
+        becomes free, the king of England stood in the path of humanity,
+        and made himself the pillar of the colonial slave-trade.' The
+        shuffling conduct of Pitt in this matter makes it hard for any
+        honest man to forgive him. Compare _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 14, 103-105; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. iii. pp. 131,
+        278, 279; _Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. x. pp. 34, 35;
+        _Life of Wakefield_, vol. i. p. 197; _Porter's Progress of the
+        Nation_, vol. iii. p. 426; _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_,
+        vol. ii. p. 157; and the striking remarks of Francis, in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxii. p. 949.
+
+  [803] That Pitt wished to remain at peace, and was hurried into the war
+        with France by the influence of the court, is admitted by the
+        best-informed writers, men in other respects of different
+        opinions. See, for instance, _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. ii. p.
+        9; _Rogers's Introduction to Burke's Works_, p. lxxxiv.;
+        _Nicholls's Recollections_, vol. ii. pp. 155, 200.
+
+  [804] The mere existence of such a party, with such a name, shows how,
+        in a political point of view, England was receding during this
+        period from the maxims established at the Revolution. Respecting
+        this active faction, compare the indignant remarks of Burke
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 133) with _Albemarle's Rockingham_, vol. i.
+        pp. 5, 307; _Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ vol. i. p. 284,
+        vol. ii. p. 154; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. pp. 61, 120,
+        vol. ii. pp. 50, 77; _Bedford Correspond._ vol. iii. p. xlv.;
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. viii. p. 513; _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol.
+        i. p. 74; _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 352; _Walpole's George
+        III._ vol. iv. p. 315; _The Grenville Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 33,
+        34, vol. iii. p. 57, vol. iv. p. 79, 152, 219, 303; _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xvi. pp. 841, 973, vol. xviii. pp. 1005, 1246, vol. xix. pp.
+        435, 856, vol. xxii. pp. 650, 1173.
+
+  [805] See an extraordinary passage in _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_,
+        vol. i. p. 334.
+
+As it was hardly possible to find other ministers, who to equal
+abilities would add equal subservience, it is not surprising that the
+highest offices were constantly filled by men of notorious
+incapacity.[806] Indeed, the king seemed to have an instinctive
+antipathy to everything great and noble. During the reign of George II.
+the elder Pitt had won for himself a reputation which covered the world,
+and had carried to an unprecedented height the glories of the English
+name.[807] He, however, as the avowed friend of popular rights,
+strenuously opposed the despotic principles of the court; and for this
+reason he was hated by George III. with a hatred that seemed barely
+compatible with a sane mind.[808] Fox was one of the greatest statesmen
+of the eighteenth century, and was better acquainted than any other with
+the character and resources of those foreign nations with which our own
+interests were intimately connected.[809] To this rare and important
+knowledge he added a sweetness and an amenity of temper which extorted
+the praises even of his political opponents.[810] But he, too, was the
+steady supporter of civil and religious liberty; and he, too, was so
+detested by George III., that the king, with his own hand, struck his
+name out of the list of privy councillors,[811] and declared that he
+would rather abdicate the throne than admit him to a share in the
+government.[812]
+
+  [806] This decline in the abilities of official men was noticed by
+        Burke, in 1770, as a necessary consequence of the new system.
+        Compare _Thoughts on the Present Discontents_ (_Burke's Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 149) with his striking summary (_Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xvi. p. 879) of the degeneracy during the first nine years of
+        George III. 'Thus situated, the question at last was not, who
+        could do the public business best, but who would undertake to do
+        it at all. Men of talents and integrity would not accept of
+        employments where they were neither allowed to exercise their
+        judgment nor display the rectitude of their hearts.' In 1780,
+        when the evil had become still more obvious, the same great
+        observer denounced it in his celebrated address to his Bristol
+        constituents. 'At present,' he says, 'it is the plan of the court
+        to make its servants insignificant.' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p.
+        257. See further _Parr's Works_, vol. iii. pp. 256, 260, 261.
+
+  [807] The military success of his administration is related in very
+        strong language, but not unfairly, in _Mahon's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. iv. pp. 108, 185, 186, and see the admirable summary in
+        _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. pp. 33, 34: and for evidence of
+        the fear with which he inspired the enemies of England, compare
+        _Mahon_, vol. v. p. 165 note; _Bedford Correspond._ vol. iii. pp.
+        87, 246, 247; _Walpole's Letters to Mann_, vol. i. p. 304, edit.
+        1843; _Walpole's Mem. of George III._ vol. ii. p. 232; and the
+        reluctant admission in _Georgel, Mémoires_, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [808] Lord Brougham (_Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. pp. 22, 33) has
+        published striking evidence of what he calls 'the truly savage
+        feelings' with which George III. regarded Lord Chatham (compare
+        _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. p. 129). Indeed, the sentiments
+        of the king were even displayed in the arrangements at the
+        funeral of the great minister. _Note in Adolphus's Hist. of
+        George III._ vol. ii. p. 568; and for other evidence of ill-will,
+        see two notes from the king to Lord North, in _Mahon's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. vi. appendix, pp. lii. liv.; _The Grenville
+        Papers_, vol. ii. p. 386; _Bancroft's American Revolution_, vol.
+        i. p. 438.
+
+  [809] Lord Brougham (_Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 219) says: 'It
+        may be questioned if any politician, in any age, ever knew so
+        thoroughly the various interests and the exact position of all
+        the countries with which his own had dealings to conduct or
+        relations to maintain.' See also _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 14,
+        15; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. pp. 320, 321, vol. ii. pp.
+        91, 243; _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. i. p. 338.
+
+  [810] Burke, even after the French Revolution, said, that Fox 'was of
+        the most artless, candid, open, and benevolent disposition,
+        disinterested in the extreme; of a temper mild and placable even
+        to a fault, without one drop of gall in his whole constitution.'
+        Speech on the Army Estimates in 1790, in _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxviii. p. 356. For further evidence, compare _Alison's Hist. of
+        Europe_, vol. vii. p. 171; _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_,
+        vol. i. pp. 3, 273; _Trotter's Mem. of Fox_, pp. xi. xii., 24,
+        178, 415.
+
+  [811] _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. vi. p. 692. A singular
+        circumstance connected with this wanton outrage is related in the
+        _Mem. of Holcroft_, vol. iii. p. 60.
+
+  [812] Compare _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. iv. pp. 107, 108,
+        with _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. pp. 191, 287, 288, vol. ii.
+        p. 44. Dutens, who had much intercourse with English politicians,
+        heard of the threat of abdication in 1784. _Dutens's Mémoires_,
+        vol. iii. p. 104. Lord Holland says, that during the fatal
+        illness of Fox, 'the king had watched the progress of Mr. Fox's
+        disorder. He could hardly suppress his indecent exultation at his
+        death.' _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_, vol. ii. p. 49.
+
+While this unfavourable change was taking place in the sovereign and
+ministers of the country, a change equally unfavourable was being
+effected in the second branch of the imperial legislature. Until the
+reign of George III., the House of Lords was decidedly superior to the
+House of Commons in the liberality and general accomplishments of its
+members. It is true, that in both houses there prevailed a spirit which
+must be called narrow and superstitious, if tried by the larger standard
+of the present age. But among the peers such feelings were tempered by
+an education that raised them far above those country gentlemen and
+ignorant fox-hunting squires of whom the lower house was then chiefly
+composed. From this superiority in their knowledge, there naturally
+followed a larger and more liberal turn of thought than was possessed by
+those who were called the representatives of the people. The result was,
+that the old Tory spirit, becoming gradually weaker in the upper house,
+took refuge in the lower; where, for about sixty years after the
+Revolution, the high-church party and the friends of the Stuarts formed
+a dangerous faction.[813] Thus, for instance, the two men who rendered
+the most eminent services to the Hanoverian dynasty, and therefore to
+the liberties of England, were undoubtedly Somers and Walpole. Both of
+them were remarkable for their principles of toleration, and both of
+them owed their safety to the interference of the House of Lords.
+Somers, early in the eighteenth century, was protected by the peers from
+the scandalous prosecution instituted against him by the other house of
+parliament.[814] Forty years after this, the Commons, who wished to hunt
+Walpole to the death, carried up a bill encouraging witnesses to appear
+against him by remitting to them the penalties to which they might be
+liable.[815] This barbarous measure had been passed through the lower
+house without the least difficulty; but in the Lords it was rejected by
+a preponderance of nearly two to one.[816] In the same way the Schism
+Act, by which the friends of the church subjected the dissenters to a
+cruel persecution,[817] was hurried through the Commons by a large and
+eager majority.[818] In the Lords, however, the votes were nearly
+balanced; and although the bill was passed, amendments were added by
+which the violence of its provisions was in some degree softened.[819]
+
+  [813] In 1725, the Duke of Wharton, in a letter to the Pretender, after
+        mentioning some proceedings in the Commons, adds, 'In the House
+        of Lords our number is so small, that any behaviour there will be
+        immaterial.' _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. appendix, p.
+        xxiii. See also, respecting the greater strength of the Tories in
+        the House of Commons, _Somers Tracts_, vol. xi. p. 242, vol.
+        xiii. pp. 524, 531; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 158;
+        _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+  [814] Compare _Vernon Correspond._ vol. iii. p. 149, with _Burnet's Own
+        Time_, vol. iv. p. 504. Burnet says, 'All the Jacobites joined to
+        support the pretensions of the Commons.' The Commons complained
+        that the Lords had shown 'such an indulgence to the person
+        accused as is not to be paralleled in any parliamentary
+        proceedings.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. v. p. 1294. See also their angry
+        remonstrance, pp. 1314, 1315.
+
+  [815] _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 122.
+
+  [816] 'Content, 47; non-content, 92.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xii. p. 711.
+        Mr. Phillimore (_Mem. of Lyttleton_, vol. i. p. 213) ascribes
+        this to the exertions of Lord Hardwicke; but the state of parties
+        in the upper house is sufficient explanation; and even in 1735 it
+        was said that 'the Lords were betwixt the devil and the deep
+        sea,' the devil being Walpole. _Marchmont Papers_, vol. ii. p.
+        59. Compare _Bishop Newton's Life of Himself_, p. 60.
+
+  [817] See an account of some of its provisions in _Mahon's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. i. pp. 80, 81. The object of the bill is frankly
+        stated in _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. p. 1349, where we are informed
+        that 'as the farther discouragement and even ruin of the
+        dissenters was thought necessary for accomplishing this scheme,
+        it was begun with the famous Schism Bill.'
+
+  [818] By 237 to 126. _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. p. 1351.
+
+  [819] _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 83; _Bunbury's Correspond.
+        of Hanmer_, p. 48. The bill was carried in the Lords by 77
+        against 72.
+
+This superiority of the upper house over the lower was, on the whole,
+steadily maintained during the reign of George II.;[820] the ministers
+not being anxious to strengthen the high-church party in the Lords, and
+the king himself so rarely suggesting fresh creations as to cause a
+belief that he particularly disliked increasing their numbers.[821]
+
+  [820] 'If we scrutinize the votes of the peers from the period of the
+        revolution to the death of George II., we shall find a very great
+        majority of the old English nobility to have been the advocates
+        of Whig principles.' _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii. p. 363.
+
+  [821] Compare _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. iii. p. 519, with the
+        conversation between Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Hervey, in
+        _Hervey's Mem. of George II._ vol. ii. p. 251, edit. 1848.
+
+It was reserved for George III., by an unsparing use of his prerogative,
+entirely to change the character of the upper house, and thus lay the
+foundation for that disrepute into which since then the peers have been
+constantly falling. The creations he made were numerous beyond all
+precedent; their object evidently being to neutralize the liberal spirit
+hitherto prevailing, and thus turn the House of Lords into an engine for
+resisting the popular wishes, and stopping the progress of reform.[822]
+How completely this plan succeeded, is well known to the readers of our
+history; indeed, it was sure to be successful, considering the character
+of the men who were promoted. They consisted almost entirely of two
+classes: of country gentlemen, remarkable for nothing but their wealth,
+and the number of votes their wealth enabled them to control;[823] and
+of mere lawyers, who had risen to judicial appointments partly from
+their professional learning, but chiefly from the zeal with which they
+repressed the popular liberties, and favoured the royal
+prerogative.[824]
+
+  [822] _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii. pp. 363, 364, 365, 463; _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xviii. p. 1418, vol. xxiv. p. 493, vol. xxvii. p.
+        1069, vol. xxix. pp. 1334, 1494, vol. xxxiii. pp. 90, 602, 1315.
+
+  [823] This was too notorious to be denied; and in the House of Commons,
+        in 1800, Nicholls taunted the Government with 'holding out a
+        peerage, or elevation to a higher rank in the peerage, to every
+        man who could procure a nomination to a certain number of seats
+        in parliament.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv. p. 762. So, too,
+        Sheridan, in 1792, said (vol. xxix. p. 1333), 'In this country
+        peerages had been bartered for election interest.'
+
+  [824] On this great influx of lawyers into the House of Lords, most of
+        whom zealously advocated arbitrary principles, see _Belsham's
+        Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. vii. pp. 266, 267; _Adolphus's
+        Hist. of George III._ vol. iii. p. 363; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv.
+        p. 1523.
+
+That this is no exaggerated description, may be ascertained by any one
+who will consult the lists of the new peers made by George III. Here and
+there we find an eminent man, whose public services were so notorious
+that it was impossible to avoid rewarding them; but, putting aside those
+who were in a manner forced upon the sovereign, it would be idle to deny
+that the remainder, and of course the overwhelming majority, were marked
+by a narrowness and illiberality of sentiment which, more than anything
+else, brought the whole order into contempt.[825] No great thinkers; no
+great writers; no great orators; no great statesmen; none of the true
+nobility of the land,--were to be found among the spurious nobles
+created by George III. Nor were the material interests of the country
+better represented in this strange composition. Among the most important
+men in England, those engaged in banking and commerce held a high place:
+since the end of the seventeenth century their influence had rapidly
+increased; while their intelligence, their clear, methodical habits,
+and their general knowledge of affairs, made them every way superior to
+those classes from whom the upper house was now recruited. But in the
+reign of George III. claims of this sort were little heeded; and we are
+assured by Burke, whose authority on such a subject no one will dispute,
+that there never had been a time in which so few persons connected with
+commerce were raised to the peerage.[826]
+
+  [825] It was foretold at the time, that the effect of the numerous
+        creations made during Pitt's power would be to lower the House of
+        Lords. Compare _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p. 76, with
+        Erskine's speech in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 1330; and see
+        Sheridan's speech, vol. xxxiii. p. 1197. But their language,
+        indignant as it is, was restrained by a desire of not wholly
+        breaking with the court. Other men, who were more independent in
+        their position, and cared nothing for the chance of future
+        office, expressed themselves in terms such as had never before
+        been heard within the walls of Parliament. Rolle, for instance,
+        declared that 'there had been persons created peers during the
+        present minister's power, who were not fit to be his grooms.'
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvii. p. 1198. Out of doors, the feeling of
+        contempt was equally strong; see _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p.
+        278; and see the remark even of the courtly Sir W. Jones, on the
+        increasing disregard for learning shown by 'the nobles of our
+        days.' _Preface to Persian Grammar_, in _Jones's Works_, vol. ii.
+        p. 125.
+
+  [826] In his _Thoughts on French Affairs_, written in 1791, he says, 'At
+        no period in the history of England have so few peers been taken
+        out of trade, or from families newly created by commerce.'
+        _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 566. Indeed, according to Sir
+        Nathaniel Wraxall (_Posthumous Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 66, 67,
+        Lond. 1836), the only instance when George III. broke this rule
+        was when Smith the banker was made Lord Carrington. Wraxall is an
+        indifferent authority, and there may be other cases; but they
+        were certainly very few, and I cannot call any to mind.
+
+It would be endless to collect all the symptoms which mark the political
+degeneracy of England during this period; a degeneracy the more
+striking, because it was opposed to the spirit of the time, and because
+it took place in spite of a great progress, both social and
+intellectual. How that progress eventually stopped the political
+reaction, and even forced it to retrace its own steps, will appear in
+another part of this work; but there is one circumstance which I cannot
+refrain from noticing at some length, since it affords a most
+interesting illustration of the tendency of public affairs, while at the
+same time it exhibits the character of one of the greatest men, and,
+Bacon alone excepted, the greatest thinker, who has ever devoted himself
+to the practice of English politics.
+
+The slightest sketch of the reign of George III. would indeed be
+miserably imperfect if it were to omit the name of Edmund Burke. The
+studies of this extraordinary man not only covered the whole field of
+political inquiry,[827] but extended to an immense variety of subjects,
+which, though apparently unconnected with politics, do in reality bear
+upon them as important adjuncts; since, to a philosophic mind, every
+branch of knowledge lights up even those that seem most remote from it.
+The eulogy passed upon him by one who was no mean judge of men,[828]
+might be justified, and more than justified, by passages from
+his works, as well as by the opinions of the most eminent of his
+contemporaries.[829] Thus it is, that while his insight into the
+philosophy of jurisprudence has gained the applause of lawyers,[830] his
+acquaintance with the whole range and theory of the fine arts has won
+the admiration of artists;[831] a striking combination of two pursuits,
+often, though erroneously, held to be incompatible with each other. At
+the same time, and notwithstanding the occupations of political life, we
+know on good authority, that he had paid great attention to the history
+and filiation of languages;[832] a vast subject, which within the last
+thirty years has become an important resource for the study of the human
+mind, but the very idea of which had, in its large sense, only begun to
+dawn upon a few solitary thinkers. And, what is even more remarkable,
+when Adam Smith came to London full of those discoveries which have
+immortalized his name, he found to his amazement that Burke had
+anticipated conclusions the maturing of which cost Smith himself many
+years of anxious and unremitting labour.[833]
+
+  [827] Nicholls, who knew him, says, 'The political knowledge of Mr.
+        Burke might be considered almost as an encyclopædia; every man
+        who approached him received instruction from his stores.'
+        _Nicholls's Recollections_, vol. i. p. 20.
+
+  [828] 'The excursions of his genius are immense. His imperial fancy has
+        laid all nature under tribute, and has collected riches from
+        every scene of the creation, and every walk of art.' _Works of
+        Robert Hall_, London, 1846, p. 196. So, too, Wilberforce says of
+        him, 'He had come late into Parliament, and had had time to lay
+        in vast stores of knowledge. The field from which he drew his
+        illustrations was magnificent. Like the fabled object of the
+        fairy's favours, whenever he opened his mouth pearls and diamonds
+        dropped from him.' _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. i. p. 159.
+
+  [829] Lord Thurlow is said to have declared, what I suppose is now the
+        general opinion of competent judges, that the fame of Burke would
+        survive that of Pitt and Fox. _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i.
+        p. 169. But the noblest eulogy on Burke was pronounced by a man
+        far greater than Thurlow. In 1790, Fox stated in the House of
+        Commons, 'that if he were to put all the political information
+        which he had learnt from books, all which he had gained from
+        science, and all which any knowledge of the world and its affairs
+        had taught him, into one scale, and the improvement which he had
+        derived from his right hon. friend's instruction and conversation
+        were placed in the other, he should be at a loss to decide to
+        which to give the preference.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxviii. p. 363.
+
+  [830] Lord Campbell (_Lives of the Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 443)
+        says, 'Burke, a philosophic statesman, deeply imbued with the
+        scientific principles of jurisprudence.' See also, on his
+        knowledge of law, _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p. 131; and
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. i. p. 230.
+
+  [831] Barry, in his celebrated Letter to the Dilettanti Society, regrets
+        that Burke should have been diverted from the study of the fine
+        arts into the pursuit of politics, because he had one of those
+        'minds of an admirable expansion and catholicity, so as to
+        embrace the whole concerns of art, ancient as well as modern,
+        domestic as well as foreign.' _Barry's Works_, vol. ii. p. 538,
+        4to, 1809. In the _Annual Register_ for 1798, p. 329, 2nd edit.,
+        it is stated that Sir Joshua Reynolds 'deemed Burke the best
+        judge of pictures that he ever knew.' See further _Works of Sir
+        J. Reynolds_, Lond. 1846, vol. i. p. 185; and _Bisset's Life of
+        Burke_, vol. ii. p. 257. A somewhat curious conversation between
+        Burke and Reynolds, on a point of art, is preserved in
+        _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 276, 277.
+
+  [832] See a letter from Winstanley, the Camden Professor of Ancient
+        History, in _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. pp. 390, 391, and
+        in _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 427. Winstanley writes, 'It would
+        have been exceedingly difficult to have met with a person who
+        knew more of the philosophy, the history, and filiation of
+        languages, or of the principles of etymological deduction, than
+        Mr. Burke.'
+
+  [833] Adam Smith told Burke, 'after they had conversed on subjects of
+        political economy, that he was the only man who, without
+        communication, thought on these topics exactly as he did.'
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. p. 429; and see _Prior's Life
+        of Burke_, p. 58; and on his knowledge of political economy,
+        _Brougham's Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 205.
+
+To these great inquiries, which touch the basis of social philosophy,
+Burke added a considerable acquaintance with physical science, and even
+with the practice and routine of mechanical trades. All this was so
+digested and worked into his mind, that it was ready on every occasion;
+not, like the knowledge of ordinary politicians, broken and wasted in
+fragments, but blended into a complete whole, fused by a genius that
+gave life even to the dullest pursuits. This, indeed, was the
+characteristic of Burke, that in his hands nothing was barren. Such was
+the strength and exuberance of his intellect, that it bore fruit in all
+directions, and could confer dignity upon the meanest subjects, by
+showing their connexion with general principles and the part they have
+to play in the great scheme of human affairs.
+
+But what has always appeared to me still more remarkable in the
+character of Burke, is the singular sobriety with which he employed his
+extraordinary acquirements. During the best part of his life, his
+political principles, so far from being speculative, were altogether
+practical. This is particularly striking, because he had every
+temptation to adopt an opposite course. He possessed materials for
+generalization far more ample than any politician of his time, and he
+had a mind eminently prone to take large views. On many occasions, and
+indeed whenever an opportunity occurred, he showed his capacity as an
+original and speculative thinker. But the moment he set foot on
+political ground, he changed his method. In questions connected with the
+accumulation and distribution of wealth he saw that it was possible, by
+proceeding from a few simple principles, to construct a deductive
+science available for the commercial and financial interests of the
+country. Further than this he refused to advance, because he knew that,
+with this single exception, every department of politics was purely
+empirical, and was likely long to remain so. Hence it was, that he
+recognized in all its bearings that great doctrine, which even in our
+own days is too often forgotten, that the aim of the legislator should
+be, not truth, but expediency. Looking at the actual state of knowledge,
+he was forced to admit, that all political principles have been raised
+by hasty induction from limited facts; and that, therefore, it is the
+part of a wise man, when he adds to the facts, to revise the induction,
+and, instead of sacrificing practice to principles, modify the
+principles that he may change the practice. Or, to put this in another
+way, he lays it down that political principles are at the best but the
+product of human reason; while political practice has to do with human
+nature and human passions, of which reason forms but a part;[834] and
+that, on this account, the proper business of a statesman is, to
+contrive the means by which certain ends may be effected, leaving it to
+the general voice of the country to determine what those ends shall be,
+and shaping his own conduct, not according to his own principles, but
+according to the wishes of the people for whom he legislates, and whom
+he is bound to obey.[835]
+
+  [834] 'Politics ought to be adjusted, not to human reasonings, but to
+        human nature; of which the reason is but a part, and by no means
+        the greatest part.' _Observations on a late State of the Nation_,
+        in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 113. Hence the distinction he had
+        constantly in view between the generalizations of philosophy,
+        which ought to be impregnable, and those of politics, which must
+        be fluctuating; and hence in his noble work, _Thoughts on the
+        Cause of the present Discontents_, he says (vol. i. p. 136), 'No
+        lines can be laid down for civil or political wisdom. They are a
+        matter incapable of exact definition.' See also p. 151, on which
+        he grounds his defence of the spirit of party; it being evident
+        that if truth were the prime object of the political art, the
+        idea of party, as such, would be indefensible. Compare with this
+        the difference between 'la vérité en soi' and 'la vérité
+        sociale,' as expounded by M. Rey in his _Science Sociale_, vol.
+        ii. p. 322, Paris, 1842.
+
+  [835] In 1780 he plainly told the House of Commons that 'the people are
+        the masters. They have only to express their wants at large and
+        in gross. We are the expert artists; we are the skilful workmen,
+        to shape their desires into perfect form, and to fit the utensil
+        to the use. They are the sufferers, they tell the symptoms of the
+        complaint; but we know the exact seat of the disease, and how to
+        apply the remedy according to the rules of art. How shocking
+        would it be to see us pervert our skill into a sinister and
+        servile dexterity, for the purpose of evading our duty, and
+        _defrauding our employers, who are our natural lords_, of the
+        object of their just expectations!' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p.
+        254. In 1777, in his _Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol_
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 216), 'In effect, to follow, not to force,
+        the public inclination; to give a direction, a form, a technical
+        dress, and a specific sanction, to the general sense of the
+        community,--is the true end of legislature.' In his _Letter on
+        the Duration of Parliament_ (vol. ii. p. 430), 'It would be
+        dreadful, indeed, if there was any power in the nation capable of
+        resisting its unanimous desire, or even the desire of any very
+        great and decided majority of the people. The people may be
+        deceived in their choice of an object. _But I can scarcely
+        conceive any choice they can make to be so very mischievous, as
+        the existence of any human force capable of resisting it._' So,
+        too, he says (vol. i. pp. 125, 214), that when government and the
+        people differ, government is generally in the wrong: compare pp.
+        217, 218, 276, vol. ii. p. 440. And to give only one more
+        instance, but a very decisive one, he, in 1772, when speaking on
+        a Bill respecting the Importation and Exportation of Corn, said,
+        'On this occasion I give way to the present Bill, not because I
+        approve of the measure in itself, but because I think it prudent
+        to yield to the spirit of the times. _The people will have it so;
+        and it is not for their representatives to say nay._ I cannot,
+        however, help entering my protest against the general principles
+        of policy on which it is supported, because I think them
+        extremely dangerous.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 480.
+
+It is these views, and the extraordinary ability with which they were
+advocated, which make the appearance of Burke a memorable epoch in our
+political history.[836] We had, no doubt, other statesmen before him,
+who denied the validity of general principles in politics; but their
+denial was only the happy guess of ignorance, and they rejected theories
+which they had never taken the pains to study. Burke rejected them
+because he knew them. It was his rare merit that, notwithstanding every
+inducement to rely upon his own generalizations, he resisted the
+temptation; that, though rich in all the varieties of political
+knowledge, he made his opinions subservient to the march of events; that
+he recognized as the object of government, not the preservation of
+particular institutions, nor the propagation of particular tenets, but
+the happiness of the people at large; and, above all, that he insisted
+upon an obedience to the popular wishes, which no statesman before him
+had paid, and which too many statesmen since him have forgotten. Our
+country, indeed, is still full of those vulgar politicians, against whom
+Burke raised his voice; feeble and shallow men, who, having spent their
+little force in resisting the progress of reform, find themselves at
+length, compelled to yield; and then, so soon as they have exhausted the
+artifices of their petty schemes, and, by their tardy and ungraceful
+concessions, have sown the seed of future disaffection, they turn upon
+the age by which they have been baffled; they mourn over the degeneracy
+of mankind; they lament the decay of public spirit; and they weep for
+the fate of a people, who have been so regardless of the wisdom of their
+ancestors, as to tamper with a constitution already hoary with the
+prescription of centuries.
+
+  [836] The effect which Burke's profound views produced in the House of
+        Commons, where, however, few men were able to understand them in
+        their full extent, is described by Dr. Hay, who was present at
+        one of his great speeches; which, he says, 'seemed a kind of new
+        political philosophy.' _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 103.
+        Compare a letter from Lee, written in the same year, 1766, in
+        _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. ii. pp. 38, 39; and in
+        _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_, p. 458.
+
+Those who have studied the reign of George III. will easily understand
+the immense advantage of having a man like Burke to oppose these
+miserable delusions; delusions which have been fatal to many countries,
+and have more than once almost ruined our own.[837] They will also
+understand that, in the opinion of the king, this great statesman was,
+at best, but an eloquent declaimer, to be classed in the same category
+with Fox and Chatham; all three ingenious men, but unsafe, unsteady,
+quite unfit for weighty concerns, and by no means calculated for so
+exalted an honour as admission into the royal councils. In point of
+fact, during the thirty years Burke was engaged in public life, he never
+once held an office in the cabinet;[838] and the only occasions on
+which he occupied even a subordinate post, were in those very short
+intervals when the fluctuations of politics compelled the appointment of
+a liberal ministry.
+
+Indeed the part taken by Burke in public affairs must have been very
+galling to a king who thought everything good that was old, and
+everything right that was established.[839] For, so far was this
+remarkable man in advance of his contemporaries, that there are few of
+the great measures of the present generation which he did not
+anticipate, and zealously defend. Not only did he attack the absurd laws
+against forestalling and regrating,[840] but, by advocating the freedom
+of trade, he struck at the root of all similar prohibitions.[841] He
+supported those just claims of the Catholics,[842] which, during his
+lifetime, were obstinately refused; but which were conceded, many years
+after his death, as the only means of preserving the integrity of the
+empire. He supported the petition of the Dissenters, that they might be
+relieved from the restrictions to which, for the benefit of the Church
+of England, they were subjected.[843] Into other departments of politics
+he carried the same spirit. He opposed the cruel laws against
+insolvents,[844] by which, in the time of George III., our statute-book
+was still defaced; and he vainly attempted to soften the penal
+code,[845] the increasing severity of which was one of the worst
+features of that bad reign.[846] He wished to abolish the old plan of
+enlisting soldiers for life;[847] a barbarous and impolitic practice, as
+the English legislature began to perceive several years later.[848] He
+attacked the slave-trade;[849] which, being an ancient usage, the king
+wished to preserve, as part of the British constitution.[850] He
+refuted,[851] but, owing to the prejudices of the age, was unable to
+subvert, the dangerous power exercised by the judges, who, in criminal
+prosecutions for libel, confined the jury to the mere question of
+publication; thus taking the real issue into their own hands, and making
+themselves the arbiters of the fate of those who were so unfortunate as
+to be placed at their bar.[852] And, what many will think not the least
+of his merits, he was the first in that long line of financial reformers
+to whom we are deeply indebted.[853] Notwithstanding the difficulties
+thrown in his way, he carried through Parliament a series of bills, by
+which several useless places were entirely abolished, and, in the single
+office of paymaster-general, a saving effected to the country of
+25,000_l._ a year.[854]
+
+  [837] Burke was never weary of attacking the common argument, that,
+        because a country has long flourished under some particular
+        custom, therefore the custom must be good. See an admirable
+        instance of this in his speech on the power of the
+        attorney-general to file informations _ex officio_; where he
+        likens such reasoners to the father of Scriblerus, who 'venerated
+        the rust and canker which exalted a brazen pot-lid into the
+        shield of a hero.' He adds: 'But, sir, we are told that the time
+        during which this power existed, is the time during which
+        monarchy most flourished: and what, then, can no two things
+        subsist together but as cause and effect? May not a man have
+        enjoyed better health during the time that he walked with an
+        oaken stick, than afterwards, when he changed it for a cane,
+        without supposing, like the Druids, that there are occult virtues
+        in oak, and that the stick and the health were cause and effect?'
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. pp. 1190, 1191.
+
+  [838] This, as Mr. Cooke truly says, is an instance of aristocratic
+        prejudice; but it is certain that a hint from George III. would
+        have remedied the shameful neglect. _Cooke's Hist. of Party_,
+        vol. iii. p. 277, 278.
+
+  [839] It is easy to imagine how George III. must have been offended by
+        such sentiments as these: 'I am not of the opinion of those
+        gentlemen who are against disturbing the public repose; I like a
+        clamour whenever there is an abuse. The fire-bell at midnight
+        disturbs your sleep, but it keeps you from being burnt in your
+        bed. The hue and cry alarms the county, but preserves all the
+        property of the province.' Burke's speech on Prosecutions for
+        Libels, in 1771, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 54.
+
+  [840] He moved their repeal. _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvi. p. 1169. Even Lord
+        Chatham issued, in 1766, a proclamation against forestallers and
+        regraters, very much to the admiration of Lord Mahon, who says,
+        'Lord Chatham acted with characteristic energy.' _Mahon's Hist.
+        of England_, vol. v. p. 166. More than thirty years later, and
+        after Burke's death, Lord Kenyon, then chief-justice, eulogised
+        these preposterous laws. _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_, vol.
+        i. p. 167. Compare _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. vii. p.
+        406; and _Cockburn's Memorials of his Time_, Edinb. 1856, p. 73.
+
+  [841] 'That liberality in the commercial system, which, I trust, will
+        one day be adopted.' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 223. And, in his
+        letter to Burgh (_Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 409), 'But that to which I
+        attached myself the most particularly, was to fix the principle
+        of a free trade in all the ports of these islands, as founded in
+        justice, and beneficial to the whole; but principally to this,
+        the seat of the supreme power.'
+
+  [842] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 467; _Burke's Works_, vol. i. pp.
+        263-271, 537-561, vol. ii. pp. 431-447. He refutes (vol. i. p.
+        548) the notion that the coronation oath was intended to bind the
+        crown in its legislative capacity. Compare _Mem. of Mackintosh_,
+        vol. i. pp. 170, 171, with _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p.
+        134.
+
+  [843] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. pp. 435, 436, vol. xx. p. 306. See also
+        _Burke's Correspondence_, vol. ii. pp. 17, 18; and _Prior's Life
+        of Burke_, p. 143.
+
+  [844] _Burke's Works_, vol. i. pp. 261, 262, part of his speech at
+        Bristol.
+
+  [845] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 317. See also his admirable remarks,
+        in _Works_, vol. ii. p. 417; and his speech, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xxviii. p. 146.
+
+  [846] On this increasing cruelty of the English laws, compare _Parr's
+        Works_, vol. iv. pp. 150, 259, with _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxii. p.
+        271, vol. xxiv. p. 1222, vol. xxvi. p. 1057, vol. xxviii. p. 143;
+        and, in regard to the execution of them, see _Life of Romilly, by
+        Himself_, vol. i. p. 65; and _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. ix.
+        p. 620.
+
+  [847] In one short speech (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xx. pp. 150, 151), he has
+        almost exhausted the arguments against enlistment for life.
+
+  [848] In 1806, that is nine years after the death of Burke, parliament
+        first authorized enlistment for a term of years. See an account
+        of the debates in _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. vii. pp.
+        380-391. Compare _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth
+        Century_, vol. v. p. 475; and _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_,
+        vol. ii. p. 116.
+
+  [849] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 316; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvii. p. 502,
+        vol. xxviii. pp. 69, 96; and _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. i. pp.
+        152, 171, contain evidence of his animosity against the
+        slave-trade, and a more than sufficient answer to the
+        ill-natured, and, what is worse, the ignorant, remark about
+        Burke, in the _Duke of Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ vol. i.
+        p. 350.
+
+  [850] On the respect which George III. felt for the slave-trade, see
+        note 259 to this chapter. I might also have quoted the testimony
+        of Lord Brougham: 'The court was decidedly against abolition.
+        George III. always regarded the question with abhorrence, as
+        savouring of innovation.' _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. ii. p.
+        104. Compare _Combe's North America_, vol. i. p. 332.
+
+  [851] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 490-496; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii.
+        pp. 44-55, a very able speech, delivered in 1771. Compare a
+        letter to Dowdeswell, in _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. pp. 251,
+        252.
+
+  [852] The arguments of Burke anticipated, by more than twenty years,
+        Fox's celebrated Libel Bill, which was not passed till 1792;
+        although, in 1752, juries had begun, in spite of the judges, to
+        return general verdicts on the merits. See _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. v. pp. 238, 243, 341-345, vol. vi. p. 210; and
+        _Meyer_, _Institutions Judiciaires_, vol. ii. pp. 204, 205,
+        Paris, 1823.
+
+  [853] Mr. Farr, in his valuable essay on the statistics of the civil
+        service (in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. xii. pp. 103-125),
+        calls Burke 'one of the first and ablest financial reformers in
+        parliament,' p. 104. The truth, however, is, that he was not only
+        one of the first, but the first. He was the first man who laid
+        before parliament a general and systematic scheme for diminishing
+        the expenses of government; and his preliminary speech on that
+        occasion is one of the finest of all his compositions.
+
+  [854] _Prior's Life of Burke_, pp. 206, 234. See also, on the
+        retrenchments he effected, _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 84, 85; _Burke's Correspond._ vol. iii. p. 14; and
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. pp. 57-60.
+
+These things alone are sufficient to explain the animosity of a prince
+whose boast it was, that he would bequeath the government to his
+successor in the same state as that in which he had received it. There
+was, however, another circumstance by which the royal feelings were
+still further wounded. The determination of the king to oppress the
+Americans was so notorious that, when the war actually broke out, it was
+called the 'king's war,' and those who opposed it were regarded as the
+personal enemies of their sovereign.[855] In this, however, as in all
+other questions, the conduct of Burke was governed, not by traditions
+and principles, such as George III. cherished, but by large views of
+general expediency. Burke, in forming his opinions respecting this
+disgraceful contest, refused to be guided by arguments respecting the
+right of either party.[856] He would not enter into any discussion as to
+whether a mother country has the right to tax her colonies, or whether
+the colonies have a right to tax themselves. Such points he left to be
+mooted by those politicians who, pretending to be guided by principles,
+are, in reality, subjugated by prejudice.[857] For his own part he was
+content to compare the cost with the gain. It was enough for Burke that,
+considering the power of our American colonies, considering their
+distance from us, and considering the probability of their being aided
+by France, it was not advisable to exercise the power; and it was,
+therefore, idle to talk of the right. Hence he opposed the taxation of
+America, not because it was unprecedented, but because it was
+inexpedient. As a natural consequence he likewise opposed the
+Boston-Port Bill, and that shameful bill, to forbid all intercourse with
+America, which was not inaptly called the starvation plan; violent
+measures, by which the king hoped to curb the colonies, and break the
+spirit of those noble men, whom he hated even more than he feared.[858]
+
+  [855] In 1788, Lord Rockingham said, in the House of Lords, 'Instead of
+        calling the war, the war of parliament, or of the people, it was
+        called the king's war, his majesty's favourite war.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xix. p. 857. Compare _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol.
+        iii. p. 235, with the pungent remarks in _Walpole's George III._
+        vol. iv. p. 114. Nicholls (_Recollections_, vol. i. p. 35) says:
+        'The war was considered as the war of the king personally. Those
+        who supported it were called the king's friends; while those who
+        wished the country to pause, and reconsider the propriety of
+        persevering in the contest, were branded as disloyal.'
+
+  [856] 'I am not here going into the distinction of rights, nor
+        attempting to mark their boundaries. I do not enter into these
+        metaphysical distinctions; I hate the very sound of them.' Speech
+        on American taxation in 1774, in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 173.
+        In 1775 (vol. i. p. 192): 'But my consideration is narrow,
+        confined, and wholly limited to the policy of the question.' At
+        p. 183: we should act in regard to America, not 'according to
+        abstract ideas of right, by no means according to mere general
+        theories of government; the resort to which appears to me, in our
+        present situation, no better than arrant trifling.' In one of his
+        earliest political pamphlets, written in 1769, he says, that the
+        arguments of the opponents of America 'are conclusive; conclusive
+        as to right; but the very reverse as to policy and practice,'
+        vol. i. p. 112. Compare a letter, written in 1775, in _Burke's
+        Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 12.
+
+  [857] In 1766, George III. writes to Lord Rockingham (_Albemarle's
+        Rockingham_, vol. i. pp. 271, 272): 'Talbot is as right as I can
+        desire, in the Stamp Act; strong for our declaring our right, but
+        willing to repeal!' In other words, willing to offend the
+        Americans, by a speculative assertion of an abstract right, but
+        careful to forego the advantage which that right might produce.
+
+  [858] The intense hatred with which George III. regarded the Americans,
+        was so natural to such a mind as his, that one can hardly blame
+        his constant exhibition of it during the time that the struggle
+        was actually impending. But what is truly disgraceful is, that,
+        after the war was over, he displayed this rancour on an occasion
+        when, of all others, he was bound to suppress it. In 1786,
+        Jefferson and Adams were in England officially, and, as a matter
+        of courtesy to the king, made their appearance at court. So
+        regardless, however, was George III. of the common decencies of
+        his station, that he treated these eminent men with marked
+        incivility, although they were then paying their respects to him
+        in his own palace. See _Tucker's Life of Jefferson_, vol. i. p.
+        220; and _Mem. and Corresp. of Jefferson_, vol. i. p. 54.
+
+It is certainly no faint characteristic of those times, that a man like
+Burke, who dedicated to politics abilities equal to far nobler things,
+should, during thirty years, have received from his prince neither
+favour nor reward. But George III. was a king whose delight it was to
+raise the humble and exalt the meek. His reign, indeed, was the golden
+age of successful mediocrity; an age in which little men were favoured,
+and great men depressed; when Addington was cherished as a statesman,
+and Beattie pensioned as a philosopher; and when, in all the walks of
+public life, the first conditions of promotion were, to fawn upon
+ancient prejudices, and support established abuses.
+
+This neglect of the most eminent of English politicians is highly
+instructive; but the circumstances which followed, though extremely
+painful, have a still deeper interest, and are well worth the attention
+of those whose habits of mind lead them to study the intellectual
+peculiarities of great men.
+
+For, at this distance of time, when his nearest relations are no more,
+it would be affectation to deny that Burke, during the last few years of
+his life, fell into a state of complete hallucination. When the French
+Revolution broke out, his mind, already fainting under the weight of
+incessant labour, could not support the contemplation of an event so
+unprecedented, so appalling, and threatening results of such frightful
+magnitude. And, when the crimes of that great revolution, instead of
+diminishing, continued to increase, then it was that the feelings of
+Burke finally mastered his reason; the balance tottered; the proportions
+of that gigantic intellect were disturbed. From this moment, his
+sympathy with present suffering was so intense, that he lost all memory
+of the tyranny by which the sufferings were provoked. His mind, once so
+steady, so little swayed by prejudice and passion, reeled under the
+pressure of events which turned the brains of thousands.[859] And
+whoever will compare the spirit of his latest works with the dates of
+their publication, will see how this melancholy change was aggravated by
+that bitter bereavement, from which he never rallied, and which alone
+was sufficient to prostrate the understanding of one in whom the
+severity of the reason was so tempered, so nicely poised, by the warmth
+of the affections. Never, indeed, can there be forgotten those touching,
+those exquisite allusions to the death of that only son, who was the joy
+of his soul, and the pride of his heart, and to whom he fondly hoped to
+bequeath the inheritance of his imperishable name. Never can we forget
+that image of desolation under which the noble old man figured his
+immeasurable grief 'I live in an inverted order. They who ought to have
+succeeded me, have gone before me. They who should have been to me as
+posterity, are in the place of ancestors.... The storm has gone over
+me, and I lie like one of those old oaks which the late hurricane has
+scattered about me. I am stripped of all my honours; I am torn up by the
+roots, and lie prostrate on the earth.'[860]
+
+  [859] All great revolutions have a direct tendency to increase insanity,
+        as long as they last, and probably for some time afterwards: but
+        in this, as in other respects, the French revolution stands alone
+        in the number of its victims. On the horrible, but curious
+        subject of madness caused by the excitement of the events which
+        occurred in France late in the eighteenth century, compare
+        _Prichard on Insanity in relation to Jurisprudence_, 1842, p. 90;
+        his _Treatise on Insanity_, 1835, pp. 161, 183, 230, 339;
+        _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. pp. 43, 53, 54, 66, 211,
+        447, vol. ii. pp. 193, 726; _Feuchtersleben's Medical
+        Psychology_, p. 254; _Georget, De la Folie_, p. 156; _Pinel,
+        Traité sur l'Aliénation Mentale_, pp. 30, 108, 109, 177, 178,
+        185, 207, 215, 257, 349, 392, 457, 481; _Alison's Hist. of
+        Europe_, vol. iii. p. 112.
+
+  [860] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 268.
+
+It would, perhaps, be displaying a morbid curiosity, to attempt to raise
+the veil, and trace the decay of so mighty a mind.[861] Indeed, in all
+such cases, most of the evidence perishes; for those who have the best
+opportunities of witnessing the infirmities of a great man, are not
+those who most love to relate them. But it is certain, that the change
+was first clearly seen immediately after the breaking out of the French
+Revolution; that it was aggravated by the death of his son; and that it
+became progressively worse till death closed the scene.[862] In his
+_Reflections on the French Revolution_; in his _Remarks on the Policy of
+the Allies_: in his _Letter to Elliot_; in his _Letter to a Noble Lord_;
+and in his _Letters on a Regicide Peace_, we may note the consecutive
+steps of an increasing, and at length an uncontrollable, violence. To
+the single principle of hatred of the French Revolution, he sacrificed
+his oldest associations and his dearest friends. Fox, as is well known,
+always looked up to Burke as to a master, from whose lips he had
+gathered the lessons of political wisdom.[863] Burke, on his side, fully
+recognized the vast abilities of his friend, and loved him for that
+affectionate disposition, and for those winning manners, which, it has
+often been said, none who saw them could ever resist. But now, without
+the slightest pretence of a personal quarrel, this long intimacy[864]
+was rudely severed. Because Fox would not abandon that love of popular
+liberty which they had long cherished in common, Burke, publicly, and in
+his place in parliament, declared that their friendship was at an end;
+for that he would never more hold communion with a man who lent his
+support to the French people.[865] At the same time, and indeed the
+very evening on which this occurred, Burke, who had hitherto been
+remarkable for the courtesy of his manners,[866] deliberately insulted
+another of his friends, who was taking him home in his carriage; and, in
+a state of frantic excitement, insisted on being immediately set down,
+in the middle of the night, in a pouring rain, because he could not, he
+said, remain seated by 'a friend to the revolutionary doctrines of the
+French.'[867]
+
+  [861] The earliest unmistakable instances of those violent outbreaks
+        which showed the presence of disease, were in the debates on the
+        regency bill, in February 1789, when Sir Richard Hill, with
+        brutal candour, hinted at Burke's madness, even in his presence.
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvii. p. 1249. Compare a letter from Sir
+        William Young, in _Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ 1853, vol.
+        ii. p. 73; 'Burke finished his wild speech in a manner next to
+        madness.' This was in December 1788; and, from that time until
+        his death, it became every year more evident that his intellect
+        was disordered. See a melancholy description of him in a letter,
+        written by Dr. Currie in 1792 (_Life of Currie_, vol. ii. p.
+        150); and, above all, see his own incoherent letter, in 1796, in
+        his _Correspond. with Laurence_, p. 67.
+
+  [862] His son died in August 1794 (_Burke's Correspond._ vol. iv. p.
+        224); and his most violent works were written between that period
+        and his own death, in July 1797.
+
+  [863] 'This disciple, as he was proud to acknowledge himself.'
+        _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 218. In 1791, Fox said, that
+        Burke 'had taught him everything he knew in politics.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 379. See also _Adolphus's Hist. of George
+        III._ vol. iv. pp. 472, 610; and a letter from Fox to Parr, in
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. vii. p. 287.
+
+  [864] It had begun in 1766, when Fox was only seventeen. _Russell's Mem.
+        of Fox_, vol. i. p. 26.
+
+  [865] On this painful rupture, compare with the _Parliamentary History,
+        Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_, vol. i. pp. 10, 11; _Prior's
+        Life of Burke_, pp. 375-379; _Tomline's Life of Pitt_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 385-395. The complete change in Burke's feelings towards his
+        old friend also appears in a very intemperate letter, written to
+        Dr. Laurence in 1797. _Burke's Correspond. with Laurence_, p.
+        152. Compare _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 67-80, 84-90, 109.
+
+  [866] Which used to be contrasted with the bluntness of Johnson; these
+        eminent men being the two best talkers of their time. See
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. i. p. 127.
+
+  [867] _Rogers's Introduction to Burke's Works_, p. xliv.; _Prior's Life
+        of Burke_, p. 384.
+
+Nor is it true, as some have supposed, that this mania of hostility was
+solely directed against the criminal part of the French people. It would
+be difficult, in that or in any other age, to find two men of more
+active, or indeed enthusiastic benevolence, than Condorcet and La
+Fayette. Besides this, Condorcet was one of the most profound thinkers
+of his time, and will be remembered as long as genius is honoured among
+us.[868] La Fayette was no doubt inferior to Condorcet in point of
+ability; but he was the intimate friend of Washington, on whose conduct
+he modelled his own,[869] and by whose side he had fought for the
+liberties of America: his integrity was, and still is, unsullied: and
+his character had a chivalrous and noble turn, which Burke, in his
+better days, would have been the first to admire.[870] Both, however,
+were natives of that hated country whose liberties they vainly attempted
+to achieve. On this account, Burke declared Condorcet to be guilty of
+'impious sophistry;'[871] to be a 'fanatic atheist, and furious
+democratic republican;'[872] and to be capable of 'the lowest, as well
+as the highest and most determined villainies.'[873] As to La Fayette,
+when an attempt was made to mitigate the cruel treatment he was
+receiving from the Prussian government, Burke not only opposed the
+motion made for that purpose in the House of Commons, but took the
+opportunity of grossly insulting the unfortunate captive, who was then
+languishing in a dungeon.[874] So dead had he become on this subject,
+even to the common instincts of our nature, that, in his place in
+parliament, he could find no better way of speaking of this injured and
+high-souled man, than by calling him a ruffian: 'I would not,' says
+Burke,--'I would not debase my humanity by supporting an application in
+behalf of such a horrid ruffian.'[875]
+
+  [868] There is an interesting account of the melancholy death of this
+        remarkable man in _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. viii.
+        pp. 76-80; and a contemporary relation in _Musset-Pathay_, _Vie
+        de Rousseau_, vol. ii. pp. 42-47.
+
+  [869] This is the honourable testimony of a political opponent; who
+        says, that after the dissolution of the Assembly 'La Fayette se
+        conforma à a conduite de Washington, qu'il avait pris pour
+        modèle.' _Cassagnac_, _Révolution Française_, vol. iii. pp. 370,
+        371. Compare the grudging admission of his enemy Bouillé, _Mém.
+        de Bouillé_, vol. i. p. 125; and for proofs of the affectionate
+        intimacy between Washington and La Fayette, see _Mém. de
+        Lafayette_, vol. i. pp. 16, 21, 29, 44, 55, 83, 92, 111, 165,
+        197, 204, 395, vol. ii. p. 123.
+
+  [870] The Duke of Bedford, no bad judge of character, said in 1794, that
+        La Fayette's 'whole life was an illustration of truth,
+        disinterestedness, and honour.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 664.
+        So, too, the continuator of Sismondi (_Hist. des Français_, vol.
+        xxx. p. 355), 'La Fayette, le chevalier de la liberté
+        d'Amérique;' and Lamartine (_Hist. des Girondins_, vol. iii. p.
+        200), 'Martyr de la liberté après en avoir été le héros.' Ségur,
+        who was intimately acquainted with him, gives some account of his
+        noble character, as it appeared when he was a boy of nineteen.
+        _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. i. pp. 106, 107. Forty years later, Lady
+        Morgan met him in France; and what she relates shows how little
+        he had changed, and how simple his tastes and the habits of his
+        mind still were. _Morgan's France_, vol. ii. pp. 285-312. Other
+        notices, from personal knowledge, will be found in _Life of
+        Roscoe_, vol. ii. p. 178; and in _Trotter's Mem. of Fox_, pp. 319
+        seq.
+
+  [871] 'The impious sophistry of Condorcet.' _Letter to a Noble Lord_, in
+        _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 273.
+
+  [872] _Thoughts on French Affairs_ in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 574.
+
+  [873] 'Condorcet (though no marquis, as he styled himself before the
+        Revolution) is a man of another sort of birth, fashion, and
+        occupation from Brissot; but in every principle and every
+        disposition, to the lowest as well as the highest and most
+        determined villainies, fully his equal.' _Thoughts on French
+        Affairs_, in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 579.
+
+  [874] 'Groaning under the most oppressive cruelty in the dungeons of
+        Magdeburg.' _Belsham's Hist. of Great Brit._ vol. ix. p. 151. See
+        the afflicting details of his sufferings, in _Mém. de Lafayette_,
+        vol. i. p. 479, vol. ii. pp. 75, 77, 78, 80, 91, 92; and on the
+        noble equanimity with which he bore them, see _De Staël_, _Rév.
+        Françoise_, Paris, 1820, vol. ii. p. 103.
+
+  [875] It is hardly credible that such language should have been applied
+        to a man like La Fayette; but I have copied it from the
+        _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxxi. p. 51, and from _Adolphus_,
+        vol. v. p. 593. The only difference is, that in Adolphus the
+        expression is 'I would not debase my humanity;' but in the _Parl.
+        Hist._, 'I would not debauch my humanity.' But both authorities
+        are agreed as to the term 'horrid ruffian' being used by Burke.
+        Compare _Burke's Correspondence with Laurence_, pp. 91, 99.
+
+As to France itself, it is 'Cannibal Castle;'[876] it is 'the republic
+of assassins;'[877] it is 'a hell;'[878] its government is composed of
+'the dirtiest, lowest, most fraudulent, most knavish, of
+chicaners;'[879] its National Assembly are 'miscreants;'[880] its people
+are 'an allied army of Amazonian and male cannibal Parisians;'[881] they
+are 'a nation of murderers;'[882] they are 'the basest of mankind;'[883]
+they are 'murderous atheists;'[884] they are 'a gang of robbers;'[885]
+they are 'the prostitute outcasts of mankind;'[886] they are 'a
+desperate gang of plunderers, murderers, tyrants, and atheists.'[887] To
+make the slightest concessions to such a country in order to preserve
+peace, is offering victims 'on the altars of blasphemed regicide;'[888]
+even to enter into negotiations is 'exposing our lazar sores at the door
+of every proud servitor of the French republic, where the court-dogs
+will not deign to lick them.'[889] When our ambassador was actually in
+Paris, he 'had the honour of passing his mornings in respectful
+attendance at the office of a regicide pettifogger;'[890] and we were
+taunted with having sent a 'peer of the realm to the scum of the
+earth.'[891] 'France has no longer a place in Europe; it is expunged
+from the map; its very name should be forgotten.[892] Why, then, need
+men travel in it? Why need our children learn its language? and why are
+we to endanger the morals of our ambassadors? who can hardly fail to
+return from such a land with their principles corrupted, and with a wish
+to conspire against their own country.'[893]
+
+  [876] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 319. In every instance I quote the
+        precise words employed by Burke.
+
+  [877] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 279.
+
+  [878] Burke's speech, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 379.
+
+  [879] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 335.
+
+  [880] _Burke's Corresp._ vol. iii. p. 140.
+
+  [881] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 322.
+
+  [882] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 115.
+
+  [883] _Ibid._ p. 112.
+
+  [884] _Ibid._ p. 188.
+
+  [885] _Ibid._ p. 435.
+
+  [886] _Ibid._ p. 646; the concluding sentence of one of Burke's speeches
+        in 1793.
+
+  [887] _Ibid._ vol. xxxi. p. 426.
+
+  [888] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 320.
+
+  [889] _Ibid._ p. 286.
+
+  [890] _Ibid._ p. 322.
+
+  [891] _Ibid._ p. 318.
+
+  [892] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxviii. p. 353, vol. xxx. p. 390; _Adolphus_,
+        vol. iv. p. 467.
+
+  [893] In the _Letters on a Regicide Peace_, published the year before he
+        died, he says, 'These ambassadors may easily return as good
+        courtiers as they went: but can they ever return from that
+        degrading residence loyal and faithful subjects; or with any true
+        affection to their master, or true attachment to the
+        constitution, religion, or laws of their country? There is great
+        danger that they who enter smiling into this Tryphonian cave,
+        will come out of it sad and serious conspirators; and such will
+        continue as long as they live.' _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 282.
+        He adds in the same work, p. 381, 'Is it for this benefit we open
+        "the usual relations of peace and amity?" Is it for this our
+        youth of both sexes are to form themselves by travel? Is it for
+        this that with expense and pains we form their lisping infant
+        accents to the language of France?... Let it be remembered,
+        that no young man can go to any part of Europe without taking
+        this place of pestilential contagion in his way; and, whilst the
+        less active part of the community will be debauched by this
+        travel, whilst children are poisoned at these schools, our trade
+        will put the finishing hand to our ruin. No factory will be
+        settled in France, that will not become a club of complete French
+        Jacobins. The minds of young men of that description will receive
+        a taint in their religion, their morals, and their politics,
+        which they will in a short time communicate to the whole
+        kingdom.'
+
+This is sad, indeed, from such a man as Burke once was; but what
+remains, shows still more clearly how the associations and composition
+of his mind had been altered. He who, with humanity not less than with
+wisdom, had strenuously laboured to prevent the American war, devoted
+the last few years of his life to kindle a new war, compared to which
+that with America was a light and trivial episode. In his calmer
+moments, no one would have more willingly recognized that the opinions
+prevalent in any country are the inevitable results of the circumstances
+in which that country had been placed. But now he sought to alter those
+opinions by force. From the beginning of the French Revolution, he
+insisted upon the right, and indeed upon the necessity, of compelling
+France to change her principles;[894] and, at a later period, he blamed
+the allied sovereigns for not dictating to a great people the government
+they ought to adopt.[895] Such was the havoc circumstances had made in
+his well-ordered intellect, that to this one principle he sacrificed
+every consideration of justice, of mercy, and of expediency. As if war,
+even in its mildest form, were not sufficiently hateful, he sought to
+give to it that character of a crusade[896] which increasing knowledge
+had long since banished: and loudly proclaiming that the contest was
+religious rather than temporal, he revived old prejudices in order to
+cause fresh crimes.[897] He also declared that the war should be carried
+on for revenge as well as for defence, and that we must never lay down
+our arms until we had utterly destroyed the men by whom the Revolution
+was brought about.[898] And, as if these things were not enough, he
+insisted that this, the most awful of all wars, being begun, was not to
+be hurried over; although it was to be carried on for revenge as well as
+for religion, and the resources of civilized men were to be quickened by
+the ferocious passions of crusaders, still it was not to be soon ended;
+it was to be durable; it must have permanence; it must, says Burke, in
+the spirit of a burning hatred, be protracted in a long war: 'I speak it
+emphatically, and with a desire that it should be marked, in a _long_
+war.'[899]
+
+  [894] In _Observations on the Conduct of the Minority_, 1793, he says,
+        that during four years he had wished for 'a general war against
+        jacobins and jacobinism.' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 611.
+
+  [895] For, in the first place, 'the united sovereigns very much injured
+        their cause by admitting that they had nothing to do with the
+        interior arrangements of France.' _Heads for Consideration on the
+        Present State of Affairs_, written in November 1792, in _Burke's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 583. And that he knew that this was not merely
+        a question of destroying a faction, appears from the observable
+        circumstance, that even in January 1791 he wrote to Trevor
+        respecting war, 'France is weak indeed, divided and deranged; but
+        God knows, when the things came to be tried, whether the invaders
+        would not find that their enterprise _was not to support a party,
+        but to conquer a kingdom_.' _Burke's Correspond._ vol. iii. p.
+        184.
+
+  [896] As Lord J. Russell truly calls it, _Mem. of Fox_, vol. iii. p. 34.
+        See also _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p. 93, vol.
+        v. p. 109, vol. vi. p. 291; _Nicholls's Recollections_, vol. i.
+        p. 300; _Parr's Works_, vol. iii. p. 242.
+
+  [897] 'We cannot, if we would, delude ourselves about the true state of
+        this dreadful contest. _It is a religious war._' _Remarks on the
+        Policy of the Allies_, in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 600.
+
+  [898] See the long list of proscriptions in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p.
+        604. And the principle of revenge is again advocated in a letter
+        written in 1793, in _Burke's Correspond._ vol. iv. p. 183. And in
+        1794, he told the House of Commons that 'the war must no longer
+        be confined to the vain attempt of raising a barrier to the
+        lawless and savage power of France; but must be directed to the
+        only rational end it can pursue; namely, the entire destruction
+        of the desperate horde which gave it birth.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxxi. p. 427.
+
+  [899] _Letters on a Regicide Peace_, in _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p.
+        291. In this horrible sentence, perhaps the most horrible ever
+        penned by an English politician, the italics are not my own; they
+        are in the text.
+
+It was to be a war to force a great people to change their government.
+It was to be a war carried on for the purpose of punishment. It was also
+to be a religious war. Finally, it was to be a long war. Was there ever
+any other man who wished to afflict the human race with such extensive,
+searching, and protracted calamities? Such cruel, such reckless, and yet
+such deliberate opinions, if they issued from a sane mind, would
+immortalize even the most obscure statesman, because they would load his
+name with imperishable infamy. For where can we find, even among the
+most ignorant or most sanguinary politicians, sentiments like these? Yet
+they proceed from one who, a very few years before, was the most eminent
+political philosopher England has ever possessed. To us it is only given
+to mourn over so noble a wreck. More than this no one should do. We may
+contemplate with reverence the mighty ruin; but the mysteries of its
+decay let no man presume to invade, unless, to use the language of the
+greatest of our masters, he can tell how to minister to a diseased mind,
+pluck the sorrows which are rooted in the memory, and raze out the
+troubles that are written in the brain.
+
+It is a relief to turn from so painful a subject, even though we descend
+to the petty, huckstering politics of the English court. And truly, the
+history of the treatment experienced by the most illustrious of our
+politicians, is highly characteristic of the prince under whom he lived.
+While Burke was consuming his life in great public services, labouring
+to reform our finances, improve our laws, and enlighten our commercial
+policy,--while he was occupied with these things, the king regarded him
+with coldness and aversion.[900] But when the great statesman
+degenerated into an angry brawler; when, irritated by disease, he made
+it the sole aim of his declining years to kindle a deadly war between
+the two first countries of Europe, and declared that to this barbarous
+object he would sacrifice all other questions of policy, however
+important they might be;[901]--then it was that a perception of his vast
+abilities began to dawn upon the mind of the king. Before this, no one
+had been bold enough to circulate in the palace even a whisper of his
+merits. Now, however, in the successive, and eventually the rapid
+decline of his powers, he had fallen almost to the level of the royal
+intellect; and now he was first warmed by the beams of the royal favour.
+Now he was a man after the king's own heart.[902] Less than two years
+before his death, there was settled upon him, at the express desire of
+George III., two considerable pensions;[903] and the king even wished to
+raise him to the peerage, in order that the House of Lords might benefit
+by the services of so great a counsellor.[904]
+
+  [900] 'I know,' said Burke, in one of those magnificent speeches which
+        mark the zenith of his intellect,--'I know the map of England as
+        well as the noble lord, or as any other person; and I know that
+        the way I take is not the road to preferment.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xvii. p. 1269.
+
+  [901] See, among many other instances, an extraordinary passage on
+        'Jacobinism,' in his _Works_, vol. ii. p. 449, which should be
+        compared with a letter he wrote in 1792, respecting a proposed
+        coalition ministry, _Correspond._ vol. iii. pp. 519, 520: 'But my
+        advice was, that as a foundation of the whole, the political
+        principle must be settled as the preliminary, namely, "a total
+        hostility to the French system, at home and abroad."'
+
+  [902] The earliest evidence I have met with of the heart of George III.
+        beginning to open towards Burke, is in August 1791; see in
+        _Burke's Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. 278, an exquisitely absurd
+        account of his reception at the levee. Burke must have been
+        fallen, indeed, before he could write such a letter.
+
+  [903] 'Said to have originated in the express wish of the king.'
+        _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 489. Mr. Prior estimates these
+        pensions at 3,700_l._ a-year; but if we may rely on Mr. Nicholls,
+        the sum was even greater: 'Mr. Burke was rewarded with two
+        pensions, estimated to be worth 40,000_l._' _Nicholls's
+        Recollections_, vol. i. p. 136. Burke was sixty-five; and a
+        pension of 3,700_l._ a-year would not be worth 40,000_l._, as the
+        tables were then calculated. The statement of Mr. Prior is,
+        however, confirmed by Wansey, in 1794. See _Nichols's Lit. Anec.
+        of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. p. 81.
+
+  [904] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 460; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii.
+        p. 81; _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. p. 414.
+
+This digression respecting the character of Burke has been longer than I
+had anticipated; but it will not, I hope, be considered unimportant;
+for, in addition to the intrinsic interest of the subject, it
+illustrates the feelings of George III. towards great men, and it shows
+what the opinions were which in his reign it was thought necessary to
+hold. In the sequel of this work, I shall trace the effect of such
+opinions upon the interests of the country, considered as a whole; but
+for the object of the present Introduction, it will be sufficient to
+point out the connexion in one or two more of those prominent instances,
+the character of which is too notorious to admit of discussion.
+
+Of these leading and conspicuous events, the American war was the
+earliest, and for several years it almost entirely absorbed the
+attention of English politicians. In the reign of George II. a proposal
+had been made to increase the revenue by taxing the colonies; which, as
+the Americans were totally unrepresented in parliament, was simply a
+proposition to tax an entire people without even the form of asking
+their consent. This scheme of public robbery was rejected by that able
+and moderate man who was then at the head of affairs; and the
+suggestion, being generally deemed impracticable, fell to the ground,
+and seems, indeed, hardly to have excited attention.[905] But what was
+deemed by the government of George II. to be a dangerous stretch of
+arbitrary power, was eagerly welcomed by the government of George III.
+For the new king, having the most exalted notion of his own authority,
+and being, from his miserable education, entirely ignorant of public
+affairs, thought that to tax the Americans for the benefit of the
+English, would be a masterpiece of policy. When, therefore, the old idea
+was revived, it met with his cordial acquiescence; and when the
+Americans showed their intention of resisting this monstrous injustice,
+he was only the more confirmed in his opinion that it was necessary to
+curb their unruly will. Nor need we be surprised at the rapidity with
+which such angry feelings broke out. Indeed, looking, on the one hand,
+at the despotic principles which, for the first time since the
+Revolution, were now revived at the English court; and looking, on the
+other hand, at the independent spirit of the colonists,--it was
+impossible to avoid a struggle between the two parties; and the only
+questions were, as to what form the contest would take, and towards
+which side victory was most likely to incline.[906]
+
+  [905] 'It had been proposed to Sir Robert Walpole to raise the revenue
+        by imposing taxes on America; but that minister, who could
+        foresee beyond the benefit of the actual moment, declared it must
+        be a bolder man than himself who should venture on such an
+        expedient.' _Walpole's George III._ vol. ii. p. 70. Compare
+        _Phillimore's Mem. of Lyttleton_, vol. ii. p. 662; _Bancroft's
+        American Revolution_, vol. i. p. 96; _Belsham's Hist. of Great
+        Britain_, vol. v. p. 102.
+
+  [906] That some sort of rupture was unavoidable, must, I think, be
+        admitted; but we are not bound to believe the assertion of Horace
+        Walpole, who says (_Mem. of George II._ vol. i. p. 397) that in
+        1754 he predicted the American rebellion. Walpole, though a keen
+        observer of the surface of society, was not the man to take a
+        view of this kind; unless, as is hardly probable, he heard an
+        opinion to that effect expressed by his father. Sir Robert
+        Walpole may have said something respecting the increasing love of
+        liberty in the colonies; but it was impossible for him to foresee
+        how that love would be fostered by the arbitrary proceedings of
+        the government of George III.
+
+On the part of the English government, no time was lost. Five years
+after the accession of George III., a bill was brought into parliament
+to tax the Americans;[907] and so complete had been the change in
+political affairs, that not the least difficulty was found in passing a
+measure which, in the reign of George II., no minister had dared to
+propose. Formerly, such a proposal, if made, would certainly have been
+rejected; now the most powerful parties in the state were united in its
+favour. The king, on every occasion, paid a court to the clergy, to
+which, since the death of Anne, they had been unaccustomed; he was,
+therefore, sure of their support, and they zealously aided him in every
+attempt to oppress the colonies.[908] The aristocracy, a few leading
+Whigs alone excepted, were on the same side, and looked to the taxation
+of America as a means of lessening their own contributions.[909] As to
+George III., his feelings on the subject were notorious;[910] and the
+more liberal party not having yet recovered from the loss of power
+consequent on the death of George II., there was little fear of
+difficulties from the cabinet; it being well known that the throne was
+occupied by a prince whose first object was to keep ministers in strict
+dependence on himself, and who, whenever it was practicable, called into
+office such weak and flexible men as would yield unhesitating submission
+to his wishes.[911]
+
+  [907] The general proposition was introduced in 1764; the bill itself
+        early in 1765. See _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. pp. 82,
+        85; and _Grenville Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 373, 374. On the
+        complete change of policy which this indicated, see _Brougham's
+        Polit. Philos._ part iii. p. 328.
+
+  [908] The correspondence of that time contains ample proof of the
+        bitterness of the clergy against the Americans. Even in 1777,
+        Burke wrote to Fox: 'The Tories do universally think their power
+        and consequence involved in the success of this American
+        business. The clergy are astonishingly warm in it; and what the
+        Tories are when embodied and united with their natural head, the
+        crown, and animated by their clergy, no man knows better than
+        yourself.' _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 390. Compare _Bishop
+        Newton's Life of Himself_, pp. 134, 157.
+
+  [909] 'The overbearing aristocracy desired some reduction of the land
+        tax, at the expense of America.' _Bancroft's Hist. of the
+        American Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 414. The merchants, on the
+        other hand, were opposed to these violent proceedings. See, on
+        this contrast between the landed and commercial interests, a
+        letter from Lord Shelburne, in 1774, and another from Lord
+        Camden, in 1775, in _Chatham Correspond._ vol. iv. pp. 341, 401.
+        See also the speeches of Trecothick and Vyner, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xvi. p. 507, vol. xviii. p. 1361.
+
+  [910] It was believed at the time, and it is not improbable, that the
+        king himself suggested the taxation of America, to which
+        Grenville at first objected. Compare _Wraxall's Mem. of his own
+        Time_, vol. ii. pp. 111, 112, with _Nicholl's Recollections_,
+        vol. i. pp. 205, 386. This may have been merely a rumour; but it
+        is quite consistent with everything we know of the character of
+        George III., and there can, at all events, be no doubt as to his
+        feelings respecting the general question. It is certain that he
+        over-persuaded Lord North to engage in the contest with America,
+        and induced that minister to go to war, and to continue it even
+        after success had become hopeless. See _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. iii. pp. 307, 308; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_,
+        vol. i. pp. 247, 254; and the _Bedford Correspond._ vol. iii. p.
+        li. See also, in regard to the repeal of the Stamp Act, the
+        _Grenville Papers_, vol. iii. p. 373; a curious passage, with
+        which Lord Mahon, the last edition of whose history was published
+        in the same year (1853), appears to have been unacquainted.
+        _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 139. In America the
+        sentiments of the king were well known. In 1775, Jefferson writes
+        from Philadelphia: 'We are told, and everything proves it true,
+        that he is the bitterest enemy we have.' _Jefferson's
+        Correspond._ vol. i. p. 153. And in 1782 Franklin writes to
+        Livingston, 'The king hates us most cordially.' _Life of
+        Franklin_, vol. ii. p. 126.
+
+  [911] 'A court,' as Lord Albemarle observes,--'a court that required
+        ministers to be, not the public servants of the state, but the
+        private domestics of the sovereign.' _Albemarle's Mem. of
+        Rockingham_, vol. i. p. 248. Compare _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 109. In the same way, Burke, in 1767,
+        writes: 'His majesty never was in better spirits. He has got a
+        ministry weak and dependent; and, what is better, willing to
+        continue so.' _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 133. Ten years
+        later, Lord Chatham openly taunted the king with this disgraceful
+        peculiarity: 'Thus to pliable men, not capable men, was the
+        government of this once glorious empire intrusted.' _Chatham's
+        Speech in 1777_, in _Adolphus_, vol. ii. pp. 499, 500.
+
+Everything being thus prepared, there followed those events which were
+to be expected from such a combination. Without stopping to relate
+details which are known to every reader, it may be briefly mentioned
+that, in this new state of things, the wise and forbearing policy of the
+preceding reign was set at naught, and the national councils guided by
+rash and ignorant men, who soon brought the greatest disasters upon the
+country, and within a few years actually dismembered the empire. In
+order to enforce the monstrous claim of taxing a whole people without
+their consent, there was waged against America a war ill-conducted,
+unsuccessful, and, what is far worse, accompanied by cruelties
+disgraceful to a civilized nation.[912] To this may be added, that an
+immense trade was nearly annihilated; every branch of commerce was
+thrown into confusion;[913] we were disgraced in the eyes of
+Europe;[914] we incurred an expense of 140,000,000_l._;[915] and we
+lost by far the most valuable colonies any nation has ever possessed.
+
+  [912] For some evidence of the ferocity with which this war was
+        conducted by the English, see _Tucker's Life of Jefferson_, vol.
+        i. pp. 138, 139, 160; _Jefferson's Mem. and Correspond._ vol. i.
+        pp. 352, 429, vol. ii. pp. 336, 337; _Almon's Correspond. of
+        Wilkes_, vol. v. pp. 229-232, edit. 1805; _Adolphus's Hist. of
+        George III._ vol. ii. pp. 362, 391. These horrible cruelties were
+        frequently mentioned in parliament, but without producing the
+        least effect on the king or his ministers. See _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xix. pp. 371, 403, 423, 424, 432, 438, 440, 477, 487, 488, 489,
+        567, 578, 579, 695, 972, 1393, 1394, vol. xx. p. 43. Among the
+        expenses of the war which government laid before parliament, one
+        of the items was for 'five gross of scalping knives.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xix. pp. 971, 972. See further _Mém. de Lafayette_,
+        vol. i. pp. 23, 25, 99.
+
+  [913] In Manchester, 'in consequence of the American troubles, nine in
+        ten of the artisans in that town had been discharged from
+        employment.' This was stated in 1766, by no less an authority
+        than Conway. _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 135. As the
+        struggle became more obstinate the evil was more marked, and
+        ample evidence of the enormous injury inflicted on England will
+        be found by comparing _Franklin's Correspondence_, vol. i. p.
+        352; _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. ii. p. 261; _Burke's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 111; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xviii. pp. 734, 951,
+        963, 964, vol. xix. pp. 259, 341, 710, 711, 1072; _Walpole's Mem.
+        of George III._ vol. ii. p. 218.
+
+  [914] Even Mr. Adolphus, in his Tory history, says, that in 1782 'the
+        cause of Great Britain seemed degraded to the lowest state; ill
+        success and the prevalent opinion of mismanagement rendered the
+        espousal of it among the selfish powers of the continent almost
+        disreputable.' _Hist. of George III._ vol. iii. pp. 391, 392. For
+        proof of the opinions held in foreign countries respecting this,
+        I cannot do better than refer to _Mém. de Ségur_, vol. iii. pp.
+        184, 185; _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ix. p. 377; _Soulavie_,
+        _Mém. de Louis XVI._ vol. iv. pp. 363, 364; _Koch_, _Tableau des
+        Révolutions_, vol. ii. pp. 190-194; _Mem. of Mallet du Pan_, vol.
+        i. p. 37.
+
+  [915] Sir John Sinclair, in his _Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. ii. p. 114,
+        says 139,171,876_l._
+
+Such were the first fruits of the policy of George III. But the mischief
+did not stop there. The opinions which it was necessary to advocate in
+order to justify this barbarous war, recoiled upon ourselves. In order
+to defend the attempt to destroy the liberties of America, principles
+were laid down which, if carried into effect, would have subverted the
+liberties of England. Not only in the court, but in both houses of
+parliament, from the episcopal bench, and from the pulpits of the
+church-party, there were promulgated doctrines of the most dangerous
+kind--doctrines unsuited to a limited monarchy, and, indeed,
+incompatible with it. The extent to which this reaction proceeded is
+known to very few readers, because the evidence of it is chiefly to be
+found in the parliamentary debates, and in the theological literature,
+particularly the sermons of that time, none of which are now much
+studied. But, not to anticipate matters belonging to another part of
+this work, it is enough to say that the danger was so imminent as to
+make the ablest defenders of popular liberty believe that everything was
+at stake; and that if the Americans were vanquished, the next step would
+be to attack the liberties of England, and endeavour to extend to the
+mother-country the same arbitrary government which by that time would
+have been established in the colonies.[916]
+
+  [916] Dr. Jebb, an able observer, thought that the American war 'must be
+        decisive of the liberties of both countries.' _Disney's Life of
+        Jebb_, p. 92. So, too, Lord Chatham wrote in 1777, 'poor England
+        will have fallen upon her own sword.' _The Grenville Papers_,
+        vol. iv. p. 573. In the same year, Burke said of the attempt made
+        to rule the colonies by military force, 'that the establishment
+        of such a power in America will utterly ruin our finances (though
+        its certain effect), is the smallest part of our concern. It will
+        become an apt, powerful, and certain engine for the destruction
+        of our freedom here.' _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 399. Compare
+        vol. i. pp. 189, 210; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. pp. 104, 107, 651,
+        652, vol. xix. pp. 11, 1056, vol. xx. p. 119, vol. xxi. p. 907.
+        Hence it was that Fox wished the Americans to be victorious
+        (_Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. p. 143); for which some writers
+        have actually accused him of want of patriotism!
+
+Whether or not these fears were exaggerated, is a question of
+considerable difficulty; but after a careful study of that time, and a
+study too from sources not much used by historians, I feel satisfied
+that they who are best acquainted with the period will be the most
+willing to admit that, though the danger may have been overrated, it was
+far more serious than men are now inclined to believe. At all events, it
+is certain that the general aspect of political affairs was calculated
+to excite great alarm. It is certain, that during many years, the
+authority of the crown continued to increase, until it reached a height
+of which no example had been seen in England for several generations. It
+is certain that the Church of England exerted all her influence in
+favour of those despotic principles which the king wished to enforce. It
+is also certain that, by the constant creation of new peers, all holding
+the same views, the character of the House of Lords was undergoing a
+slow but decisive change; and that, whenever a favourable opportunity
+arose, high judicial appointments and high ecclesiastical appointments
+were conferred upon men notorious for their leaning towards the royal
+prerogative. These are facts which cannot be denied; and, putting them
+together, there remains, I think, no doubt, that the American war was a
+great crisis in the history of England, and that if the colonists had
+been defeated, our liberties would have been for a time in considerable
+jeopardy. From that risk we were saved by the Americans, who with heroic
+spirit resisted the royal armies, defeated them at every point, and at
+length, separating themselves from the mother-country, began that
+wonderful career, which, in less than eighty years, has raised them to
+an unexampled prosperity, and which to us ought to be deeply
+interesting, as showing what may be effected by the unaided resources of
+a free people.
+
+Seven years after this great contest had been brought to a successful
+close, and the Americans, happily for the interests of mankind, had
+finally secured their independence, another nation rose up and turned
+against its rulers. The history of the causes of the French Revolution
+will be found in another part of this volume; at present we have only to
+glance at the effects it produced upon the policy of the English
+government. In France, as is well known, the movement was extremely
+rapid; the old institutions, which were so corrupted as to be utterly
+unfit for use, were quickly destroyed; and the people, frenzied by
+centuries of oppression, practised the most revolting cruelties,
+saddening the hour of their triumph by crimes that disgraced the noble
+cause for which they struggled.
+
+All this, frightful as it was, did nevertheless form a part of the
+natural course of affairs; it was the old story of tyranny exciting
+revenge, and revenge blinding men to every consequence except the
+pleasure of glutting their own passions. If, under these circumstances,
+France had been left to herself, the Revolution, like all other
+revolutions, would soon have subsided, and a form of government have
+arisen suited to the actual condition of things. What the form would
+have been, it is impossible now to say; that, however, was a question
+with which no foreign country had the slightest concern. Whether it
+should be an oligarchy, or a despotic monarchy, or a republic, it was
+for France to decide; but it was evidently not the business of any other
+nation to decide for her. Still less was it likely that, on so delicate
+a point, France would submit to dictation from a country which had
+always been her rival, and which not unfrequently had been her bitter
+and successful enemy.
+
+But these considerations, obvious as they are, were lost upon George
+III., and upon those classes which were then in the ascendant. The fact
+that a great people had risen against their oppressors disquieted the
+consciences of men in high places. The same evil passions, and indeed
+the same evil language, which a few years before were directed against
+the Americans, were now turned against the French; and it was but too
+clear that the same results would follow.[917] In defiance of every
+maxim of sound policy, the English ambassador was recalled from France
+simply because that country chose to do away with the monarchy, and
+substitute a republic in its place. This was the first decisive step
+towards an open rupture, and it was taken, not because France had
+injured England, but because France had changed her government.[918] A
+few months later, the French, copying the example of the English in the
+preceding century,[919] brought their king to a public trial, sentenced
+him to die, and struck off his head in the midst of his own capital. It
+must be allowed that this act was needless, that it was cruel, and that
+it was grossly impolitic. But it is palpably evident that they who
+consented to the execution were responsible only to God and their
+country; and that any notice of it from abroad, which bore the
+appearance of a threat, would rouse the spirit of France, would unite
+all parties into one, and would induce the nation to adopt as its own a
+crime of which it might otherwise have repented, but which it could not
+now abjure without incurring the shame of having yielded to the
+dictation of a foreign power.
+
+  [917] In 1792, and therefore before the war broke out, Lord Lansdowne,
+        one of the extremely few peers who escaped from the prevailing
+        corruption, said,'The present instance recalled to his memory the
+        proceedings of this country previous to the American war. The
+        same abusive and degrading terms were applied to the Americans
+        that were now used to the National Convention,--_the same
+        consequences might follow_.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 155.
+
+  [918] Compare _Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. viii. p. 490,
+        with _Tomline's Life of Pitt_, vol. ii. p. 548. The letter to
+        Lord Gower, the English minister in Paris, is printed in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxx. pp. 143, 144. Its date is 17th August, 1792.
+
+  [919] Just before the Revolution, Robert de Saint-Vincent pertinently
+        remarked, by way of caution, that the English 'have dethroned
+        seven of their kings, and beheaded the eighth.' _Mem. of Mallet
+        du Pan_, vol. i. p. 146; and we are told in _Alison's Europe_
+        (vol. ii. pp. 199, 296, 315), that in 1792 Louis 'anticipated the
+        fate of Charles I.' Compare _Williams's Letters from France_, 2nd
+        edit. 1796, vol. iv. p. 2.
+
+In England, however, as soon as the fate of the king was known, the
+government, without waiting for explanation, and without asking for any
+guarantee as to the future, treated the death of Louis as an offence
+against itself, and imperiously ordered the French residents to quit the
+country:[920] thus wantonly originating a war which lasted twenty
+years, cost the lives of millions, plunged all Europe into confusion,
+and, more than any other circumstance, stopped the march of
+civilization, by postponing for a whole generation those reforms, which,
+late in the eighteenth century, the progress of affairs rendered
+indispensable.
+
+  [920] Belsham (_Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. viii. p. 525) supposes,
+        and probably with reason, that the English government was bent
+        upon war even before the death of Louis; but it appears
+        (_Tomline's Pitt_, vol. ii. p. 599) that it was not until the
+        24th of January 1793, that Chauvelin was actually ordered to
+        leave England, and that this was in consequence of 'the British
+        ministers having received information of the execution of the
+        king of France.' Compare _Belsham_, vol. viii. p. 530. The common
+        opinion, therefore, seems correct, that the proximate cause of
+        hostilities was the execution of Louis. See _Alison's Hist._ vol.
+        ii. p. 522, vol. v. p. 249, vol. vi. p. 656; and _Newmarch_, in
+        _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. xviii. p. 108.
+
+The European results of this, the most hateful, the most unjust, and the
+most atrocious war, England has ever waged against any country, will be
+hereafter considered;[921] at present I confine myself to a short
+summary of its leading effects on English society.
+
+  [921] Lord Brougham (_Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 79) rightly
+        says of this war, that 'the youngest man living will not survive
+        the fatal effects of this flagrant political crime.' So eager,
+        however, was George III. in its favour, that when Wilberforce
+        separated himself from Pitt on account of the war, and moved an
+        amendment on the subject in the House of Commons, the king showed
+        his spite by refusing to take any notice of Wilberforce the next
+        time he appeared at court. _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. ii. pp.
+        10, 72.
+
+What distinguishes this sanguinary contest from all preceding ones, and
+what gives to it its worst feature, is, that it was eminently a war of
+opinions,--a war which we carried on, not with a view to territorial
+acquisitions, but with the object of repressing that desire for reforms
+of every kind, which had now become the marked characteristic of the
+leading countries of Europe.[922] As soon, therefore, as hostilities
+began the English government had a twofold duty to perform it had to
+destroy a republic abroad, and it had to prevent improvement at home.
+The first of these duties it fulfilled by squandering the blood and the
+treasure of England, till it had thrown nearly every family into
+mourning, and reduced the country to the verge of national bankruptcy.
+The other duty it attempted to execute by enacting a series of laws
+intended to put an end to the free discussion of political questions,
+and stifle that spirit of inquiry which was every year becoming more
+active. These laws were so comprehensive, and so well calculated to
+effect their purpose, that if the energy of the nation had not prevented
+their being properly enforced, they would either have destroyed every
+vestige of popular liberty, or else have provoked a general rebellion.
+Indeed, during several years the danger was so imminent, that, in the
+opinion of some high authorities, nothing could have averted it, but the
+bold spirit with which our English juries, by their hostile verdicts,
+resisted the proceedings of government, and refused to sanction laws
+which the crown had proposed, and to which a timid and servile
+legislature had willingly consented.[923]
+
+  [922] In 1793 and subsequently, it was stated both by the opposition,
+        and also by the supporters of government, that the war with
+        France was directed against doctrines and opinions, and that one
+        of its main objects was to discourage the progress of democratic
+        institutions. See, among many other instances, _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxx. pp. 413, 417, 1077, 1199, 1200, 1283, vol. xxxi. pp. 466,
+        592, 649, 680, 1036, 1047, vol. xxxiii. pp. 603, 604; _Nicholls's
+        Recollections_, vol. ii. pp. 156, 157.
+
+  [923] Lord Campbell (_Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 449) says,
+        that if the laws passed in 1794 had been enforced, 'the only
+        chance of escaping servitude would have been civil war.' Compare
+        _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 237, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64, on
+        our 'escape from proscription and from arbitrary power ... during
+        the almost hopeless struggle from 1793 to 1801.' Both these
+        writers pay great and deserved honour to the successful efforts
+        of Erskine with juries. Indeed the spirit of our jurors was so
+        determined, that in 1794, at Tooke's trial, they only consulted
+        eight minutes before bringing in a verdict of acquittal.
+        _Stephens's Mem. of Horne Tooke_, vol. ii. p. 147; see also, on
+        this crisis, _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 210. The people
+        sympathised throughout with the victims; and while the trial of
+        Hardy was pending, the attorney-general, Scott, was always mobbed
+        when he left the court, and on one occasion his life was in
+        danger. _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. i. pp. 185, 186. Compare
+        _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 180, 181.
+
+We may form some idea of the magnitude of the crisis by considering the
+steps which were actually taken against the two most important of all
+our institutions, namely, the freedom of the public press, and the
+right of assembling in meetings for the purpose of public discussion.
+These are, in a political point of view, the two most striking
+peculiarities which distinguish us from every other European people. As
+long as they are preserved intact, and as long as they are fearlessly
+and frequently employed, there will always be ample protection against
+those encroachments on the part of government which cannot be too
+jealously watched, and to which even the freest country is liable. To
+this may be added, that these institutions possess other advantages of
+the highest order. By encouraging political discussion, they increase
+the amount of intellect brought to bear upon the political business of
+the country. They also increase the total strength of the nation, by
+causing large classes of men to exercise faculties which would otherwise
+lie dormant, but which by these means are quickened into activity, and
+become available for other purposes of social interest.
+
+But in the period we are now considering, it was deemed advisable that
+the influence of the people should be lessened; it was, therefore,
+thought improper that they should strengthen their abilities by
+exercising them. To relate the details of that bitter war, which, late
+in the eighteenth century, the English government carried on against
+every kind of free discussion, would lead me far beyond the limits of
+this Introduction; and I can only hastily refer to the vindictive
+prosecutions, and, whenever a verdict was obtained, the vindictive
+punishments, of men like Adams, Bonney, Crossfield, Frost, Gerald,
+Hardy, Holt, Hodson, Holcroft, Joyce, Kidd, Lambert, Margarot, Martin,
+Muir, Palmer, Perry, Skirving, Stannard, Thelwall, Tooke, Wakefield,
+Wardie, Winterbotham: all of whom were indicted, and many of whom were
+fined, imprisoned, or transported, because they expressed their
+sentiments with freedom, and because they used language such as in our
+time is employed with perfect impunity, by speakers at public meetings,
+and by writers in the public press.
+
+As, however, juries in several cases refused to convict men who were
+prosecuted for these offences, it was determined to recur to measures
+still more decisive. In 1795, a law was passed, by which it was
+manifestly intended to put an end for ever to all popular discussions
+either on political or religious matters. For by it every public meeting
+was forbidden, unless notice of it were inserted in a newspaper five
+days beforehand;[924] such notice to contain a statement of the objects
+of the meeting, and of the time and place where it was to assemble. And,
+to bring the whole arrangement completely under the supervision of
+government, it was ordered, that not only should the notice, thus
+published, be signed by householders, but that the original manuscript
+should be preserved, for the information of the justices of the peace,
+who might require a copy of it: a significant threat, which, in those
+days, was easily understood.[925] It was also enacted that, even after
+these precautions had been taken, any single justice might compel the
+meeting to disperse, if, in his opinion, the language held by the
+speakers was calculated to bring the sovereign or the government into
+contempt; while, at the same time, he was authorized to arrest those
+whom he considered to be the offenders.[926] The power of dissolving a
+public meeting, and of seizing its leaders, was thus conferred upon a
+common magistrate, and conferred too without the slightest provision
+against its abuse. In other words, the right of putting an end to all
+public discussions on the most important subjects, was lodged in the
+hands of a man appointed by the crown, and removable by the crown at its
+own pleasure. To this it was added, that if the meeting should consist
+of twelve, or upwards of twelve persons, and should remain together for
+one hour after being ordered to separate,--in such case, the penalty of
+death was to be inflicted, even if only twelve disobeyed this the
+arbitrary command of a single and irresponsible magistrate.[927]
+
+  [924] 'Five days at least.' _Stat. 36 George III._ c. 8, § 1. This
+        applied to meetings 'holden for the purpose or on the pretext of
+        considering of or preparing any petition, complaint,
+        remonstrance, or declaration, or other address to the king, or to
+        both houses, or either house, of parliament, for alteration of
+        matters established in church or state, or for the purpose or on
+        the pretext of deliberating upon any grievance in church or
+        state.' The only exceptions allowed were in the case of meetings
+        called by magistrates, officials, and the majority of the grand
+        jury.
+
+  [925] The insertor of the notice in the newspaper 'shall cause such
+        notice and authority to be carefully preserved, ... and cause a
+        true copy thereof (if required) to be delivered to any justice of
+        the peace for the county, city, town, or place where such person
+        shall reside, or where such newspaper shall be printed, and who
+        shall require the same.' _36 George III._ c. 8, § 1.
+
+  [926] C. 8, §§ 6 and 7, referring to 'meetings on notice;' and to
+        persons holding language which shall even 'tend to incite.' These
+        two sections are very remarkable.
+
+  [927] 'It shall be adjudged,' says the Act, 'felony without benefit of
+        clergy; and the offenders therein shall be adjudged felons, and
+        shall suffer death as in case of felony without benefit of
+        clergy.' _36 George III._ c. 8, § 6.
+
+In 1799, another law was passed, forbidding any open field, or place of
+any kind, to be used for lecturing, or for debating, unless a specific
+license for such place had been obtained from the magistrates. It was
+likewise enacted, that all circulating-libraries, and all reading-rooms,
+should be subject to the same provision; no person, without leave from
+the constituted authorities, being permitted to lend on hire in his own
+house, newspapers, pamphlets, or even books of any kind.[928] Before
+shops of this sort could be opened, a license must first be obtained
+from two justices of the peace; which, however, was to be renewed at
+least once a year, and might be revoked at any intermediate period.[929]
+If a man lent books without the permission of the magistrates, or if he
+allowed lectures or debates, 'on any subject whatever,' to be held under
+his roof, then, for such grievous crime, he was to be fined 100_l._
+a-day; and every person who aided him, either by presiding over the
+discussion, or by supplying a book, was for each offence to be fined
+20_l._ The proprietor of so pernicious an establishment was not only to
+suffer from these ruinous fines, but was declared liable to still
+further punishment as the keeper of a disorderly house.[930]
+
+  [928] _Stat. 39 George III._ c. 79, § 15.
+
+  [929] The license 'shall be in force for the space of one year and no
+        longer, or for any less space of time therein to be specified;
+        and which license it shall be lawful for the justices of the
+        peace' &c. 'to revoke and declare void, and no longer in force,
+        by any order of such justices; ... and thereupon such license
+        shall cease and determine, and be thenceforth utterly void and of
+        no effect.' _39 George III._ c. 79, § 18.
+
+  [930] Such things are so incredible, that I must again quote the words
+        of the Act: 'Every house, room, or place, which shall be opened
+        or used as a place of meeting for the purpose of reading books,
+        pamphlets, newspapers, or other publications, and to which any
+        person shall be admitted by payment of money' (if not regularly
+        licensed by the authorities), ... 'shall be deemed a
+        disorderly house;' and the person opening it shall 'be otherwise
+        punished as the law directs in case of disorderly houses.' _39
+        George III._ c. 79, § 15. The germ of this law may be found in
+        _36 George III._ c. 8, § § 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. Nowhere are the
+        weakest parts of the human mind more clearly seen than in the
+        history of legislation.
+
+To modern ears it sounds somewhat strange, that the owner of a public
+reading-room should not only incur extravagant fines, but should also be
+punished as the keeper of a disorderly house; and that all this should
+happen to him, simply because he opened his shop without asking
+permission from the local magistrates. Strange, however, as this
+appears, it was, at all events, consistent, since it formed part of a
+regular plan for bringing, not only the actions of men, but even their
+opinions, under the direct control of the executive government. Thus it
+was that the laws, now for the first time passed, against newspapers,
+were so stringent, and the prosecution of authors so unrelenting, that
+there was an evident intention to ruin every public writer who expressed
+independent sentiments.[931] These measures, and others of a similar
+character, which will hereafter be noticed, excited such alarm, that, in
+the opinion of some of the ablest observers, the state of public affairs
+was becoming desperate, perhaps irretrievable. The extreme despondency
+with which, late in the eighteenth century, the best friends of liberty
+looked to the future, is very observable, and forms a striking feature
+in their private correspondence.[932] And although comparatively few men
+venture to express such sentiments in public, Fox, whose fearless temper
+made him heedless of risk, openly stated what would have checked the
+government, if anything could have done so. For this eminent statesman,
+who had been minister more than once, and was afterwards minister again,
+did not hesitate to say, from his place in parliament, in 1795, that if
+these, and other shameful laws which were proposed, should be actually
+passed, forcible resistance to the government would be merely a question
+of prudence; and that the people, if they felt themselves equal to the
+conflict, would be justified in withstanding the arbitrary measures by
+which their rulers sought to extinguish their liberties.[933]
+
+  [931] See the particulars in _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. pp.
+        281-4. Mr. Hunt says, p. 284: 'In addition to all these laws,
+        directed solely towards the press, other statutes were made to
+        bear upon it, for the purpose of repressing the free expression
+        of popular opinion.' In 1793, Dr. Currie writes: 'The
+        prosecutions that are commenced by government all over England
+        against printers, publishers, &c. would astonish you; and most of
+        these are for offences committed many months ago. The printer of
+        the _Manchester Herald_ has had seven different indictments
+        preferred against him for paragraphs in his paper; and six
+        _different_ indictments for selling or disposing of six different
+        copies of Paine,--all previous to the _trial_ of Paine. The man
+        was opulent, supposed worth 20,000_l._; but these different
+        actions will ruin him, as they were intended to do.' _Currie's
+        Life_, vol. i. pp. 185, 186. See also a letter from Roscoe to
+        Lord Lansdowne, in _Life of Roscoe_, vol. i. p. 124; and _Mem. of
+        Holcroft_, vol. ii. pp. 151, 152: 'Printers and booksellers all
+        over the kingdom were hunted out for prosecution.' See further,
+        _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200; _Adolphus's Hist. of
+        George III._ vol. v. pp. 525, 526; _Mem. of Wakefield_, vol. ii.
+        p. 69.
+
+  [932] In 1793, Dr. Currie, after mentioning the attempts made by
+        government to destroy the liberty of the press, adds: 'For my
+        part, I foresee troubles, and conceive the nation was never in
+        such a dangerous crisis.' _Currie's Mem._ vol. i. p. 186. In
+        1795, Fox writes (_Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. iii. pp. 124,
+        125): 'There appears to me to be no choice at present, but
+        between an absolute surrender of the liberties of the people and
+        a vigorous exertion, attended, I admit, with considerable hazard,
+        at a time like the present. My view of things is, I own, very
+        gloomy; and I am convinced that, in a very few years, this
+        government will become completely absolute, or that confusion
+        will arise of a nature almost as much to be deprecated as
+        despotism itself.' In the same year, Dr. Raine writes (_Parr's
+        Works_, vol. vii. p. 533): 'The mischievous conduct of men in
+        power has long made this country an uneasy dwelling for the
+        moderate and peaceful man; their present proceedings render our
+        situation alarming, and our prospects dreadful.' See also p. 530.
+        In 1796, the Bishop of Llandaff writes (_Life of Watson_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 36, 37): 'The malady which attacks the constitution
+        (influence of the crown) is without remedy; violent applications
+        might be used; their success would be doubtful, and I, for one,
+        never wish to see them tried.' Compare vol. i. p. 222. And, in
+        1799, Priestley dreaded a revolution; but, at the same time,
+        thought there was 'no longer any hope of a peaceable and gradual
+        reform.' _Mem. of Priestley_, vol. i. pp. 198, 199.
+
+  [933] In this memorable declaration, Fox said, that 'he had a right to
+        hope and expect that these bills, which positively repealed the
+        Bill of Rights, and cut up the whole of the constitution by the
+        roots, by changing our limited monarchy into an absolute
+        despotism, would not be enacted by parliament against the
+        declared sense of a great majority of the people. If, however,
+        ministers were determined, by means of the corrupt influence they
+        possessed in the two houses of parliament, to pass the bills in
+        direct opposition to the declared sense of a great majority of
+        the nation, and they should be put in force with all their
+        rigorous provisions, if his opinion were asked by the people as
+        to their obedience, he should tell them, that it was no longer a
+        question of moral obligation and duty, but of prudence. It would,
+        indeed, be a case of extremity alone which could justify
+        resistance; and the only question would be, whether that
+        resistance was prudent.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxii. p. 383. On
+        this, Windham remarked, and Fox did not deny, that 'the meaning
+        obviously was, that the right hon. gentleman would advise the
+        people, whenever they were strong enough, to resist the execution
+        of the law;' and to this both Sheridan and Grey immediately
+        assented, pp. 385-387.
+
+Nothing, however, could stop the government in its headlong career. The
+ministers, secure of a majority in both houses of parliament, were able
+to carry their measures in defiance of the people, who opposed them by
+every mode short of actual violence.[934] And as the object of these new
+laws was, to check the spirit of inquiry, and prevent reforms, which
+the progress of society rendered indispensable, there were also brought
+into play other means subservient to the same end. It is no exaggeration
+to say, that for some years England was ruled by a system of absolute
+terror.[935] The ministers of the day, turning a struggle of party into
+a war of proscription, filled the prisons with their political
+opponents, and allowed them, when in confinement, to be treated with
+shameful severity.[936] If a man was known to be a reformer, he was
+constantly in danger of being arrested; and if he escaped that, he was
+watched at every turn, and his private letters were opened as they
+passed through the post-office.[937] In such cases, no scruples were
+allowed. Even the confidence of domestic life was violated. No opponent
+of government was safe under his own roof, against the tales of
+eavesdroppers and the gossip of servants. Discord was introduced into
+the bosom of families, and schisms caused between parents and their
+children.[938] Not only were the most strenuous attempts made to
+silence the press, but the booksellers were so constantly prosecuted
+that they did not dare to publish a work if its author were obnoxious to
+the court.[939] Indeed, whoever opposed the government was proclaimed an
+enemy to his country.[940] Political associations and public meetings
+were strictly forbidden. Every popular leader was in personal danger;
+and every popular assemblage was dispersed, either by threats or by
+military execution. That hateful machinery, familiar to the worst days
+of the seventeenth century, was put into motion. Spies were paid;
+witnesses were suborned; juries were packed.[941] The coffee-houses, the
+inns, and the clubs, were filled with emissaries of the government, who
+reported the most hasty expressions of common conversation.[942] If, by
+these means, no sort of evidence could be collected, there was another
+resource, which was unsparingly used. For, the habeas-corpus act being
+constantly suspended, the crown had the power of imprisoning without
+inquiry, and without limitation, any person offensive to the ministry,
+but of whose crime no proof was attempted to be brought.[943]
+
+  [934] 'Never had there appeared, in the memory of the oldest man, so
+        firm and decided a plurality of adversaries to the ministerial
+        measures, as on this occasion (_i.e._ in 1795): the interest of
+        the public seemed so deeply at stake, that individuals, not only
+        of the decent, but of the most vulgar professions, gave up a
+        considerable portion of their time and occupations in attending
+        the numerous meetings that were called in every part of the
+        kingdom, to the professed intent of counteracting this attempt of
+        the ministry.' _Note in Parl. History_, vol. xxxii. p. 381. It
+        was at this period that Fox made the declaration which I have
+        quoted in the previous note.
+
+  [935] It was called at the time the 'Reign of Terror;' and so indeed it
+        was for every opponent of government. See _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 441; _Mem. of Wakefield_, vol. ii. p.
+        67; and _Trotter's Mem. of Fox_, p. 10.
+
+  [936] 'The iniquitous system of secret imprisonment, under which Pitt
+        and Dundas had now filled all the gaols with parliamentary
+        reformers; men who were cast into dungeons without any public
+        accusation, and from whom the habeas-corpus suspension act had
+        taken every hope of redress.' _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii.
+        p. 447. On the cruelty with which these political opponents of
+        government were treated when in prison, see _Stephens's Mem. of
+        Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 121, 125, 423; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxiv.
+        pp. 112, 113, 126, 129, 170, 515, vol. xxxv. pp. 742, 743;
+        _Cloncurry's Recollections_, pp. 46, 86, 87, 140, 225.
+
+  [937] _Life of Currie_, vol. ii. p. 160; _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 118, 119.
+
+  [938] In 1793, Roscoe writes: 'Every man is called on to be a spy upon
+        his brother.' _Life of Roscoe_, vol. i. p. 127. Compare Fox's
+        statement (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 21), that what government
+        had done was, 'to erect every man, not merely into an inquisitor,
+        but into a judge, a spy, an informer,--to set father against
+        father, brother against brother; and in this way you expect to
+        maintain the tranquillity of the country.' See also vol. xxx. p.
+        1529; and a remarkable passage, in _Coleridge's Biog. Lit._ (vol.
+        i. p. 192), on the extent of 'secret defamation,' in and after
+        1793. For further evidence of this horrible state of society, see
+        _Mem. of Holcroft_, vol. ii. pp. 150, 151; _Stephens's Mem. of
+        Horne Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 115, 116.
+
+  [939] There was even considerable difficulty in finding a printer for
+        Tooke's great philological work, _The Diversions of Purley_. See
+        _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 345-348. In 1798, Fox
+        wrote to Cartwright (_Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 248): 'The
+        decision against Wakefield's publisher appears to me decisive
+        against the liberty of the press; and, indeed, after it, one can
+        hardly conceive how any prudent tradesman can venture to publish
+        anything that can, in any way, be disagreeable to the ministers.'
+
+  [940] Those who opposed the slave-trade were called jacobins, and
+        'enemies to the ministers;' and the celebrated Dr. Currie was
+        pronounced to be a jacobin, and an 'enemy to his country,'
+        because he remonstrated against the shameful manner in which the
+        English government, in 1800, allowed the French prisoners to be
+        treated. _Life of Currie_, vol. i. pp. 330, 332; _Life of
+        Wilberforce_, vol. i. pp. 342-344, vol. ii. pp. 18, 133; _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 654, vol. xxxi. p. 467, vol. xxxiii. p. 1387,
+        vol. xxxiv. pp. 1119, 1485.
+
+  [941] _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 209; _Hunt's Hist. of
+        Newspapers_, vol. ii. p. 104; _Belsham's Hist._ vol. ix. p. 227;
+        _Adolphus's Hist._ vol. vi. p. 264; _Annual Register for 1795_,
+        pp. 156, 160; _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol. ii. p. 118; _Life
+        of Currie_, vol. i. p. 172; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vi. p.
+        316, vol. vii. p. 316; _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. iv. pp. 369,
+        377; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. pp. 543, 667, 668, 1067, vol.
+        xxxii. pp. 296, 302, 366, 367, 374, 664, vol. xxxv. pp. 1538,
+        1540; _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 190.
+
+        [942] In addition to the passages referred to in the preceding
+        note; compare _Hutton's Life of Himself_, p. 209, with
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 441, vol. vii. p. 104, and
+        _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. vi. p. 45. In 1798,
+        Caldwell wrote to Sir James Smith (_Correspondence of Sir J. E.
+        Smith_, vol. ii. p. 143): 'The power of the crown is become
+        irresistible. The new scheme of inquisition into every man's
+        private circumstances is beyond any attempt I have ever heard of
+        under Louis XIV.'
+
+  [943] In 1794, Fox said, in his speech on the habeas-corpus suspension
+        bill: 'Every man who talked freely, every man who detested, as he
+        did from his heart, this war, might be, and would be, in the
+        hands and at the mercy of ministers. Living under such a
+        government, and being subject to insurrection, comparing the two
+        evils, he confessed, he thought the evil they were pretending to
+        remedy, was less than the one they were going to inflict by the
+        remedy itself.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 509. In 1800, Lord
+        Holland stated, in the House of Lords, that, of 'the seven years
+        of the war, the habeas-corpus act had been suspended five; and,
+        of the multitudes who had been imprisoned in virtue of that
+        suspension, few had been brought to trial, and only one
+        convicted.' vol. xxxiv. pp. 1486. See also vol. xxxv. pp. 609,
+        610. On the effect of the suspension of the habeas-corpus act
+        upon literature, see _Life of Currie_, vol. i. p. 506.
+
+Such was the way in which, at the end of the eighteenth century, the
+rulers of England, under pretence of protecting the institutions of the
+country, oppressed the people, for whose benefit alone those
+institutions ought to exist. Nor was even this the whole of the injury
+they actually inflicted. Their attempts to stop the progress of opinions
+were intimately connected with that monstrous system of foreign policy,
+by which there has been entailed upon us a debt of unexampled magnitude.
+To pay the interest of this, and to meet the current expenses of a
+profuse and reckless administration, taxes were laid upon nearly every
+product of industry and of nature. In the vast majority of cases, these
+taxes fell upon the great body of the people,[944] who were thus placed
+in a position of singular hardship For the upper classes not only
+refused to the rest of the nation the reforms which were urgently
+required, but compelled the country to pay for the precautions which, in
+consequence of the refusal, it was thought necessary to take. Thus it
+was that the government diminished the liberties of the people, and
+wasted the fruit of their industry, in order to protect that very people
+against opinions which the growth of their knowledge had irresistibly
+forced upon them.
+
+  [944] See decisive evidence of this, in _Porter's Progress of the
+        Nation_, vol. ii. pp. 283-285; and, on the enormous increase of
+        expense and taxation, see _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_, vol. i. p.
+        358, vol. ii. p. 47.
+
+It is not surprising that, in the face of these circumstances, some of
+the ablest observers should have despaired of the liberties of England,
+and should have believed that, in the course of a few years, a despotic
+government would be firmly established. Even we, who, looking at these
+things half a century after they occurred, are able to take a calmer
+view, and who moreover possess the advantages of a larger knowledge, and
+a riper experience, must nevertheless allow that, so far as political
+events were concerned, the danger was more imminent than at any moment
+since the reign of Charles I. But what was forgotten then, and what is
+too often forgotten now, is, that political events form only one of the
+many parts which compose the history of a great country. In the period
+we have been considering, the political movement was, no doubt, more
+threatening than it had been for several generations. On the other hand,
+the intellectual movement was, as we have seen, highly favourable, and
+its influence was rapidly spreading. Hence it was that, while the
+government of the country tended in one direction, the knowledge of the
+country tended in another; and while political events kept us back,
+intellectual events urged us forward. In this way, the despotic
+principles that were enforced were, in some degree, neutralized; and
+although it was impossible to prevent them from causing great suffering,
+still the effect of that suffering was to increase the determination of
+the people to reform a system under which such evils could be inflicted.
+For while they felt the evils, the knowledge which they had obtained
+made them see the remedy. They saw that the men who were at the head of
+affairs were despotic; but they saw, too, that the system must be
+wrong, which could secure to such men such authority. This confirmed
+their dissatisfaction, and justified their resolution to effect some
+fresh arrangement, which should allow their voices to be heard in the
+councils of the state.[945] And that resolution, I need hardly add, grew
+stronger and stronger, until it eventually produced those great
+legislative reforms which have already signalized the present century,
+have given a new tone to the character of public men, and changed the
+structure of the English parliament.
+
+  [945] A careful observer of what was going on late in the eighteenth
+        century, expresses what, early in the nineteenth century, was
+        becoming the conviction of most men of plain, sound
+        understanding, who had no interest in the existing corruption:
+        'Immoderate taxation, the result of the unnecessary wars of the
+        reign of George III., is the cause of our embarrassments; and
+        that immoderate taxation has been occasioned by the House of
+        Commons being composed of men not interested to protect the
+        property of the people.'--_Nicholl's Recollections_, vol. i.
+        p. 213.
+
+It is thus that, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, the
+increase and diffusion of knowledge were in England, directly
+antagonistic to the political events which occurred during the same
+period. The extent and the nature of that antagonism I have endeavoured
+to explain, as clearly as the complexity of the subject, and the limits
+of this Introduction, enable me to do. We have seen that, looking at our
+country as a whole, the obvious tendency of affairs was to abridge the
+authority of the church, the nobles, and the crown, and thus give
+greater play to the power of the people. Looking, however, at the
+country, not as a whole, but looking merely at its political history, we
+find that the personal peculiarities of George III., and the
+circumstances under which he came to the throne, enabled him to stop the
+great progress, and eventually cause a dangerous reaction. Happily for
+the fortunes of England, those principles of liberty which he and his
+supporters wished to destroy, had before his reign become so powerful,
+and so widely diffused, that they not only resisted this political
+reaction, but seemed to gain fresh strength from the contest. That the
+struggle was arduous, and at one time extremely critical, it is
+impossible to deny. Such, however, is the force of liberal opinions,
+when they have once taken root in the popular mind, that notwithstanding
+the ordeal to which they were exposed, and notwithstanding the
+punishments inflicted on their advocates, it was found impossible to
+stifle them; it was found impossible even to prevent their increase.
+Doctrines subversive of every principle of freedom were personally
+favoured by the sovereign, openly avowed by the government, and
+zealously defended by the most powerful classes; and laws in accordance
+with these doctrines were placed on our statute-book, and enforced in
+our courts. All, however, was in vain. In a few years that generation
+began to pass away; a better one succeeded in its place; and the system
+of tyranny fell to the ground. And thus it is, that in all countries
+which are even tolerably free, every system must fall if it opposes the
+march of opinions, and gives shelter to maxims and institutions
+repugnant to the spirit of the age. In this sort of contest, the
+ultimate result is never doubtful. For the vigour of an arbitrary
+government depends merely on a few individuals, who, whatever their
+abilities may be, are liable, after their death, to be replaced by timid
+and incompetent successors. But the vigour of public opinion is not
+exposed to these casualties; it is unaffected by the laws of mortality;
+it does not flourish to-day and decline to-morrow; and so far from
+depending on the lives of individual men, it is governed by large
+general causes, which, from their very comprehensiveness, are in short
+periods scarcely seen, but on a comparison of long periods, are found to
+outweigh all other considerations, and reduce to insignificance those
+little stratagems by which princes and statesmen think to disturb the
+order of events, and mould to their will the destinies of a great and
+civilized people.
+
+These are broad and general truths, which will hardly be questioned by
+any man who, with a competent knowledge of history, has reflected much
+on the nature and conditions of modern society. But during the period we
+have been considering, they were utterly neglected by our political
+rulers, who not only thought themselves able to check the growth of
+opinions, but entirely mistook the very end and object of government. In
+those days, it was believed that government is made for the minority, to
+whose wishes the majority are bound humbly to submit. It was believed
+that the power of making laws must always be lodged in the hands of a
+few privileged classes; that the nation at large has no concern with
+those laws, except to obey them;[946] and that it is the duty of a wise
+government to secure the obedience of the people by preventing them from
+being enlightened by the spread of knowledge.[947] We may surely deem it
+a remarkable circumstance, that these notions, and the schemes of
+legislation founded upon them, should, within half a century, have died
+away so completely, that they are no longer advocated, even by men of
+the most ordinary abilities. What is still more remarkable is, that this
+great change should have been effected, not by any external event, nor
+by a sudden insurrection of the people, but by the unaided action of
+moral force,--the silent, though overwhelming pressure of public
+opinion. This has always seemed to me a decisive proof of the natural,
+and, if I may so say, the healthy march of English civilization. It is a
+proof of an elasticity, and yet a sobriety of spirit, such as no other
+nation has ever displayed. No other nation could have escaped from such
+a crisis, except by passing through a revolution, of which the cost
+might well have exceeded the gain. The truth, however, is, that in
+England the course of affairs, which I have endeavoured to trace since
+the sixteenth century, had diffused among the people a knowledge of
+their own resources, and a skill and independence in the use of them,
+imperfect, indeed, but still far superior to that possessed by any other
+of the great European countries. Besides this, other circumstances,
+which will be hereafter related,[948] had, so early as the eleventh
+century, begun to affect our national character, and had assisted in
+imparting to it that sturdy boldness, and, at the same time, those
+habits of foresight, and of cautious reserve, to which the English mind
+owes its leading peculiarities. With us, therefore, the love of liberty
+has been tempered by a spirit of prudence, which has softened its
+violence, without impairing its strength. It is this which, more than
+once, has taught our countrymen to bear even considerable oppression
+rather than run the risk of rising against their oppressors. It has
+taught them to stay their hands; it has taught them to husband their
+force until they can use it with irresistible effect. To this great and
+valuable habit we owe the safety of England late in the eighteenth
+century. If the people had risen, they would have staked their all; and
+what the result of that desperate game would have been, no man can say.
+Happily for them, and for their posterity, they were content to wait yet
+a little; they were willing to bide their time, and watch the issue of
+things. Of this noble conduct their descendants reap the reward. After
+the lapse of a few years, the political crisis began to subside, and the
+people re-entered on their former rights. For although their rights had
+been in abeyance, they were not destroyed, simply because the spirit
+still existed by which they were originally won. Nor can any one doubt
+that, if those evil days had been prolonged, that same spirit which had
+animated their fathers in the reign of Charles I. would have again
+broken forth, and society have been convulsed by a revolution, the bare
+idea of which is frightful to contemplate. In the mean time, all this
+was avoided; and although popular tumults did arise in different parts
+of the country, and although the measures of government caused a
+disaffection of the most serious kind,[949] still the people, taken as a
+whole, remained firm, and patiently reserved their force till a better
+time, when, for their benefit, a new party was organized in the state,
+by whom their interests were successfully advocated even within the
+walls of parliament.
+
+  [946] Bishop Horsley, the great champion of the existing state of
+        things, said in the House of Lords, in 1795, that he 'did not
+        know what the mass of the people in any country had to do with
+        the laws, but to obey them.' _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii.
+        p. 435. Compare _Godwin on Population_, p. 569.
+
+  [947] Lord Cockburn (_Life of Jeffrey_, 1852, vol. i. pp. 67, 68) says:
+        'If there was any principle that was reverenced as indisputable
+        by almost the whole adherents of the party in power sixty, or
+        even fifty, or perhaps even forty years ago, it was that the
+        ignorance of the people was necessary for their obedience to the
+        law.' One argument was, 'that to extend instruction, would be to
+        multiply the crime of forgery!' _Porter's Progress of the
+        Nation_, vol. iii. p. 205.
+
+  [948] See chapters ix. and x., on the history of the protective spirit.
+
+  [949] Sir A. Alison notices in his _History_, (vol. iv. p. 213) 'how
+        widely the spirit of discontent was diffused' in 1796; and the
+        only wonder is, that the people were able to keep it in bounds.
+        That, however, is a question which writers of his stamp never
+        consider.
+
+This great and salutary reaction began early in the present century; but
+the circumstances which accompanied it are so extremely complicated, and
+have been so little studied, that I cannot pretend in this Introduction
+to offer even a sketch of them. It is sufficient to say, what must be
+generally known, that for nearly fifty years the movement has continued
+with unabated speed. Everything which has been done, has increased the
+influence of the people. Blow after blow has been directed against those
+classes which were once the sole depositaries of power. The Reform Bill,
+the Emancipation of the Catholics, and the Repeal of the Corn-laws, are
+admitted to be the three greatest political achievements of the present
+generation. Each of these vast measures has depressed a powerful party.
+The extension of the suffrage has lessened the influence of hereditary
+rank, and has broken up that great oligarchy of landowners, by which the
+House of Commons had long been ruled. The abolition of Protection has
+still further enfeebled the territorial aristocracy; while those
+superstitious feelings by which the ecclesiastical order is mainly
+upheld, received a severe shock, first by the repeal of the Test and
+Corporation Acts, and afterwards by the admission of Catholics into the
+legislature; steps which are with reason regarded as supplying
+precedents of mischievous import for the interests of the Established
+Church.[950] These measures, and others which are now obviously
+inevitable, have taken, and will continue to take, power from particular
+sections of society, in order to confer it upon the people at large.
+Indeed, the rapid progress of democratic opinions is a fact which no one
+in the present day ventures to deny. Timid and ignorant men are alarmed
+at the movement; but that there is such a movement is notorious to all
+the world. No one now dares to talk of bridling the people, or of
+resisting their united wishes. The utmost that is said is, that efforts
+should be made to inform them as to their real interests, and enlighten
+public opinion; but every one allows that, so soon as public opinion is
+formed, it can no longer be withstood. On this point all are agreed; and
+this new power, which is gradually superseding every other, is now
+obeyed by those very statesmen who, had they lived sixty years ago,
+would have been the first to deny its authority, ridicule its
+pretensions, and, if possible, extinguish its liberty.
+
+  [950] Bishop Burgess, in a letter to Lord Melbourne, bitterly complained
+        that Catholic emancipation was 'the extinction of the purely
+        Protestant character of the British legislature.' _Harford's Life
+        of Burgess_, p. 506: see also pp. 238, 239, 369, 370. There can
+        be no doubt that the bishop rightly estimated the danger to his
+        own party; and as to the Corporation and Test Acts, which, says
+        another bishop (_Tomline's Life of Pitt_, vol. ii. p. 604), 'were
+        justly regarded as the firmest bulwarks of the British
+        constitution,' the feeling was so strong, that at an episcopal
+        meeting in 1787, there were only two members who were willing to
+        repeal these persecuting laws. See _Bishop Watson's Life of
+        Himself_, vol. i. p. 262. Lord Eldon, who to the last stood up
+        for the church, pronounced the bill for repealing these acts to
+        be a 'revolutionary bill.' _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. ii.
+        p. 202.
+
+Such is the great gap which separates the public men of our time from
+those who nourished under that bad system which George III. sought to
+perpetuate. And it is evident, that this vast progress was brought about
+rather by destroying the system, than by improving the men. It is also
+evident, that the system perished because it was unsuited to the age;
+in other words, because a progressive people will never tolerate an
+unprogressive government. But it is a mere matter of history, that our
+legislators, even to the last moment, were so terrified by the idea of
+innovation, that they refused every reform until the voice of the people
+rose high enough to awe them into submission, and forced them to grant
+what, without such pressure, they would by no means have conceded.
+
+These things ought to serve as a lesson to our political rulers. They
+ought also to moderate the presumption of legislators, and teach them
+that their best measures are but temporary expedients, which it will be
+the business of a later and riper age to efface. It would be well if
+such considerations were to check the confidence, and silence the
+loquacity, of those superficial men, who, raised to temporary power,
+think themselves bound to guarantee certain institutions, and uphold
+certain opinions. They ought clearly to understand, that it does not lie
+within their function thus to anticipate the march of affairs, and
+provide for distant contingencies. In trifling matters, indeed, this may
+be done without danger; though, as the constant changes in the laws of
+every country abundantly prove, it is also done without benefit. But in
+reference to those large and fundamental measures which bear upon the
+destiny of a people, such anticipation is worse than useless,--it is
+highly injurious. In the present state of knowledge, politics, so far
+from being a science, is one of the most backward of all the arts; and
+the only safe course for the legislator is, to look upon his craft as
+consisting in the adaptation of temporary contrivances to temporary
+emergencies.[951] His business is to follow the age, and not at all to
+attempt to lead it. He should be satisfied with studying what is passing
+around him; and should modify his schemes, not according to the notions
+he has inherited from his fathers, but according to the actual
+exigencies of his own time. For he may rely upon it, that the movements
+of society have now become so rapid, that the wants of one generation
+are no measure of the wants of another; and that men, urged by a sense
+of their own progress, are growing weary of idle talk about the wisdom
+of their ancestors, and are fast discarding those trite and sleepy
+maxims which have hitherto imposed upon them, but by which they will not
+consent to be much longer troubled.
+
+  [951] Sir C. Lewis, though in his learned work he over-estimates the
+        resources possessed by politicians, does nevertheless allow that
+        they are rarely able to anticipate the manner in which their
+        measures will work. _Lewis on the Methods of Observation and
+        Reasoning in Politics_, 1852, vol. ii. pp. 360-362. A writer of
+        repute, M. Flassan, says (_Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. i. p.
+        19): 'On doit être très-indulgent sur les erreurs de la
+        politique, à cause de la facilité qu'il y a à en commettre,
+        erreurs auxquelles la sagesse même quelquefois entraîne.' The
+        first part of this sentence is true enough; but it conveys a
+        truth which ought to repress that love of interfering with the
+        natural march of affairs which still characterizes politicians,
+        even in the freest countries.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                        END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+
+
+                           LONDON: PRINTED BY
+                 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+                          AND PARLIAMENT STREET
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.
+
+Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
+
+The ligature oe has been marked as [oe].
+
+The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
+
+The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
+
+  p. v: -5 -> 4-5
+  p. vi: 154-156 -> 152-156
+  p. xi: the authorship -> the authorship.
+  p. xvii: his Life, written by Himself. -> himself.
+  p. xix: edit. Meibomius. Amstel. -> Amstel,
+  p. xxi: Diplomatie Erançaise -> Française
+  p. xxi: London, 1818. 2 vols -> vols.
+  p. xxviii: A Journey though -> through
+  p. xxxvi: of 1569. London, 1840 -> 1840.
+  p. xxxviii: Literature. London, 1849 -> 1849.
+  p. xli: The Journals of. London -> The Journals of London
+  p. xlii: Camd. Soc. 1848 4to -> 1848. 4to.
+  p. 10: lib. ii. segm. 16, vol -> vol.
+  p. 22: not always absolutely, -> absolutely.
+  p. 40: vol. vi. p. 136. -> 136,
+  p. 54: with the greater rapidity. -> rapidity.'
+  p. 57: one and a half per cent. -> cent
+  p. 60: Carus' Comparative Anatomy -> Carus's
+  p. 64: when it is over-supplied -> over-supplied.
+  p. 64: 'Cabanis -> 'Cabanis'
+  p. 64: _Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia_ -> _Arabia_,
+  p. 64: Déscrition -> Description
+  p. 64: Ulloa' -> Ulloa's
+  p. 64: vol. i. pp. 379, 380, 460,; -> 460;
+  p. 66: Phillip's on Scrofula -> Phillips
+  p. 69: So too, in North America -> So, too, in North America
+  p. 70: Theatre of the Indus ->  Hindus
+  p. 72: Craufurd's History -> Crawfurd's History
+  p. 72: _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 72: l'AmériqueMéridionale -> l'Amérique Méridionale
+  p. 80: he be divested? -> divested?'
+  p. 84: 170, 213; _Bowditch_ -> _Bowdich_
+  p. 94: throughout, the laying -> 'throughout
+  p. 97: in nearly 9° north. -> north.'
+  p. 97: p.113. -> p. 113.
+  p. 103: vol. ii. p. 113, -> vol. ii. p. 113;
+  p. 108: was 21°,on the -> was 21°, on the
+  p. 109: of elevation. -> elevation.'
+  p. 111: l.'_Humboldt_ -> l'_Humboldt_
+  p. 113: belonged to the people. -> people.'
+  p. 119: natural progress -> natural progress.
+  p. 122: _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1850, p. 68; -> p. 68);
+  p. 123: comme Science d' Observation -> d'Observation
+  p. 126: they apprehend danger. -> danger.'
+  p. 126: Garrows or Garrudus. -> Garrudus.'
+  p. 130: vol. i. p. 41; -> 41,
+  p. 130: _Phillips on Scrofula_, p. 255: -> 255;
+  p. 133: _Religiöse Bildung der Hindus_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 135: _Asiatic Researches_ -> _Asiatic Researches_.
+  p. 137: Speculationen über Zahlen -> 'Speculationen
+  p. 143: Müller's Hist -> Müller's Hist.
+  p. 147: Stephen's Central America -> Stephens's
+  p. 148: _Béclard_. -> _Béclard_,
+  p. 150: The views of Liebeg -> Liebig
+  p. 158: can be raised -> can be raised.
+  p. 158: _Locke's Works_, vol. i, -> vol. i.
+  p. 164: generalized _solely_ from from the -> _solely_ from the
+  p. 167: ich mir noch and ere -> andere
+  p. 170: _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii, -> vol. iii.
+  p. 171: promises the metphysicians -> metaphysicians
+  p. 177: Geoffroy Saint Hilaire -> Saint-Hilaire
+  p. 177: _Hist. de la Médecine_, vol. i. p. 380; -> p. 380,
+  p. 183: vol. ii. p. 304 -> 304.
+  p. 193: Ideen zur Gesckichte -> Ideen zur Geschichte
+  p. 197: l'intelligence, la seule q'uon -> qu'on
+  p. 205: and a dagger -> dagger.
+  p. 207: sur ce sujet. -> sujet.'
+  p. 208: became clearly recognied -> recognized
+  p. 211: balancing of trade. -> trade.'
+  p. 212: _Mill's History of India_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 215: pp. 834, 905 -> 905,
+  p. 249: Nichol's Literary Illustrations -> Nichols's
+  p. 256: le plus éclairé. -> éclairé.'
+  p. 267: _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. ii, -> vol. ii.
+  p. 293: vol. iii. pp. 383. -> 383,
+  p. 294: [OE]uvresde -> [OE]uvres de
+  p. 295: Poetry, 1840 -> 1840,
+  p. 302: have for upwards of 2000 years -> 2,000 years
+  p. 302: extending back 3000 years -> 3,000 years
+  p. 304: from Madagascar to within 2000 miles -> 2,000 miles
+  p. 304: in Polynesia Proper -> proper
+  p. 310: Troyens, par Pàris -> Paris
+  p. 314: vol. ii. p. 389 -> 389.
+  p. 315: prædicatorem,' p. 360 -> 360.
+  p. 325: progress was unmistakeable -> unmistakable
+  p. 330: of mathematics at Tubingen -> Tübingen
+  p. 332: _Biog. Univ._ -> _Biog. Univ._,
+  p. 342: 'Quodque in illis -> Quodque in illis
+  p. 358: pp. 572, 577 -> 577.
+  p. 375: _Richardson's Travels in the Sahara_, vol. i. p 11 -> p. 11
+  p. 378: Cudworth's Intellect -> Intellect.
+  p. 379: affected by uncontrolable -> uncontrollable
+  p. 389: In another place, vol -> vol.
+  p. 392: Chalmers' Biographical -> Chalmers's
+  p. 393: Chalmers' Biog. -> Chalmers's Biog.
+  p. 397: vol. ii. pp. 52. -> 52,
+  p. 400: De Foe (_Wilson's -> De Foe _Wilson's
+  p. 404: September 1688 (_Ellis_ -> _Ellis_,
+  p. 409: _Parl. Hist._ vol. v -> vol. v.
+  p. 411: vol. ii. pp. 640. -> p. 640.
+  p. 412: 72 Calamy -> 172 Calamy
+  p. 423: Southey's Wesley, pp -> pp.
+  p. 425: Whateley's Dangers -> Whately's
+  p. 426: Hist.of Moral -> Hist. of Moral
+  p. 429: eighteenth century. Proviously -> Previously
+  p. 434: vol. ii. p. 29), it become -> became
+  p. 437: with plenty of 'parentheses'! -> 'parentheses!'
+  p. 442: such efforts to instil -> instill
+  p. 445: _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v -> vol. v.
+  p. 447: So too Lord Campbell -> So, too, Lord Campbell
+  p. 449: rectitude of their hearts. -> hearts.'
+  p. 451: Dutens' Mémoires -> Dutens's
+  p. 453: So too Sheridan -> So, too, Sheridan
+  p. 465: the very sound of them. -> them.'
+  p. 467: vol. i. pp. 43. -> 43,
+  p. 468: _Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ 1853. -> 1853,
+  p. 474: the united sovereigns -> 'the united sovereigns
+  p. 475: a _long_ war. -> war.'
+  p. 477: _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 480: 'Without stopping to relate -> Without stopping to relate
+  p. 481: vol. i. p. 352, -> vol. i. p. 352;
+  p. 481: says 139,171,876_l_ -> 139,171,876_l._
+  p. 487: Stephen's Mem. of -> Stephens's
+  p. 493: immediately assented, p. 385-387. -> pp. 385-387.
+  p. 494: _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 494: Compare Fox's statment -> statement
+  p. 494: to erect every man,not -> man, not
+  p. 494: Mem. of Horne Tooke -> Mem. of Horne Tooke,
+  p. 496: See also vol. xxxv. p. 609, 610. -> pp. 609, 610.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England, 
+Vol. 1 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 1
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 1 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44493]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, I ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<h1>HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.</h1>
+
+<p class="title">BY<br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 150%">HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.</span><br /><br /><br />
+IN THREE VOLUMES.<br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%">VOL. I.</span><br /><br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%"><i>NEW EDITION.</i></span><br /><br /><br />
+<span style="font-size: 150%">TORONTO:<br />
+ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,</span><br />
+<span style="font-size: 125%">60 YORK STREET.<br />
+1878.</span></p>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<h2>ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2>
+
+<table summary="TOC">
+  <colgroup>
+    <col width="90%" />
+    <col width="10%" />
+  </colgroup>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%">CHAPTER I.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THE
+REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND
+PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE
+CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="page">PAGE</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Materials for writing history</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_1">1&ndash;3</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_4">4&ndash;5</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Object of the present work</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due to chance or to supernatural interference</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Probable origin of free-will and predestination</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_9">9&ndash;12</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis of free-will</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_12">12&ndash;16</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which exist either in the human mind or
+in the external world</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_18">18&ndash;20</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and of nature by man</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_20">20&ndash;21</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to murder and other crimes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_22">22&ndash;26</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Similar proof respecting suicides</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_27">27&ndash;29</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_31">31&ndash;32</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And respecting the number of letters sent undirected</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most influenced human actions; and
+therefore there can be no history without physical science</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_35">33&ndash;35</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle"><span class="smcap">Note A.</span> Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_35">35&ndash;38</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%"><br />CHAPTER II.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION
+OF SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Man is affected by four classes of physical agents; namely, climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_39">39&ndash;41</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_41">41&ndash;51</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Their operation on the distribution of wealth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_51">51&ndash;64</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustrations of these principles from Ireland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_65">65&ndash;67</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">From Hindustan</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_69">69&ndash;82</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">From Egypt</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_82">82&ndash;93</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">From Central America</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_93">93&ndash;94</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And from Mexico and Peru</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Operation of physical laws in Brazil</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_101">101&ndash;108</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination and the understanding</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_118">118&ndash;119</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man; under others, man more than nature</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_120">120</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than the understanding, and to this
+class all the earliest civilizations belong</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_120">120&ndash;121</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_122">122&ndash;124</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And by danger generally</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_125">125&ndash;126</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_126">126&ndash;130</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are mainly influenced by the
+imagination, those in Europe by the understanding</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_130">130&ndash;132</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan and Greece</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_132">132&ndash;147</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Further illustration from Central America</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_147">147&ndash;148</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food and animal heat</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_148">148&ndash;151</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%"><br />CHAPTER III.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS
+FOR DISCOVERING MENTAL LAWS.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established, which broadly separate Europe
+from other parts of the world</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_152">152&ndash;156</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical laws the mental are the more
+important for the history of Europe</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_156">156&ndash;157</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizing mental laws</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_158">158&ndash;165</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Failure of these methods</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_165">165&ndash;167</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%"><br />CHAPTER IV.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL LAWS,
+AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to the metaphysical method</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_168">168&ndash;174</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_174">174&ndash;175</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_175">175</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_176">176&ndash;177</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the circumstances under which the faculties come into play</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_178">178</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_179">179</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But moral truths have not changed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_179">179</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And intellectual truths are constantly changing</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_181">181</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Intellectual truths are the cause of progress</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_183">183&ndash;185</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_185">185&ndash;188</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the progress of knowledge</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_188">188&ndash;190</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_190">190&ndash;192</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustrations from Russia and Turkey</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_195">195&ndash;197</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming soldiers</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_198">198&ndash;202</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit are:</td>
+    <td>&nbsp;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">1. The invention of gunpowder</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_203">203&ndash;209</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">2. The discoveries made by political economists</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_210">210&ndash;211</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_219">219&ndash;223</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_224">224&ndash;226</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%"><br />CHAPTER V.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND GOVERNMENT.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Recapitulation of preceding arguments</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_227">227</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society in the aggregate</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_228">228&ndash;229</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This being as yet little understood, historians have not collected proper materials for writing history</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Reasons why the present history is restricted to England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_231">231&ndash;235</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Comparison of the history of England with that of France</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_235">235&ndash;236</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">With that of Germany</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_237">237&ndash;240</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">With that of the United States of America</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_240">240&ndash;242</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual progress</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_243">243</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France,
+Spain, and Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_244">244&ndash;246</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Deductive spirit in Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_246">246&ndash;252</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of religion on the progress of society</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_253">253&ndash;266</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration from the efforts of missionaries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_254">254&ndash;256</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration from the Hebrews</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_257">257&ndash;258</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration from the early history of Christianity</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_259">259&ndash;262</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And from Sweden and Scotland</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_263">263&ndash;266</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of literature on the progress of society</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_268">268&ndash;272</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of government on the progress of society</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_272">272&ndash;287</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_273">273&ndash;274</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The best legislation abrogates former legislation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_275">275</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_276">276&ndash;278</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_278">278&ndash;280</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_281">281&ndash;283</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">By their laws against usury they have increased usury</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_283">283&ndash;284</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_284">284&ndash;285</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">England has been less interfered with in these ways than other nations, and is therefore more
+prosperous than they</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_286">286&ndash;287</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%"><br />CHAPTER VI.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw light on the changes in society</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_289">289&ndash;290</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The earliest histories are ballads</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_291">291&ndash;295</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">One cause of error in history was the invention of writing</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_296">296&ndash;300</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its early history</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_300">300&ndash;307</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the most active cause of all was the influence of the clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_307">307&ndash;308</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Absurdities which were consequently believed</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_309">309&ndash;317</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_318">318&ndash;321</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_321">321&ndash;325</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The first improvement in writing history began in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_325">325</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_327">327&ndash;328</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And in the predictions of St&oelig;ffler respecting the Deluge</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_330">330</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_331">331&ndash;332</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span style="font-size: 125%"><br />CHAPTER VII.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="blockquot">OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE
+MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the state of the age</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_334">334</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span> </td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence the supreme importance of scepticism</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_335">335&ndash;336</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Origin of religious toleration in England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hooker contrasted with Jewel</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_339">339&ndash;343</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_343">343&ndash;346</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This tendency displayed in Chillingworth</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_347">347&ndash;350</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_350">350</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing indifference to theological matters</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_352">352&ndash;355</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Great advantage of this</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_356">356&ndash;358</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority assumes a political character</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_359">359&ndash;361</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_365">365&ndash;367</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Its influence upon Boyle</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_367">367&ndash;370</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">It causes the establishment of the Royal Society</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_371">371</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the clergy to oppose it</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_372">372</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because it lessens their own power</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_372">372&ndash;373</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_375">375&ndash;380</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of political degradation</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_380">380&ndash;386</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_387">387&ndash;388</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Aided by the vices of the king</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_388">388</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And by his dislike of the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_389">389</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_390">390&ndash;393</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with James II.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_394">394&ndash;396</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_397">397&ndash;399</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about the Revolution of 1688</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_399">399&ndash;400</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Importance of the Revolution</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_401">401&ndash;403</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_403">403</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hostility between them and William III.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_405">405&ndash;410</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence a schism in the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_410">410&ndash;413</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_413">413&ndash;414</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Convocation first despised, and then abolished</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_414">414&ndash;415</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to secular professions, and avoided entering the church</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_415">415</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_416">416&ndash;418</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The church rallied for a moment under Anne</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_418">418&ndash;420</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_420">420&ndash;424</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Theology separated from morals and from politics</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_424">424&ndash;426</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Rapid succession of sceptical controversies</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_427">427&ndash;429</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_430">430&ndash;433</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_433">433&ndash;434</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_436">436</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Corresponding change in the style of authors</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_436">436&ndash;439</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Hence great reforms became inevitable</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_439">439&ndash;440</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This tendency was aided by George I. and George II.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_441">441&ndash;443</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous political reaction</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_444">444&ndash;446</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Ignorance of George III.</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_446">446</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Subserviency of Pitt</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_446">446&ndash;449</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of great men</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_449">449&ndash;451</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Deterioration of the House of Lords</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_451">451&ndash;455</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Ability and accomplishments of Burke</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_458">458&ndash;461</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">He opposed the views of George III., and was neglected by him</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_462">462&ndash;467</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_467">467&ndash;476</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">The king now favoured him</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_476">476&ndash;477</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Policy of George III. respecting America</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_478">478&ndash;482</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This policy reacted upon England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_482">482&ndash;483</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Policy in regard to France</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_483">483&ndash;486</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">This also reacted upon England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_486">486</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_487">487&ndash;493</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Which were zealously enforced by the executive</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_494">494&ndash;496</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_476">496&ndash;498</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction was preparing</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_498">498&ndash;502</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="chaptitle">To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion, England owes her great reforms of
+the nineteenth century</td>
+    <td class="page" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_502">502&ndash;505</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<h2>LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">[In order to assist those who wish to verify my references, and also with the
+view of indicating the nature and extent of the materials which I have
+used, I have drawn up the following list of the principal works quoted.
+When no edition is mentioned, the size is 8vo <i>et infra</i>. When the name of
+the author is enclosed between brackets, the book is anonymous; but in
+such cases I have usually subjoined some authority who gives evidence of
+the authorship.]</div>
+
+<p class="one">[Aarsens de Sommerdyck] Voyage d'Espagne, fait en l'année 1655.
+Paris, 1665. 4to. Barbier (<i>Dictionnaire des Ouvrages Anonymes</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 468, Paris, 1806) refers to an edition of 1666.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Abd-Allatif, Relation de l'Égypte, traduite par Silvestre de Sacy.
+Paris, 1810. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Aberdeen: Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of
+Aberdeen, from 1398 to 1570, printed for the Spalding Club.
+Aberdeen, 1844. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ibid., from 1570 to 1625, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen,
+1848. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Abernethy (J.) The Hunterian Oration for the year 1819. London,
+1819.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Abernethy (M. I.) Physicke for the Soule. London, 1622. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland from 1124 to 1707. London,
+1814&ndash;1844. 11 vols. folio.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of
+Scotland, from 1560 to 1618. Edinburgh, 1839&ndash;1845. 3 vols.
+4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from 1638
+to 1842. Edinburgh, 1843.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Adams (J.) Memoirs of the Life and Doctrines of John Hunter.
+2nd edit. London, 1818.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Adolphus (J.) History of England from the accession of George III.
+London, 1840&ndash;1845. 7 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Aguesseau (Chancelier d') Lettres inédites. Paris, 1823. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Aikin (L.) Life of Addison. London, 1843. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Albemarle (Earl of) Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham. Lond.
+1852. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Alberoni (Cardinal) The History of. London, 1719.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Alison (Sir A.) History of Europe, from the commencement of the
+French Revolution to 1815. Edinburgh, 1849, 1850. 14 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Allen (J.) Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England.
+London, 1849.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Anderson (J.) Prize Essay on the State of Society and Knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>
+in the Highlands of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1827.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Antequera (D. J. M.) Historia de la Legislacion Española. Madrid,
+1849.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Argyll (The Duke of) Presbytery Examined. London, 1848.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Arnold (Dr.) Lectures on Modern History. London, 1843.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Arnot (H.) The History of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1788. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Asiatic Researches. London and Calcutta, 1799&ndash;1836. 20 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Aubrey (J.) Letters and Lives of Eminent Men. London, 1813.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Audigier (M.) L'Origine des François. Paris, 1676. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Azara (F.) Voyages dans l'Amérique Méridionale. Paris, 1809.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bacallar (V.) Commentarios de la Guerra de España, e Historia de
+su Rey Phelipe V. Genova. 2 vols. 4to (no date).</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bacon (J. F.) Six Years in Biscay. London, 1838.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Baillie (R.) Letters and Journals from 1637 to 1662, edited by D.
+Laing. Edinburgh, 1841&ndash;1842. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bain (A.) The Senses and the Intellect. London, 1855.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bakewell (R.) Introduction to Geology. London, 1838.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Balfour (Sir J.) Historical Works, containing the Annals of Scotland.
+London, 1825. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Balfour (J. H.) A Manual of Botany. London, 1849.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bancroft (G.) History of the American Revolution. London, 1852&ndash;1854.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bannatyne (J.) Journal of Transactions in Scotland, from 1570 to
+1573. Edinburgh, 1806.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Barante (M.) Tableau de la Littérature Française au XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle.
+Paris, 1847.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Barrington (D.) Observations on the Statutes. 5th edit. London,
+1796. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Barruel (L'Abbé) Mémoires pour l'Histoire du Jacobinisme. Hambourg,
+1803. 5 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Barry (G.) History of the Orkney Islands. Edinburgh, 1805. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bassompierre (Maréchal de) Mémoires. Paris, 1822, 1823.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bates (G.) Account of the late Troubles in England. London, 1685.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Baxter (R.) Life and Times, by himself. Published by M. Sylvester.
+London, 1696. Folio. 3 parts.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bazin (M. A.) Histoire de France sous Louis XIII. Paris, 1838.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Beausobre (M.) Histoire Critique de Manichée et du Manichéisme.
+Amsterdam, 1734&ndash;9. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Béclard (P. A.) Éléments d'Anatomie Générale. Paris, 1852.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bedford Correspondence, edited by Lord J. Russell. 1842&ndash;1846.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Beechey (F. W.) Voyage to the Pacific. London, 1831. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Belsham (W.) History of Great Britain, from 1688 to 1802. London,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span>
+1805. 12 vols. [Of this work I have used only the last
+seven volumes, which refer to a period for which Belsham was a
+contemporary authority. The earlier volumes are worthless.]</p>
+
+<p class="one">[Benoist] Histoire de l'Édit de Nantes. Delft, 1693&ndash;1695.
+5 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Berkeley (Bishop of Cloyne) Works. London, 1843. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Berwick (Maréchal de) Mémoires écrits par lui-même. Paris, 1778.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bichat (X.) Traité des Membranes. Paris, 1802.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bichat (X.) Anatomie Générale. Paris, 1821. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bichat (X.) Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort, édit. Magendie.
+Paris, 1829.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Binning (H.) Sermons, edited by J. Cochrane. Edinburgh, 1839,
+1840. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Biographie Universelle. Paris, 1811&ndash;1828. 52 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Birch (T.) Life of Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury. London,
+1753.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bisset (R.) Life of Edmund Burke. 2nd edit. London, 1800. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Black (J.) Lectures on Chemistry, edited by John Robison. Edinburgh,
+1803. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England. London, 1809.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Blainville (D.) Physiologie Générale et Comparée. Paris, 1833.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Blair (R.) Autobiography, from 1593 to 1636; with a continuation
+to 1680, by W. Row, edited by T. M'Crie for the Wodrow Society.
+Edinburgh, 1848.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Blanqui (M.) Histoire de l'Économie Politique en Europe. Paris,
+1845. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bogue (D.) and Bennett (J.) History of the Dissenters, from 1688 to
+1808. London, 1808&ndash;1812. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bohlen (P.) Das alte Indien, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Aegypten.
+Königsberg, 1830. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">[Boisel] Journal du Voyage d'Espagne. Paris, 1669. 4to. See
+Barbier, <i>Dict. des Ouvr. Anonymes</i>, vol. ii. p. 621, Paris. 1806.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bordas-Demoulin, Le Cartésianisme. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bossuet (Évêque de Meaux) Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle.
+Paris, 1844.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Boston (T.) Sermons. Glasgow, 1752.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Boston (T.) Human Nature in its Four-fold State. Reprinted, London,
+1809.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bouillaud (J.) Philosophie Médicale. Paris, 1836.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bouillé (M. de) Mémoires sur la Révolution Française. Paris,
+1801&ndash;9. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bouillier (M.) Histoire des divers Corps de la Maison Militaire des
+Rois de France. Paris, 1818.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Boulainvilliers (Comte) Histoire de l'Ancien Gouvernement de la
+France. La Haye, 1727. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bourgoing (J. F.) Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, quatrième édition.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span>
+Paris, 1807. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bouterwek (F.) History of Spanish and Portuguese Literature.
+London, 1823. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bowdich (T. E.) Mission to Ashantee. London, 1819. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bower (A.) History of the University of Edinburgh. Edinburgh,
+1817&ndash;1830. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bowles (G.) Introduccion á la Historia Natural y á la Geografía
+Física de España. Tercera edicion. Madrid, 1789. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bowles (W. L.) Life of Bishop Ken. London, 1830, 1831. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Boyle (R.) Works. London, 1744. 5 vols. folio.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brand (A.) Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland-Firth, and
+Caithness. Edinburgh, 1701.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brande (W. T.) A Manual of Chemistry. London, 1848. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brewster (Sir D.) Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton. Edinburgh, 1855.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brienne (L. H. de Loménie) Mémoires inédits. Paris, 1828.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brissot (J. P.) Mémoires. Paris, 1830. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">British Association for Advancement of Science, Reports of. London,
+1833&ndash;1853. 21 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brodie (Sir B.) Lectures on Pathology and Surgery. London, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brodie (Sir B.) Physiological Researches. London, 1851.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brougham (Lord) Sketches of Statesmen in the time of George III.
+London, 1845. 6 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brougham (Lord) Lives of Men of Letters and Science in the time
+of George III. London, 1845&ndash;1847. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brougham (Lord) Political Philosophy. 2nd edit. London, 1849.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Broussais (F. J. V.) Examen des Doctrines Médicales. Paris, 1829&ndash;1834.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Broussais (F. J. V.) Cours de Phrénologie. Paris, 1836.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brown (A.) History of Glasgow. Glasgow, 1795, and Edinburgh,
+1797. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Brown (T.) Lectures on the Philosophy of the Mind. Edinburgh,
+1838.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Browne (J.) History of the Highlands and of the Highland Clans.
+Glasgow, 1838. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Browne (Sir Thomas) Works and Correspondence, by S. Wilkin.
+London, 1836. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Buchanan (F.) Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar.
+London, 1807. 3 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Buchanan (G.) Rerum Scoticarum Historia, cura Man. Abredoniæ,
+1762.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Buchanan (J.) Sketches of the North-American Indians. London,
+1824.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Buckingham (Duke of) Memoirs of George III. London, 1853.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bullock (W.) Travels in Mexico. London, 1824.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bulstrode (Sir R.) Memoirs of Charles I. and Charles II. London,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span>
+1721.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bunbury (Sir H.) Correspondence of Sir Thomas Hanmer. London,
+1838.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Bunsen (C. C. J.) Egypt's Place in Universal History. London,
+1848&ndash;1854. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burckhardt (J. L.) Travels in Arabia. London, 1829. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burdach (C. F.) Traité de Physiologie considérée comme Science
+d'Observation. Paris, 1837&ndash;1841. 9 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burke (E.) Correspondence with Laurence. London, 1827.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burke (E.) Works, by H. Rogers. London, 1841. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burke (E.) Correspondence between 1744 and 1797. London, 1844.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burnes (Sir A.) Travels into Bokhara. London, 1834. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burnet (Bishop Gr.) History of his own Time. Oxford, 1823.
+6 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burnet (Bishop G.) Lives and Characters, edit. Jebb. London, 1833.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burnet (Bishop G.) Memoirs of the Lives of James and William,
+Dukes of Hamilton and Castle-Herald. Oxford, 1852.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burton (J. H.) Life and Correspondence of David Hume. Edinburgh,
+1846, 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burton (J. H.) Lives of Simon Lord Lovat, and Duncan Forbes of
+Culloden. London, 1847.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burton (J. H.) Narratives from Criminal Trials in Scotland. London,
+1852. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burton (J. H.) History of Scotland, from 1689 to 1748. London,
+1853. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burton (R. F.) Sindh, and the Races in the Valley of the Indus.
+London, 1851.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Burton (T.) Diary, from 1655 to 1659. London, 1828. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Butler (C.) Memoirs of the English, Irish, and Scottish Catholics.
+London, 1822. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Butler (C.) Reminiscences. London, 1824&ndash;1827. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Cabanis (P. J. G.) Rapports du Physique et du Moral de l'Homme.
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+
+<p class="one">Godwin (W.) Of Population; or the Power of Increase in Mankind.
+London, 1820.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Gordon (P.) A Short Abridgement of Britane's Distemper, from
+1639 to 1649. Printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1844. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Göthe (J. W.) Wahrheit und Dichtung, in vol. ii. of Werke.
+Stuttgart, 1837.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Government (The) and Order of the Church of Scotland. 1641.
+Reprinted, Edinburgh, 1690.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Gramont (Le Maréchal de) Mémoires, édit. Petitot et Monmerqué.
+Paris, 1826, 1827. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grant (R.) History of Physical Astronomy. London, 1852.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grant (R. E.) Comparative Anatomy. London, 1841.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Gray (A.) Great and Precious Promises. Glasgow, 1740.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Gray (A.) The Spiritual Warfare, or Sermons concerning the Nature
+of Mortification. Glasgow, 1840.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Green (J. H.) Vital Dynamics. London, 1840.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grégoire (M.) Histoire des Confesseurs. Paris, 1824.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Gregory (D.) History of the Western Highlands and Isles of Scotland,
+from 1493 to 1625. Edinburgh, 1836.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grenville Papers (The) edited by W. J. Smith. London, 1852, 1853.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grierson (Dr.) History of St. Andrews. Cupar, 1838.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grieve (J.) The History of Kamtschatka, translated from the Russian.
+Gloucester, 1764. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grimm et Diderot, Correspondance Littéraire. Paris, 1813, 1814.
+17 vols. [This important work consists of three parts, besides
+a supplement; but in quoting it I have always followed the
+ordinary lettering, making the supplement vol. xvii.]</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grose (F.) Military Antiquities; a History of the English Army.
+London, 1812. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grosley (M.) A Tour to London. London, 1772. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grote (G.) History of Greece. London, 1846&ndash;1856. 12 vols.
+1st edit. of vols. i. ii. iii. iv. ix. x. xi. xii.; 2nd edit. of vols. v. vi.
+vii. viii.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Grove (W. R.) The Correlation of Physical Forces. 3rd edit.
+London, 1855.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Guizot (M.) Histoire de la Civilisation en France. Paris, 1846.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Guizot (M.) Histoire de la Civilisation en Europe. Paris, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Guizot (M.) Essais sur l'Histoire de France. Paris, 1847.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Guthrie (J.) Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the
+Dangers that threaten Religion in the Church of Scotland. Reprint,
+Edinburgh, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Guthry (H. Bishop of Dunkeld) Memoirs. London, 1702.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">[xxiii]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Halhed (N. B.) Code of Gentoo Laws. London, 1777.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Halkett (J.) Notes respecting the Indians of North America.
+London, 1825.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hallam (H.) Constitutional History of England. London, 1842.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hallam (H.) Introduction to the Literature of Europe. London,
+1843. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hallam (H.) Europe during the Middle Ages. London, 1846.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hallam (H.) Supplemental Notes to Europe during the Middle
+Ages. London, 1848.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Halyburton (T.) The Great Concern of Salvation. Edinburgh,
+1722.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hamilton (W.) Ægyptiaca. London, 1809. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hamilton (Sir W.) Notes and Dissertations to Reid. Edinburgh,
+1852.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hamilton (Sir W.) Discussions on Philosophy and Literature.
+London, 1852.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hare's Guesses at Truth. First and second series. London, 1847,
+1848. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Harford (J. S.) Life of T. Burgess, Bishop of Salisbury. London,
+1841.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Harris (G.) Life of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. London, 1847.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Harris (W.) Lives of James I., Charles I., Cromwell, and Charles
+II. London, 1814. 5 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hasse (C. E.) An Anatomical Description of the Diseases of the
+Organs of Circulation and Respiration. Sydenham Society.
+London, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hausset (Madame du) Mémoires. Paris, 1824.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Haüy (R. J.) Traité de Minéralogie. Paris, 1801. 5 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hawkins (B.) Elements of Medical Statistics. London, 1829.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Heber (Bishop) Life of Jeremy Taylor, in vol. i. of Taylor's Works.
+London, 1828.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Heber (Bishop) Journey through the Upper and Southern Provinces
+of India. London, 1828. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Heeren (A. H. L.) Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the African
+Nations. Oxford, 1838. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Heeren (A. H. L.) Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Asiatic
+Nations. London, 1846. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Helvétius (C. A.) De l'Esprit. Amsterdam, 1759. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Henderson (J.) History of Brazil. London, 1821. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Henle (J.) Traité d'Anatomie Générale. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Henslow (J. S.) Descriptive and Physiological Botany. London,
+1837.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Herder (J. G.) Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit. Stuttgart,
+1827, 1828. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Herodoti Musæ, edit. Baehr. Lipsiæ, 1830&ndash;1835. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Heron (R.) Observations made in a Journey through the Western<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</a></span>
+Counties of Scotland, in 1792. 2nd edit. Perth, 1799. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Herschel (Sir J.) Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy.
+London, 1831.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hewson (W.) Works, edited by G. Gulliver for the Sydenham Society.
+London, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Historie (The) and Life of King James the Sext, from 1566 to 1596.
+Published by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1825. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hitchcock (E.) The Religion of Geology. London, 1851.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hodgson (J.) The Hunterian Oration, delivered at the Royal College
+of Surgeons in 1855. London (no date).</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hodgson (R.) Life of Porteus, Bishop of London. London, 1811.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Holcroft (T.) Memoirs, by himself: continued by Hazlitt. London,
+1816. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Holland (Sir H.) Medical Notes. London, 1839.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Holland (Lord) Memoirs of the Whig Party. London, 1852&ndash;1854.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Holles (Lord) Memoirs. London, 1699.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hollinshead (R.) The Scottish Chronicle. Arbroath, 1805. 2 vols.
+4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Home (J.) The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745. London,
+1802. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hooker (R.) Ecclesiastical Polity. London, 1830. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hoskins (G. A.) Spain as it is. London, 1851. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Howell (J.) Letters. Eleventh edition. London, 1754.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Howie (J.) Biographia Scoticana. 2nd edit. Glasgow, 1781.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Huetius (P. D.) Commentarius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus.
+Amstel. 1718.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Humboldt (A.) Essai sur la Nouvelle Espagne. Paris, 1811. 2 vols.
+4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Humboldt (A.) Cosmos. London, 1848&ndash;1852. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hume (D.) Commentaries on the Law of Scotland respecting Crimes.
+Edinburgh, 1797. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hume (D.) Philosophical Works. Edinburgh, 1826. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hume (D.) Letters of Eminent Persons to. Edinburgh, 1849.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hume (D. of Godscroft) The History of the House and Race of
+Douglas and Angus. Edinburgh, 1743. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hunt (F. K.) History of Newspapers. London, 1850. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hunter (J.) Works, edited by J. F. Palmer. London, 1835&ndash;1837.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hunter (J.) Essays and Observations on Natural History, &amp;c.
+edited by R. Owen. London, 1861. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutcheson (F.) An Inquiry into the Original of our Ideas of Beauty
+and Virtue. 4th edit. London, 1738.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutcheson (F.) A System of Moral Philosophy; with the Life of
+Hutcheson, by W. Leechman. London, 1755. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutcheson (F.) An Essay on the Nature and Conduct of the Passions
+and Affections. 3rd edit. Glasgow, 1769.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutcheson (G.) Exposition on the Twelve Small Prophets. London,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">[xxv]</a></span>
+1654, 1655. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutcheson (G.) An Exposition of the Book of Job, being the sum
+of 316 Sermons preached in the City of Edenburgh. London,
+1669. Folio.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutchinson (Colonel) Memoirs of, by his Widow. London,
+1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutton (J.) Theory of the Earth. Edinburgh, 1795. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Hutton (W.) Life of, by himself. London, 1816.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ibn Batuta, Travels in the Fourteenth Century, translated from
+Arabic by S. Lee. London, 1829. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Inglis (H. D.) Spain in 1830. London, 1831. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Interest (The) of Scotland considered with regard to Police, Trade,
+&amp;c. Edinburgh, 1733.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Irving (J.) The History of Dumbartonshire. 2nd edit. Dumbarton,
+1860. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ixtlilxochitl, Histoire des Chichimèques ou des anciens Rois de
+Tezcuco. Paris, 1840. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745, edited, from the Manuscripts
+of the late Bishop Forbes, by R. Chambers. Edinburgh,
+1834.</p>
+
+<p class="one">James II., The Life of, from Memoirs by his own hand, by J. S.
+Clarke. London, 1816. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Janer (F.) Condition Social de los Moriscos de España. Madrid,
+1857.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jefferson (T.) Memoirs and Correspondence, by Randolph. London,
+1829. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jehangueir (The Emperor) Memoirs, by himself, translated from
+Persian by D. Price. London, 1829. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jewel (J.) Apologia Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ. London, 1581.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jobert (A. C. G.) Ideas or Outlines of a New System of Philosophy.
+London, 1848, 1849. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Johnston (L. F. C.) Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain. London,
+1825.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Johnstone (The Chevalier de) Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745 and
+1746. 3rd edit. London, 1822.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Joly (G.) Mémoires. Paris, 1825.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jones (C. H.) and Sieveking (E. H.) Pathological Anatomy. London,
+1854.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jones (R.) Organization of the Animal Kingdom. London, 1855.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jones (W.) Life of G. Horne, Bishop of Norwich. London, 1795.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jones (Sir W.) Works. London, 1799. 6 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Journal Asiatique. Paris, 1822&ndash;1827. 11 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Journal of the Asiatic Society. London, 1834&ndash;1851. 14 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Journal of the Geographical Society. London, 1833 (2nd edit. of
+vol. i.) to 1853. 23 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Jussieu's Botany, by J. H. Wilson. London, 1849.
+Kaemtz (L. F.) Course of Meteorology. London, 1845.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Kant (J.) Werke. Leipzig, 1838, 1839. 10 vols.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxvi" id="Page_xxvi">[xxvi]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="one">Kay (J.) Condition and Education of the People in England and
+Europe. London, 1850. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Keith (R.) A Catalogue of the Bishops of Scotland. Edinburgh,
+1755. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Keith (R.) History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland,
+from the beginning of the Reformation to 1568. Published by
+the Spottiswoode Society. Edinburgh, 1844&ndash;1850. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Kemble (J. M.) The Saxons in England. London, 1849. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ken (Bishop of Bath and Wells) Life of, by a Layman. London,
+1854. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Kennedy (W.) Annals of Aberdeen. London, 1818. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">King (Lord) Life of J. Locke. London, 1830. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Kirkton (J.) The Secret and True History of the Church of Scotland,
+from the Restoration to 1678, edited from the MSS. by
+C. K. Sharpe. Edinburgh, 1817. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Klimrath (H.) Travaux sur l'Histoire du Droit Français. Paris,
+1843. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Knox (J.) History of the Reformation in Scotland, edited by
+D. Laing, for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1846&ndash;1848.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Koch (M.) Tableau des Révolutions de l'Europe. Paris, 1823.
+3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Kohl (J. G.) Russia. London, 1842.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Labat (P.) Voyages en Espagne et en Italie. Paris, 1730. Vol. i.
+containing his travels in Spain.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laborde (A.) A View of Spain. London, 1809. 5 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lacretelle (C.) Histoire de France pendant le XVIII<sup>e</sup> Siècle.
+Bruxelles, 1819. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lafayette (Général) Mémoires, Correspondance et Manuscrits.
+Bruxelles, 1837&ndash;1839. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lafuente (M.) Historia General de España. Madrid, 1850&ndash;1857.
+19 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laing (M.) The History of Scotland, from 1603 to 1707. 3rd edit.
+London, 1819. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laing (S.) Sweden in 1838. London, 1839.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laing (S.) Notes on the Social and Political State of Europe. London,
+1842.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laing (S.) Second Series of Notes on Europe. London, 1850.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laing (S.) Denmark, being the Third Series of Notes. London,
+1852.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Laird (M.) Memoirs of the Life and Experiences, with a Preface by
+the Rev. Mr. Cock. 2nd edit. Glasgow, 1781.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lamartine (A. de) Histoire des Girondins. Bruxelles, 1847.
+8 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lamont (J. of Newton) Diary, from 1649 to 1671. Edinburgh,
+1830. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lankester (E.) Memorials of John Ray. Ray Society, 1846.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxvii" id="Page_xxvii">[xxvii]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="one">Larenaudière (M. de) Mexique et Guatemala. Paris, 1843.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lathbury (T.) History of the Convocation of the Church of England.
+London, 1842.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lathbury (T.) History of the Nonjurors. London, 1845.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lavallée (T.) Histoire des Français. Paris, 1847. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lawrence (W.) Lectures on Comparative Anatomy, and the Natural
+History of Man. London, 1844.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lawson (J. P.) The Roman Catholic Church in Scotland. Edinburgh,
+1836.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lawson (J. P.) The Book of Perth. Edinburgh, 1847.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Le Blanc (L'Abbé) Letters d'un François. Lyon, 1758. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ledwich (E.) Antiquities of Ireland. Dublin, 1804. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Le Long (J.) Bibliothèque Historique de la France. Paris, 1768&ndash;1778.
+5 vols. folio.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lémontey (P. E.) L'Établissement Monarchique de Louis XIV.
+Paris, 1818.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lenet (P.) Mémoires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lepan (M.) Vie de Voltaire. Paris, 1837.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lepelletier (A.) Physiologie Médicale. Paris, 1831&ndash;1833. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lerminier (E.) Philosophie du Droit. Paris, 1831. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lesley (J.) The History of Scotland, from 1436 to 1561. Published
+by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1830. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Leslie (J.) An Experimental Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation
+of Heat. London, 1804.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Leslie (Sir J.) Treatises on Natural and Chemical Philosophy.
+Edinburgh, 1838.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Letters from Spain, &amp;c. by an English Officer. London, 1788.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland. London, 1815.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James VI. of Scotland, edited by
+J. Bruce, for the Camden Society. London, 1849. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lettice (I.) Letters on a Tour through Various Parts of Scotland in
+1792. Edinburgh, 1794.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Le Vassor (M.) Histoire du Règne de Louis XIII. Amst. 1701&ndash;1711.
+10 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lewes (G. H.) The Spanish Drama. London, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Liebig (J.) Animal Chemistry. London, 1846.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Liebig (J.) Letters on Chemistry in its relation to Physiology. London,
+1851.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Liebig and Kopp's Reports of the Progress of Chemistry and the
+allied Sciences. London, 1849&ndash;1853. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lindley (J.) The Vegetable Kingdom. London 1847.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lindley (J.) An Introduction to Botany. London, 1848.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lindsay (R. of Pitscottie) The Chronicles of Scotland. Edinburgh,
+1814. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lingard (J.) History of England. Paris, 1840. 8 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lister (M.) An Account of Paris at the close of the Seventeenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxviii" id="Page_xxviii">[xxviii]</a></span>
+Century. Shaftesbury (no date).</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lister (T. H.) Life and Correspondence of the first Earl of Clarendon.
+London, 1837, 1838. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Llorente (D. J. A.) Histoire Critique de l'Inquisition d'Espagne.
+Paris, 1817, 1818. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Locke (J.) Works. London, 1794. 9 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lockhart Papers (The). London, 1817. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Longchamp et Wagnière, Mémoires sur Voltaire. Paris, 1826.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">London (J. C.) An Encyclopædia of Agriculture. London, 1844.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Louville (Marquis de) Mémoires. Paris, 1818. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Low (H.) Sarawak; its Inhabitants and Productions. London,
+1835.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ludlow (E.) Memoirs. Edinburgh, 1751. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lyell (Sir C.) Principles of Geology. 9th edit. London, 1853.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Lyon (C. J.) History of St. Andrews. Edinburgh, 1843. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Mably (L'Abbé) Observations sur l'Histoire de France. Paris,
+1823. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Macaulay (T. B.) History of England. London, 1849&ndash;1855. 1st
+edit. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Mackay (R. W.) The Progress of the Intellect in the Religious Development
+of the Greeks and Hebrews. London, 1850. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Mackenzie (Sir G.) The Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters
+Criminal. Edinburgh, 1699. Folio.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Mackintosh (Sir J.) History of the Revolution in England in 1688.
+London, 1834. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Mackintosh (Sir J.) Memoirs, by his Son. London, 1835. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Mackintosh (Sir J.) Dissertation on the Progress of Ethical Philosophy.
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+
+<p class="one">[Macky (J.)] A Journey through Scotland. 2nd edit. London, 1732.
+See Watt's <i>Bibliotheca Britannica</i>, vol. ii. p. 631, m.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Macpherson (D.) Annals of Commerce. London, 1805. 4 vols.
+4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Macpherson (J.) Original Papers, from the Restoration to the Accession
+of the House of Hanover. London, 1775. 2 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">M'Crie (T.) The Life of Andrew Melville. Edinburgh, 1819.
+2 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">M'Crie (T.) History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation
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+
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+<p class="one">Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and
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+
+<p class="one">Wishart (G.) Memoirs of James Graham, Marquis of Montrose.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xlii" id="Page_xlii">[xlii]</a></span>
+Edinburgh, 1819.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wodrow (R.) Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers and
+Ministers of the Church of Scotland. Edit. Maitland Club.
+Glasgow, 1834&ndash;1848. 4to. 4 vols. in 2.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wodrow (R.) History of the Church of Scotland. Glasgow, 1838.
+4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wodrow (R.) Analecta, or Materials for a History of Remarkable
+Providences. Edit. Maitland Club. 1842, 1843. 4 vols. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wodrow (R.) Life of the Rev. Robert Bruce, prefixed to Bruce's
+Sermons. Edit. Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1843.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wodrow (R.) Correspondence. Edit. Wodrow Society. Edinburgh,
+1842, 1843. 3 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wordsworth (C.) Ecclesiastical Biography. London, 1839. 4 vols.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wrangel (F.) Narrative of an Expedition to the Polar Sea. London,
+1840.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Wright (T.) Biographia Britannica Literaria; Anglo-Saxon and
+Anglo-Norman Periods. London, 1842&ndash;1846. 2 vols.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Ximenez (F. J.) Vida y Virtudes del Venerable Siervo de Dios
+D. J. de Ribera, Arçobispo de Valencia. Roma, 1734. 4to.</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="one">Yañez (J.) Memorias para la Historia de Don Felipe III. Madrid,
+1723. 4to.</p>
+
+<p class="one">Yonge (W.) Diary, from 1604 to 1628, edited by G. Roberts.
+Camd. Soc. 1848. 4to.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr95" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="title"><span style="font-size: 175%;">HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.</span></p>
+
+<p class="title"><span style="font-size: 150%;"><i>GENERAL INTRODUCTION.</i></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND
+PROOFS OF THE REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS
+ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE
+BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE CAN BE NO
+HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES.</div>
+
+<p>Of all the great branches of human knowledge, history
+is that upon which most has been written, and
+which has always been most popular. And it seems
+to be the general opinion that the success of historians
+has, on the whole, been equal to their industry;
+and that if on this subject much has been studied,
+much also is understood.</p>
+
+<p>This confidence in the value of history is very
+widely diffused, as we see in the extent to which it
+is read, and in the share it occupies in all plans of
+education. Nor can it be denied that, in a certain point
+of view, such confidence is perfectly justifiable. It
+cannot be denied that materials have been collected
+which, when looked at in the aggregate, have a rich
+and imposing appearance. The political and military
+annals of all the great countries in Europe, and of
+most of those out of Europe, have been carefully
+compiled, put together in a convenient form, and
+the evidence on which they rest has been tolerably
+well sifted. Great attention has been paid to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
+history of legislation, also to that of religion: while
+considerable, though inferior, labour has been employed
+in tracing the progress of science, of literature, of the
+fine arts, of useful inventions, and, latterly, of the manners
+and comforts of the people. In order to increase
+our knowledge of the past, antiquities of every kind
+have been examined; the sites of ancient cities have
+been laid bare, coins dug up and deciphered, inscriptions
+copied, alphabets restored, hieroglyphics interpreted,
+and, in some instances, long-forgotten languages
+reconstructed and re-arranged. Several of the laws
+which regulate the changes of human speech have been
+discovered, and, in the hands of philologists, have been
+made to elucidate even the most obscure periods in the
+early migration of nations. Political economy has been
+raised to a science, and by it much light has been
+thrown on the causes of that unequal distribution of
+wealth which is the most fertile source of social disturbance.
+Statistics have been so sedulously cultivated,
+that we have the most extensive information, not only
+respecting the material interests of men, but also respecting
+their moral peculiarities; such as, the amount
+of different crimes, the proportion they bear to each
+other, and the influence exercised over them by age,
+sex, education, and the like. With this great movement
+physical geography has kept pace: the phenomena
+of climate have been registered, mountains
+measured, rivers surveyed and tracked to their source,
+natural productions of all kinds carefully studied, and
+their hidden properties unfolded: while every food
+which sustains life has been chemically analysed, its
+constituents numbered and weighed, and the nature of
+the connexion between them and the human frame has,
+in many cases, been satisfactorily ascertained. At the
+same time, and that nothing should be left undone
+which might enlarge our knowledge of the events by
+which man is affected, there have been instituted circumstantial
+researches in many other departments; so
+that in regard to the most civilized people, we are now
+acquainted with the rate of their mortality, of their
+marriages, the proportion of their births, the character<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
+of their employments, and the fluctuations both in their
+wages and in the prices of the commodities necessary
+to their existence. These and similar facts have been
+collected, methodized, and are ripe for use. Such
+results, which form, as it were, the anatomy of a
+nation, are remarkable for their minuteness; and to
+them there have been joined other results less minute,
+but more extensive. Not only have the actions and
+characteristics of the great nations been recorded, but
+a prodigious number of different tribes in all the parts
+of the known world have been visited and described by
+travellers, thus enabling us to compare the condition of
+mankind in every stage of civilization, and under every
+variety of circumstance. When we moreover add, that
+this curiosity respecting our fellow-creatures is apparently
+insatiable; that it is constantly increasing; that
+the means of gratifying it are also increasing, and that
+most of the observations which have been made are
+still preserved;&mdash;when we put all these things together,
+we may form a faint idea of the immense value of
+that vast body of facts which we now possess, and by
+the aid of which the progress of mankind is to be
+investigated.</p>
+
+<p>But if, on the other hand, we are to describe the use
+that has been made of these materials, we must draw a
+very different picture. The unfortunate peculiarity of
+the history of man is, that although its separate parts
+have been examined with considerable ability, hardly
+any one has attempted to combine them into a whole,
+and ascertain the way in which they are connected with
+each other. In all the other great fields of inquiry, the
+necessity of generalization is universally admitted, and
+noble efforts are being made to rise from particular
+facts in order to discover the laws by which those facts
+are governed. So far, however, is this from being the
+usual course of historians, that among them a strange
+idea prevails, that their business is merely to relate
+events, which they may occasionally enliven by such
+moral and political reflections as seem likely to be
+useful. According to this scheme, any author who
+from indolence of thought, or from natural incapacity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
+is unfit to deal with the highest branches of knowledge,
+has only to pass some years in reading a certain number
+of books, and then he is qualified to be an historian;
+he is able to write the history of a great people, and his
+work becomes an authority on the subject which it
+professes to treat.</p>
+
+<p>The establishment of this narrow standard has led to
+results very prejudicial to the progress of our knowledge.
+Owing to it, historians, taken as a body, have
+never recognized the necessity of such a wide and preliminary
+study as would enable them to grasp their
+subject in the whole of its natural relations. Hence
+the singular spectacle of one historian being ignorant
+of political economy; another knowing nothing of law;
+another nothing of ecclesiastical affairs and changes of
+opinion; another neglecting the philosophy of statistics,
+and another physical science: although these topics are
+the most essential of all, inasmuch as they comprise the
+principal circumstances by which the temper and character
+of mankind have been affected, and in which they
+are displayed. These important pursuits being, however,
+cultivated, some by one man, and some by another,
+have been isolated rather than united: the aid which
+might be derived from analogy and from mutual illustration
+has been lost; and no disposition has been
+shown to concentrate them upon history, of which they
+are, properly speaking, the necessary components.</p>
+
+<p>Since the early part of the eighteenth century, a few
+great thinkers have indeed arisen, who have deplored
+the backwardness of history, and have done everything
+in their power to remedy it. But these instances have
+been extremely rare: so rare, that in the whole literature
+of Europe there are not more than three or four
+really original works which contain a systematic attempt
+to investigate the history of man according to those
+exhaustive methods which in other branches of knowledge
+have proved successful, and by which alone empirical
+observations can be raised to scientific truths.</p>
+
+<p>Among historians in general, we find, after the sixteenth
+century, and especially during the last hundred
+years, several indications of an increasing comprehensiveness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
+of view, and of a willingness to incorporate
+into their works subjects which they would formerly
+have excluded. By this means their assemblage of
+topics has become more diversified, and the mere collection
+and relative position of parallel facts has occasionally
+suggested generalizations no traces of which can
+be found in the earlier literature of Europe. This has
+been a great gain, in so far as it has familiarized historians
+with a wider range of thought, and encouraged
+those habits of speculation, which, though liable to
+abuse, are the essential condition of all real knowledge,
+because without them no science can be constructed.</p>
+
+<p>But, notwithstanding that the prospects of historical
+literature are certainly more cheering now than in any
+former age, it must be allowed that, with extremely
+few exceptions, they are only prospects, and that as yet
+scarcely anything has been done towards discovering
+the principles which govern the character and destiny
+of nations. What has been actually effected I shall
+endeavour to estimate in another part of this introduction:
+at present it is enough to say, that for all the
+higher purposes of human thought history is still
+miserably deficient, and presents that confused and
+anarchical appearance natural to a subject of which
+the laws are unknown, and even the foundation unsettled.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>Our acquaintance with history being so imperfect,
+while our materials are so numerous, it seems desirable
+that something should be done on a scale far larger
+than has hitherto been attempted, and that a strenuous
+effort should be made to bring up this great department
+of inquiry to a level with other departments, in
+order that we may maintain the balance and harmony
+of our knowledge. It is in this spirit that the present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
+work has been conceived. To make the execution of it
+fully equal to the conception is impossible: still I hope
+to accomplish for the history of man something equivalent,
+or at all events analogous, to what has been
+effected by other inquirers for the different branches of
+natural science. In regard to nature, events apparently
+the most irregular and capricious have been explained,
+and have been shown to be in accordance with certain
+fixed and universal laws. This has been done because
+men of ability, and, above all, men of patient, untiring
+thought, have studied natural events with the view of
+discovering their regularity: and if human events were
+subjected to a similar treatment, we have every right
+to expect similar results. For it is clear that they who
+affirm that the facts of history are incapable of being
+generalized, take for granted the very question at issue.
+Indeed they do more than this. They not only assume
+what they cannot prove, but they assume what in the
+present state of knowledge is highly improbable. Whoever
+is at all acquainted with what has been done
+during the last two centuries, must be aware that every
+generation demonstrates some events to be regular
+and predictable, which the preceding generation had
+declared to be irregular and unpredictable: so that
+the marked tendency of advancing civilization is to
+strengthen our belief in the universality of order, of
+method, and of law. This being the case, it follows
+that if any facts, or class of facts, have not yet been
+reduced to order, we, so far from pronouncing them to
+be irreducible, should rather be guided by our experience
+of the past, and should admit the probability
+that what we now call inexplicable will at some future
+time be explained. This expectation of discovering
+regularity in the midst of confusion is so familiar to
+scientific men, that among the most eminent of them it
+becomes an article of faith: and if the same expectation
+is not generally found among historians, it must be
+ascribed partly to their being of inferior ability to the
+investigators of nature, and partly to the greater complexity
+of those social phenomena with which their
+studies are concerned.</p>
+
+<p>Both these causes have retarded the creation of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
+science of history. The most celebrated historians are
+manifestly inferior to the most successful cultivators of
+physical science: no one having devoted himself to
+history who in point of intellect is at all to be compared
+with Kepler, Newton, or many others that might be
+named.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> And as to the greater complexity of the
+phenomena, the philosophic historian is opposed by
+difficulties far more formidable than is the student of
+nature; since, while on the one hand, his observations
+are more liable to those causes of error which arise
+from prejudice and passion, he, on the other hand, is
+unable to employ the great physical resource of experiment,
+by which we can often simplify even the
+most intricate problems in the external world.</p>
+
+<p>It is not, therefore, surprising that the study of the
+movements of Man should be still in its infancy, as
+compared with the advanced state of the study of the
+movements of Nature. Indeed the difference between
+the progress of the two pursuits is so great, that while
+in physics the regularity of events, and the power of
+predicting them, are often taken for granted even in
+cases still unproved, a similar regularity is in history
+not only not taken for granted, but is actually denied.
+Hence it is that whoever wishes to raise history to a
+level with other branches of knowledge, is met by a
+preliminary obstacle; since he is told that in the affairs
+of men there is something mysterious and providential,
+which makes them impervious to our investigations,
+and which will always hide from us their future course.
+To this it might be sufficient to reply, that such an
+assertion is gratuitous; that it is by its nature incapable
+of proof; and that it is moreover opposed by the notorious
+fact that everywhere else increasing knowledge
+is accompanied by an increasing confidence in the
+uniformity with which, under the same circumstances,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
+the same events must succeed each other. It will,
+however, be more satisfactory to probe the difficulty
+deeper, and inquire at once into the foundation of the
+common opinion that history must always remain in its
+present empirical state, and can never be raised to the
+rank of a science. We shall thus be led to one vast
+question, which indeed lies at the root of the whole
+subject, and is simply this: Are the actions of men,
+and therefore of societies, governed by fixed laws, or
+are they the result either of chance or of supernatural
+interference? The discussion of these alternatives
+will suggest some speculations of considerable interest.</p>
+
+<p>For, in reference to this matter, there are two doctrines,
+which appear to represent different stages of
+civilization. According to the first doctrine, every
+event is single and isolated, and is merely considered
+as the result of a blind chance. This opinion, which
+is most natural to a perfectly ignorant people, would
+soon be weakened by that extension of experience
+which supplies a knowledge of those uniformities of
+succession and of co-existence that nature constantly
+presents. If, for example, wandering tribes, without
+the least tincture of civilization, lived entirely by hunting
+and fishing, they might well suppose that the
+appearance of their necessary food was the result of
+some accident which admitted of no explanation. The
+irregularity of the supply, and the apparent caprice
+with which it was sometimes abundant and sometimes
+scanty, would prevent them from suspecting anything
+like method in the arrangements of nature; nor could
+their minds even conceive the existence of those general
+principles which govern the order of events, and by a
+knowledge of which we are often able to predict their
+future course. But when such tribes advance into the
+agricultural state, they, for the first time, use a food of
+which not only the appearance, but the very existence,
+seems to be the result of their own act. What they
+sow, that likewise do they reap. The provision necessary
+for their wants is brought more immediately under
+their own control, and is more palpably the consequence
+of their own labour. They perceive a distinct plan,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
+and a regular uniformity of sequence, in the relation
+which the seed they put into the ground bears to the
+corn when arrived at maturity. They are now able to
+look to the future, not indeed with certainty, but with
+a confidence infinitely greater than they could have felt
+in their former and more precarious pursuits.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Hence
+there arises a dim idea of the stability of events; and
+for the first time there begins to dawn upon the mind a
+faint conception of what at a later period are called the
+Laws of Nature. Every step in the great progress will
+make their view of this more clear. As their observations
+accumulate, and as their experience extends over
+a wider surface, they meet with uniformities that they
+had never suspected to exist, and the discovery of which
+weakens that doctrine of chance with which they had
+originally set out. Yet a little further, and a taste for
+abstract reasoning springs up; and then some among
+them generalize the observations that have been made,
+and despising the old popular opinion, believe that
+every event is linked to its antecedent by an inevitable
+connexion, that such antecedent is connected with a
+preceding fact; and that thus the whole world forms
+a necessary chain, in which indeed each man may play
+his part, but can by no means determine what that part
+shall be.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it is that, in the ordinary march of society, an
+increasing perception of the regularity of nature destroys
+the doctrine of Chance, and replaces it by that
+of Necessary Connexion. And it is, I think, highly
+probable that out of these two doctrines of Chance and
+Necessity there have respectively arisen the subsequent
+dogmas of Free Will and Predestination. Nor is it
+difficult to understand the manner in which, in a more
+advanced state of society, this metamorphosis would
+occur. In every country, as soon as the accumulation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
+of wealth has reached a certain point, the produce of
+each man's labour becomes more than sufficient for his
+own support: it is therefore no longer necessary that
+all should work; and there is formed a separate class,
+the members of which pass their lives for the most
+part in the pursuit of pleasure; a very few, however,
+in the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge. Among
+these last there are always found some who, neglecting
+external events, turn their attention to the study of
+their own minds;<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and such men, when possessed of
+great abilities, become the founders of new philosophies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
+and new religions, which often exercise immense influence
+over the people who receive them. But the
+authors of these systems are themselves affected by the
+character of the age in which they live. It is impossible
+for any man to escape the pressure of surrounding
+opinions; and what is called a new philosophy or a new
+religion is generally not so much a creation of fresh
+ideas, but rather a new direction given to ideas already
+current among contemporary thinkers.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Thus, in the
+case now before us, the doctrine of Chance in the
+external world corresponds to that of Free Will in the
+internal: while the other doctrine of Necessary Connexion
+is equally analogous to that of Predestination;
+the only difference being that the first is a development
+by the metaphysician, the second by the theologian. In
+the first instance, the metaphysician setting out with
+the doctrine of Chance, carries into the study of the
+mind this arbitrary and irresponsible principle, which
+in its new field becomes Free Will; an expression by
+which all difficulties seem to be removed, since perfect
+freedom, itself the cause of all actions, is caused by none,
+but, like the doctrine of Chance, is an ultimate fact
+admitting of no further explanation.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> In the second
+instance, the theologian taking up the doctrine of
+Necessary Connexion recasts it into a religious shape;
+and his mind being already full of conceptions of order
+and of uniformity, he naturally ascribes such undeviating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
+regularity to the prescience of Supreme Power; and
+thus to the magnificent notion of One God there is
+added the dogma that by Him all things have from
+the beginning been absolutely pre-determined and preordained.</p>
+
+<p>These opposite doctrines of free will and predestination<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
+do, no doubt, supply a safe and simple solution of
+the obscurities of our being; and as they are easily
+understood, they are so suited to the average capacity
+of the human mind, that even at the present day an
+immense majority of men are divided between them;
+and they have not only corrupted the sources of our
+knowledge, but have given rise to religious sects, whose
+mutual animosities have disturbed society, and too often
+embittered the relations of private life. Among the
+more advanced European thinkers there is, however, a
+growing opinion that both doctrines are wrong or, at
+all events, that we have no sufficient evidence of their
+truth. And as this is a matter of great moment, it is
+important, before we proceed further, to clear up as
+much of it as the difficulties inherent in these subjects
+will enable us to do.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever doubts may be thrown on the account
+which I have given of the probable origin of the ideas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
+of free will and predestination, there can, at all events,
+be no dispute as to the foundation on which those ideas
+are now actually based. The theory of predestination
+is founded on a theological hypothesis; that of free will
+on a metaphysical hypothesis. The advocates of the
+first proceed on a supposition for which, to say the least
+of it, they have as yet brought forward no good
+evidence. They require us to believe that the Author
+of Creation, whose beneficence they at the same time
+willingly allow, has, notwithstanding His supreme goodness,
+made an arbitrary distinction between the elect
+and the non-elect; that He has from all eternity doomed
+to perdition millions of creatures yet unborn, and whom
+His act alone can call into existence: and that He has
+done this, not in virtue of any principle of justice, but
+by a mere stretch of despotic power.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> This doctrine
+owes its authority among Protestants to the dark though
+powerful mind of Calvin; but in the early Church it
+was first systematically methodized by Augustin, who
+appears to have borrowed it from the Manicheans.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> At
+all events, and putting aside its incompatibility with
+other notions which are supposed to be fundamental,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
+it must, in a scientific investigation, be regarded as a
+barren hypothesis, because, being beyond the province
+of our knowledge, we have no means of ascertaining
+either its truth or its falsehood.</p>
+
+<p>The other doctrine, which has long been celebrated
+under the name of Free Will, is connected with Arminianism;
+but it in reality rests on the metaphysical
+dogma of the supremacy of human consciousness.
+Every man, it is alleged, feels and knows that he is a
+free agent: nor can any subtleties of argument do away
+with our consciousness of possessing a free will.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Now
+the existence of this supreme jurisdiction, which is thus
+to set at defiance all the ordinary methods of reasoning,
+involves two assumptions: of which the first, though
+possibly true, has never been proved; and the other is
+unquestionably false. These assumptions are, that there
+is an independent faculty called consciousness, and that
+the dictates of that faculty are infallible. But, in the
+first place, it is by no means certain that consciousness
+is a faculty; and some of the ablest thinkers have been
+of opinion that it is merely a state or condition of the
+mind.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Should this turn out to be the case, the argument
+falls to the ground; since, even if we admit that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
+all the faculties of the mind, when completely exercised,
+are equally accurate, no one will make the same claim
+for every condition into which the mind itself may be
+casually thrown. However, waiving this objection, we
+may, in the second place, reply, that even if consciousness
+is a faculty, we have the testimony of all history
+to prove its extreme fallibility.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> All the great stages<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
+through which, in the progress of civilization, the
+human race has successively passed, have been characterized
+by certain mental peculiarities or convictions,
+which have left their impress upon the religion, the
+philosophy, and the morals of the age. Each of these
+convictions has been to one period a matter of faith, to
+another a matter for derision;<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> and each of them has,
+in its own epoch, been as intimately bound up with the
+minds of men, and become as much a part of their
+consciousness, as is that opinion which we now term
+freedom of the will. Yet it is impossible that all these
+products of consciousness can be true, because many of
+them contradict each other. Unless, therefore, in different
+ages there are different standards of truth, it is
+clear that the testimony of a man's consciousness is no
+proof of an opinion being true; for if it were so, then
+two propositions diametrically opposed to each other
+might both be equally accurate. Besides this, another
+view may be drawn from the common operations of
+ordinary life. Are we not in certain circumstances
+conscious of the existence of spectres and phantoms;
+and yet is it not generally admitted that such beings
+have no existence at all? Should it be attempted to
+refute this argument by saying that such consciousness
+is apparent and not real, then I ask, What is it that
+judges between the consciousness which is genuine and
+that which is spurious?<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> If this boasted faculty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
+deceives us in some things, what security have we that
+it will not deceive us in others? If there is no security,
+the faculty is not trustworthy. If there is a security,
+then, whatever it may be, its existence shows the necessity
+for some authority to which consciousness is subordinate,
+and thus does away with that doctrine of the
+supremacy of consciousness, on which the advocates of
+free will are compelled to construct the whole of their
+theory. Indeed, the uncertainty as to the existence of
+consciousness as an independent faculty, and the manner
+in which that faculty, if it exists, has contradicted its
+own suggestions, are two of the many reasons which
+have long since convinced me that metaphysics will
+never be raised to a science by the ordinary method of
+observing individual minds; but that its study can only
+be successfully prosecuted by the deductive application<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
+of laws which must be discovered historically, that is
+to say, which must be evolved by an examination of the
+whole of those vast phenomena which the long course
+of human affairs presents to our view.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunately, however, for the object of this work,
+the believer in the possibility of a science of history is
+not called upon to hold either the doctrine of predestined
+events, or that of freedom of the will;<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and
+the only positions which, in this stage of the inquiry,
+I shall expect him to concede are the following: That
+when we perform an action, we perform it in consequence
+of some motive or motives; that those motives
+are the results of some antecedents; and that, therefore,
+if we were acquainted with the whole of the antecedents,
+and with all the laws of their movements, we could
+with unerring certainty predict the whole of their
+immediate results. This, unless I am greatly mistaken,
+is the view which must be held by every man whose
+mind is unbiased by system, and who forms his opinions
+according to the evidence actually before him.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> If, for
+example, I am intimately acquainted with the character
+of any person, I can frequently tell how he will act<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
+under some given circumstances. Should I fail in this
+prediction, I must ascribe my error not to the arbitrary
+and capricious freedom of his will, nor to any supernatural
+pre-arrangement, for of neither of these things
+have we the slightest proof; but I must be content to
+suppose either that I had been misinformed as to some
+of the circumstances in which he was placed, or else
+that I had not sufficiently studied the ordinary operations
+of his mind. If, however, I were capable of
+correct reasoning, and if, at the same time, I had a
+complete knowledge both of his disposition and of all
+the events by which he was surrounded, I should be
+able to foresee the line of conduct which, in consequence
+of those events, he would adopt.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>Rejecting, then, the metaphysical dogma of free will,
+and the theological dogma of predestined events,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
+are driven to the conclusion that the actions of men,
+being determined solely by their antecedents, must have
+a character of uniformity, that is to say, must, under
+precisely the same circumstances, always issue in precisely
+the same results. And as all antecedents are
+either in the mind or out of it, we clearly see that all
+the variations in the results, in other words, all the
+changes of which history is full, all the vicissitudes of
+the human race, their progress or their decay, their happiness
+or their misery, must be the fruit of a double
+action; an action of external phenomena upon the mind,
+and another action of the mind upon the phenomena.</p>
+
+<p>These are the materials out of which a philosophic
+history can alone be constructed. On the one hand, we
+have the human mind obeying the laws of its own
+existence, and, when uncontrolled by external agents,
+developing itself according to the conditions of its
+organization. On the other hand, we have what is
+called Nature, obeying likewise its laws; but incessantly
+coming into contact with the minds of men, exciting
+their passions, stimulating their intellect, and therefore
+giving to their actions a direction which they would
+not have taken without such disturbance. Thus we
+have man modifying nature, and nature modifying
+man; while out of this reciprocal modification all
+events must necessarily spring.</p>
+
+<p>The problem immediately before us, is to ascertain
+the method of discovering the laws of this double
+modification: and this, as we shall presently see, leads
+us into a preliminary inquiry as to which of the two
+modifications is the more important; that is to say,
+whether the thoughts and desires of men are more
+influenced by physical phenomena, or whether the
+physical phenomena are more influenced by them. For
+it is evident that whichever class is the more active,
+should if possible be studied before the other; and
+this, partly because its results will be more prominent,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
+and therefore more easy to observe; and partly because
+by first generalizing the laws of the greater power we
+shall leave a smaller residue of unexplained facts than
+if we had begun by generalizing the laws of the lesser
+power. But, before entering into this examination, it
+will be convenient to state some of the most decisive
+proofs we now possess of the regularity with which
+mental phenomena succeed each other. By this means
+the preceding views will be considerably strengthened;
+and we shall, at the same time, be able to see what
+those resources are which have been already employed
+in elucidating this great subject.</p>
+
+<p>That the results actually effected are extremely
+valuable is evident, not only from the wide surface
+which the generalizations cover, but also from the
+extraordinary precautions with which they have been
+made. For while most moral inquiries have depended
+on some theological or metaphysical hypothesis, the investigations
+to which I allude are exclusively inductive;
+they are based on collections of almost innumerable
+facts, extending over many countries, thrown into the
+clearest of all forms, the form of arithmetical tables;
+and finally, they have been put together by men who,
+being for the most part mere government officials,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
+had no particular theory to maintain, and no interest
+in distorting the truth of the reports they were directed
+to make.</p>
+
+<p>The most comprehensive inferences respecting the
+actions of men, which are admitted by all parties as
+incontestable truths, are derived from this or from
+analogous sources; they rest on statistical evidence,
+and are expressed in mathematical language. And
+whoever is aware of how much has been discovered by
+this single method, must not only recognize the uniformity
+with which mental phenomena succeed each
+other, but must, I think, feel sanguine that still more
+important discoveries will be made, so soon as there
+are brought into play those other powerful resources
+which even the present state of knowledge will abundantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
+supply. Without, however, anticipating future
+inquiries, we are, for the moment, only concerned with
+those proofs of the existence of a uniformity in human
+affairs which statisticians have been the first to bring
+forward.</p>
+
+<p>The actions of men are by an easy and obvious
+division separated into two classes, the virtuous and
+the vicious; and as these classes are correlative, and
+when put together compose the total of our moral
+conduct, it follows that whatever increases the one, will
+in a relative point of view diminish the other; so that if
+we can in any period detect a uniformity and a method
+in the vices of a people, there must be a corresponding
+regularity in their virtues; or if we could prove a
+regularity in their virtues, we should necessarily infer
+an equal regularity in their vices; the two sets of
+actions being, according to the terms of the division,
+merely supplementary to each other.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Or, to express
+this proposition in another way, it is evident that if it
+can be demonstrated that the bad actions of men vary
+in obedience to the changes in the surrounding society,
+we shall be obliged to infer that their good actions,
+which are, as it were, the residue of their bad ones,
+vary in the same manner; and we shall be forced to
+the further conclusion, that such variations are the
+result of large and general causes, which, working upon
+the aggregate of society, must produce certain consequences,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
+without regard to the volition of those
+particular men of whom the society is composed.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the regularity we expect to find, if the
+actions of men are governed by the state of the society
+in which they occur; while, on the other hand, if we
+can find no such regularity, we may believe that their
+actions depend on some capricious and personal principle
+peculiar to each man, as free will or the like. It
+becomes, therefore, in the highest degree important to
+ascertain whether or not there exists a regularity in the
+entire moral conduct of a given society; and this is
+precisely one of those questions for the decision of
+which statistics supply us with materials of immense
+value.</p>
+
+<p>For the main object of legislation being to protect
+the innocent against the guilty, it naturally followed
+that European governments, so soon as they became
+aware of the importance of statistics, should begin
+to collect evidence respecting the crimes they were
+expected to punish. This evidence has gone on accumulating,
+until it now forms of itself a large body of
+literature, containing, with the commentaries connected
+with it, an immense array of facts, so carefully compiled,
+and so well and clearly digested, that more may be
+learned from it respecting the moral nature of Man
+than can be gathered from all the accumulated experience
+of preceding ages.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> But as it will be impossible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
+in this Introduction to give anything like a complete
+statement of those inferences which, in the actual state
+of statistics, we are authorized to draw, I shall content
+myself with examining two or three of the most
+important, and pointing out the connexion between
+them.</p>
+
+<p>Of all offences, it might well be supposed that the
+crime of murder is one of the most arbitrary and
+irregular. For when we consider that this, though
+generally the crowning act of a long career of vice, is
+often the immediate result of what seems a sudden
+impulse; that when premeditated, its committal, even
+with the least chance of impunity, requires a rare
+combination of favourable circumstances for which the
+criminal will frequently wait; that he has thus to bide
+his time, and look for opportunities he cannot control;
+that when the time has come his heart may fail him;
+that the question whether or not he shall commit the
+crime may depend on a balance of conflicting motives,
+such as fear of the law, a dread of the penalties held
+out by religion, the prickings of his own conscience,
+the apprehension of future remorse, the love of gain,
+jealousy, revenge, desperation;&mdash;when we put all these
+things together, there arises such a complication of
+causes, that we might reasonably despair of detecting
+any order or method in the result of those subtle and
+shifting agencies by which murder is either caused or
+prevented. But now, how stands the fact? The fact
+is, that murder is committed with as much regularity,
+and bears as uniform a relation to certain known circumstances,
+as do the movements of the tides, and the
+rotations of the seasons. M. Quetelet, who has spent
+his life in collecting and methodizing the statistics of
+different countries, states, as the result of his laborious
+researches, that &lsquo;in everything which concerns crime,
+the same numbers re-occur with a constancy which
+cannot be mistaken; and that this is the case even
+with those crimes which seem quite independent of
+human foresight, such, for instance, as murders, which
+are generally committed after quarrels arising from
+circumstances apparently casual. Nevertheless, we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
+know from experience that every year there not only
+take place nearly the same number of murders, but that
+even the instruments by which they are committed are
+employed in the same proportion.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> This was the
+language used in 1835 by confessedly the first statistician
+in Europe, and every subsequent investigation
+has confirmed its accuracy. For later inquiries have
+ascertained the extraordinary fact that the uniform
+reproduction of crime is more clearly marked, and
+more capable of being predicted, than are the physical
+laws connected with the disease and destruction of our
+bodies. Thus, for instance, the number of persons
+accused of crime in France between 1826 and 1844
+was, by a singular coincidence, about equal to the male
+deaths which took place in Paris during the same
+period, the difference being that the fluctuations in the
+amount of crime were actually smaller than the fluctuations
+in the mortality; while a similar regularity
+was observed in each separate offence, all of which obeyed
+the same law of uniform and periodical repetition.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>
+
+<p>This, indeed, will appear strange to those who believe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
+that human actions depend more upon the peculiarities
+of each individual than on the general state of society.
+But another circumstance remains behind still more
+striking. Among public and registered crimes there
+is none which seems so completely dependent on the
+individual as suicide. Attempts to murder or to rob
+may be, and constantly are, successfully resisted; baffled
+sometimes by the party attacked, sometimes by the
+officers of justice. But an attempt to commit suicide
+is much less liable to interruption. The man who is
+determined to kill himself is not prevented at the last
+moment by the struggles of an enemy; and, as he
+can easily guard against the interference of the civil
+power,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> his act becomes as it were isolated; it is cut
+off from foreign disturbances, and seems more clearly
+the product of his own volition than any other offence
+could possibly be. We may also add that, unlike
+crimes in general, it is rarely caused by the instigation
+of confederates; so that men, not being goaded into it
+by their companions, are uninfluenced by one great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
+class of external associations which might hamper what
+is termed the freedom of their will. It may, therefore,
+very naturally be thought impracticable to refer suicide
+to general principles, or to detect anything like regularity
+in an offence which is so eccentric, so solitary,
+so impossible to control by legislation, and which the
+most vigilant police can do nothing to diminish. There
+is also another obstacle that impedes our view: this is,
+that even the best evidence respecting suicide must
+always be very imperfect. In cases of drowning, for
+example, deaths are liable to be returned as suicides
+which are accidental; while, on the other hand, some
+are called accidental which are voluntary.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Thus it is,
+that self-murder seems to be not only capricious and
+uncontrollable, but also very obscure in regard to proof;
+so that on all these grounds it might be reasonable to
+despair of ever tracing it to those general causes by
+which it is produced.</p>
+
+<p>These being the peculiarities of this singular crime,
+it is surely an astonishing fact, that all the evidence we
+possess respecting it points to one great conclusion, and
+can leave no doubt on our minds that suicide is merely
+the product of the general condition of society, and
+that the individual felon only carries into effect what is
+a necessary consequence of preceding circumstances.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
+In a given state of society, a certain number of persons
+must put an end to their own life. This is the general
+law; and the special question as to who shall commit
+the crime depends, of course, upon special laws; which,
+however, in their total action, must obey the large social
+law to which they are all subordinate. And the power
+of the larger law is so irresistible, that neither the love
+of life nor the fear of another world can avail anything
+towards even checking its operation. The causes of
+this remarkable regularity I shall hereafter examine;
+but the existence of the regularity is familiar to whoever
+is conversant with moral statistics. In the different
+countries for which we have returns, we find year by
+year the same proportion of persons putting an end to
+their own existence; so that, after making allowance
+for the impossibility of collecting complete evidence, we
+are able to predict, within a very small limit of error,
+the number of voluntary deaths for each ensuing period;
+supposing, of course, that the social circumstances do
+not undergo any marked change. Even in London, notwithstanding
+the vicissitudes incidental to the largest
+and most luxurious capital in the world, we find a
+regularity greater than could be expected by the most
+sanguine believer in social laws; since political excitement,
+mercantile excitement, and the misery produced
+by the dearness of food, are all causes of suicide, and
+are all constantly varying.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Nevertheless, in this vast
+metropolis, about 240 persons every year make away
+with themselves; the annual suicides oscillating, from
+the pressure of temporary causes, between 266, the
+highest, and 213, the lowest. In 1846, which was the
+great year of excitement caused by the railway panic,
+the suicides in London were 266; in 1847 began a slight
+improvement, and they fell to 256; in 1848 they were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
+247; in 1849 they were 213; and in 1850 they were
+229.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such is some, and only some, of the evidence we now
+possess respecting the regularity with which, in the
+same state of society, the same crimes are necessarily
+reproduced. To appreciate the full force of this evidence,
+we must remember that it is not an arbitrary selection
+of particular facts, but that it is generalized from an
+exhaustive statement of criminal statistics, consisting
+of many millions of observations, extending over
+countries in different grades of civilization, with different
+laws, different opinions, different morals, different
+habits. If we add to this, that these statistics have
+been collected by persons specially employed for that
+purpose, with every means of arriving at the truth,
+and with no interest to deceive, it surely must be
+admitted that the existence of crime according to a
+fixed and uniform scheme, is a fact more clearly attested
+than any other in the moral history of man. We have
+here parallel chains of evidence formed with extreme
+care, under the most different circumstances, and all
+pointing in the same direction; all of them forcing us
+to the conclusion, that the offences of men are the
+result not so much of the vices of the individual offender
+as of the state of society into which that individual is
+thrown.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> This is an inference resting on broad and
+tangible proofs accessible to all the world; and as
+such cannot be overturned, or even impeached, by any
+of those hypotheses with which metaphysicians and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
+theologians have hitherto perplexed the study of past
+events.</p>
+
+<p>Those readers who are acquainted with the manner
+in which in the physical world the operations of the
+laws of nature are constantly disturbed, will expect to
+find in the moral world disturbances equally active.
+Such aberrations proceed, in both instances, from minor
+laws, which at particular points meet the larger laws,
+and thus alter their normal action. Of this, the science
+of mechanics affords a good example in the instance of
+that beautiful theory called the parallelogram of forces;
+according to which the forces are to each other in the
+same proportion as is the diagonal of their respective
+parallelograms.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> This is a law pregnant with great
+results; it is connected with those important mechanical
+resources, the composition and resolution of forces;
+and no one acquainted with the evidence on which it
+stands, ever thought of questioning its truth. But the
+moment we avail ourselves of it for practical purposes,
+we find that in its action it is warped by other laws,
+such as those concerning the friction of air, and the
+different density of the bodies on which we operate,
+arising from their chemical composition, or, as some
+suppose, from their atomic arrangement. Perturbations
+being thus let in, the pure and simple action of the
+mechanical law disappears. Still, and although the
+results of the law are incessantly disturbed, the law
+itself remains intact.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Just in the same way, the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
+social law, that the moral actions of men are the product
+not of their volition, but of their antecedents, is
+itself liable to disturbances which trouble its operation
+without affecting its truth. And this is quite sufficient
+to explain those slight variations which we find from
+year to year in the total amount of crime produced by
+the same country. Indeed, looking at the fact that the
+moral world is far more abundant in materials than the
+physical world, the only ground for astonishment is
+that these variations should not be greater; and from
+the circumstance that the discrepancies are so trifling,
+we may form some idea of the prodigious energy of
+those vast social laws, which, though constantly interrupted,
+seem to triumph over every obstacle, and which,
+when examined by the aid of large numbers, scarcely
+undergo any sensible perturbation.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor is it merely the crimes of men which are marked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
+by this uniformity of sequence. Even the number of
+marriages annually contracted, is determined, not by
+the temper and wishes of individuals, but by large
+general facts, over which individuals can exercise no
+authority. It is now known that marriages bear a
+fixed and definite relation to the price of corn;<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> and
+in England the experience of a century has proved
+that, instead of having any connexion with personal
+feelings, they are simply regulated by the average
+earnings of the great mass of the people:<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> so that
+this immense social and religious institution is not
+only swayed, but is completely controlled, by the price
+of food and by the rate of wages. In other cases,
+uniformity has been detected, though the causes of
+the uniformity are still unknown. Thus, to give a
+curious instance, we are now able to prove that even
+the aberrations of memory are marked by this general
+character of necessary and invariable order. The post-offices
+of London and of Paris have latterly published
+returns of the number of letters which the writers,
+through forgetfulness, omitted to direct; and, making
+allowance for the difference of circumstances, the returns
+are year after year copies of each other. Year
+after year the same proportion of letter-writers forget
+this simple act; so that for each successive period
+we can actually foretell the number of persons whose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
+memory will fail them in regard to this trifling and, as
+it might appear, accidental occurrence.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<p>To those who have a steady conception of the regularity
+of events, and have firmly seized the great truth
+that the actions of men, being guided by their antecedents,
+are in reality never inconsistent, but, however
+capricious they may appear, only form part of one vast
+scheme of universal order, of which we in the present
+state of knowledge can barely see the outline&mdash;to those
+who understand this, which is at once the key and the
+basis of history, the facts just adduced, so far from
+being strange, will be precisely what would have been
+expected and ought long since to have been known.
+Indeed, the progress of inquiry is becoming so rapid
+and so earnest, that I entertain little doubt that before
+another century has elapsed, the chain of evidence will
+be complete, and it will be as rare to find an historian
+who denies the undeviating regularity of the moral
+world, as it now is to find a philosopher who denies
+the regularity of the material world.</p>
+
+<p>It will be observed, that the preceding proofs of our
+actions being regulated by law, have been derived from
+statistics; a branch of knowledge which, though still
+in its infancy,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> has already thrown more light on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
+the study of human nature than all the sciences put
+together. But although the statisticians have been
+the first to investigate this great subject by treating
+it according to those methods of reasoning which in
+other fields have been found successful; and although
+they have, by the application of numbers, brought to
+bear upon it a very powerful engine for eliciting truth&mdash;we
+must not, on that account, suppose that there are
+no other resources remaining by which it may likewise
+be cultivated: nor should we infer that because the
+physical sciences have not yet been applied to history,
+they are therefore inapplicable to it. Indeed, when we
+consider the incessant contact between man and the
+external world, it is certain that there must be an intimate
+connexion between human actions and physical
+laws; so that if physical science had not hitherto been
+brought to bear upon history, the reason is, either that
+historians have not perceived the connexion, or else
+that, having perceived it, they have been destitute of
+the knowledge by which its workings can be traced.
+Hence there has arisen an unnatural separation of the
+two great departments of inquiry, the study of the
+internal and that of the external: and although, in
+the present state of European literature, there are
+some unmistakable symptoms of a desire to break
+down this artificial barrier, still it must be admitted
+that as yet nothing has been actually accomplished
+towards effecting so great an end. The moralists, the
+theologians, and the metaphysicians, continue to prosecute
+their studies without much respect for what they
+deem the inferior labours of scientific men; whose inquiries,
+indeed, they frequently attack, as dangerous to
+the interests of religion, and as inspiring us with an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
+undue confidence in the resources of the human understanding.
+On the other hand, the cultivators of
+physical science, conscious that they are an advancing
+body, are naturally proud of their own success; and,
+contrasting their discoveries with the more stationary
+position of their opponents, are led to despise pursuits
+the barrenness of which has now become notorious.</p>
+
+<p>It is the business of the historian to mediate between
+these two parties, and reconcile their hostile pretensions
+by showing the point at which their respective studies
+ought to coalesce. To settle the terms of this coalition,
+will be to fix the basis of all history. For since history
+deals with the actions of men, and since their actions
+are merely the product of a collision between internal
+and external phenomena, it becomes necessary to examine
+the relative importance of those phenomena; to
+inquire into the extent to which their laws are known;
+and to ascertain the resources for future discovery
+possessed by these two great classes, the students of
+the mind and the students of nature. This task I
+shall endeavour to accomplish in the next two chapters:
+and if I do so with anything approaching to
+success, the present work will at least have the merit
+of contributing something towards filling up that
+wide and dreary chasm, which, to the hindrance of
+our knowledge, separates subjects that are intimately
+related, and should never be disunited.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p class="title"><span class="smcap">Note A.</span></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Der Begriff der Freiheit ist ein reiner Vernunftbegriff, der eben
+darum für die theoretische Philosophie transcendent, d. i. ein solcher
+ist, dem kein angemessenes Beispiel in irgend einer möglichen
+Erfahrung gegeben werden kann, welcher also keinen Gegenstand
+einer uns möglichen theoretischen Erkenntniss ausmacht, und
+schlechterdings nicht für ein constitutives, sondern lediglich als
+regulatives, und zwar nur bloss negatives Princip der speculativen
+Vernunft gelten kann, im praktischen Gebrauche der selben aber
+seine Realität durch praktische Grundsätze beweist, die, als Gesetze,
+eine Causalität der reinen Vernunft, unabhängig von allen empirischen
+Bedingungen (dem Sinnlichen überhaupt), die Willkühr zu bestimmen,
+und einen reinen Willen in uns beweisen, in welchem die<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
+sittlichen Begriffe und Gesetze ihren Ursprung haben.&rsquo; <i>Metaphysik
+der Sitten</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. v. pp. 20, 21. &lsquo;Würden die Gegenstände
+der Sinnenwelt für Dinge an sich selbst genommen, und die
+oben angeführten Naturgesetze für Gesetze der Dinge an sich selbst,
+so wäre der Widerspruch&rsquo; (<i>i.e.</i> between Liberty and Necessity)
+&lsquo;unvermeidlich. Ebenso, wenn das Subject der Freiheit gleich den
+übrigen Gegenständen als blose Erscheinung vorgestellt würde, so
+könnte ebensowohl der Widerspruch nicht vermieden werden; denn
+es würde ebendasselbe von einerlei Gegenständen in derselben
+Bedeutung zugleich bejaht und verneint werden. Ist aber Naturnothwendigkeit
+bloss auf Erscheinungen bezogen, und Freiheit bloss
+auf Dinge an sich selbst, so entspringt kein Widerspruch, wenn man
+gleich beide Arten von Causalität annimmt oder zugibt, so schwer
+oder unmöglich es auch sein möchte, die von der letzteren Art
+begreiflich zu machen.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Natur also und Freiheit eben
+demselben Dinge, aber in verschiedener Beziehung, einmal als
+Erscheinung, das andre Mal als einem Dinge an sich selbst ohne
+Widerspruch beigelegt werden können.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Nun kann ich
+ohne Widerspruch sagen: alle Handlungen vernünftiger Wesen,
+sofern sie Erscheinungen sind (in irgend einer Erfahrung angetroffen
+werden), stehen unter der Naturnothwendigkeit; eben dieselben
+Handlungen aber, bloss respective auf das vernünftige Subject und
+dessen Vermögen, nach blosser Vernunft zu handeln, sind frei.&rsquo;
+<i>Prolegomena zu jeder künftigen Metaphysik</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 268&ndash;270. &lsquo;Denn ein Geschöpf zu sein und als Naturwesen
+bloss dem Willen seines Urhebers zu folgen; dennoch aber als freihandelndes
+Wesen (welches seinen vom äusseren Einfluss unabhängigen
+Willen hat, der dem ersteren vielfältig zuwider sein kann),
+der Zurechnung fähig zu sein, und seine eigene That doch auch
+zugleich als die Wirkung eines höheren Wesens anzusehen: ist eine
+Vereinbarung von Begriffen, die wir zwar in der Idee einer Welt,
+als des höchsten Gutes, zusammen denken müssen; die aber nur der
+einsehen kann, welcher bis zur Kenntniss der übersinnlichen (intelligiblen)
+Welt durchdringt und die Art einsieht, wie sie der Sinnenwelt
+zum Grunde liegt.&rsquo; <i>Theodicee</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. vi. p. 149.
+&lsquo;Nun wollen wir annehmen, die durch unsere Kritik nothwendig
+gemachte Unterscheidung der Dinge, als Gegenstände der Erfahrung,
+von eben denselben, als Dingen an sich selbst, wäre gar nicht
+gemacht, so müsste der Grundsatz der Causalität und mithin der
+Naturmechanismus in Bestimmung derselben durchaus von allen
+Dingen überhaupt als wirkenden Ursachen gelten. Von eben
+demselben Wesen also, z. B. der menschlichen Seele, würde ich nicht
+sagen können, ihr Wille sei frei, und er sei doch zugleich der
+Naturnothwendigkeit unterworfen, d. i. nicht frei, ohne in einen
+offenbaren Widerspruch zu gerathen; weil ich die Seele in beiden
+Sätzen in eben derselben Bedeutung, nämlich als Ding überhaupt
+(als Sache an sich selbst), genommen habe und, ohne vorhergehende
+Kritik, auch nicht anders nehmen konnte. Wenn aber die Kritik
+nicht geirrt hat, da sie das Object in zweierlei Bedeutung nehmen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
+lehrt, nämlich als Erscheinung, oder als Ding an sich selbst; wenn
+die Deduction ihrer Verstandesbegriffe richtig ist, mithin auch der
+Grundsatz der Causalität nur auf Dinge im ersten Sinne genommen,
+nämlich so fern sie Gegenstände der Erfahrung sind, geht, eben
+dieselben aber nach der zweiten Bedeutung ihm nicht unterworfen
+sind, so wird eben derselbe Wille in der Erscheinung (den sichtbaren
+Handlungen) als dem Naturgesetze nothwendig gemäss und
+so fern nicht frei, und doch andererseits, als einem Dinge an sich
+selbst angehörig, jenem nicht unterworfen, mithin als frei gedacht,
+ohne dass hiebei ein Widerspruch vorgeht.&rsquo; <i>Kritik der reinen
+Vernunft</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. ii. p. 24. &lsquo;Und hier zeigt die zwar
+gemeine, aber betrügliche Voraussetzung der absoluten Realität der
+Erscheinungen sogleich ihren nachtheiligen Einfluss, die Vernunft zu
+verwirren. Denn sind Erscheinungen Dinge an sich selbst, so ist
+Freiheit nicht zu retten. Alsdann ist Natur die vollständige und
+an sich hinreichend bestimmende Ursache jeder Begebenheit, und
+die Bedingung derselben ist jederzeit nur in der Reihe der Erscheinungen
+enthalten, die sammt ihrer Wirkung unter dem Naturgesetze
+nothwendig sind. Wenn dagegen Erscheinungen für Nichts
+mehr gelten, als sie in der That sind, nämlich nicht für Dinge an
+sich, sondern blosse Vorstellungen, die nach empirischen Gesetzen
+zusammenhängen, so müssen sie selbst noch Gründe haben, die nicht
+Erscheinungen sind.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Hier habe ich nur die Anmerkung
+machen wollen, dass, da der durchgängige Zusammenhang
+aller Erscheinungen in einem Context der Natur ein unnachlässliches
+Gesetz ist, dieses alle Freiheit nothwendig umstürzen müsste, wenn
+man der Realität der Erscheinungen hartnäckig anhängen wollte.
+Daher auch diejenigen, welche hierin der gemeinen Meinung folgen,
+niemals dahin haben gelangen können, Natur und Freiheit mit
+einander zu vereinigen.&rsquo; <i>Kritik</i>, in <i>Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 419, 420.
+Finally, at p. 433, &lsquo;Man muss wohl bemerken, dass wir hiedurch
+nicht die Wirklichkeit der Freiheit, als eines der Vermögen, welche
+die Ursache von den Erscheinungen unserer Sinnenwelt enthalten,
+haben darthun wollen. Denn ausser dass dieses gar keine transcendentale
+Betrachtung, die bloss mit Begriffen zu thun hat, gewesen
+sein würde, so könnte es auch nicht gelingen, indem wir aus der
+Erfahrung niemals auf Etwas, was gar nicht nach Erfahrungsgesetzen
+gedacht werden muss, schliessen können. Ferner haben wir auch
+gar nicht einmal die Möglichkeit der Freiheit beweisen wollen;
+denn dieses wäre auch nicht gelungen, weil wir überhaupt von
+keinem Realgrunde und keiner Causalität aus blossen Begriffen <i>a
+priori</i> die Möglichkeit erkennen können. Die Freiheit wird hier
+nur als transcendentale Idee behandelt, wodurch die Vernunft die
+Reihe der Bedingungen in der Erscheinung durch das sinnlich
+Unbedingte schlechthin aufzuheben denkt, dabei sich in eine Antinomie
+mit ihren eigenen Gesetzen, welche sie dem empirischen
+Gebrauche des Verstandes vorschreibt, verwickelt. Dass nun diese
+Antinomie auf einem blossen Scheine beruhe, und dass Natur der
+Causalität aus Freiheit wenigstens nicht widerstreite, das war das<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
+Einzige, was wir leisten konnten, und woran es uns auch einzig und
+allein gelegen war.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>These passages prove that Kant saw that the phenomenal reality
+of Free Will is an indefensible doctrine: and as the present work is
+an investigation of the laws of phenomena, his transcendental philosophy
+does not affect my conclusions. According to Kant's view
+(and with which I am inclined to agree) the ordinary metaphysical
+and theological treatment of this dark problem is purely empirical,
+and therefore has no value. The denial of the supremacy of consciousness
+follows as a natural consequence, and is the result of the
+Kantian philosophy, and not, as is often said, the base of it.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> A living writer, who has done more than any other to raise
+the standard of history, contemptuously notices &lsquo;l'incohérente
+compilation de faits déjà improprement qualifiée <i>d'histoire</i>.&rsquo; <i>Comte</i>,
+<i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. v. p. 18. There is much in the method and
+in the conclusions of this great work with which I cannot agree; but it
+would be unjust to deny its extraordinary merits.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I speak merely of those who
+have made history their main
+pursuit. Bacon wrote on it, but
+only as a subordinate object;
+and it evidently cost him nothing
+like the thought which he
+devoted to other subjects.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Some of the moral consequences of thus diminishing the
+precariousness of food are noticed by M. Charles Comte in his <i>Traité de
+Législation</i>, vol. ii. pp. 273&ndash;275. Compare <i>Mill's History of India</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 180&ndash;181. But both these able writers have omitted to observe
+that the change facilitates a perception of the regularity of
+phenomena.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> On the relation between this and the previous creation of
+wealth, see <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. i. p. 30;
+&lsquo;Ein gewisser Grad von Cultur und Wohlstand ist eine nothwendige äussere
+Bedingung der Entwickelung des philosophischen Geistes. So lange der
+Mensch noch mit den Mitteln seiner Existenz und der Befriedigung seiner
+thierischen Bedürfnisse beschäftiget ist, so lange gehet die
+Entwickelung und Bildung seiner Geisteskräfte nur langsam von statten,
+und er nähert sich nur Schritt vor Schritt einer freiern
+Vernunftthätigkeit.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Daher finden wir, dass man nur in denen
+Nationen anfing zu philosophiren, welche sich zu einer beträchtlichen
+Stufe des Wohlstandes und der Cultur emporgehoben hatten.&rsquo; Hence, as I
+shall endeavour to prove in the next chapter, the immense importance of
+the physical phenomena which precede and often control the metaphysical.
+In the history of the Greek mind we can distinctly trace the passage
+from physical to metaphysical inquiries. See <i>Grote's History of
+Greece</i>, vol. iv. p. 519, edit. 1847. That the atomic doctrine, in its
+relation to chance, was a natural precursor of Platonism, is remarked in
+<i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. i. pp. 53, 54, an
+able though one-sided work. Compare, respecting the Chance of the
+atomists, <i>Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 553; an
+hypothesis, as Ritter says, &lsquo;destructive of all inner energy;&rsquo;
+consequently antagonistic to the psychological hypothesis which
+subsequently sprang up and conquered it. That physical researches came
+first, is moreover attested by Diogenes Laertius:
+&#924;&#8051;&#961;&#951;  &#948;&#8050; &#966;&#953;&#955;&#959;&#963;&#959;&#966;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#964;&#961;&#8055;&#945;, &#966;&#965;&#963;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957;,
+&#8080;&#952;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957; &#948;&#953;&#945;&#955;&#949;&#954;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8057;&#957;&#8901; &#966;&#965;&#963;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957; &#956;&#8050;&#957;,
+&#964;&#8056; &#960;&#949;&#961;&#8054; &#954;&#8057;&#963;&#956;&#959;&#965;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7952;&#957; &#945;&#965;&#964;&#8182;&#8901;
+&#8080;&#952;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957; &#948;&#8050;, &#964;&#8056; &#960;&#949;&#961;&#8054; &#946;&#953;&#959;&#965; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#8182;&#965;
+&#960;&#961;&#8056;&#962; &#7969;&#956;&#8118;&#962;&#8901; &#948;&#953;&#945;&#955;&#949;&#954;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957; &#948;&#8050;, &#964;&#8056;
+&#7936;&#956;&#966;&#959;&#964;&#8051;&#961;&#969;&#957; &#964;&#959;&#8058;&#962; &#955;&#8057;&#947;&#959;&#965;&#962; &#964;&#8056; &#960;&#965;&#963;&#946;&#949;&#8166;&#959;&#965;&#8901;
+&#954;&#945;&#8054; &#956;&#8051;&#967;&#961;&#953; &#956;&#8050;&#957;&#8127; &#913;&#961;&#967;&#949;&#955;&#8049;&#959;&#965; &#964;&#8056; &#966;&#965;&#963;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957;
+&#949;&#8146;&#948;&#959;&#962; &#7974;&#957; &#7936;&#960;&#8056; &#948;&#8050; &#931;&#969;&#954;&#961;&#8049;&#964;&#959;&#965;&#962;, &#8033;&#962;
+&#960;&#961;&#959;&#949;&#8055;&#961;&#951;&#964;&#945;&#953;, &#964;&#8056; &#7968;&#952;&#953;&#954;&#8057;&#957;&#8901; &#7936;&#960;&#8056; &#948;&#7952;
+&#918;&#8053;&#957;&#969;&#957;&#959;&#962; &#964;&#959;&#8166; &#7961;&#955;&#949;&#8049;&#964;&#959;&#957;, &#964;&#8056; &#948;&#953;&#945;&#955;&#949;&#954;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8057;&#957;.
+ <i>De Vitis Philosophorum Pro&oelig;m.</i> segm. 18, vol. i. p. 12: compare lib. ii. segm.
+16, vol. i. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Beausobre has some good remarks on this in his learned work
+<i>Histoire Critique de Manichée</i>, vol. i. p. 179, where he says that the
+great religious heresies have been founded on previous philosophies.
+Certainly no one acquainted with the history of opinions will admit the
+sweeping assertion of M. Stahl that &lsquo;la philosophie d'un peuple a sa
+racine dans sa théologie.&rsquo; <i>Klimrath</i>, <i>Travaux</i>, vol. ii. p. 454,
+Paris, 1843.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> &lsquo;Also ist ein Wille, dem die blose gesetzgebende Form der
+Maxime allein zum Gesetze dienen kann, ein freier Wille.&rsquo; <i>Kritik der
+praktischen Vernunft</i> in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. iv. p. 128. &lsquo;Hat selber
+für sich eigentlich keinen Bestimmungsgrund.&rsquo; <i>Metaphysik der Sitten</i> in
+<i>Werke</i>, vol. v. p. 12. &lsquo;Die unbedingte Causalität der Ursache.&rsquo; <i>Kritik
+der reinen Vernunft</i> in <i>Werke</i>, vol. ii. p. 339. See also <i>Prolegomena
+zu jeder künftigen Metaphysik</i> in vol. iii. p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> That these doctrines, when treated according to the
+ordinary methods of reasoning, not only oppose but exclude each other,
+would be universally admitted if it were not for a desire generally felt
+to save certain parts of each: it being thought dangerous to give up
+free will on account of weakening moral responsibility, and equally
+dangerous to give up predestination on account of impugning the power of
+God. Various attempts have therefore been made to reconcile liberty with
+necessity, and make the freedom of man harmonize with the foreknowledge
+of the Deity. Compare on this point a remarkable letter from Locke to
+Molyneux (<i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. viii. p. 305), with the argument in one
+of Bentley's Sermons (<i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8); also
+<i>Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. iv. pp. 143, 144;
+<i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philosophie</i>, vol. iv. pp. 301&ndash;304; <i>Copleston's
+Inquiry into the Doctrines of Necessity and Predestination</i>, pp. 6, 7,
+46, 69, 70, 85, 92, 108, 136; <i>Mosheim's Ecclesiastical Hist.</i>, vol. i.
+p. 207, vol. ii. p. 96; <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. iv. pp.
+294, 389&ndash;391; <i>Bishop of Lincoln on Tertullian</i>, 1845, p. 323; <i>Hodgson
+on Buddhism</i>, in <i>Transac. of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Even Ambrose, who never went so far as Augustin, states
+this principle in its repulsive nakedness: &lsquo;Deus quos dignat vocat, quos
+vult religiosos facit.&rsquo; <i>Neander</i>, vol. iv. p. 287. Calvin declares
+&lsquo;that God, in predestinating from all eternity one part of mankind to
+everlasting happiness, and another to endless misery, was led to make
+this distinction by no other motive than His own good pleasure and free
+will.&rsquo; <i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i>, vol. ii. p. 103, see also p. 100; and
+<i>Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, vol. i. p. 552.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> On the Manichæan origin of Augustin's opinions, compare
+<i>Potter</i>, <i>Esprit de l'Eglise</i>, vol. ii. p. 171, Paris, 1821; <i>Tomline's
+Refutation of Calvinism</i>, 1817, pp. 571&ndash;576; <i>Southey's Book of the
+Church</i>, 1824, vol. i. pp. 301, 302; <i>Matter</i>, <i>Hist. du Gnosticisme</i>,
+1828, vol. i. p. 325. However, Beausobre (<i>Histoire de Manichée</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 33&ndash;40) seems to have proved a difference between the election of
+Augustin and that of Basilides.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> On the absurdity of &lsquo;an omnipotent arbitrary Deity,&rsquo; and
+on the incongruity of such a combination with &#966;&#8059;&#963;&#949;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8056;&#957; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#948;&#8055;&#954;&#945;&#953;&#959;&#957;,
+see <i>Cudworth's Intellect. Syst.</i>, vol. i. pp. 45, 419, vol.
+iii. p. 241, vol. iv. p. 160. See also <i>Theodicee</i> in <i>Kant's Werke</i>,
+vol. vi. pp. 141, 142, and <i>Metaphysik der Sitten</i> in vol. v. p. 332,
+upon &lsquo;den göttlichen Zweck in Ansehung des menschlichen Geschlechts.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Johnson said to Boswell, &lsquo;Sir, we <i>know</i> our will is free,
+and there's an end on't.&rsquo; <i>Boswell's Life of Johnson</i>, edit. Croker,
+1848, p. 203. &lsquo;La question: Sommes-nous libres? me paraît au-dessous de
+la discussion. Elle est résolue par le témoignage de la conscience
+attestant que dans certains cas nous pourrions faire le contraire de ce
+que nous faisons.&rsquo; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, I. Série, vol. i.
+pp. 190, 191. &lsquo;Die Freiheit des Menschen, als moralischen Wesens,
+gründet sich auf das sittliche Bewusstseyn.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der
+Philosophie</i>, vol. v. p. 161. That this is the only ground for believing
+in the freedom of the will is so evident, that we need not notice the
+mystical proof of Philo (<i>Ritter's Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. iv. p.
+447); nor the physical one of the Basilidian monads (<i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Hist.
+de Manichée</i>, vol. ii. p. 23); still less the argument of Bardesanes,
+who thought to demonstrate freedom by the variety of human customs!
+<i>Matter</i>, <i>Hist. du Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i. p. 323, which should be compared
+with <i>Burdach's Physiologie comme Science d'Observation</i>, vol. v. p. 50,
+Paris, 1839.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Mr. James Mill (<i>Analysis of the Mind</i>, vol. i. pp. 171,
+172) says that consciousness and belief are the same, and that great
+error has arisen from calling &lsquo;consciousness a feeling distinct from all
+other feelings.&rsquo; According to Locke (<i>Essay concerning Human
+Understanding</i>, book ii. chap. i., Works, vol. i. p. 89), &lsquo;consciousness
+is the perception of what passes in a man's own mind.&rsquo; Brown
+(<i>Philosophy of the Mind</i>, pp. 67, 68) denies that consciousness is a
+faculty: and Sir W. Hamilton complains of &lsquo;Reid's degradation of
+consciousness into a special faculty.&rsquo; <i>Notes to Reid's Works</i>, pp. 223,
+297, 373. M. Cousin (<i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II. Série, vol. i. p.
+131) pronounces consciousness to be &lsquo;phénomène complexe;&rsquo; and at p. 94,
+&lsquo;la <i>condition</i> nécessaire de l'intelligence c'est la conscience:&rsquo; while
+a still later writer (<i>Jobert's New System of Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p.
+25) declares that &lsquo;we have the consciousness of our consciousness&mdash;this
+is certain.&rsquo; The statement in Alciphron, Dialogue vii. (<i>Berkeley's
+Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 505, 506) is equally unsatisfactory: and what still
+further perplexes the question is the existence of what is now
+recognised as &lsquo;double consciousness.&rsquo; See on this extraordinary
+phenomenon <i>Elliotson's Physiology</i>, pp. 367&ndash;369, 1165; <i>Mayo's
+Physiology</i>, pp. 195, 196; <i>Prichard's Treatise on Insanity</i>, pp. 450,
+451; <i>Carpenter's Human Physiology</i>, p. 379.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> This requires explanation. Consciousness is infallible as
+to the <i>fact</i> of its testimony; but fallible as to the <i>truth</i>. That we
+are conscious of certain phenomena, is a proof that those phenomena
+exist in the mind, or are presented to it; but to say that this
+demonstrates the truth of the phenomena is to go a step further, and not
+only offer a testimony, but also pass a judgment. The moment we do this,
+we introduce the element of fallibility; because consciousness and
+judgment put together cannot be always right, inasmuch as judgment is
+often wrong.</p>
+
+<p>The late Blanco White, a thinker of considerable subtlety, says: &lsquo;The
+important distinction between <i>libertas a necessitate</i> and <i>libertas a
+coactione</i>, is seldom attended to. Nothing whatever can <i>force</i> my will:
+every man is more or less conscious of that fact: but at the same time
+we are, or may be, equally conscious that we are never decided without a
+motive.&rsquo; <i>Life of B. White</i>, by Himself, 1845, vol. iii. p. 90. But how
+can a man be conscious &lsquo;that nothing whatever <i>can</i> force his will&rsquo;?
+This is not consciousness, but judgment: it is a judgment of what may
+be, not a consciousness of what is. If there is any meaning in the word
+&lsquo;consciousness,&rsquo; it must refer solely to the present, and can never
+include future contingencies as to what <i>may</i> be or <i>can</i> be.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> As Herder says, &lsquo;Was diese Nation ihrem Gedankenkreise
+unentbehrlich hält, daran hat jene nie gedacht oder hält es gar für
+schädlich.&rsquo; <i>Ideen zur Gesch. der Menschheit</i>, vol. ii. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Plato was struck by the extreme difficulty of finding a
+standard in the human mind whereby we may test the truth or falsehood of
+spectral phenomena and dreams. And the only conclusion to which this
+consummate thinker could arrive, was that whatever appears true to the
+individual mind is true for him: which, however, is an evasion of the
+problem, not a solution of it. See the Theætetus, where Plato, as usual,
+puts his own speculations into the mouth of Socrates. He opens the
+question at the beginning of sec. 39 (<i>Platonis Opera</i>, vol. iii. p. 426,
+edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826), &#924;&#8052; &#964;&#959;&#8055;&#957;&#965;&#957; &#7936;&#960;&#959;&#955;&#8055;&#960;&#969;&#956;&#949;&#957;
+&#8003;&#963;&#959;&#957; &#7952;&#955;&#955;&#949;&#8150;&#960;&#959;&#957; &#945;&#8016;&#964;&#959;&#8166;.
+&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#960;&#949;&#964;&#945;&#953; &#948;&#8050; &#7952;&#957;&#965;&#960;&#957;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#964;&#949; &#960;&#8051;&#961;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#957;&#8057;&#963;&#969;&#957;, &#964;&#8182;&#957;
+&#964;&#949; &#7940;&#955;&#955;&#969;&#957; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#956;&#945;&#957;&#8055;&#945;&#962;,
+&amp;c. These are the supposed sources of error; but Socrates, after
+discussing them, and entangling Theætetus in a maze, sums up at the end
+of sec. 45, p. 434, &#7937;&#955;&#951;&#952;&#8052;&#962; &#8112;&#961;&#945; &#7952;&#956;&#959;&#8054; &#7969; &#7952;&#956;&#8052; &#945;&#8144;&#963;&#952;&#951;&#963;&#953;&#962;. See
+further, p. 515, on the formation of erroneous judgments; and respecting
+the assertions made by many of the Greeks that &#960;&#8118;&#963;&#945; &#966;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#8055;&#945; &#7936;&#955;&#951;&#952;&#8052;&#962;
+and &#960;&#8118;&#963;&#945; &#948;&#8059;&#958;&#945; &#7936;&#955;&#951;&#952;&#8052;&#962;, compare <i>Cudworth</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 379, vol. iv. p. 118. For physiological considerations concerning the
+preservation of consciousness in dreams and in insanity, see
+<i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. i. p. 406; his
+<i>Cours de Phrénologie</i>, p. 49; <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. i.
+p. 97, vol. ii. p. 790; <i>Simon's Pathology</i>, p. 204; <i>Holland's Medical
+Notes</i>, p. 434; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol. ii. p. 287;
+<i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. v. p. 223. See, too, the
+passages in Tennemann which connect this difficulty with the theory of
+representation (<i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. i. p. 357, vol. ii.
+pp. 119, 159, vol. iii. p. 406, vol. iv. p. 418); and the attempt of
+Berkeley (<i>Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 93, 101, 176) to turn it into a defence
+of his own system, on the ground that our belief respecting the external
+world may be as false when we are awake as when we dream. The solution
+offered by the Stoics is merely a verbal and unproved distinction:
+&#948;&#953;&#945;&#966;&#8051;&#961;&#949;&#953; &#948;&#8050; &#966;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#8055;&#945; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#966;&#8049;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#956;&#945;.
+&#966;&#8049;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#956;&#945; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#947;&#8049;&#961; &#7952;&#963;&#964;&#953; &#948;&#8057;&#954;&#951;&#963;&#953;&#962;
+&#948;&#953;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#959;&#7988;&#945; &#947;&#8055;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#964;&#8048; &#964;&#959;&#8058;&#962;
+&#8020;&#960;&#957;&#959;&#965;&#962;&#8901; &#966;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#8055;&#945; &#948;&#8051; &#7952;&#963;&#964;&#953; &#964;&#8059;&#960;&#969;&#963;&#953;&#962;
+&#7952;&#957; &#968;&#965;&#967;&#8135; &#964;&#959;&#965;&#964;&#8051;&#963;&#964;&#953;&#957; &#7936;&#955;&#955;&#959;&#8055;&#969;&#963;&#953;&#962;, &#8033;&#962;
+&#8001; &#935;&#961;&#8059;&#963;&#953;&#960;&#960;&#959;&#962; &#7952;&#957; &#964;&#8135; &#948;&#957;&#969;&#948;&#949;&#954;&#8049;&#964;&#951; &#960;&#949;&#961;&#8054;
+&#968;&#965;&#8134;&#962; &#8016;&#966;&#8055;&#963;&#964;&#945;&#964;&#945;&#953;
+<i>Diog. Laert. de Vitis Philos.</i> lib. vii. segm. 50,
+vol. i. p. 395.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Meaning by free will, a cause of action residing in the
+mind, and exerting itself independently of motives. If any one says that
+we have this power of acting without motives, but that in the practical
+exercise of the power we are always guided by motives either conscious
+or unconscious&mdash;if any one says this, he asserts a barren proposition,
+which does not interfere with my views, and which may or may not be
+true, but which most assuredly no one has ever yet succeeded in
+proving.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> That is, according to the phenomenal evidence presented to
+the understanding, and estimated by the ordinary logic with which the
+understanding is conversant. But Kant has made a most remarkable attempt
+to avoid the practical consequences of this, by asserting that freedom,
+being an idea produced by the reason, must be referred to transcendental
+laws of the reason; that is, to laws which are removed from the domain
+of experience, and cannot be verified by observation. In regard,
+however, to the scientific conceptions of the understanding (as
+distinguished from the Reason) he fully admits the existence of a
+Necessity destructive of Liberty. In Note A, at the end of this chapter,
+I shall put together the most important passages in which Kant unfolds
+this view.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> This is, of course, an hypothetical case, merely given as
+an illustration. We never can know the whole of any man's antecedents,
+or even the whole of our own; but it is certain that the nearer we
+approach to a complete knowledge of the antecedent, the more likely we
+shall be to predict the consequent.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> The doctrine of providential interference is bound up with
+that of predestination, because the Deity, foreseeing all things, must
+have foreseen His own intention to interfere. To deny this foresight, is
+to limit the omniscience of God. Those, therefore, who hold that, in
+particular cases, a special providence interrupts the ordinary course of
+events, must also hold that in each case the interruption had been
+predestined; otherwise they impeach one of the Divine attributes. For,
+as Thomas Aquinas puts it (<i>Neander's History of the Church</i>, vol. viii.
+p. 176), &lsquo;knowledge, as knowledge, does not imply, indeed, causality;
+but in so far as it is a knowledge belonging to the artist who forms, it
+stands in the relation of causality to that which is produced by his
+art.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The same argument is stated by Alciphron, though not quite so
+conclusively; <i>Dialogue</i> vii. sec. 20 in <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, vol. i. p.
+515: and as to the impossibility of Omniscience having new knowledge or
+an afterthought, see <i>Hitchcock's Religion of Geology</i>, 1851, pp. 267,
+328; an ingenious work, but one which leaves all the real difficulties
+untouched. Compare <i>Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philos.</i> vol. iv. pp. 326,
+327, with <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. vi. pp. 151, 342&ndash;345,
+vol. ix. pp. 81&ndash;94, vol. xi. p. 178; and in particular, the question
+raised (vol. viii. p. 242), &lsquo;Ob das Vorherwissen Gottes die Ursache der
+künftigen Dinge sey, oder nicht.&rsquo; It was to meet all this, that some
+asserted the eternity of matter, and others the existence of two
+original principles, one good and one evil. <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire de
+Manichée</i>, vol. ii. pp. 145, 146, 252, 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Dufau</i>, <i>Traité de Statistique</i>, pp. 75, 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Some moralists have also established a third class of
+actions, which they call indifferent, as belonging neither to virtue nor
+to vice; and hence there arose the famous doctrine of probability, set
+up by several eminent Romish casuists, and hotly attacked by Pascal. But
+this, if we put aside its worst feature, namely its practical bearings,
+is merely a question of definition; inasmuch as every indifferent act
+must lean on the side either of evil or of good, and may therefore be
+referred to the category to which it inclines; and certainly every
+increase of vice diminishes virtue relatively, though not always
+absolutely. Among the Greek philosophers there was a
+schism on this point: &#7945;&#961;&#8051;&#963;&#954;&#949;&#953; &#948;&#8050; &#945;&#8016;&#964;&#959;&#8054;&#962; (i.e. the Stoics)
+&#956;&#951;&#948;&#8050;&#957; &#956;&#8051;&#963;&#959;&#957; &#949;&#7990;&#957;&#945;&#953; &#7936;&#961;&#949;&#964;&#8134;&#962; &#954;&#945;&#953;
+&#954;&#945;&#954;&#8055;&#945;&#962;&#8901; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#960;&#949;&#961;&#953;&#960;&#945;&#964;&#951;&#964;&#954;&#8182;&#957; &#956;&#949;&#964;&#945;&#958;&#8058;
+&#7936;&#961;&#949;&#964;&#8134;&#962; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#954;&#945;&#954;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#949;&#7990;&#957;&#945;&#953; &#955;&#949;&#947;&#8057;&#957;&#964;&#969;&#957;
+&#964;&#8052;&#957; &#960;&#961;&#959;&#954;&#959;&#960;&#8053;&#957;. <i>Diog. Laert. de Vitis
+Philosophorum</i>, lib. vii. segm. 127, vol. i. p. 445.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> I say this advisedly: and whoever has examined these
+subjects must be aware of the way in which writers on morals repeat the
+commonplace and hackneyed notions of their predecessors; so that a man,
+after reading everything that has been written on moral conduct and
+moral philosophy, will find himself nearly as much in the dark as when
+his studies first began. The most accurate investigators of the human
+mind have hitherto been the poets, particularly Homer and Shakespeare;
+but these extraordinary observers mainly occupied themselves with the
+concrete phenomena of life; and if they analyzed, as they probably did,
+they have concealed the steps of the process, so that now we can only
+verify their conclusions empirically. The great advance made by the
+statisticians consists in applying to these inquiries the doctrine of
+averages, which no one thought of doing before the eighteenth century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> &lsquo;Dans tout ce qui se rapporte aux crimes, les mêmes
+nombres se reproduisent avec une constance telle, qu'il serait
+impossible de la méconnaître, même pour ceux des crimes qui sembleraient
+devoir échapper le plus à toute prévision humaine, tels que les
+meurtres, puisqu'ils se commettent, en général, à la suite de rixes qui
+naissent sans motifs, et dans les circonstances, en apparence, les plus
+fortuites. Cependant l'expérience prouve que non-seulement les meurtres
+sont annuellement à peu près en même nombre, mais encore que les
+instrumens qui servent à les commettre sont employés dans les mêmes
+proportions.&rsquo; <i>Quetelet sur l'Homme</i>, Paris, 1835, vol. i. p. 7; see
+also vol. ii. pp. 164, 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> &lsquo;Thus in twenty years' observations, the number of persons
+accused of various crimes in France, and registered under their
+respective ages, scarcely varies at any age from year to year, comparing
+the proportion per cent. under each age with the totals. The number of
+persons accused in all France, in the years 1826 to 1844, was about
+equal to the deaths of males registered in Paris; but singularly enough,
+the former results are more regular than the latter, notwithstanding the
+accidental causes which might affect them;&mdash;notwithstanding even a
+revolution in Paris, which convulsed society and brought in a new
+dynasty.&rsquo; <i>Brown on the Uniform Action of the Human Will</i>, in <i>The
+Assurance Magazine</i>, no. viii., July 1852, pp. 349, 350. That the
+variations in crime are less than those of mortality, is also noticed in
+<i>Statistique Morale</i>, pp. 18, 34, in <i>Mémoires de l'Académie de
+Belgique</i>, vol. xxi., Bruxelles, 1848, 4to.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The folly of lawgivers thinking that by their enactments
+they can diminish suicide, is exposed by M. C. Comte in his <i>Traité de
+Législation</i>, vol. i. p. 486. See also some good remarks by Jefferson,
+in his observations on criminal law in <i>Appendix to Jefferson's Memoirs,
+by Randolph</i>, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. Heber (<i>Journey through India</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 389, 390) found that the English Government had vainly attempted
+to check the suicides frequently committed at Benares by drowning: and
+in our country the interference of legislators is met by the perjury of
+jurors, since, as Bentham says, English juries do not hesitate to
+violate their oaths by declaring the suicide to be <i>non compos</i>.
+<i>Principles of Penal Law</i>, in <i>Bentham's Works</i>, edit. Bowring, 1843,
+vol. i. pp. 479, 480. In regard to the determination of the individual,
+and the impossibility of baffling his intention, there are cases
+recorded of persons who, being deprived of the ordinary means of
+destruction, put an end to life by holding their breath; while others
+effected their purpose by turning back the tongue so as to exclude air
+from the larynx. <i>Elliotson's Human Physiology</i>, pp. 491, 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> This also applies to other cases besides those of
+drowning. See <i>Taylor's Medical Jurisprudence</i>, 1846, pp. 587, 597; and
+on the difficulty of always distinguishing a real suicide from an
+apparent one, see <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. i. p. 575. From
+a third to a half of all suicides are by drowning. Compare <i>Dufau</i>,
+<i>Traité de Statistique</i>, p. 304; <i>Winslow's Anatomy of Suicide</i>, 1840,
+p. 277; <i>Quetelet</i>, <i>Statistique Morale</i>, p. 66. But among these, many
+are no doubt involuntary; and it is certain that popular opinion grossly
+exaggerates the length of time during which it is possible to remain
+under water. <i>Brodie's Surgery</i>, 1846, pp. 89&ndash;92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> &lsquo;Tout semble dépendre de causes déterminées. Ainsi, nous
+trouvons annuellement à peu près le même nombre de suicides,
+non-seulement en général, mais encore en faisant la distinction des
+sexes, celle des âges, ou même celle des instruments employés pour se
+détruire. Une année reproduit si fidèlement les chiffres de l'année qui
+a précédé, qu'on peut prévoir ce qui doit arriver dans l'année qui va
+suivre.&rsquo; <i>Quetelet</i>, <i>Statistique Morale</i>, 1848, p. 35; see also p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> On the causes of suicides, see <i>Burdach's Traité de
+Physiologie</i>, vol. v. pp. 476&ndash;478; and <i>Forry's Climate and its Endemic
+Influences</i>, p. 329. The latest researches of M. Casper confirm the
+statement of earlier statisticians, that suicide is more frequent among
+Protestants than among Catholics. <i>Casper</i>, <i>Denkwürdigkeiten zur
+medicinischen Statistik</i>, Berlin, 1846, p. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> See the tables in the <i>Assurance Magazine</i>, no. iv. p.
+309, no. v. p. 34, no. viii. p. 350. These are the only complete
+consecutive returns of London suicides yet published; those issued by
+the police being imperfect. <i>Assurance Magazine</i>, no. v. p. 53. From
+inquiries made for me at the General Register Office, in January 1856, I
+learnt that there was an intention of completing the yearly returns, but
+I do not know if this has since been done.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> &lsquo;L'expérience démontre en effet, avec toute l'évidence
+possible, cette opinion, qui pourra sembler paradoxale au premier abord,
+que <i>c'est la société qui prépare le crime, et que le coupable n'est que
+l'instrument qui l'exécute</i>.&rsquo; <i>Quetelet sur l'Homme</i>, vol. ii. p. 325.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> The diagonal always giving the resultant when each side
+represents a force; and if we look on the resultant as a compound force,
+a comparison of diagonals becomes a comparison of compounds.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> A law of nature being merely a generalization of
+relations, and having no existence except in the mind, is essentially
+intangible; and therefore, however small the law may be, it can never
+admit of exceptions, though its operation may admit of innumerable
+exceptions. Hence, as Dugald Stewart (<i>Philosophy of the Mind</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 211) rightly says, we can only refer to the laws of nature &lsquo;by a sort
+of figure or metaphor.&rsquo; This is constantly lost sight of even by authors
+of repute; some of whom speak of laws as if they were causes, and
+therefore liable to interruption by larger causes; while other writers
+pronounce them to be &lsquo;delegated agencies&rsquo; from the Deity. Compare
+<i>Prout's Bridgewater Treatise</i>, pp. 318, 435, 495; <i>Sadler's Law of
+Population</i>, vol. ii. p. 67; <i>Burdach's Physiologie</i>, vol. i. p. 160.
+Mr. Paget, in his able work, <i>Lectures on Pathology</i>, vol. i. p. 481,
+vol. ii. p. 542, with much greater accuracy calls such cases &lsquo;apparent
+exceptions&rsquo; to laws; but it would be better to say, &lsquo;exceptions to the
+operations of laws.&rsquo; The context clearly proves that Mr. Paget
+distinctly apprehends the difference; but a slight alteration of this
+kind would prevent confusion in the minds of ordinary readers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Mr. Rawson, in his <i>Inquiry into the Statistics of Crime
+in England and Wales</i> (published in the <i>Journal of the Statistical
+Society</i>, vol. ii. pp. 316&ndash;344), says, p. 327, &lsquo;No greater proof can be
+given of the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard to
+crime, than the fact which appears in the following table, that the
+greatest variation which has taken place during the last three years, in
+the proportion of any class of criminals at the same period of life, has
+not exceeded a half per cent.&rsquo; See also <i>Report of British Association
+for 1839, Transac. of Sec.</i>, p. 118. Indeed, all writers who have
+examined the evidence are forced to admit this regularity, however they
+may wish to explain it. M. Dufau (<i>Traité de Statistique</i>, p. 144) says,
+&lsquo;Les faits de l'ordre moral sont, aussi bien que ceux de l'ordre
+naturel, le produit de causes constantes et régulières,&rsquo; &amp;c.; and at p.
+367, &lsquo;C'est ainsi que le monde moral se présente à nous, de ce point de
+vue, comme offrant, de même que le monde physique, un ensemble continu
+d'effets dus à des causes constantes et régulières, dont il appartient
+surtout à la statistique de constater l'action.&rsquo; See to the same effect
+<i>Moreau-Christophe des Prisons en France</i>, Paris, 1838, pp. 53, 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> &lsquo;It is curious to observe how intimate a relation exists
+between the price of food and the number of marriages.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;The relation that
+subsists between the price of food and the number of marriages is not
+confined to our own country; and it is not improbable that, had we the
+means of ascertaining the facts, we should see the like result in every
+civilized community. We possess the necessary returns from France; and
+these fully bear out the view that has been given.&rsquo; <i>Porter's Progress
+of the Nation</i>, vol. ii. pp. 244, 245, London, 1838.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> &lsquo;The marriage returns of 1850 and 1851 exhibit the excess
+which since 1750 has been invariably observed when the substantial
+earnings of the people are above the average.&rsquo; <i>Journal of Statistical
+Society</i>, vol. xv. p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> See <i>Somerville's Physical Geography</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+409&ndash;411, which, says this able writer, proves that &lsquo;forgetfulness as
+well as free will is under constant laws.&rsquo; But this is using the word
+&lsquo;free will&rsquo; in a sense different from that commonly employed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Achenwall, in the middle of the eighteenth century, is
+usually considered to be the first systematic writer on statistics, and
+is said to have given them their present name. See <i>Lewis</i>, <i>Methods of
+Observation and Reasoning in Politics</i>, 1852, vol. i. p. 72; <i>Biographie
+Universelle</i>, vol. i. p. 140; <i>Dufau</i>, <i>Traité de Statistique</i>, pp. 9,
+10. Even so late as 1800, the Bishop of Llandaff wrote to Sir John
+Sinclair, &lsquo;I must think the kingdom is highly indebted to you for
+bringing forward a species of knowledge (statistics) wholly new in this
+country, though not new in other parts of Europe.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's
+Correspondence</i>, vol. i. p. 230. Sinclair, notwithstanding his industry,
+was a man of slender powers, and did not at all understand the real
+importance of statistics, of which, indeed, he took a mere practical
+view. Since then statistics have been applied extensively to medicine;
+and still more recently, and on a smaller scale, to philology and to
+jurisprudence. Compare <i>Bouillaud</i>, <i>Philosophie Médicale</i>, pp. 96, 186;
+<i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. pp. 474, 475; <i>Esquirol</i>,
+<i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. ii. pp. 665&ndash;667; <i>Holland's Medical Notes</i>,
+pp. 5, 472; <i>Vogel's Pathological Anatomy</i>, pp. 15&ndash;17; <i>Simon's
+Pathology</i>, p. 180; <i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, pp. 70, 118, &amp;c.;
+<i>Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind</i>, vol. iv. p. 414; <i>Eschbach</i>,
+<i>Etude du Droit</i>, pp. 392&ndash;394.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION
+OF SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS.</div>
+
+<p>If we inquire what those physical agents are by which
+the human race is most powerfully influenced, we shall
+find that they may be classed under four heads: namely,
+Climate, Food, Soil, and the General Aspect of Nature;
+by which last, I mean those appearances which, though
+presented chiefly to the sight, have, through the medium
+of that or other senses, directed the association of
+ideas, and hence in different countries have given rise
+to different habits of national thought. To one of these
+four classes, may be referred all the external phenomena
+by which Man has been permanently affected. The
+last of these classes, or what I call the General Aspect
+of Nature, produces its principal results by exciting the
+imagination, and by suggesting those innumerable
+superstitions which are the great obstacles to advancing
+knowledge. And as, in the infancy of a people, the
+power of such superstitions is supreme, it has happened
+that the various Aspects of Nature have caused corresponding
+varieties in the popular character, and have
+imparted to the national religion peculiarities which,
+under certain circumstances, it is impossible to efface.
+The other three agents, namely, Climate, Food, and
+Soil, have, so far as we are aware, had no direct influence
+of this sort; but they have, as I am about to
+prove, originated the most important consequences in
+regard to the general organization of society, and from
+them there have followed many of those large and conspicuous
+differences between nations, which are often
+ascribed to some fundamental difference in the various
+races into which mankind is divided. But while such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
+original distinctions of race are altogether hypothetical,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>
+the discrepancies which are caused by difference of
+climate, food, and soil, are capable of a satisfactory
+explanation, and, when understood, will be found to
+clear up many of the difficulties which still obscure the
+study of history. I purpose, therefore, in the first
+place, to examine the laws of these three vast agents
+in so far as they are connected with Man in his social
+condition; and having traced the working of those
+laws with as much precision as the present state of
+physical knowledge will allow, I shall then examine
+the remaining agent, namely, the General Aspect of
+Nature, and shall endeavour to point out the most important
+divergencies to which its variations have, in
+different countries, naturally given rise.</p>
+
+<p>Beginning, then, with climate, food, and soil, it is
+evident that these three physical powers are in no
+small degree dependent on each other: that is to say,
+there is a very close connexion between the climate of
+a country and the food which will ordinarily be grown
+in that country; while at the same time the food is
+itself influenced by the soil which produces it, as also
+by the elevation or depression of the land, by the state
+of the atmosphere, and, in a word, by all those conditions
+to the assemblage of which the name of Physical
+Geography is, in its largest sense, commonly given.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>
+
+<p>The union between these physical agents being thus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
+intimate, it seems advisable to consider them not under
+their own separate heads, but rather under the separate
+heads of the effects produced by their united action.
+In this way we shall rise at once to a more comprehensive
+view of the whole question; we shall avoid the
+confusion that would be caused by artificially separating
+phenomena which are in themselves inseparable; and
+we shall be able to see more clearly the extent of that
+remarkable influence, which, in an early stage of
+society, the powers of Nature exercise over the fortunes
+of Man.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the results which are produced among a people
+by their climate, food, and soil, the accumulation of
+wealth is the earliest, and in many respects the most
+important. For although the progress of knowledge
+eventually accelerates the increase of wealth, it is
+nevertheless certain that, in the first formation of
+society, the wealth must accumulate before the knowledge
+can begin. As long as every man is engaged in
+collecting the materials necessary for his own subsistence,
+there will be neither leisure nor taste for higher
+pursuits; no science can possibly be created, and the
+utmost that can be effected will be an attempt to
+economise labour by the contrivance of such rude and
+imperfect instruments as even the most barbarous
+people are able to invent.</p>
+
+<p>In a state of society like this, the accumulation of
+wealth is the first great step that can be taken, because
+without wealth there can be no leisure, and without
+leisure there can be no knowledge. If what a people
+consume is always exactly equal to what they possess,
+there will be no residue, and therefore, no capital being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
+accumulated, there will be no means by which the
+unemployed classes may be maintained.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> But if the
+produce is greater than the consumption, an overplus
+arises, which, according to well-known principles, increases
+itself, and eventually becomes a fund out of
+which, immediately or remotely, every one is supported
+who does not create the wealth upon which he lives.
+And now it is that the existence of an intellectual class
+first becomes possible, because for the first time there
+exists a previous accumulation, by means of which men
+can use what they did not produce, and are thus enabled
+to devote themselves to subjects for which at an
+earlier period the pressure of their daily wants would
+have left them no time.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it is that of all the great social improvements
+the accumulation of wealth must be the first, because
+without it there can be neither taste nor leisure for that
+acquisition of knowledge on which, as I shall hereafter
+prove, the progress of civilization depends. Now, it is
+evident that among an entirely ignorant people, the
+rapidity with which wealth is created will be solely
+regulated by the physical peculiarities of their country.
+At a later period, and when the wealth has been
+capitalized, other causes come into play; but until this
+occurs, the progress can only depend on two circumstances:
+first on the energy and regularity with which
+labour is conducted, and secondly on the returns made
+to that labour by the bounty of nature. And these two
+causes are themselves the result of physical antecedents.
+The returns made to labour are governed by the fertility
+of the soil, which is itself regulated partly by the
+admixture of its chemical components, partly by the
+extent to which, from rivers or from other natural
+causes, the soil is irrigated, and partly by the heat and
+humidity of the atmosphere. On the other hand, the
+energy and regularity with which labour is conducted,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
+will be entirely dependent on the influence of climate.
+This will display itself in two different ways. The
+first, which is a very obvious consideration, is, that if
+the heat is intense, men will be indisposed, and in some
+degree unfitted, for that active industry which in a
+milder climate they might willingly have exerted. The
+other consideration, which has been less noticed, but is
+equally important, is, that climate influences labour not
+only by enervating the labourer or by invigorating him,
+but also by the effect it produces on the regularity of
+his habits.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Thus we find that no people living in a
+very northern latitude have ever possessed that steady
+and unflinching industry for which the inhabitants of
+temperate regions are remarkable. The reason of this
+becomes clear, when we remember that in the more
+northern countries the severity of the weather, and, at
+some seasons, the deficiency of light, render it impossible
+for the people to continue their usual out-of-door
+employments. The result is, that the working classes
+being compelled to cease from their ordinary pursuits,
+are rendered more prone to desultory habits; the
+chain of their industry is as it were broken, and they
+lose that impetus which long-continued and uninterrupted
+practice never fails to give. Hence there arises
+a national character more fitful and capricious than
+that possessed by a people whose climate permits the
+regular exercise of their ordinary industry. Indeed, so
+powerful is this principle, that we may perceive its
+operation even under the most opposite circumstances.
+It would be difficult to conceive a greater difference in
+government, laws, religion, and manners, than that
+which distinguishes Sweden and Norway on the one
+hand, from Spain and Portugal on the other. But
+these four countries have one great point in common.
+In all of them, continued agricultural industry is impracticable.
+In the two southern countries, labour is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
+interrupted by the heat, by the dryness of the weather,
+and by the consequent state of the soil. In the two
+northern countries, the same effect is produced by the
+severity of the winter and the shortness of the days.
+The consequence is, that these four nations, though so
+different in other respects, are all remarkable for a
+certain instability and fickleness of character; presenting
+a striking contrast to the more regular and
+settled habits which are established in countries
+whose climate subjects the working classes to fewer
+interruptions, and imposes on them the necessity of a
+more constant and unremitting employment.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p>
+
+<p>These are the great physical causes by which the
+creation of wealth is governed. There are, no doubt,
+other circumstances which operate with considerable
+force, and which, in a more advanced state of society,
+possess an equal, and sometimes a superior, influence.
+But this is at a later period; and looking at the history
+of wealth in its earliest stage, it will be found to depend
+entirely on soil and climate: the soil regulating the
+returns made to any given amount of labour; the
+climate regulating the energy and constancy of the
+labour itself. It requires but a hasty glance at past
+events, to prove the immense power of these two great
+physical conditions. For there is no instance in history
+of any country being civilized by its own efforts, unless
+it has possessed one of these conditions in a very
+favourable form. In Asia, civilization has always been
+confined to that vast tract where a rich and alluvial
+soil has secured to man that wealth without some share
+of which no intellectual progress can begin. This great
+region extends, with a few interruptions, from the east
+of Southern China to the western coasts of Asia Minor,
+of Ph&oelig;nicia, and of Palestine. To the north of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
+immense belt, there is a long line of barren country
+which has invariably been peopled by rude and
+wandering tribes, who are kept in poverty by the ungenial
+nature of the soil, and who, as long as they
+remained on it, have never emerged from their uncivilized
+state. How entirely this depends on physical
+causes, is evident from the fact that these same Mongolian
+and Tartarian hordes have, at different periods,
+founded great monarchies in China, in India, and in
+Persia, and have, on all such occasions, attained a
+civilization nowise inferior to that possessed by the
+most nourishing of the ancient kingdoms. For in the
+fertile plains of Southern Asia,<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> nature has supplied all
+the materials of wealth; and there it was that these
+barbarous tribes acquired for the first time some degree
+of refinement, produced a national literature, and organized
+a national polity; none of which things they,
+in their native land, had been able to effect.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> In the
+same way, the Arabs in their own country have, owing
+to the extreme aridity of their soil,<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> always been a rude
+and uncultivated people; for in their case, as in all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
+others, great ignorance is the fruit of great poverty.
+But in the seventh century they conquered Persia;<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>
+in the eighth century they conquered the best part of
+Spain;<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> in the ninth century they conquered the
+Punjaub, and eventually nearly the whole of India.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
+Scarcely were they established in their fresh settlements,
+when their character seemed to undergo a great change.
+They, who in their original land were little else than
+roving savages, were now for the first time able to accumulate
+wealth, and, therefore, for the first time did
+they make some progress in the arts of civilization. In
+Arabia they had been a mere race of wandering shepherds;<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>
+in their new abodes they became the founders
+of mighty empires&mdash;they built cities, endowed schools,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
+collected libraries; and the traces of their power are
+still to be seen at Cordova, at Bagdad, and at Delhi.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
+Precisely in the same manner, there is adjoining Arabia
+at the north, and only separated from it elsewhere by
+the narrow waters of the Red Sea, an immense sandy
+plain, which, covering the whole of Africa in the same
+latitude, extends westward until it reaches the shores
+of the Atlantic.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> This enormous tract is, like Arabia,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
+a barren waste;<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> and therefore, as in Arabia, the inhabitants
+have always been entirely uncivilized,
+acquiring no knowledge, simply because they have
+accumulated no wealth.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> But this great desert is, in
+its eastern part, irrigated by the waters of the Nile, the
+overflowing of which covers the sand with a rich
+alluvial deposit, that yields to labour the most abundant,
+and indeed the most extraordinary, returns.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>
+The consequence is, that in that spot, wealth was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
+rapidly accumulated, the cultivation of knowledge
+quickly followed, and this narrow strip of land<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> became
+the seat of Egyptian civilization; a civilization which,
+though grossly exaggerated,<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> forms a striking contrast
+to the barbarism of the other nations of Africa, none of
+which have been able to work out their own progress,
+or emerge, in any degree, from the ignorance to which
+the penury of nature has doomed them.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations clearly prove that of the two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
+primary causes of civilization, the fertility of the soil
+is the one which in the ancient world exercised most
+influence. But in European civilization, the other
+great cause, that is to say, climate, has been the most
+powerful; and this, as we have seen, produces an effect
+partly on the capacity of the labourer for work, partly
+on the regularity or irregularity of his habits. The
+difference in the result has curiously corresponded with
+the difference in the cause. For, although all civilization
+must have for its antecedent the accumulation of
+wealth, still what subsequently occurs will be in no
+small degree determined by the conditions under which
+the accumulation took place. In Asia, and in Africa,
+the condition was a fertile soil, causing an abundant
+return; in Europe, it was a happier climate, causing
+more successful labour. In the former case, the effect
+depends on the relation between the soil and its
+produce; in other words, the mere operation of one
+part of external nature upon another. In the latter
+case, the effect depends on the relation between the
+climate and the labourer; that is, the operation of
+external nature not upon itself, but upon man. Of
+these two classes of relations, the first, being the less
+complicated, is the less liable to disturbance, and therefore
+came sooner into play. Hence it is, that, in the
+march of civilization, the priority is unquestionably due
+to the most fertile parts of Asia and Africa. But
+although their civilization was the earliest, it was very
+far, indeed, from being the best or most permanent.
+Owing to circumstances which I shall presently state,
+the only progress which is really effective depends, not
+upon the bounty of nature, but upon the energy of
+man. Therefore it is, that the civilization of Europe,
+which, in its earliest stage, was governed by climate,
+has shown a capacity of development unknown to
+those civilizations which were originated by soil. For
+the powers of nature, notwithstanding their apparent
+magnitude, are limited and stationary; at all events,
+we have not the slightest proof that they have ever<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
+increased, or that they will ever be able to increase.
+But the powers of man, so far as experience and
+analogy can guide us, are unlimited; nor are we possessed
+of any evidence which authorizes us to assign
+even an imaginary boundary at which the human intellect
+will, of necessity, be brought to a stand. And
+as this power which the mind possesses of increasing
+its own resources, is a peculiarity confined to man, and
+one eminently distinguishing him from what is commonly
+called external nature, it becomes evident that
+the agency of climate, which gives him wealth by
+stimulating his labour, is more favourable to his
+ultimate progress than the agency of soil, which likewise
+gives him wealth, but which does so, not by
+exciting his energies, but by virtue of a mere physical
+relation between the character of the soil and
+the quantity or value of the produce that it almost
+spontaneously affords.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far as to the different ways in which climate
+and soil affect the creation of wealth. But another
+point of equal, or perhaps of superior, importance
+remains behind. After the wealth has been created, a
+question arises as to how it is to be distributed; that
+is to say, what proportion is to go to the upper classes,
+and what to the lower. In an advanced stage of
+society, this depends upon several circumstances of
+great complexity, and which it is not necessary here to
+examine.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> But in a very early stage of society, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
+before its later and refined complications have begun,
+it may, I think, be proved that the distribution of
+wealth is, like its creation, governed entirely by
+physical laws; and that those laws are moreover so
+active as to have invariably kept a vast majority of the
+inhabitants of the fairest portion of the globe in a condition
+of constant and inextricable poverty. If this
+can be demonstrated, the immense importance of such
+laws is manifest. For since wealth is an undoubted
+source of power, it is evident that, supposing other
+things equal, an inquiry into the distribution of wealth
+is an inquiry into the distribution of power, and, as
+such, will throw great light on the origin of those
+social and political inequalities, the play and opposition
+of which form a considerable part of the history of
+every civilized country.</p>
+
+<p>If we take a general view of this subject, we may say
+that after the creation and accumulation of wealth have
+once fairly begun, it will be distributed among two
+classes, those who labour, and those who do not labour;
+the latter being, as a class, the more able, the former
+the more numerous. The fund by which both classes
+are supported is immediately created by the lower
+class, whose physical energies are directed, combined,
+and as it were economized, by the superior skill of the
+upper class. The reward of the workmen is called
+their wages; the reward of the contrivers is called
+their profits. At a later period, there will arise what
+may be called the saving class; that is, a body of men
+who neither contrive nor work, but lend their accumulations
+to those who contrive, and in return for the
+loan, receive a part of that reward which belongs to
+the contriving class. In this case, the members of the
+saving class are rewarded for their abstinence in
+refraining from spending their accumulations, and this
+reward is termed the interest of their money; so that
+there is made a threefold division&mdash;Interest, Profits,
+and Wages. But this is a subsequent arrangement,
+which can only take place to any extent when wealth
+has been considerably accumulated; and in the stage
+of society we are now considering, this third, or saving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
+class, can hardly be said to have a separate existence.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
+For our present purpose, therefore, it is enough to
+ascertain what those natural laws are, which, as soon as
+wealth is accumulated, regulate the proportion in
+which it is distributed to the two classes of labourers
+and employers.</p>
+
+<p>Now, it is evident that wages being the price paid
+for labour, the rate of wages must, like the price of all
+other commodities, vary according to the changes in
+the market. If the supply of labourers outstrips the
+demand, wages will fall; if the demand exceeds the
+supply, they will rise. Supposing, therefore, that in
+any country there is a given amount of wealth to be
+divided between employers and workmen, every increase
+in the number of the workmen will tend to lessen the
+average reward each can receive. And if we set aside
+those disturbing causes by which all general views are
+affected, it will be found that, in the long-run, the
+question of wages is a question of population; for
+although the total sum of the wages actually paid
+depends upon the largeness of the fund from which
+they are drawn, still the amount of wages received by
+each man must diminish as the claimants increase,
+unless, owing to other circumstances, the fund itself
+should so advance as to keep pace with the greater
+demands made upon it.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p>
+
+<p>To know the circumstances most favourable to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
+increase of what may be termed the wages-fund is a
+matter of great moment, but is one with which we are
+not immediately concerned. The question we have
+now before us, regards not the accumulation of wealth,
+but its distribution; and the object is, to ascertain
+what those physical conditions are, which, by encouraging
+a rapid growth of population, over-supply the
+labour market, and thus keep the average rate of wages
+at a very low point.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the physical agents by which the increase of
+the labouring classes is affected, that of food is the most
+active and universal. If two countries, equal in all
+other respects, differ solely in this&mdash;that in one the
+national food is cheap and abundant, and in the other
+scarce and dear, the population of the former country
+will inevitably increase more rapidly than the population
+of the latter.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> And, by a parity of reasoning,
+the average rate of wages will be lower in the former
+than in the latter, simply because the labour-market
+will be more amply stocked.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> An inquiry, therefore,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
+into the physical laws on which the food of different
+countries depends, is, for our present purpose, of the
+greatest importance; and fortunately it is one respecting
+which we are able, in the present state of chemistry
+and physiology, to arrive at some precise and
+definite conclusions.</p>
+
+<p>The food consumed by man produces two, and only
+two, effects necessary to his existence. These are, first
+to supply him with that animal heat without which the
+functions of life would stop; and secondly, to repair
+the waste constantly taking place in his tissues, that is,
+in the mechanism of his frame. For each of these
+separate purposes there is a separate food. The temperature
+of our body is kept up by substances which
+contain no nitrogen, and are called non-azotized; the
+incessant decay in our organism is repaired by what
+are known as azotized substances, in which nitrogen is
+always found.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> In the former case, the carbon of non-azotized
+food combines with the oxygen we take in,
+and gives rise to that internal combustion by which
+our animal heat is renewed. In the latter case, nitrogen
+having little affinity for oxygen,<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> the nitrogenous or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
+azotized food is, as it were, guarded against combustion;<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>
+and being thus preserved, is able to perform
+its duty of repairing the tissues, and supplying those
+losses which the human organism constantly suffers in
+the wear and tear of daily life.</p>
+
+<p>These are the two great divisions of food;<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> and if
+we inquire into the laws which regulate the relation
+they bear to man, we shall find that in each division
+the most important agent is climate. When men live
+in a hot country, their animal heat is more easily kept
+up than when they live in a cold one; therefore they
+require a smaller amount of that non-azotized food, the
+sole business of which is to maintain at a certain point
+the temperature of the body. In the same way, they,
+in the hot country, require a smaller amount of azotized
+food, because on the whole their bodily exertions are
+less frequent, and on that account the decay of their
+tissues is less rapid.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p>Since, therefore, the inhabitants of hot climates do,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
+in their natural and ordinary state, consume less food
+than the inhabitants of cold ones, it inevitably follows
+that, provided other things remain equal, the growth
+of population will be more rapid in countries which are
+hot than in those which are cold. For practical purposes,
+it is immaterial whether the greater plenty of a
+substance by which the people are fed arises from a
+larger supply, or whether it arises from a smaller consumption.
+When men eat less, the result will be just
+the same as if they had more; because the same amount
+of nutriment will go farther, and thus population will
+gain a power of increasing more quickly than it could
+do in a colder country, where, even if provisions were
+equally abundant, they, owing to the climate, would be
+sooner exhausted.</p>
+
+<p>This is the first point of view in which the laws of
+climate are, through the medium of food, connected
+with the laws of population, and therefore with the
+laws of the distribution of wealth. But there is also
+another point of view, which follows the same line of
+thought, and will be found to strengthen the argument
+just stated. This is, that in cold countries, not only
+are men compelled to eat more than in hot ones, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
+their food is dearer, that is to say, to get it is more
+difficult, and requires a greater expenditure of labour.
+The reason of this I will state as briefly as possible,
+without entering into any details beyond those which
+are absolutely necessary for a right understanding of
+this interesting subject.</p>
+
+<p>The objects of food are, as we have seen, only two:
+namely, to keep up the warmth of the body, and repair
+the waste in the tissues.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Of these two objects, the
+former is effected by the oxygen of the air entering our
+lungs, and, as it travels through the system, combining
+with the carbon which we take in our food.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
+combination of oxygen and carbon never can occur
+without producing a considerable amount of heat, and
+it is in this way that the human frame is maintained at
+its necessary temperature.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> By virtue of a law familiar
+to chemists, carbon and oxygen, like all other
+elements, will only unite in certain definite proportions;<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
+so that to keep up a healthy balance, it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
+needful that the food which contains the carbon should
+vary according to the amount of oxygen taken in:
+while it is equally needful that we should increase the
+quantity of both of these constituents whenever a
+greater external cold lowers the temperature of the
+body. Now it is obvious that in a very cold climate,
+this necessity of providing a nutriment more highly
+carbonized will arise in two distinct ways. In the first
+place, the air being denser, men imbibe at each inspiration
+a greater volume of oxygen than they would do
+in a climate where the air is rarefied by heat.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> In the
+second place, cold accelerates their respiration, and thus
+obliging them to inhale more frequently than the inhabitants
+of hot countries, increases the amount of oxygen
+which they on an average take in.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> On both these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
+grounds the consumption of oxygen becomes greater:
+it is therefore requisite that the consumption of carbon
+should also be greater; since by the union of these two
+elements in certain definite proportions, the temperature
+of the body and the balance of the human frame
+can alone be maintained.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p>
+
+<p>Proceeding from these chemical and physiological
+principles, we arrive at the conclusion, that the colder
+the country is in which a people live, the more highly
+carbonized will be their food. And this, which is a
+purely scientific inference, has been verified by actual
+experiment. The inhabitants of the polar regions consume
+large quantities of whale-oil and blubber; while
+within the tropics such food would soon put an end to
+life, and therefore the ordinary diet consists almost
+entirely of fruit, rice, and other vegetables. Now it
+has been ascertained by careful analysis, that in the
+polar food there is an excess of carbon; in the tropical
+food an excess of oxygen. Without entering into details,
+which to the majority of readers would be distasteful,
+it may be said generally, that the oils contain
+about six times as much carbon as the fruits, and that
+they have in them very little oxygen;<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> while starch,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
+which is the most universal, and, in reference to nutrition,
+the most important constituent in the vegetable
+world,<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> is nearly half oxygen.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
+
+<p>The connexion between this circumstance and the
+subject before us is highly curious: for it is a most
+remarkable fact, and one to which I would call particular
+attention, that owing to some more general law,
+of which we are ignorant, highly carbonized food is
+more costly than food in which comparatively little
+carbon is found. The fruits of the earth, of which
+oxygen is the most active principle, are very abundant;
+they may be obtained without danger, and almost
+without trouble. But that highly carbonized food,
+which in a very cold climate is absolutely necessary to
+life, is not produced in so facile and spontaneous a
+manner. It is not, like vegetables, thrown up by the
+soil; but it consists of the fat, the blubber, and the oil<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
+of powerful and ferocious animals. To procure it, man
+must incur great risk and expend great labour. And
+although this is undoubtedly a contrast of extreme
+cases, still it is evident that the nearer a people approach<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
+to either extremity, the more subject will they be to
+the conditions by which that extremity is governed. It
+is evident that, as a general rule, the colder a country is,
+the more its food will be carbonized; the warmer it is,
+the more its food will be oxidized.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> At the same time,
+carbonized food, being chiefly drawn from the animal
+world, is more difficult to obtain than oxidized food,
+which is drawn from the vegetable world.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> The result
+has been that among nations where the coldness of
+the climate renders a highly carbonized diet essential,
+there is for the most part displayed, even in the infancy
+of society, a bolder and more adventurous character,
+than we find among those other nations whose ordinary
+nutriment, being highly oxidized, is easily obtained,
+and indeed is supplied to them, by the bounty of nature,
+gratuitously and without a struggle.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> From this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
+original divergence there follow many other consequences,
+which, however, I am not now concerned to
+trace; my present object being merely to point out how
+this difference of food affects the proportion in which
+wealth is distributed to the different classes.</p>
+
+<p>The way in which this proportion is actually altered
+has, I hope, been made clear by the preceding argument;
+but it may be useful to recapitulate the facts on
+which the argument is based. The facts, then, are
+simply these. The rate of wages fluctuates with the
+population; increasing when the labour-market is
+under-supplied, diminishing when it is over-supplied.
+The population itself, though affected by many other
+circumstances, does undoubtedly fluctuate with the
+supply of food; advancing when the supply is plentiful,
+halting or receding when the supply is scanty. The
+food essential to life is scarcer in cold countries than in
+hot ones; and not only is it scarcer, but more of it is
+required;<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> so that on both grounds smaller encouragement
+is given to the growth of that population from
+whose ranks the labour-market is stocked. To express,
+therefore, the conclusion in its simplest form, we may
+say, that there is a strong and constant tendency in hot
+countries for wages to be low, in cold countries for
+them to be high.</p>
+
+<p>Applying now this great principle to the general<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
+course of history, we shall find proofs of its accuracy in
+every direction. Indeed, there is not a single instance
+to the contrary. In Asia, in Africa, and in America,
+all the ancient civilizations were seated in hot climates;
+and in all of them the rate of wages was very low, and
+therefore the condition of the labouring classes very
+depressed. In Europe, for the first time, civilization
+arose in a colder climate: hence the reward of labour
+was increased, and the distribution of wealth rendered
+more equal than was possible in countries where an
+excessive abundance of food stimulated the growth of
+population. This difference produced, as we shall
+presently see, many social and political consequences of
+immense importance. But before discussing them, it
+may be remarked that the only apparent exception to
+what has been stated is one which strikingly verifies
+the general law. There is one instance, and only one,
+of a great European people possessing a very cheap
+national food. This people, I need hardly say, are
+the Irish. In Ireland the labouring classes have for
+more than two hundred years been principally fed by
+potatoes, which were introduced into their country late
+in the sixteenth, or early in the seventeenth century.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>
+Now, the peculiarity of the potato is, that until the
+appearance of the late disease, it was and perhaps still
+is, cheaper than any other food equally wholesome. If
+we compare its reproductive power with the amount of
+nutriment contained in it, we find that one acre of
+average land sown with potatoes will support twice
+as many persons as the same quantity of land sown
+with wheat.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> The consequence is, that in a country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
+where men live on potatoes, the population will, if other
+things are tolerably equal, increase twice as fast as in
+a country where they live on wheat. And so it has
+actually occurred. Until a very few years ago, when
+the face of affairs was entirely altered by pestilence and
+emigration, the population of Ireland was, in round
+numbers, increasing annually three per cent.; the
+population of England during the same period increasing
+one and a half per cent.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The result was, that in
+these two countries the distribution of wealth was altogether
+different. Even in England the growth of population
+is somewhat too rapid; and the labour-market
+being overstocked, the working classes are not sufficiently
+paid for their labour.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> But their condition is
+one of sumptuous splendour, compared to that in which
+only a few years ago the Irish were forced to live.
+The misery in which they were plunged has no doubt
+always been aggravated by the ignorance of their
+rulers, and by that scandalous misgovernment which,
+until very recently, formed one of the darkest blots on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
+the glory of England. The most active cause, however,
+was, that their wages were so low as to debar them,
+not only from the comforts, but from the common
+decencies of civilized life; and this evil condition was
+the natural result of that cheap and abundant food,
+which encouraged the people to so rapid an increase,
+that the labour-market was constantly gorged.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> So
+far was this carried, that an intelligent observer who
+travelled through Ireland twenty years ago, mentioned
+that at that time the average wages were fourpence a
+day, and that even this wretched pittance could not
+always be relied upon for regular employment.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such have been the consequences of cheap food in a
+country which, on the whole, possesses greater natural
+resources than any other in Europe.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> And if we investigate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
+on a larger scale the social and economical condition
+of nations, we shall see the same principle
+everywhere at work. We shall see that, other things
+remaining equal, the food of a people determines the
+increase of their numbers, and the increase of their
+numbers determines the rate of their wages. We shall
+moreover find, that when the wages are invariably
+low,<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> the distribution of wealth being thus very
+unequal, the distribution of political power and social
+influence will also be very unequal; in other words, it
+will appear that the normal and average relation between
+the upper and lower classes will, in its origin,
+depend upon those peculiarities of nature, the operations
+of which I have endeavoured to indicate.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> After<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
+putting all these things together, we shall, I trust, be
+able to discern, with a clearness hitherto unknown, the
+intimate connexion between the physical and moral
+world; the laws by which that connexion is governed;
+and the reasons why so many ancient civilizations
+reached a certain stage of development, and then fell
+away, unable to resist the pressure of nature, or make
+head against those external obstacles by which their
+progress was effectually retarded.</p>
+
+<p>If, in the first place, we turn to Asia, we shall see an
+admirable illustration of what may be called the collision
+between internal and external phenomena. Owing to
+circumstances already stated, Asiatic civilization has
+always been confined to that rich tract where alone
+wealth could be easily obtained. This immense zone
+comprises some of the most fertile parts of the globe;
+and of all its provinces, Hindostan is certainly the one
+which for the longest period has possessed the greatest
+civilization.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> And as the materials for forming an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
+opinion respecting India are more ample than those
+respecting any other part of Asia,<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> I purpose to select
+it as an example, and use it to illustrate those laws
+which, though generalized from political economy,
+chemistry, and physiology, may be verified by that
+more extensive survey, the means of which history
+alone can supply.</p>
+
+<p>In India, the great heat of the climate brings into
+play that law already pointed out, by virtue of which
+the ordinary food is of an oxygenous rather than of a
+carbonaceous character. This, according to another
+law, obliges the people to derive their usual diet not
+from the animal, but from the vegetable world, of which
+starch is the most important constituent. At the same
+time the high temperature, incapacitating men for
+arduous labour, makes necessary a food of which the
+returns will be abundant, and which will contain much
+nutriment in a comparatively small space. Here, then,
+we have some characteristics, which, if the preceding
+views are correct, ought to be found in the ordinary
+food of the Indian nations. So they all are. From
+the earliest period the most general food in India has
+been rice,<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> which is the most nutritive of all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
+cerealia;<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> which contains an enormous proportion of
+starch;<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> and which yields to the labourer an average
+return of at least sixty fold.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus possible is it, by the application of a few physical
+laws, to anticipate what the national food of a country
+will be, and therefore to anticipate a long train of
+ulterior consequences. What in this case is no less
+remarkable, is that though in the south of the peninsula,
+rice is not so much used as formerly, it has been replaced,
+not by animal food, but by another grain called
+ragi.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> The original rice, however, is so suited to the
+circumstances I have described, that it is still the most
+general food of nearly all the hottest countries of Asia,<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
+from which at different times it has been transplanted
+to other parts of the world.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p>
+
+<p>In consequence of these peculiarities of climate, and
+of food, there has arisen in India that unequal distribution
+of wealth which we must expect to find in
+countries where the labour-market is always redundant.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
+If we examine the earliest Indian records
+which have been preserved&mdash;records between two and
+three thousand years old&mdash;we find evidence of a state
+of things similar to that which now exists, and which,
+we may rely upon it, always has existed ever since the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
+accumulation of capital once fairly began. We find
+the upper classes enormously rich, and the lower classes
+miserably poor. We find those by whose labour the
+wealth is created, receiving the smallest possible share
+of it; the remainder being absorbed by the higher
+ranks in the form either of rent or of profit. And as
+wealth is, after intellect, the most permanent source of
+power, it has naturally happened that a great inequality
+of wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding inequality
+of social and political power. It is not, therefore,
+surprising that from the earliest period to which
+our knowledge of India extends, an immense majority
+of the people, pinched by the most galling poverty, and
+just living from hand to mouth, should always have
+remained in a state of stupid debasement, broken by
+incessant misfortune, crouching before their superiors
+in abject submission, and only fit either to be slaves
+themselves or to be led to battle to make slaves of
+others.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p>
+
+<p>To ascertain the precise value of the average rate of
+wages in India for any long period, is impossible; because,
+although the amount might be expressed in
+money, still the value of money, that is, its purchasing
+power, is subject to incalculable fluctuations, arising
+from changes in the cost of production.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> But, for our
+present purpose, there is a method of investigation
+which will lead to results far more accurate than any
+statement could be that depended merely on a collection<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
+of evidence respecting the wages themselves. The
+method is simply this: that inasmuch as the wealth of
+a country can only be divided into wages, rent, profits,
+and interest, and inasmuch as interest is on an average
+an exact measure of profits,<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> it follows that if among
+any people rent and interest are both high, wages must
+be low.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> If, therefore, we can ascertain the current
+interest of money, and the proportion of the produce of
+the soil which is absorbed by rent, we shall get a perfectly
+accurate idea of the wages; because wages are
+the residue, that is, they are what is left to the labourers
+after rent, profits, and interest have been paid.</p>
+
+<p>Now it is remarkable, that in India both interest and
+rent have always been very high. In the <i>Institutes of
+Menu</i>, which were drawn up about <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> 900,<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> the lowest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
+legal interest for money is fixed at fifteen per cent., the
+highest at sixty per cent.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> Nor is this to be considered
+as a mere ancient law now fallen into disuse. So far
+from that, the <i>Institutes of Menu</i> are still the basis of
+Indian jurisprudence;<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> and we know on very good
+authority, that in 1810 the interest paid for the use of
+money varied from thirty-six to sixty per cent.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus much as to one of the elements of our present
+calculation. As to the other element, namely, the rent,
+we have information equally precise and trustworthy.
+In England and Scotland, the rent paid by the cultivator
+for the use of land is estimated in round numbers,
+taking one farm with another, at a fourth of the gross
+produce.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> In France, the average proportion is about
+a third;<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> while in the United States of North America<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
+it is well known to be much less, and, indeed, in some
+parts, to be merely nominal.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> But in India the legal
+rent, that is, the lowest rate recognized by the law and
+usage of the country, is one-half of the produce; and
+even this cruel regulation is not strictly enforced, since
+in many cases rents are raised so high, that the cultivator
+not only receives less than half the produce, but
+receives so little as to have scarcely the means of
+providing seed to sow the ground for the next harvest.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p>
+
+<p>The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is manifest.
+Rent and interest being always very high, and
+interest varying, as it must do, according to the rate of
+profits, it is evident that wages must have been very
+low; for since there was in India a specific amount of
+wealth to be divided into rent, interest, profits, and
+wages, it is clear that the first three could only have
+been increased at the expense of the fourth; which is
+saying, in other words, that the reward of the labourers
+was very small in proportion to the reward received by
+the upper classes. And though this, being an inevitable
+inference, does not require extraneous support, it may
+be mentioned that in modern times, for which alone we
+have direct evidence, wages have in India always been
+excessively low, and the people have been, and still are,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
+obliged to work for a sum barely sufficient to meet the
+exigencies of life.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p>
+
+<p>This was the first great consequence induced in India
+by the cheapness and abundance of the national food.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
+But the evil by no means stopped there. In India, as
+in every other country, poverty provokes contempt, and
+wealth produces power. When other things are equal,
+it must be with classes of men as with individuals, that
+the richer they are, the greater the influence they will
+possess. It was therefore to be expected, that the
+unequal distribution of wealth should cause an unequal
+distribution of power; and as there is no instance on
+record of any class possessing power without abusing
+it, we may easily understand how it was that the people
+of India, condemned to poverty by the physical laws of
+their climate, should have fallen into a degradation from
+which they have never been able to escape. A few
+instances may be given to illustrate, rather than to
+prove, a principle which the preceding arguments have,
+I trust, placed beyond the possibility of dispute.</p>
+
+<p>To the great body of the Indian people the name of
+Sudras is given;<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> and the native laws respecting them
+contain some minute and curious provisions. If a
+member of this despised class presumed to occupy the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
+same seat as his superiors, he was either to be exiled
+or to suffer a painful and ignominious punishment.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
+If he spoke of them with contempt, his mouth was to
+be burned;<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> if he actually insulted them, his tongue
+was to be slit;<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> if he molested a Brahmin, he was to
+be put to death;<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> if he sat on the same carpet with a
+Brahmin, he was to be maimed for life;<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> if, moved
+by the desire of instruction, he even listened to the
+reading of the sacred books, burning oil was to be
+poured into his ears;<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> if, however, he committed them
+to memory, he was to be killed;<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> if he were guilty of
+a crime, the punishment for it was greater than that
+inflicted on his superiors;<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> but if he himself were
+murdered, the penalty was the same as for killing a
+dog, a cat, or a crow.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> Should he marry his daughter
+to a Brahmin, no retribution that could be exacted in
+this world was sufficient; it was therefore announced
+that the Brahmin must go to hell, for having suffered
+contamination from a woman immeasurably his inferior.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
+Indeed, it was ordered that the mere name
+of a labourer should be expressive of contempt, so that
+his proper standing might be immediately known.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
+And lest this should not be enough to maintain the
+subordination of society, a law was actually made forbidding
+any labourer to accumulate wealth;<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> while
+another clause declared, that even though his master
+should give him freedom, he would in reality still be a
+slave; &lsquo;for,&rsquo; says the lawgiver&mdash;&lsquo;for of a state which
+is natural to him, by whom can he be divested?&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p>
+
+<p>By whom, indeed, could he be divested? I ween
+not where that power was by which so vast a miracle
+could be worked. For in India, slavery, abject, eternal
+slavery, was the natural state of the great body of the
+people; it was the state to which they were doomed
+by physical laws utterly impossible to resist. The
+energy of those laws is, in truth, so invincible, that
+wherever they have come into play, they have kept
+the productive classes in perpetual subjection. There
+is no instance on record of any tropical country, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
+which wealth having been extensively accumulated,
+the people have escaped their fate; no instance in
+which the heat of the climate has not caused an abundance
+of food, and the abundance of food caused an
+unequal distribution, first of wealth, and then of political
+and social power. Among nations subjected to
+these conditions, the people have counted for nothing;
+they have had no voice in the management of the
+state, no control over the wealth their own industry
+created. Their only business has been to labour;
+their only duty to obey. Thus there has been generated
+among them, those habits of tame and servile
+submission, by which, as we know from history, they
+have always been characterized. For it is an undoubted
+fact, that their annals furnish no instance
+of their having turned upon their rulers, no war of
+classes, no popular insurrections, not even one great
+popular conspiracy. In those rich and fertile countries
+there have been many changes, but all of them have
+been from above, not from below. The democratic
+element has been altogether wanting. There have
+been in abundance, wars of kings, and wars of dynasties.
+There have been revolutions in the government,
+revolutions in the palace, revolutions on the throne;
+but no revolutions among the people;<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> no mitigation
+of that hard lot which nature, rather than man, assigned
+to them. Nor was it until civilization arose in
+Europe, that other physical laws came into operation,
+and therefore other results were produced. In Europe,
+for the first time, there was some approach to equality,
+some tendency to correct that enormous disproportion
+of wealth and power, which formed the essential<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
+weakness of the greatest of the more ancient countries.
+As a natural consequence, it is in Europe that everything
+worthy of the name of civilization has originated; because
+there alone have attempts been made to preserve
+the balance of its relative parts. There alone has
+society been organized according to a scheme, not
+indeed sufficiently large, but still wide enough to include
+all the different classes of which it is composed,
+and thus, by leaving room for the progress of each, to
+secure the permanence and advancement of the whole.</p>
+
+<p>The way in which certain other physical peculiarities
+confined to Europe, have also accelerated the progress
+of Man by diminishing his superstition, will be indicated
+towards the end of this chapter; but as that will
+involve an examination of some laws which I have not
+yet noticed, it seems advisable, in the first place, to
+complete the inquiry now before us; and I therefore
+purpose proving that the line of argument which has
+been just applied to India, is likewise applicable to
+Egypt, to Mexico, and to Peru. For by thus including
+in a single survey, the most conspicuous civilizations
+of Asia, Africa, and America, we shall be able to see
+how the preceding principles hold good of different
+and distant countries; and we shall be possessed of
+evidence sufficiently comprehensive to test the accuracy
+of those great laws which, without such precaution,
+I might be supposed to have generalized from
+scanty and imperfect materials.</p>
+
+<p>The reasons why, of all the African nations, the
+Egyptians alone were civilized, have been already
+stated, and have been shown to depend on those physical
+peculiarities which distinguish them from the
+surrounding countries, and which, by facilitating the
+acquisition of wealth, not only supplied them with
+material resources that otherwise they could never
+have obtained, but also secured to their intellectual
+classes the leisure and the opportunity of extending
+the boundaries of knowledge. It is, indeed, true that,
+notwithstanding these advantages, they effected nothing
+of much moment; but this was owing to circumstances
+which will be hereafter explained; and it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
+must, at all events, be admitted that they raised themselves
+far above every other people by whom Africa
+was inhabited.</p>
+
+<p>The civilization of Egypt being, like that of India,
+caused by the fertility of the soil, and the climate
+being also very hot,<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> there were in both countries
+brought into play the same laws; and there naturally
+followed the same results. In both countries we find
+the national food cheap and abundant: hence the
+labour-market over-supplied; hence a very unequal
+division of wealth and power; and hence all the consequences
+which such inequality will inevitably produce.
+How this system worked in India, I have just
+attempted to examine; and although the materials for
+studying the former condition of Egypt are much less
+ample, they are still sufficiently numerous to prove the
+striking analogy between the two civilizations, and the
+identity of those great principles which regulated the
+order of their social and political development.</p>
+
+<p>If we inquire into the most important circumstances
+which concerned the people of ancient Egypt, we shall
+see that they are exactly the counterpart of those that
+have been noticed in India. For, in the first place, as
+regards their ordinary food, what rice is to the most
+fertile parts of Asia, that are dates to Africa. The
+palm-tree is found in every country from the Tigris
+to the Atlantic;<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> and it supplies millions of human
+beings with their daily food in Arabia,<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> and in nearly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
+the whole of Africa north of the equator.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> In many
+parts of the great African desert it is indeed unable
+to bear fruit; but naturally it is a very hardy plant,
+and produces dates in such profusion, that towards the
+north of the Sahara they are eaten not only by man,
+but also by domestic animals.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> And in Egypt, where
+the palm is said to be of spontaneous growth,<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> dates,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
+besides being the chief sustenance of the people, are so
+plentiful, that from a very early period they have been
+given commonly to camels, the only beasts of burden
+generally used in that country.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p>
+
+<p>From these facts, it is evident that, taking Egypt as
+the highest type of African civilization, and India as
+the highest type of Asiatic civilization, it may be said
+that dates are to the first civilization what rice is to the
+second. Now it is observable, that all the most important
+physical peculiarities found in rice are also
+found in dates. In regard to their chemistry, it is well
+known that the chief principle of the nutriment they
+contain is the same in both; the starch of the Indian
+vegetable being merely turned into the sugar of the
+Egyptian. In regard to the laws of climate, their
+affinity is equally obvious; since dates, like rice, belong
+to hot countries, and flourish most in or near the
+tropics.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> In regard to their increase, and the laws of
+their connexion with the soil, the analogy is also exact;
+for dates, just the same as rice, require little labour, and
+yield abundant returns, while they occupy so small a
+space of land in comparison with the nutriment they
+afford, that upwards of two hundred palm-trees are
+sometimes planted on a single acre.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus striking are the similarities to which, in different
+countries, the same physical conditions naturally give
+rise. At the same time, in Egypt, as in India, the
+attainment of civilization was preceded by the possession
+of a highly fertile soil; so that, while the exuberance
+of the land regulated the speed with which wealth was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
+created, the abundance of the food regulated the proportions
+into which the wealth was divided. The most
+fertile part of Egypt is the Said;<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> and it is precisely
+there that we find the greatest display of skill and
+knowledge, the splendid remains of Thebes, Carnac,
+Luxor, Dendera, and Edfou.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> It is also in the Said,
+or as it is often called the Thebaid, that a food is used
+which multiplies itself even more rapidly than either
+dates or rice. This is the dhourra, which until recently
+was confined to Upper Egypt,<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> and of which the
+reproductive power is so remarkable, that it yields to
+the labourer a return of two hundred and forty for
+one.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> In Lower Egypt the dhourra was formerly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
+unknown; but, in addition to dates, the people made a
+sort of bread from the lotos, which sprang spontaneously
+out of the rich soil of the Nile.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> This must have
+been a very cheap and accessible food; while to it there
+was joined a profusion of other plants and herbs, on
+which the Egyptians chiefly lived.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Indeed so inexhaustible
+was the supply, that at the time of the
+Mohammedan invasion there were, in the single city of
+Alexandria, no less than four thousand persons occupied
+in selling vegetables to the people.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p>
+
+<p>From this abundance of the national food, there resulted
+a train of events strictly analogous to those which
+took place in India. In Africa generally, the growth
+of population, though on the one hand stimulated by
+the heat of the climate, was on the other hand checked
+by the poverty of the soil. But on the banks of the
+Nile this restraint no longer existed,<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> and therefore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
+the laws already noticed came into uncontrolled operation.
+By virtue of those laws, the Egyptians were not
+only satisfied with a cheap food, but they required that
+food in comparatively small quantities; thus by a double
+process, increasing the limit to which their numbers
+could extend. At the same time the lower orders were
+able to rear their offspring with the greater ease, because,
+owing to the high rate of temperature, another
+considerable source of expense was avoided; the heat
+being such that, even for adults, the necessary clothes
+were few and slight, while the children of the working
+classes were entirely naked; affording a striking contrast
+to those colder countries where, to preserve ordinary
+health, a supply of warmer and more costly
+covering is essential. Diodorus Siculus, who travelled
+in Egypt nineteen centuries ago, says, that to bring up
+a child to manhood did not cost more than twenty
+drachmas, scarcely thirteen shillings English money;
+a circumstance which he justly notices as a cause of
+the populousness of the country.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p>
+
+<p>To compress into a single sentence the preceding
+remarks, it may be said that in Egypt the people multiplied
+rapidly, because while the soil increased their
+supplies, the climate lessened their wants. The result
+was, that Egypt was not only far more thickly peopled
+than any other country in Africa, but probably more so
+than any in the ancient world. Our information upon
+this point is indeed somewhat scanty, but it is derived
+from sources of unquestioned credibility. Herodotus,
+who the more he is understood the more accurate he is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
+found to be,<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> states that in the reign of Amasis there
+were said to have been twenty thousand inhabited
+cities.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> This may, perhaps, be considered an exaggeration;
+but what is very observable is, that Diodorus
+Siculus, who travelled in Egypt four centuries after
+Herodotus, and whose jealousy of the reputation of his
+great predecessor made him anxious to discredit his
+statements,<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> does nevertheless, on this important
+point, confirm them. For he not only remarks that
+Egypt was at that time as densely inhabited as any
+existing country, but he adds, on the authority of
+records which were then extant, that it was formerly
+the most populous in the world, having contained, he
+says, upwards of eighteen thousand cities.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were the only two ancient writers who, from
+personal knowledge, were well acquainted with the
+state of Egypt;<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> and their testimony is the more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
+valuable because it was evidently drawn from different
+sources; the information of Herodotus being chiefly
+collected at Memphis, that of Diodorus at Thebes.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>
+And whatever discrepancies there may be between
+these two accounts, they are both agreed respecting the
+rapid increase of the people, and the servile condition
+into which they had fallen. Indeed, the mere appearance
+of those huge and costly buildings, which are still
+standing, are a proof of the state of the nation that
+erected them. To raise structures so stupendous,<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>
+and yet so useless,<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> there must have been tyranny on
+the part of the rulers, and slavery on the part of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
+people. No wealth, however great, no expenditure,
+however lavish, could meet the expense which would
+have been incurred, if they had been the work of free
+men, who received for their labour a fair and honest
+reward.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> But in Egypt, as in India, such considerations
+were disregarded, because everything tended to
+favour the upper ranks of society and depress the lower.
+Between the two there was an immense and impassable
+gap.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> If a member of the industrious classes changed
+his usual employment, or was known to pay attention
+to political matters, he was severely punished;<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> and
+under no circumstances was the possession of land
+allowed to an agricultural labourer, to a mechanic, or
+indeed to any one except the king, the clergy, and the
+army.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> The people at large were little better than
+beasts of burden; and all that was expected from them
+was an unremitting and unrequited labour. If they
+neglected their work, they were flogged; and the same
+punishment was frequently inflicted upon domestic
+servants, and even upon women.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> These and similar
+regulations were well conceived; they were admirably
+suited to that vast social system, which, because it was
+based on despotism, could only be upheld by cruelty.
+Hence it was that, the industry of the whole nation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
+being at the absolute command of a small part of it,
+there arose the possibility of rearing those vast edifices,
+which inconsiderate observers admire as a proof of
+civilization,<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> but which, in reality, are evidence of a
+state of things altogether depraved and unhealthy; a
+state in which the skill and the arts of an imperfect
+refinement injured those whom they ought to have
+benefited; so that the very resources which the people
+had created were turned against the people themselves.</p>
+
+<p>That in such a society as this, much regard should
+be paid to human suffering, it would indeed be idle to
+expect.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Still, we are startled by the reckless prodigality
+with which, in Egypt, the upper classes squandered
+away the labour and the lives of the people. In
+this respect, as the monuments yet remaining abundantly
+prove, they stand alone and without a rival. We
+may form some idea of the almost incredible waste,
+when we hear that two thousand men were occupied
+for three years in carrying a single stone from Elephantine
+to Sais;<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> that the Canal of the Red Sea alone,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
+cost the lives of a hundred and twenty thousand
+Egyptians;<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> and that to build one of the pyramids
+required the labour of three hundred and sixty thousand
+men for twenty years.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p>
+
+<p>If, passing from the history of Asia and Africa, we
+now turn to the New World, we shall meet with fresh
+proof of the accuracy of the preceding views. The
+only parts of America which before the arrival of the
+Europeans were in some degree civilized, were Mexico
+and Peru;<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> to which may probably be added that
+long and narrow tract which stretches from the south
+of Mexico to the Isthmus of Panama. In this latter
+country, which is now known as Central America, the
+inhabitants, aided by the fertility of the soil,<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> seem to
+have worked out for themselves a certain amount of
+knowledge; since the ruins still extant, prove the possession
+of a mechanical and architectural skill too
+considerable to be acquired by any nation entirely
+barbarous.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> Beyond this, nothing is known of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
+history; but the accounts we have of such buildings as
+Copan, Palenque, and Uxmal, make it highly probable
+that Central America was the ancient seat of a civilization,
+in all essential points similar to those of India
+and Egypt; that is to say, similar to them in respect to
+the unequal distribution of wealth and power, and the
+thraldom in which the great body of the people consequently
+remained.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p>
+
+<p>But although the evidence from which we might
+estimate the former condition of Central America is
+almost entirely lost,<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> we are more fortunate in regard<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
+to the histories of Mexico and Peru. There are still
+existing considerable and authentic materials, from
+which we may form an opinion on the ancient state of
+those two countries, and on the nature and extent of
+their civilization. Before, however, entering upon this
+subject, it will be convenient to point out what those
+physical laws were which determined the localities of
+American civilization; or, in other words, why it was
+that in these countries alone, society should have been
+organized into a fixed and settled system, while the
+rest of the New World was peopled by wild and ignorant
+barbarians. Such an inquiry will be found highly
+interesting, as affording further proof of the extraordinary,
+and indeed irresistible, force with which the
+powers of nature have controlled the fortunes of man.</p>
+
+<p>The first circumstance by which we must be struck,
+is that in America, as in Asia and Africa, all the original
+civilizations were seated in hot countries; the
+whole of Peru proper being within the southern tropic,
+the whole of Central America and Mexico within the
+northern tropic. How the heat of the climate operated
+on the social and political arrangements of India and
+Egypt, I have attempted to examine; and it has, I
+trust, been proved that the result was brought about
+by diminishing the wants and requirements of the
+people, and thus producing a very unequal distribution
+of wealth and power. But, besides this, there is another
+way in which the average temperature of a country
+affects its civilization, and the discussion of which I
+have reserved for the present moment, because it may
+be more clearly illustrated in America than elsewhere.
+Indeed, in the New World, the scale on which Nature
+works, being much larger than in the Old, and her
+forces being more overpowering, it is evident that her
+operations on mankind may be studied with greater
+advantage than in countries where she is weaker, and
+where, therefore, the consequences of her movements
+are less conspicuous.</p>
+
+<p>If the reader will bear in mind the immense influence
+which an abundant national food has been shown to
+exercise, he will easily understand how, owing to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
+pressure of physical phenomena, the civilization of
+America was, of necessity, confined to those parts where
+alone it was found by the discoverers of the New
+World. For, setting aside the chemical and geognostic
+varieties of soil, it may be said that the two causes
+which regulate the fertility of every country are heat
+and moisture.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Where these are abundant, the land
+will be exuberant; where they are deficient, it will be
+sterile. This rule is, of course, in its application subject
+to exceptions, arising from physical conditions
+which are independent of it; but if other things are
+equal, the rule is invariable. And the vast additions
+which, since the construction of isothermal lines, have
+been made to our knowledge of geographical botany,
+enable us to lay this down as a law of nature, proved
+not only by arguments drawn from vegetable physiology,
+but also by a careful study of the proportions in
+which plants are actually distributed in different countries.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p>
+
+<p>A general survey of the continent of America will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
+illustrate the connexion between this law and the subject
+now before us. In the first place, as regards
+moisture, all the great rivers in the New World are on
+the eastern coast, none of them on the western. The
+causes of this remarkable fact are unknown;<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> but it
+is certain that neither in North, nor in South America,
+does one considerable river empty itself into the Pacific;
+while on the opposite side there are numerous rivers,
+some of enormous magnitude, all of great importance,
+as the Negro, the La Plata, the San Francisco, the
+Amazon, the Orinoco, the Mississippi, the Alabama, the
+Saint John, the Potomac, the Susquehannah, the Delaware,
+the Hudson, and the Saint Lawrence. By this
+vast water-system the soil is towards the east constantly
+irrigated:<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> but towards the west there is in North
+America only one river of value, the Oregon;<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> while<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
+in South America, from the Isthmus of Panama to the
+Straits of Magellan, there is no great river at all.</p>
+
+<p>But as to the other main cause of fertility, namely
+heat, we find in North America a state of things precisely
+the reverse. There we find that while the irrigation
+is on the east, the heat is on the west.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> This
+difference of temperature between the two coasts is
+probably connected with some great meteorological
+law; for in the whole of the northern hemisphere, the
+eastern part of continents and of islands is colder than
+the western.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Whether, however, this is owing to
+some large and comprehensive cause, or whether each
+instance has a cause peculiar to itself, is an alternative,
+in the present state of knowledge, impossible to decide;
+but the fact is unquestionable, and its influence upon
+the early history of America is extremely curious. In
+consequence of it, the two great conditions of fertility
+have not been united in any part of the continent north
+of Mexico. The countries on the one side have wanted
+heat; those on the other side have wanted irrigation.
+The accumulation of wealth being thus impeded, the
+progress of society was stopped; and until, in the sixteenth
+century, the knowledge of Europe was brought
+to bear upon America, there is no instance of any people
+north of the twentieth parallel, reaching even that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
+imperfect civilization to which the inhabitants of India
+and of Egypt easily attained.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> On the other hand,
+south of the twentieth parallel, the continent suddenly
+changes its form, and, rapidly contracting, becomes a
+small strip of land, until it reaches the Isthmus of
+Panama. This narrow tract was the centre of Mexican
+civilization; and a comparison of the preceding arguments
+will easily show why such was the case; for the
+peculiar configuration of the land secured a very large
+amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern part of
+North America the character of an island. Hence there
+arose one of the characteristics of an insular climate,
+namely, an increase of moisture caused by the watery
+vapour which springs from the sea.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> While, therefore,
+the position of Mexico near the equator gave it heat,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
+the shape of the land gave it humidity; and this being
+the only part of North America in which these two
+conditions were united, it was likewise the only part
+which was at all civilized. There can be no doubt that
+if the sandy plains of California and southern Columbia,
+instead of being scorched into sterility, had been irrigated
+by the rivers of the east, or if the rivers of the
+east had been accompanied by the heat of the west, the
+result of either combination would have been that
+exuberance of soil by which, as the history of the world
+decisively proves, every early civilization was preceded.
+But inasmuch as, of the two elements of fertility, one
+was deficient in every part of America north of the
+twentieth parallel, it followed that, until that line was
+passed, civilization could gain no resting-place; and
+there never has been found, and we may confidently
+assert never will be found, any evidence that even a
+single ancient nation, in the whole of that enormous
+continent, was able to make much progress in the arts
+of life, or organize itself into a fixed and permanent
+society.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far as to the physical agents which controlled
+the early destinies of North America. But in reference
+to South America, a different train of circumstances
+came into play; for the law by virtue of which
+the eastern coasts are colder than the western, is not
+only inapplicable to the southern hemisphere, but is
+replaced by another law precisely the reverse. North
+of the equator, the east is colder than the west; south
+of the equator, the east is hotter than the west.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> If
+now, we connect this fact with what has been noticed
+respecting the vast river-system which distinguishes
+the east of America from the west, it becomes evident
+that in South America there exists that coöperation of
+heat and humidity in which North America is deficient.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
+The result is, that the soil in the eastern part of South
+America is remarkable for its exuberance, not only
+within the tropic, but considerably beyond it; the
+south of Brazil, and even part of Uruguay, possessing
+a fertility not to be found in any country of North
+America situated under a corresponding latitude.</p>
+
+<p>On a hasty view of the preceding generalizations,
+it might be expected that the eastern side of South
+America, being thus richly endowed by nature,<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> would
+have been the seat of one of those civilizations, which,
+in other parts of the world, similar causes produced.
+But if we look a little further, we shall find that what
+has just been pointed out, by no means exhausts even
+the physical bearings of this subject, and that we must
+take into consideration a third great agent, which has
+sufficed to neutralize the natural results of the other
+two, and to retain in barbarism the inhabitants of what
+otherwise would have been the most flourishing of all
+the countries of the New World.</p>
+
+<p>The agent to which I allude is the trade-wind; a
+striking phenomenon, by which, as we shall hereafter
+see, all the civilizations anterior to those of Europe
+were greatly and injuriously influenced. This wind
+covers no less than 56° of latitude; 28° north of the
+equator, and 28° south of it.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> In this large tract,
+which comprises some of the most fertile countries in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
+the world, the trade-wind blows, during the whole
+year, either from the north-east or from the south-east.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>
+The causes of this regularity are now well
+understood, and are known to depend partly on the
+displacement of air at the equator, and partly on the
+motion of the earth; for the cold air from the poles is
+constantly flowing towards the equator, and thus producing
+northerly winds in the northern hemisphere,
+and southerly winds in the southern. These winds
+are, however, deflected from their natural course by
+the movement of the earth, as it revolves on its axis
+from west to east. And as the rotation of the earth
+is, of course, more rapid at the equator than elsewhere,
+it happens that in the neighbourhood of the equator
+the speed is so great as to outstrip the movements of
+the atmosphere from the poles, and forcing them into
+another direction, gives rise to those easterly currents
+which are called trade-winds.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> What, however, we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
+are now rather concerned with, is not so much an explanation
+of the trade-winds, as an account of the way
+in which this great physical phenomenon is connected
+with the history of South America.</p>
+
+<p>The trade-wind, blowing on the eastern coast of
+South America, and proceeding from the east, crosses
+the Atlantic Ocean, and therefore reaches the land surcharged
+with the vapours accumulated in its passage.
+These vapours, on touching the shore, are, at periodical
+intervals, condensed into rain; and as their progress
+westward is checked by that gigantic chain of the
+Andes, which they are unable to pass,<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> they pour
+the whole of their moisture on Brazil, which, in
+consequence, is often deluged by the most destructive
+torrents.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> This abundant supply, being aided by
+that vast river-system peculiar to the eastern part of
+America, and being also accompanied by heat, has
+stimulated the soil into an activity unequalled in any
+other part of the world.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> Brazil, which is nearly as
+large as the whole of Europe, is covered with a vegetation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
+of incredible profusion. Indeed, so rank and
+luxuriant is the growth, that Nature seems to riot in
+the very wantonness of power. A great part of this
+immense country is filled with dense and tangled
+forests, whose noble trees, blossoming in unrivalled
+beauty, and exquisite with a thousand hues, throw out
+their produce in endless prodigality. On their summit
+are perched birds of gorgeous plumage, which nestle
+in their dark and lofty recesses. Below, their base
+and trunks are crowded with brushwood, creeping
+plants, innumerable parasites, all swarming with life.
+There, too, are myriads of insects of every variety;
+reptiles of strange and singular form; serpents and
+lizards, spotted with deadly beauty: all of which find
+means of existence in this vast workshop and repository
+of Nature. And that nothing may be wanting to
+this land of marvels, the forests are skirted by enormous
+meadows, which, reeking with heat and moisture,
+supply nourishment to countless herds of wild cattle,
+that browse and fatten on their herbage; while the
+adjoining plains, rich in another form of life, are the
+chosen abode of the subtlest and most ferocious animals,
+which prey on each other, but which it might
+almost seem no human power can hope to extirpate.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such is the flow and abundance of life by which
+Brazil is marked above all the other countries of
+the earth.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> But, amid this pomp and splendour of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
+Nature, no place is left for Man. He is reduced to
+insignificance by the majesty with which he is surrounded.
+The forces that oppose him are so formidable
+that he has never been able to make head against
+them, never able to rally against their accumulated
+pressure. The whole of Brazil, notwithstanding its
+immense apparent advantages, has always remained
+entirely uncivilized; its inhabitants wandering savages,
+incompetent to resist those obstacles which the very
+bounty of Nature had put in their way. For the natives,
+like every people in the infancy of society, are averse
+to enterprise; and being unacquainted with the arts by
+which physical impediments are removed, they have
+never attempted to grapple with the difficulties that
+stopped their social progress. Indeed, those difficulties
+are so serious, that during more than three hundred
+years the resources of European knowledge have been
+vainly employed in endeavouring to get rid of them.
+Along the coast of Brazil, there has been introduced
+from Europe a certain amount of that civilization,
+which the natives by their own efforts could never
+have reached. But such civilization, in itself very
+imperfect, has never penetrated the recesses of the
+country; and in the interior there is still found a state
+of things similar to that which has always existed.
+The people, ignorant, and therefore brutal, practising
+no restraint, and recognizing no law, continue to live
+on in their old and inveterate barbarism.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> In their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
+country, the physical causes are so active, and do their
+work on a scale of such unrivalled magnitude, that it
+has hitherto been found impossible to escape from the
+effects of their united action. The progress of agriculture
+is stopped by impassable forests, and the harvests
+are destroyed by innumerable insects.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> The
+mountains are too high to scale, the rivers are too
+wide to bridge; every thing is contrived to keep back
+the human mind, and repress its rising ambition. It
+is thus that the energies of Nature have hampered the
+spirit of Man. Nowhere else is there so painful a contrast
+between the grandeur of the external world and
+the littleness of the internal. And the mind, cowed by
+this unequal struggle, has not only been unable to
+advance, but without foreign aid it would undoubtedly
+have receded. For even at present, with all the improvements
+constantly introduced from Europe, there
+are no signs of real progress; while, notwithstanding the
+frequency of colonial settlements, less than one-fiftieth
+of the land is cultivated.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> The habits of the people
+are as barbarous as ever; and as to their numbers, it
+is well worthy of remark, that Brazil, the country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
+where, of all others, physical resources are most powerful,
+where both vegetables and animals are most abundant,
+where the soil is watered by the noblest rivers,
+and the coast studded by the finest harbours&mdash;this
+immense territory, which is more than twelve times
+the size of France, contains a population not exceeding
+six millions of people.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p>
+
+<p>These considerations sufficiently explain why it is,
+that in the whole of Brazil there are no monuments even
+of the most imperfect civilization; no evidence that the
+people had, at any period, raised themselves above the
+state in which they were found when their country was
+first discovered. But immediately opposite to Brazil
+there is another country, which, though situated in the
+same continent, and lying under the same latitude, is
+subjected to different physical conditions, and therefore
+was the scene of different social results. This is the celebrated
+kingdom of Peru, which included the whole of the
+southern tropic, and which, from the circumstances just
+stated, was naturally the only part of South America
+where any thing approaching to civilization could be
+attained. In Brazil, the heat of the climate was accompanied
+by a twofold irrigation, arising first from the immense
+river-system incidental to the eastern coast; and
+secondly, from the abundant moisture deposited by the
+trade-winds. From this combination there resulted that
+unequalled fertility, which, so far as Man was concerned,
+defeated its own ends, stopping his progress by an exuberance,
+which, had it been less excessive, it would have
+aided. For, as we have clearly seen, when the productive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
+powers of Nature are carried beyond a certain point, the
+imperfect knowledge of uncivilized men is unable to cope
+with them, or in any way turn them to their own advantage.
+If, however, those powers, being very active, are
+nevertheless confined within manageable limits, there
+arises a state of things similar to that noticed in Asia and
+Africa; where the profusion of Nature, instead of hindering
+social progress, favoured it, by encouraging that
+accumulation of wealth, without some share of which
+progress is impossible.</p>
+
+<p>In estimating, therefore, the physical conditions by
+which civilization was originally determined, we have to
+look, not merely at the exuberance, but also at what may
+be called the manageability of Nature; that is, we have
+to consider the ease with which the resources may be
+used, as well as the number of the resources themselves.
+Applying this to Mexico and Peru, we find that they
+were the countries of America where this combination
+most happily occurred. For though their resources were
+much less numerous than those of Brazil, they were far
+more easy to control; while at the same time the heat
+of the climate brought into play those other laws by
+which, as I have attempted to show, all the early civilizations
+were greatly influenced. It is a very remarkable
+fact, which, I believe, has never been observed, that even
+in reference to latitude, the present limit of Peru to the
+south corresponds with the ancient limit of Mexico to the
+north; while, by a striking, but to me perfectly natural
+coincidence, both these boundaries are reached before the
+tropical line is passed; the boundary of Mexico being
+21° N. lat., that of Peru 21&frac12;° S. lat.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such is the wonderful regularity which history, when
+comprehensively studied, presents to our view. And if
+we compare Mexico and Peru with those countries of the
+Old World which have been already noticed, we shall find,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
+as in all the civilizations anterior to those of Europe, that
+their social phenomena were subordinate to their physical
+laws. In the first place, the characteristics of their national
+food were precisely those met with in the most
+flourishing parts of Asia and Africa. For although few
+of the nutritious vegetables belonging to the Old World
+were found in the New, their place was supplied by
+others exactly analogous to rice and dates; that is to
+say, marked by the same abundance, by the same facility
+of growth, and by the same exuberant returns; therefore,
+followed by the same social results. In Mexico and
+Peru, one of the most important articles of food has
+always been maize, which, we have every reason to believe,
+was peculiar to the American continent.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> This, like rice
+and dates, is eminently the product of a hot climate; and
+although it is said to grow at an elevation of upwards of
+7,000 feet,<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> it is rarely seen beyond the fortieth parallel,<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>
+and its exuberance rapidly diminishes with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
+diminution of temperature. Thus, for example, in New
+California, its average yield is seventy or eighty fold;<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>
+but in Mexico Proper the same grain yields three or four
+hundred fold, and, under very favourable circumstances,
+even eight hundred fold.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p>
+
+<p>A people who derived their sustenance from a plant
+of such extraordinary fecundity, had little need to exercise
+their industrious energies; while at the same time
+they had every opportunity of increasing their numbers,
+and thus producing a train of social and political consequences
+similar to those which I have noticed in India
+and in Egypt. Besides this, there were, in addition to
+maize, other kinds of food to which the same remarks are
+applicable. The potato, which, in Ireland, has brought
+about such injurious effects by stimulating the growth
+of population, is said to be indigenous to Peru; and
+although this is denied by a very high authority,<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> there
+is, at all events, no doubt that it was found there in great
+abundance when the country was first discovered by the
+Europeans.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> In Mexico, potatoes were unknown till the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
+arrival of the Spaniards; but both Mexicans and Peruvians
+lived to a great extent on the produce of the
+banana; a vegetable whose reproductive powers are so
+extraordinary, that nothing but the precise and unimpeachable
+testimony of which we are possessed could
+make them at all credible. This remarkable plant is, in
+America, intimately connected with the physical laws of
+climate; since it is an article of primary importance for
+the subsistence of man whenever the temperature passes
+a certain point.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> Of its nutritive powers, it is enough
+to say, that an acre sown with it will support more than
+fifty persons; whereas the same amount of land sown
+with wheat in Europe will only support two persons.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>
+As to the exuberance of its growth, it is calculated that,
+other circumstances remaining the same, its produce is
+forty-four times greater than that of potatoes, and a hundred
+and thirty-three times greater than that of wheat.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p>
+
+<p>It will now be easily understood why it was that, in
+all important respects, the civilizations of Mexico and
+Peru were strictly analogous to those of India and Egypt.
+In these four countries, as well as in a few others in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
+Southern Asia and Central America, there existed an
+amount of knowledge, despicable indeed if tried by an
+European standard, but most remarkable if contrasted
+with the gross ignorance which prevailed among the
+adjoining and cotemporary nations. But in all of them
+there was the same inability to diffuse even that scanty
+civilization which they really possessed; there was the
+same utter absence of any thing approaching to the democratic
+spirit; there was the same despotic power on
+the part of the upper classes, and the same contemptible
+subservience on the part of the lower. For, as we
+have clearly seen, all these civilizations were affected
+by certain physical causes, which, though favourable to
+the accumulation of wealth, were unfavourable to a just
+subdivision of it. And as the knowledge of men was still
+in its infancy,<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> it was found impossible to struggle
+against these physical agents, or prevent them from producing
+those effects on the social organization which I
+have attempted to trace. Both in Mexico and in Peru,
+the arts, and particularly those branches of them which
+minister to the luxury of the wealthy classes, were cultivated
+with great success. The houses of the higher
+ranks were filled with ornaments and utensils of admirable
+workmanship; their chambers were hung with
+splendid tapestries; their dresses and their personal decorations
+betrayed an almost incredible expense; their
+jewels of exquisite and varied form; their rich and flowing
+robes embroidered with the rarest feathers, collected
+from the most distant parts of the empire: all supplying
+evidence of the possession of unlimited wealth, and of
+the ostentatious prodigality with which that wealth was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
+wasted.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> Immediately below this class came the people;
+and what their condition was, may be easily imagined.
+In Peru the whole of the taxes were paid by them; the
+nobles and the clergy being altogether exempt.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> But as,
+in such a state of society, it was impossible for the people
+to accumulate property, they were obliged to defray the
+expenses of government by their personal labour, which
+was placed under the entire command of the state.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> At
+the same time, the rulers of the country were well aware
+that, with a system like this, feelings of personal independence
+were incompatible; they therefore contrived laws
+by which, even in the most minute matters, freedom of
+action was controlled. The people were so shackled, that
+they could neither change their residence, nor alter their
+clothes, without permission from the governing powers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
+To each man the law prescribed the trade he was to
+follow, the dress he was to wear, the wife he was to
+marry, and the amusements he was to enjoy.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Among
+the Mexicans the course of affairs was similar; the same
+physical conditions being followed by the same social
+results. In the most essential particular for which history
+can be studied, namely, the state of the people, Mexico
+and Peru are the counterpart of each other. For though
+there were many minor points of difference,<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> both were
+agreed in this, that there were only two classes&mdash;the
+upper class being tyrants, and the lower class being
+slaves. This was the state in which Mexico was found
+when it was discovered by the Europeans,<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> and towards
+which it must have been tending from the earliest period.
+And so insupportable had all this become, that we know,
+from the most decisive evidence, that the general disaffection
+it produced among the people was one of the
+causes which, by facilitating the progress of the Spanish
+invaders, hastened the downfall of the Mexican empire.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p>
+
+<p>The further this examination is carried, the more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
+striking becomes the similarity between those civilizations
+which flourished anterior to what may be called the
+European epoch of the human mind. The division of
+a nation into castes would be impossible in the great
+European countries; but it existed from a remote antiquity
+in Egypt, in India, and apparently in Persia.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>
+The very same institution was rigidly enforced in
+Peru;<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> and what proves how consonant it was to that
+stage of society, is, that in Mexico, where castes were
+not established by law, it was nevertheless a recognised
+custom that the son should follow the occupation of his
+father.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> This was the political symptom of that stationary
+and conservative spirit, which, as we shall
+hereafter see, has marked every country in which the
+upper classes have monopolized power. The religious
+symptom of the same spirit was displayed in that inordinate
+reverence for antiquity, and in that hatred of
+change, which the greatest of all the writers on America
+has well pointed out as an analogy between the
+natives of Mexico and those of Hindostan.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> To this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
+may be added, that those who have studied the history
+of the ancient Egyptians, have observed among that
+people a similar tendency. Wilkinson, who is well
+known to have paid great attention to their monuments,
+says that they were more unwilling than any other
+nation to alter their religious worship;<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> and Herodotus,
+who travelled in their country two thousand
+three hundred years ago, assures us that, while they
+preserved old customs, they never acquired new ones.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>
+In another point of view, the similarity between these
+distant countries is equally interesting, since it evidently
+arises from the causes already noticed as common
+to both. In Mexico and Peru, the lower classes
+being at the disposal of the upper, there followed that
+frivolous waste of labour which we have observed in
+Egypt, and evidence of which may also be seen in the remains<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
+of those temples and palaces which are still found
+in several parts of Asia. Both Mexicans and Peruvians
+erected immense buildings, which were as useless as
+those of Egypt, and which no country could produce,
+unless the labour of the people were ill-paid and ill
+directed.<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> The cost of these monuments of vanity is
+unknown; but it must have been enormous; since the
+Americans, being ignorant of the use of iron,<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> were
+unable to employ a resource by which, in the construction
+of large works, labour is greatly abridged.
+Some particulars, however, have been preserved, from
+which an idea may be formed on this subject. To
+take, for instance, the palaces of their kings: we find
+that in Peru, the erection of the royal residence occupied,
+during fifty years, 20,000 men;<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> while that of
+Mexico cost the labour of no less than 200,000:
+striking facts, which, if all other testimonies had
+perished, would enable us to appreciate the condition
+of countries in which, for such insignificant purposes,
+such vast power was expended.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p>
+
+<p>The preceding evidence, collected from sources of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
+unquestioned credibility, proves the force of those great
+physical laws, which, in the most flourishing countries
+out of Europe, encouraged the accumulation of wealth,
+but prevented its dispersion; and thus secured to the
+upper classes a monopoly of one of the most important
+elements of social and political power. The result was,
+that in all those civilizations the great body of the
+people derived no benefit from the national improvements;
+hence, the basis of the progress being very
+narrow, the progress itself was very insecure.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> When,
+therefore, unfavourable circumstances arose from without,
+it was but natural that the whole system should
+fall to the ground. In such countries, society, being
+divided against itself, was unable to stand. And there
+can be no doubt that long before the crisis of their actual
+destruction, these one-sided and irregular civilizations
+had begun to decay; so that their own degeneracy
+aided the progress of foreign invaders, and secured the
+overthrow of those ancient kingdoms, which, under a
+sounder system, might have been easily saved.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far as to the way in which the great civilizations
+exterior to Europe have been affected by the
+peculiarities of their food, climate, and soil. It now
+remains for me to examine the effect of those other
+physical agents to which I have given the collective
+name of Aspects of Nature, and which will be found suggestive
+of some very wide and comprehensive inquiries
+into the influence exercised by the external world in
+predisposing men to certain habits of thought, and thus
+giving a particular tone to religion, arts, literature,
+and, in a word, to all the principal manifestations of
+the human mind. To ascertain how this is brought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
+about, forms a necessary supplement to the investigations
+just concluded. For, as we have seen that
+climate, food, and soil mainly concern the accumulation
+and distribution of wealth, so also shall we see
+that the Aspects of Nature concern the accumulation
+and distribution of thought. In the first case, we have
+to do with the material interests of Man; in the other
+case with his intellectual interests. The former I have
+analyzed as far as I am able, and perhaps as far as the
+existing state of knowledge will allow.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> But the
+other, namely, the relation between the Aspects of
+Nature and the mind of Man, involves speculations of
+such magnitude, and requires such a mass of materials
+drawn from every quarter, that I feel very apprehensive
+as to the result; and I need hardly say, that I
+make no pretensions to anything approaching an exhaustive
+analysis, nor can I hope to do more than
+generalize a few of the laws of that complicated, but
+as yet unexplored, process by which the external world
+has affected the human mind, has warped its natural
+movements, and too often checked its natural progress.</p>
+
+<p>The Aspects of Nature, when considered from this
+point of view, are divisible into two classes: the first
+class being those which are most likely to excite the
+imagination; and the other class being those which
+address themselves to the understanding commonly so
+called, that is, to the mere logical operations of the
+intellect. For although it is true that, in a complete
+and well-balanced mind, the imagination and the understanding
+each play their respective parts, and are
+auxiliary to each other, it is also true that, in a
+majority of instances, the understanding is too weak
+to curb the imagination and restrain its dangerous
+licence. The tendency of advancing civilization is to
+remedy this disproportion, and invest the reasoning
+powers with that authority, which, in an early stage of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
+Society, the imagination exclusively possesses. Whether
+or not there is ground for fearing that the reaction will
+eventually proceed too far, and that the reasoning
+faculties will in their turn tyrannize over the imaginative
+ones, is a question of the deepest interest; but, in
+the present condition of our knowledge, it is probably an
+insoluble one. At all events, it is certain that nothing
+like such a state has yet been seen; since, even in this
+age, when the imagination is more under control than
+in any preceding one, it has far too much power; as
+might be easily proved, not only from the superstitions
+which in every country still prevail among the vulgar,
+but also from that poetic reverence for antiquity, which,
+though it has been long diminishing, still hampers the
+independence, blinds the judgment, and circumscribes
+the originality of the educated classes.</p>
+
+<p>Now, so far as natural phenomena are concerned, it
+is evident, that whatever inspires feelings of terror, or
+of great wonder, and whatever excites in the mind
+an idea of the vague and uncontrollable, has a special
+tendency to inflame the imagination, and bring under
+its dominion the slower and more deliberate operations
+of the understanding. In such cases, Man, contrasting
+himself with the force and majesty of Nature, becomes
+painfully conscious of his own insignificance. A sense
+of inferiority steals over him. From every quarter
+innumerable obstacles hem him in, and limit his individual
+will. His mind, appalled by the indefined and
+indefinable, hardly cares to scrutinize the details of
+which such imposing grandeur consists.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> On the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
+other hand, where the works of Nature are small and
+feeble, Man regains confidence; he seems more able to
+rely on his own power; he can, as it were, pass through
+and exercise authority in every direction. And as the
+phenomena are more accessible, it becomes easier for
+him to experiment on them, or to observe them with
+minuteness; an inquisitive and analytic spirit is encouraged,
+and he is tempted to generalize the appearances
+of Nature, and refer them to the laws by which
+they are governed.</p>
+
+<p>Looking in this way at the human mind as affected
+by the Aspects of Nature, it is surely a remarkable
+fact, that all the great early civilizations were situated
+within and immediately adjoining the tropics, where
+those aspects are most sublime, most terrible, and
+where Nature is, in every respect, most dangerous to
+Man. Indeed, generally, in Asia, Africa, and America,
+the external world is more formidable than in Europe.
+This holds good not only of the fixed and permanent
+phenomena, such as mountains, and other great natural
+barriers, but also of occasional phenomena, such as
+earthquakes, tempests, hurricanes, pestilences; all of
+which are in those regions very frequent and very
+disastrous. These constant and serious dangers produce
+effects analogous to those caused by the sublimity
+of Nature, in so far, that in both cases there is a tendency
+to increase the activity of the imagination. For
+the peculiar province of the imagination being to deal
+with the unknown, every event which is unexplained,
+as well as important, is a direct stimulus to our imaginative
+faculties. In the tropics, events of this kind are
+more numerous than elsewhere; it therefore follows
+that in the tropics the imagination is most likely to
+triumph. A few illustrations of the working of this
+principle will place it in a clearer light, and will prepare
+the reader for the arguments based upon it.</p>
+
+<p>Of those physical events which increase the insecurity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
+of Man, earthquakes are certainly among the most
+striking, in regard to the loss of life which they cause,
+as also in regard to their sudden and unexpected occurrence.
+There is reason to believe that they are always
+preceded by atmospheric changes which strike immediately
+at the nervous system, and thus have a direct
+physical tendency to impair the intellectual powers.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>
+However this may be, there can be no doubt as to the
+effect they produce in encouraging particular associations
+and habits of thought. The terror which they
+inspire excites the imagination even to a painful extent,
+and, overbalancing the judgment, predisposes men to
+superstitious fancies. And what is highly curious, is,
+that repetition, so far from blunting such feelings,
+strengthens them. In Peru, where earthquakes appear
+to be more common than in any other country,<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> every
+succeeding visitation increases the general dismay; so
+that, in some cases, the fear becomes almost insupportable.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>
+The mind is thus constantly thrown into a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
+timid and anxious state: and men witnessing the most
+serious dangers, which they can neither avoid nor understand,
+become impressed with a conviction of their
+own inability, and of the poverty of their own resources.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>
+In exactly the same proportion, the imagination
+is aroused, and a belief in supernatural interference
+actively encouraged. Human power failing,
+superhuman power is called in; the mysterious and
+the invisible are believed to be present; and there
+grow up among the people those feelings of awe and of
+helplessness, on which all superstition is based, and
+without which no superstition can exist.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p>
+
+<p>Further illustration of this may be found even in
+Europe, where such phenomena are, comparatively
+speaking, extremely rare. Earthquakes and volcanic
+eruptions are more frequent and more destructive in
+Italy, and in the Spanish and Portuguese peninsula,
+than in any other of the great countries; and it is precisely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
+there that superstition is most rife, and the
+superstitious classes most powerful. Those were the
+countries where the clergy first established their
+authority, where the worst corruptions of Christianity
+took place, and where superstition has during the
+longest period retained the firmest hold. To this may
+be added another circumstance, indicative of the connexion
+between these physical phenomena and the
+predominance of the imagination. Speaking generally,
+the fine arts are addressed more to the imagination;
+the sciences to the intellect.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> Now it is remarkable,
+that all the greatest painters, and nearly all the greatest
+sculptors, modern Europe has possessed, have been
+produced by the Italian and Spanish peninsulas. In
+regard to science, Italy has no doubt had several men
+of conspicuous ability; but their numbers are out of
+all proportion small when compared with her artists
+and poets. As to Spain and Portugal, the literature of
+those two countries is eminently poetic, and from their
+schools have proceeded some of the greatest painters
+the world has ever seen. On the other hand, the
+purely reasoning faculties have been neglected, and the
+whole Peninsula, from the earliest period to the present
+time, does not supply to the history of the natural
+sciences a single name of the highest merit; not one
+man whose works form an epoch in the progress of
+European knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>
+
+<p>The manner in which the Aspects of Nature, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
+they are very threatening, stimulate the imagination,<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>
+and by encouraging superstition discourage knowledge,
+may be made still more apparent by one or two additional
+facts. Among an ignorant people, there is a direct
+tendency to ascribe all serious dangers to supernatural
+intervention; and a strong religious sentiment being thus
+aroused,<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> it constantly happens, not only that the danger
+is submitted to, but that it is actually worshipped. This
+is the case with some of the Hindus in the forest of Malabar;<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>
+and many similar instances will occur to whoever
+has studied the condition of barbarous tribes.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> Indeed,
+so far is this carried, that in some countries the inhabitants,
+from feelings of reverential fear, refuse to destroy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
+wild-beasts and noxious reptiles; the mischief these animals
+inflict being the cause of the impunity they enjoy.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is in this way, that the old tropical civilizations had
+to struggle with innumerable difficulties unknown to the
+temperate zone, where European civilization has long flourished.
+The devastations of animals hostile to man, the
+ravages of hurricanes, tempests, earthquakes,<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> and
+similar perils, constantly pressed upon them, and affected
+the tone of their national character. For the mere loss
+of life was the smallest part of the inconvenience. The
+real mischief was, that there were engendered in the
+mind, associations which made the imagination predominate
+over the understanding; which infused into the
+people a spirit of reverence instead of a spirit of inquiry;
+and which encouraged a disposition to neglect the investigation
+of natural causes, and ascribe events to the
+operation of supernatural ones.</p>
+
+<p>Everything we know of those countries proves how
+active this tendency must have been. With extremely few
+exceptions, health is more precarious, and disease more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
+common, in tropical climates than in temperate ones.
+Now, it has been often observed, and indeed is very
+obvious, that the fear of death makes men more prone
+to seek supernatural aid than they would otherwise be.
+So complete is our ignorance respecting another life, that
+it is no wonder if even the stoutest heart should quail
+at the sudden approach of that dark and untried future.
+On this subject the reason is perfectly silent; the imagination,
+therefore, is uncontrolled. The operation of natural
+causes being brought to an end, supernatural causes are
+supposed to begin. Hence it is, that whatever increases
+in any country the amount of dangerous disease, has an
+immediate tendency to strengthen superstition, and
+aggrandize the imagination at the expense of the understanding.
+This principle is so universal, that, in every
+part of the world, the vulgar ascribe to the intervention
+of the Deity those diseases which are peculiarly fatal, and
+especially those which have a sudden and mysterious
+appearance. In Europe it used to be believed that every
+pestilence was a manifestation of the divine anger;<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> and
+this opinion, though it has long been dying away, is by
+no means extinct, even in the most civilized countries.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
+Superstition of this kind will of course be strongest,
+either where medical knowledge is most backward, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
+where disease is most abundant. In countries where
+both these conditions are fulfilled, the superstition is
+supreme; and even where only one of the conditions
+exists, the tendency is so irresistible, that, I believe, there
+are no barbarous people who do not ascribe to their good
+or evil deities, not only extraordinary diseases, but even
+many of the ordinary ones to which they are liable.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p>
+
+<p>Here, then, we have another specimen of the unfavourable
+influence, which, in the old civilizations, external
+phenomena exercised over the human mind. For those
+parts of Asia where the highest refinement was reached,
+are, from various physical causes, much more unhealthy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
+than the most civilized parts of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> This fact
+alone must have produced a considerable effect on the
+national character,<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> and the more so, as it was aided by
+those other circumstances which I have pointed out, all
+tending in the same direction. To this may be added,
+that the great plagues by which Europe has at different
+periods been scourged, have, for the most part, proceeded
+from the East, which is their natural birthplace, and
+where they are most fatal. Indeed, of those cruel diseases
+now existing in Europe, scarcely one is indigenous; and
+the worst of them were imported from tropical countries
+in and after the first century of the Christian era.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p>
+
+<p>Summing up these facts, it may be stated, that in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
+civilizations exterior to Europe, all nature conspired to
+increase the authority of the imaginative faculties, and
+weaken the authority of the reasoning ones. With the
+materials now existing, it would be possible to follow this
+vast law to its remotest consequences, and show how in
+Europe it is opposed by another law diametrically opposite,
+and by virtue of which the tendency of natural
+phenomena is, on the whole, to limit the imagination, and
+embolden the understanding: thus inspiring Man with
+confidence in his own resources, and facilitating the
+increase of his knowledge, by encouraging that bold, inquisitive,
+and scientific spirit, which is constantly advancing,
+and on which all future progress must depend.</p>
+
+<p>It is not to be supposed that I can trace in detail the
+way in which, owing to these peculiarities, the civilization
+of Europe has diverged from all others that preceded
+it. To do this, would require a learning and a
+reach of thought to which hardly any single man ought
+to pretend; since it is one thing to have a perception
+of a large and general truth, and it is another thing to
+follow out that truth in all its ramifications, and prove
+it by such evidence as will satisfy ordinary readers.
+Those, indeed, who are accustomed to speculations of
+this character, and are able to discern in the history of
+man something more than a mere relation of events,
+will at once understand that in these complicated subjects,
+the wider any generalization is, the greater will
+be the chance of apparent exceptions; and that when
+the theory covers a very large space, the exceptions
+may be innumerable, and yet the theory remain perfectly
+accurate. The two fundamental propositions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
+which I hope to have demonstrated, are, 1st, That there
+are certain natural phenomena which act on the human
+mind by exciting the imagination; and 2dly, That
+those phenomena are much more numerous out of
+Europe than in it. If these two propositions are admitted,
+it inevitably follows, that in those countries
+where the imagination has received the stimulus, some
+specific effects must have been produced; unless, indeed,
+the effects have been neutralized by other causes.
+Whether or not there have been antagonistic causes, is
+immaterial to the truth of the theory, which is based
+on the two propositions just stated. In a scientific
+point of view, therefore, the generalization is complete;
+and it would perhaps be prudent to leave it as it now
+stands, rather than attempt to confirm it by further
+illustrations, since all particular facts are liable to be
+erroneously stated, and are sure to be contradicted by
+those who dislike the conclusions they corroborate.
+But in order to familiarize the reader with the principles
+I have put forward, it does seem advisable that a
+few instances should be given of their actual working:
+and I will, therefore, briefly notice the effects they have
+produced in the three great divisions of Literature,
+Religion, and Art. In each of these departments, I
+will endeavour to indicate how the leading features
+have been affected by the Aspects of Nature; and with
+a view of simplifying the inquiry, I will take the two
+most conspicuous instances on each side, and compare
+the manifestations of the intellect of Greece with those
+of the intellect of India: these being the two countries
+respecting which the materials are most ample, and in
+which the physical contrasts are most striking.</p>
+
+<p>If, then, we look at the ancient literature of India,
+even during its best period, we shall find the most remarkable
+evidence of the uncontrolled ascendency of
+the imagination. In the first place, we have the striking
+fact that scarcely any attention has been paid to prose
+composition; all the best writers having devoted themselves
+to poetry, as being most congenial to the national
+habits of thought. Their works on grammar, on law,
+on history, on medicine, on mathematics, on geography,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
+and on metaphysics, are nearly all poems, and are
+put together according to a regular system of versification.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>
+The consequence is, that while prose writing
+is utterly despised, the art of poetry has been cultivated
+so assiduously, that the Sanscrit can boast of metres
+more numerous and more complicated than have ever
+been possessed by any of the European languages.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p>
+
+<p>This peculiarity in the form of Indian literature is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
+accompanied by a corresponding peculiarity in its spirit.
+For it is no exaggeration to say, that in that literature
+every thing is calculated to set the reason of man at
+open defiance. An imagination, luxuriant even to
+disease, runs riot on every occasion. This is particularly
+seen in those productions which are most eminently
+national, such as the Ramayana, the Mahabharat,
+and the Puranas in general. But we also find it even
+in their geographical and chronological systems, which
+of all others might be supposed least liable to imaginative
+flights. A few examples of the statements
+put forward in the most authoritative books, will supply
+the means of instituting a comparison with the totally
+opposite condition of the European intellect, and will
+give the reader some idea of the extent to which credulity
+can proceed, even among a civilized people.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of all the various ways in which the imagination has
+distorted truth, there is none that has worked so much
+harm as an exaggerated respect for past ages. This
+reverence for antiquity is repugnant to every maxim of
+reason, and is merely the indulgence of a poetic sentiment
+in favour of the remote and unknown. It is,
+therefore, natural that, in periods when the intellect
+was comparatively speaking inert, this sentiment should
+have been far stronger than it now is; and there can
+be little doubt that it will continue to grow weaker,
+and that in the same proportion the feeling of progress
+will gain ground; so that veneration for the past will
+be succeeded by hope for the future. But formerly the
+veneration was supreme, and innumerable traces of it
+may be found in the literature and popular creed of
+every country. It is this, for instance, which inspired<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
+the poets with their notion of a golden age, in which
+the world was filled with peace, in which evil passions
+were stilled, and crimes were unknown. It is this,
+again, which gave to theologians their idea of the primitive
+virtue and simplicity of man, and of his subsequent
+fall from that high estate. And it is this same
+principle which diffused a belief that in the olden
+times, men were not only more virtuous and happy,
+but also physically superior in the structure of their
+bodies; and that by this means they attained to a
+larger stature, and lived to a greater age, than is possible
+for us, their feeble and degenerate descendants.</p>
+
+<p>Opinions of this kind, being adopted by the imagination
+in spite of the understanding, it follows that the
+strength of such opinions becomes, in any country, one
+of the standards by which we may estimate the predominance
+of the imaginative faculties. Applying this
+test to the literature of India, we shall find a striking
+confirmation of the conclusions already drawn. The
+marvellous feats of antiquity with which the Sanscrit
+books abound, are so long and so complicated, that it
+would occupy too much space to give even an outline
+of them; but there is one class of these singular fictions
+which is well worth attention, and admits of being
+briefly stated. I allude to the extraordinary age which
+man was supposed to have attained in former times.
+A belief in the longevity of the human race, at an early
+period of the world, was the natural product of those
+feelings which ascribed to the ancients an universal
+superiority over the moderns; and this we see exemplified
+in some of the Christian, and in many of the
+Hebrew writings. But the statements in these works
+are tame and insignificant when compared with what is
+preserved in the literature of India. On this, as on
+every subject, the imagination of the Hindus distanced
+all competition. Thus, among an immense number of
+similar facts, we find it recorded that in ancient times
+the duration of the life of common men was 80,000
+years,<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> and that holy men lived to be upwards of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
+100,000.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> Some died a little sooner, others a little
+later; but in the most flourishing period of antiquity,
+if we take all classes together, 100,000 years was the
+average.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Of one king, whose name was Yudhishthir,
+it is casually mentioned that he reigned 27,000
+years;<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> while another, called Alarka, reigned
+66,000.<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> They were cut off in their prime, since
+there are several instances of the early poets living to
+be about half-a-million.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> But the most remarkable
+case is that of a very shining character in Indian history,
+who united in his single person the functions of a
+king and a saint. This eminent man lived in a
+pure and virtuous age, and his days were, indeed, long
+in the land; since, when he was made king, he was two
+million years old: he then reigned 6,300,000 years;
+having done which, he resigned his empire, and lingered
+on for 100,000 years more.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p>
+
+<p>The same boundless reverence for antiquity made<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
+the Hindus refer every thing important to the most
+distant periods; and they frequently assign a date which
+is absolutely bewildering.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> Their great collection of
+laws, called the <i>Institutes of Menu</i>, is certainly less than
+3,000 years old; but the Indian chronologists, so far
+from being satisfied with this, ascribe to them an age
+that the sober European mind finds a difficulty even in
+conceiving. According to the best native authorities,
+these Institutes were revealed to man about two thousand
+million years before the present era.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p>
+
+<p>All this is but a part of that love of the remote, that
+straining after the infinite, and that indifference to the
+present, which characterizes every branch of the Indian
+intellect. Not only in literature, but also in religion
+and in art, this tendency is supreme. To subjugate the
+understanding, and exalt the imagination, is the universal
+principle. In the dogmas of their theology, in
+the character of their gods, and even in the forms of
+their temples, we see how the sublime and threatening
+aspects of the external world have filled the mind of
+the people with those images of the grand and the
+terrible, which they strive to reproduce in a visible
+form, and to which they owe the leading peculiarities
+of their national culture.</p>
+
+<p>Our view of this vast process may be made clearer
+by comparing it with the opposite condition of Greece.
+In Greece, we see a country altogether the reverse of
+India. The works of nature, which in India are of
+startling magnitude, are in Greece far smaller, feebler,
+and in every way less threatening to man. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
+great centre of Asiatic civilization, the energies of the
+human race are confined, and as it were intimidated, by
+the surrounding phenomena. Besides the dangers incidental
+to tropical climates, there are those noble
+mountains, which seem to touch the sky, and from
+whose sides are discharged mighty rivers, which no
+art can divert from their course, and which no bridge
+has ever been able to span. There, too, are impassable
+forests, whole countries lined with interminable jungle,
+and beyond them, again, dreary and boundless deserts;
+all teaching Man his own feebleness, and his inability
+to cope with natural forces. Without, and on either
+side, there are great seas, ravaged by tempests far
+more destructive than any known in Europe, and of
+such sudden violence, that it is impossible to guard
+against their effects. And, as if in those regions every
+thing combined to cramp the activity of Man, the whole
+line of coast, from the mouth of the Ganges to the extreme
+south of the peninsula, does not contain a single
+safe and capacious harbour, not one port that affords a
+refuge, which is perhaps more necessary there than in
+any other part of the world.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></p>
+
+<p>But in Greece, the aspects of nature are so entirely
+different, that the very conditions of existence are
+changed. Greece, like India, forms a peninsula; but
+while in the Asiatic country every thing is great and
+terrible, in the European country every thing is small
+and feeble. The whole of Greece occupies a space
+somewhat less than the kingdom of Portugal,<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> that is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
+about a fortieth part of what is now called Hindustan.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>
+Situated in the most accessible part of a narrow sea, it
+had easy contact on the east with Asia Minor, on the
+west with Italy, on the south with Egypt. Dangers of
+all kinds were far less numerous than in the tropical
+civilizations. The climate was more healthy;<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> earthquakes
+were less frequent; hurricanes were less disastrous;
+wild-beasts and noxious animals less abundant.
+In regard to the other great features, the same law
+prevails. The highest mountains in Greece are less
+than one-third of the Himalaya, so that nowhere do
+they reach the limit of perpetual snow.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> As to rivers,
+not only is there nothing approaching those imposing
+volumes which are poured down from the mountains of
+Asia, but nature is so singularly sluggish, that neither
+in Northern nor in Southern Greece do we find any
+thing beyond a few streams, which are easily forded,
+and which, indeed, in the summer season, are frequently
+dried up.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></p>
+
+<p>These striking differences in the material phenomena<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
+of the two countries gave rise to corresponding differences
+in their mental associations. For as all ideas
+must arise partly from what are called spontaneous
+operations in the mind, and partly from what is suggested
+to the mind by the external world, it was natural
+that so great an alteration in one of the causes should
+produce an alteration in the effects. The tendency of
+the surrounding phenomena was in India to inspire
+fear; in Greece to give confidence. In India Man
+was intimidated; in Greece he was encouraged. In
+India obstacles of every sort were so numerous, so
+alarming, and apparently so inexplicable, that the
+difficulties of life could only be solved by constantly
+appealing to the direct agency of supernatural causes.
+Those causes being beyond the province of the understanding,
+the resources of the imagination were incessantly
+occupied in studying them; the imagination
+itself was overworked, its activity became dangerous,
+it encroached on the understanding, and the equilibrium
+of the whole was destroyed. In Greece opposite circumstances
+were followed by opposite results. In Greece
+Nature was less dangerous, less intrusive, and less
+mysterious than in India. In Greece, therefore, the
+human mind was less appalled, and less superstitious;
+natural causes began to be studied; physical science
+first became possible; and Man, gradually waking to a
+sense of his own power, sought to investigate events
+with a boldness not to be expected in those other
+countries, where the pressure of Nature troubled his
+independence, and suggested ideas with which knowledge
+is incompatible.</p>
+
+<p>The effect of these habits of thought on the national
+religion must be very obvious to whoever has compared
+the popular creed of India with that of Greece. The
+mythology of India, like that of every tropical country,
+is based upon terror, and upon terror, too, of the most
+extravagant kind. Evidence of the universality of this
+feeling abounds in the sacred books of the Hindus, in
+their traditions, and even in the very form and appearance
+of their gods. And so deeply is all this impressed
+on the mind, that the most popular deities are invariably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
+those with whom images of fear are most intimately
+associated. Thus, for example, the worship of Siva is
+more general than any other; and as to its antiquity,
+there is reason to believe that it was borrowed by the
+Brahmins from the original Indians.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> At all events,
+it is very ancient, and very popular; and Siva himself
+forms, with Brahma and Vishnu, the celebrated Hindu
+Triad. We need not, therefore, be surprised that with
+this god are connected images of terror, such as nothing
+but a tropical imagination could conceive. Siva is represented
+to the Indian mind as a hideous being,
+encircled by a girdle of snakes, with a human skull in
+his hand, and wearing a necklace composed of human
+bones. He has three eyes; the ferocity of his temper
+is marked by his being clothed in a tiger's skin; he is
+represented as wandering about like a madman, and
+over his left shoulder the deadly cobra di capella rears
+its head. This monstrous creation of an awe-struck
+fancy has a wife Doorga, called sometimes Kali, and
+sometimes by other names.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> She has a body of dark
+blue; while the palms of her hands are red, to indicate
+her insatiate appetite for blood. She has four arms,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
+with one of which she carries the skull of a giant; her
+tongue protrudes, and hangs lollingly from her mouth;
+round her waist are the hands of her victims; and her
+neck is adorned with human heads strung together in
+a ghastly row.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p>
+
+<p>If we now turn to Greece, we find, even in the infancy
+of its religion, not the faintest trace of any thing
+approaching to this. For, in Greece, the causes of fear
+being less abundant, the expression of terror was less
+common. The Greeks, therefore, were by no means
+disposed to incorporate into their religion those feelings
+of dread natural to the Hindus. The tendency of
+Asiatic civilization was to widen the distance between
+men and their deities; the tendency of Greek civilization
+was to diminish it. Thus it is, that in Hindostan
+all the gods had something monstrous about them; as
+Vishnu with four hands, Brahma with five heads, and
+the like.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> But the gods of Greece were always represented
+in forms entirely human.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> In that country,
+no artist would have gained attention, if he had presumed
+to portray them in any other shape. He might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
+make them stronger than men, he might make them
+more beautiful; but still they must be men. The
+analogy between God and Man, which excited the
+religious feelings of the Greeks, would have been fatal
+to those of the Hindus.</p>
+
+<p>This difference between the artistic expressions of
+the two religions was accompanied by an exactly similar
+difference between their theological traditions. In the
+Indian books, the imagination is exhausted in relating
+the feats of the gods; and the more obviously impossible
+any achievement is, the greater the pleasure with which
+it was ascribed to them. But the Greek gods had not
+only human forms, but also human attributes, human
+pursuits, and human tastes.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> The men of Asia, to
+whom every object of nature was a source of awe, acquired
+such habits of reverence, that they never dared
+to assimilate their own actions with the actions of their
+deities. The men of Europe, encouraged by the safety
+and inertness of the material world, did not fear to strike
+a parallel, from which they would have shrunk had they
+lived amid the dangers of a tropical country. It is thus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
+that the Greek divinities are so different from those of
+the Hindus, that in comparing them we seem to pass
+from one creation into another. The Greeks generalized
+their observations upon the human mind, and then applied
+them to the gods.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> The coldness of women was
+figured in Diana; their beauty and sensuality in Venus;
+their pride in Juno; their accomplishments in Minerva.
+To the ordinary avocations of the gods the same principle
+was applied. Neptune was a sailor; Vulcan was
+a smith; Apollo was sometimes a fiddler, sometimes a
+poet, sometimes a keeper of oxen. As to Cupid, he was
+a wanton boy, who played with his bow and arrows;
+Jupiter was an amorous and good-natured king; while
+Mercury was indifferently represented either as a trustworthy
+messenger, or else as a common and notorious
+thief.</p>
+
+<p>Precisely the same tendency to approximate human
+forces towards superhuman ones, is displayed in another
+peculiarity of the Greek religion. I mean, that in Greece
+we for the first time meet with hero-worship, that is, the
+deification of mortals. According to the principles already
+laid down, this could not be expected in a tropical civilization,
+where the Aspects of Nature filled Man with a
+constant sense of his own incapacity. It is, therefore,
+natural that it should form no part of the ancient Indian
+religion;<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> neither was it known to the Egyptians,<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> nor
+to the Persians,<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> nor, so far as I am aware, to the Arabians.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
+But in Greece, Man being less humbled, and,
+as it were, less eclipsed, by the external world, thought
+more of his own powers, and human nature did not fall
+into that discredit in which it elsewhere sank. The consequence
+was, that the deification of mortals was a recognized
+part of the national religion at a very early period
+in the history of Greece;<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> and this has been found so
+natural to Europeans, that the same custom was afterwards
+renewed with eminent success by the Romish
+Church. Other circumstances, of a very different character,
+are gradually eradicating this form of idolatry;
+but its existence is worth observing, as one of the innumerable
+illustrations of the way in which European civilization
+has diverged from all those that preceded it.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is thus, that in Greece every thing tended to exalt
+the dignity of man, while in India every thing tended to
+depress it.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> To sum up the whole, it may be said that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
+the Greeks had more respect for human powers; the
+Hindus for superhuman. The first dealt more with the
+known and available; the other with the unknown and
+mysterious.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> And by a parity of reasoning, the
+imagination, which the Hindus, being oppressed by the
+pomp and majesty of nature, never sought to control,
+lost its supremacy in the little peninsula of ancient
+Greece. In Greece, for the first time in the history of the
+world, the imagination was, in some degree, tempered
+and confined by the understanding. Not that its strength
+was impaired, or its vitality diminished. It was broken-in
+and tamed; its exuberance was checked, its follies were
+chastised. But that its energy remained, we have ample
+proof in those productions of the Greek mind which have
+survived to our own time. The gain, therefore, was complete;
+since the inquiring and sceptical faculties of the
+human understanding were cultivated, without destroying
+the reverential and poetic instincts of the imagination.
+Whether or not the balance was accurately adjusted, is
+another question; but it is certain that the adjustment
+was more nearly arrived at in Greece than in any previous
+civilization.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> There can, I think, be little doubt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
+that, notwithstanding what was effected, too much authority
+was left to the imaginative faculties, and that the
+purely reasoning ones did not receive, and never have
+received, sufficient attention. Still, this does not affect
+the great fact, that the Greek literature is the first in
+which this deficiency was somewhat remedied, and in
+which there was a deliberate and systematic attempt to
+test all opinions by their consonance with human reason,
+and thus vindicate the right of Man to judge for himself
+on matters which are of supreme and incalculable
+importance.</p>
+
+<p>I have selected India and Greece as the two terms of
+the preceding comparison, because our information respecting
+those countries is most extensive, and has been
+most carefully arranged. But every thing we know of
+the other tropical civilizations confirms the views I have
+advocated respecting the effects produced by the Aspects
+of Nature. In Central America extensive excavations
+have been made; and what has been brought to light
+proves that the national religion was, like that of India,
+a system of complete and unmitigated terror.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> Neither
+there nor in Mexico, nor in Peru, nor in Egypt, did the
+people desire to represent their deities in human forms,
+or ascribe to them human attributes. Even their temples
+are huge buildings, often constructed with great skill,
+but showing an evident wish to impress the mind with
+fear, and offering a striking contrast to the lighter and
+smaller structures which the Greeks employed for religious
+purposes. Thus, even in the style of architecture
+do we see the same principle at work; the dangers of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
+tropical civilization being more suggestive of the infinite,
+while the safety of the European civilization was more
+suggestive of the finite. To follow out the consequences
+of this great antagonism, it would be necessary to indicate
+how the infinite, the imaginative, the synthetic, and the
+deductive, are all connected; and are opposed, on the
+other hand, by the finite, the sceptical, the analytic, and
+the inductive. A complete illustration of this would
+carry me beyond the plan of this Introduction and would
+perhaps exceed the resources of my own knowledge; and
+I must now leave to the candour of the reader what I
+am conscious is but an imperfect sketch, but what may,
+nevertheless, suggest to him materials for future thought,
+and, if I might indulge the hope, may open to historians
+a new field, by reminding them that every where the
+hand of Nature is upon us, and that the history of the
+human mind can only be understood by connecting with
+it the history and the aspects of the material universe.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p class="title"><span class="smcap">Note 36</span> to p. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</p>
+
+<p>As these views have a social and economical importance quite
+independent of their physiological value, I will endeavour, in this
+note, to fortify them still further, by showing that the connexion
+between carbonized food and the respiratory functions may be
+illustrated by a wider survey of the animal kingdom.</p>
+
+<p>The gland most universal among the different classes of animals
+is the liver;<a name="FNanchor_a_a" id="FNanchor_a_a"></a><a href="#Footnote_a_a" class="fnanchor">[a]</a> and its principal business is to relieve the system of
+its superfluous carbon, which it accomplishes by secreting bile, a
+highly carbonized fluid.<a name="FNanchor_b_b" id="FNanchor_b_b"></a><a href="#Footnote_b_b" class="fnanchor">[b]</a> Now, the connexion between this process
+and the respiratory functions is highly curious. For, if we take a
+general view of animal life, we shall find that the liver and lungs
+are nearly always compensatory; that is to say, when one organ is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
+small and inert, the other is large and active. Thus, reptiles have
+feeble lungs, but a considerable liver;<a name="FNanchor_c_c" id="FNanchor_c_c"></a><a href="#Footnote_c_c" class="fnanchor">[c]</a> and thus, too, in fishes,
+which have no lungs, in the ordinary sense of the word, the size of
+the liver is often enormous.<a name="FNanchor_d_d" id="FNanchor_d_d"></a><a href="#Footnote_d_d" class="fnanchor">[d]</a> On the other hand, insects have a
+very large and complicated system of air tubes; but their liver is
+minute, and its functions are habitually sluggish.(<a name="FNanchor_e_e" id="FNanchor_e_e"></a><a href="#Footnote_e_e" class="fnanchor">[e]</a>) If, instead of
+comparing the different classes of animals, we compare the different
+stages through which the same animal passes, we shall find further
+confirmation of this wide and striking principle. For the law holds
+good even before birth; since in the unborn infant the lungs have
+scarcely any activity, but there is an immense liver, which is full
+of energy and pours out bile in profusion.<a name="FNanchor_f_f" id="FNanchor_f_f"></a><a href="#Footnote_f_f" class="fnanchor">[f]</a> And so invariable is
+this relation, that in man the liver is the first organ which is
+formed: it is preponderant during the whole period of f&oelig;tal life;
+but it rapidly diminishes when, after birth, the lungs come into
+play, and a new scheme of compensation is established in the
+system.<a name="FNanchor_g_g" id="FNanchor_g_g"></a><a href="#Footnote_g_g" class="fnanchor">[g]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_a_a" id="Footnote_a_a"></a><a href="#FNanchor_a_a"><span class="label">[a]</span></a>&lsquo;The most constant gland in the animal kingdom is the liver.&rsquo; <i>Grant's
+Comp. Anat.</i> p. 576. See also <i>Béclard</i>, <i>Anat. Gén.</i> p. 18, and <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de
+Physiol.</i> vol. ix. p. 580. Burdach says, &lsquo;Il existe dans presque tout le règne
+animal;&rsquo; and the latest researches have detected the rudiments of a liver even
+in the Entozoa and Rotifera. <i>Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom</i>, 1855, p. 183,
+and <i>Owen's Invertebrata</i>, 1855, p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_b_b" id="Footnote_b_b"></a><a href="#FNanchor_b_b"><span class="label">[b]</span></a>Until the analysis made by Demarçay in 1837, hardly any thing was known
+of the composition of bile; but this accomplished chemist ascertained that its
+essential constituent is choleate of soda, and that the choleic acid contains
+nearly sixty-three per cent. of carbon. Compare <i>Thomson's Animal Chemistry</i>,
+pp. 59, 60, 412, 602, with <i>Simon's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. pp. 17&ndash;21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_c_c" id="Footnote_c_c"></a><a href="#FNanchor_c_c"><span class="label">[c]</span></a>&lsquo;The size of the liver and the quantity of the bile are not proportionate to
+the quantity of the food and frequency of eating; but inversely to the size and
+perfection of the lungs&hellip;. The liver is proportionately larger in
+reptiles, which have lungs with large cells incapable of rapidly decarbonizing
+the blood.&rsquo; <i>Good's Study of Medicine</i>, 1829, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See <i>Cuvier</i>,
+<i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. ii. p. 2, on &lsquo;la petitesse des vaisseaux pulmonaires&rsquo; of
+reptiles.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_d_d" id="Footnote_d_d"></a><a href="#FNanchor_d_d"><span class="label">[d]</span></a><i>Carus's Comparative Anatomy</i>, vol. ii. p. 230; <i>Grant's Comp. Anat.</i> pp. 385,
+596; <i>Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom</i>, p. 646.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_e_e" id="Footnote_e_e"></a><a href="#FNanchor_e_e"><span class="label">[e]</span></a>Indeed it has been supposed by M. Gaëde that the &lsquo;vaisseaux biliares&rsquo; of
+some insects were not &lsquo;sécréteurs;&rsquo; but this opinion appears to be erroneous.
+See Latreille, in <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. iv. pp. 297, 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_f_f" id="Footnote_f_f"></a><a href="#FNanchor_f_f"><span class="label">[f]</span></a>&lsquo;La prédominance du foie avant la naissance&rsquo; is noticed by Bichat
+(<i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol. ii. p. 272), and by many other physiologists; but Dr.
+Elliotson appears to have been one of the first to understand a fact, the explanation
+of which we might vainly seek for in the earlier writers. &lsquo;The
+hypothesis, that one great use of the liver was, like that of the lungs, to remove
+carbon from the system, with this difference, that the alteration of the capacity
+of the air caused a reception of caloric into the blood, in the case of the lungs,
+while the hepatic excretion takes place without introduction of caloric, was, I
+recollect, a great favourite with me when a student&hellip;. The Heidelberg
+professors have adduced many arguments to the same effect. In the f&oelig;tus,
+for whose temperature the mother's heat must be sufficient, the lungs perform
+no function; but the liver is of great size, and bile is secreted abundantly, so
+that the meconium accumulates considerably during the latter months of
+pregnancy.&rsquo; <i>Elliotson's Human Physiology</i>, 1840, p. 102. In <i>Lepelletier's
+Physiologie Médicale</i>, vol. i. p. 466, vol. ii. pp. 14, 546, 550, all this is sadly
+confused.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_g_g" id="Footnote_g_g"></a><a href="#FNanchor_g_g"><span class="label">[g]</span></a> &lsquo;The liver is the first-formed organ in the embryo. It is developed from
+the alimentary canal, and at about the third week fills the whole abdomen,
+and is one-half the weight of the entire embryo&hellip;. At birth it is of
+very large size, and occupies the whole upper part of the abdomen&hellip;.
+The liver diminishes rapidly after birth, probably from obliteration of the
+umbilical vein.&rsquo; <i>Wilson's Human Anatomy</i>, 1851, p. 638. Compare <i>Burdach's
+Physiologie</i>, vol. iv. p. 447, where it is said of the liver in childhood, &lsquo;Cet organe
+croît avec lenteur, surtout comparativement aux poumons; le rapport de
+ceux-ci au foie étant à peu près de 1:3 avant la respiration, il était de 1:1.86
+après l'établissement de cette dernière fonction.&rsquo; See also p. 91, and vol. iii.
+p. 483; and on the predominance of the liver in f&oelig;tal life, see the remarks of
+Serres (<i>Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire</i>, <i>Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>, vol. ii. p. 11), whose
+generalization is perhaps a little premature.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p>These facts, interesting to the philosophic physiologist, are of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
+great moment in reference to the doctrines advocated in this
+chapter. Inasmuch as the liver and lungs are compensatory in the
+history of their organization, it is highly probable that they are
+also compensatory in the functions they perform; and that what is
+left undone by one will have to be accomplished by the other.
+The liver, therefore, fulfilling the duty, as chemistry teaches us, of
+decarbonizing the system by secreting a carbonized fluid, we should
+expect, even in the absence of any further evidence, that the lungs
+would be likewise decarbonizing; in other words, we should expect
+that if, from any cause, we are surcharged with carbon, our lungs
+must assist in remedying the evil. This brings us, by another road,
+to the conclusion that highly carbonized food has a tendency to tax
+the lungs; so that the connexion between a carbonized diet and
+the respiratory functions, instead of being, as some assert, a
+crude hypothesis, is an eminently scientific theory, and is corroborated
+not only by chemistry, but by the general scheme of the
+animal kingdom, and even by the observation of embryological
+phenomena. The views of Liebig, and of his followers, are indeed
+supported by so many analogies, and harmonize so well with other
+parts of our knowledge, that nothing but a perverse hatred of
+generalization, or an incapacity for dealing with large speculative
+truths, can explain the hostility directed against conclusions which
+have been gradually forcing themselves upon us since Lavoisier,
+seventy years ago, attempted to explain the respiratory functions by
+subjecting them to the laws of chemical combination.</p>
+
+<p>In this, and previous notes (see in particular notes 30, 31, 35), I
+have considered the connexion between food respiration, and animal
+heat, at a length which will appear tedious to readers uninterested
+in physiological pursuits; but the investigation has become
+necessary, on account of the difficulties raised by experimenters,
+who, not having studied the subject comprehensively, object to certain
+parts of it. To mention what, from the ability and reputation
+of the author, is a conspicuous instance of this, Sir Benjamin
+Brodie has recently published a volume (<i>Physiological Researches</i>,
+1851) containing some ingeniously contrived experiments on dogs
+and rabbits, to prove that heat is generated rather by the nervous
+system than by the respiratory organs. Without following this
+eminent surgeon into all its details, I may be permitted to observe,
+1st, That, as a mere matter of history, no great physiological truth
+has ever yet been discovered, nor has any great physiological fallacy
+been destroyed, by such limited experiments on a single class
+of animals; and this is partly because in physiology a crucial instance
+is impracticable, owing to the fact that we deal with resisting
+and living bodies, and partly because every experiment produces
+an abnormal condition, and thus lets in fresh causes, the operation
+of which is incalculable; unless, as often happens in the inorganic
+world, we can control the whole phenomenon. 2nd, That the other
+department of the organic world, namely, the vegetable kingdom,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
+has, so far as we are aware, no nervous system, but nevertheless
+possesses heat; and we moreover know that the heat is a product
+of oxygen and carbon (see note 32 to chapter ii.). 3d, That the
+evidence of travellers respecting the different sorts of food, and the
+different quantities of food, used in hot countries and in cold ones,
+is explicable by the respiratory and chemical theories of the origin
+of animal heat, but is inexplicable by the theory of the nervous
+origin of heat.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> I cordially subscribe to the remark of one of the greatest
+thinkers of our time, who says of the supposed differences of race, &lsquo;of
+all vulgar modes of escaping from the consideration of the effect of
+social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that
+of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to inherent
+natural differences.&rsquo; <i>Mill's Principles of Political Economy</i>, vol. i.
+p. 390. Ordinary writers are constantly falling into the error of
+assuming the existence of this difference, which may or may not exist
+but which most assuredly has never been proved. Some singular instances
+of this will be found in <i>Alison's History of Europe</i>, vol. ii. p. 336,
+vol. vi. p. 136, vol. viii. pp. 525, 526, vol. xiii. p. 347; where the
+historian thinks that by a few strokes of his pen he can settle a
+question of the greatest difficulty, connected with some of the most
+intricate problems in physiology. On the supposed relation between race
+and temperament, see <i>Comte</i>, <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. iii. p. 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> As to the proper limits of physical geography, see
+<i>Prichard on Ethnology</i>, in <i>Report of the British Association for</i>
+1847, p. 235. The word &lsquo;climate&rsquo; I always use in the narrow and popular
+sense. Dr. Forry and many previous writers make it nearly coincide with
+&lsquo;physical geography:&rsquo; &lsquo;Climate constitutes the aggregate of all the
+external physical circumstances appertaining to each locality in its
+relation to organic nature.&rsquo; <i>Forry's Climate of the United States and
+its Endemic Influences</i>, New York, 1842, p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> By unemployed classes, I mean what Adam Smith calls the
+unproductive classes; and though both expressions are strictly speaking
+inaccurate, the word &lsquo;unemployed&rsquo; seems to convey more clearly than any
+other the idea in the text.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> This has been entirely neglected by the three most
+philosophical writers on climate: Montesquieu, Hume, and M. Charles
+Comte in his <i>Traité de Législation</i>. It is also omitted in the remarks
+of M. Guizot on the influence of climate, <i>Civilisation en Europe</i>, p.
+97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> See the admirable remarks in <i>Laing's Denmark</i>, 1852, pp.
+204, 366, 367; though Norway appears to be a better illustration than
+Denmark. In <i>Rey's Science Sociale</i>, vol. i. pp. 195, 196, there are
+some calculations respecting the average loss to agricultural industry
+caused by changes in the weather; but no notice is taken of the
+connexion between these changes, when abrupt, and the tone of the
+national character.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> This expression has been used by different geographers in
+different senses; but I take it in its common acceptation, without
+reference to the more strictly physical view of Ritter and his followers
+in regard to Central Asia. See <i>Prichard's Physical History of Mankind</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 278, edit. 1844. At p. 92, Prichard makes the Himalaya the
+southern boundary of Central Asia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> There is reason to believe that the Tartars of Thibet
+received even their alphabet from India. See the interesting Essay on
+Tartarian Coins in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. iv. pp. 276, 277;
+and on the Scythian Alphabet, see vol. xii. p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> In <i>Somerville's Physical Geography</i>, vol. i. p. 132, it is
+said that in Arabia there are &lsquo;no rivers;&rsquo; but Mr. Wellsted (<i>Travels in
+Arabia</i>, vol. ii. p. 409) mentions one which empties itself into the sea
+five miles west of Aden. On the streams in Arabia, see <i>Meiners über die
+Fruchtbarkeit der Länder</i>, vol. i. pp. 149, 150. That the sole
+deficiency is want of irrigation appears from Burckhardt, who says
+(<i>Travels in Arabia</i>, vol. i. p. 240), &lsquo;In Arabia, wherever the ground
+can be irrigated by wells, the sands may be soon made productive.&rsquo; And
+for a striking description of one of the oases of Oman, which shows what
+Arabia might have been with a good river system, see <i>Journal of
+Geographical Society</i>, vol. vii. pp. 106, 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Mr. Morier (<i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. vii. p. 230) says,
+&lsquo;the conquest of Persia by the Saracens <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 651.&rsquo; However, the fate of
+Persia was decided by the battles of Kudseah and Nahavund, which were
+fought in 638 and 641: see <i>Malcolm's History of Persia</i>, vol. i. pp.
+xvi. 139, 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> In 712. <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> They were established in the Punjaub early in the ninth
+century, but did not conquer Guzerat and Malwa until five hundred years
+later. Compare Wilson's note in the <i>Vishnu Purana</i>, pp. 481, 482, with
+<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. ix. pp. 187, 188, 203. On their progress in
+the more southern part of the Peninsula, see <i>Journal of Asiatic
+Society</i>, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223, vol. iv. pp. 28&ndash;30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> &lsquo;A race of pastoral barbarians.&rsquo; <i>Dickinson on the Arabic
+Language</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiat. Society</i>, vol. v. p. 323. Compare
+<i>Reynier</i>, <i>Economie des Arabes</i>, pp. 27, 28; where, however, a very
+simple question is needlessly complicated. The old Persian writers
+bestowed on them the courteous appellation of &lsquo;a band of naked
+lizard-eaters.&rsquo; <i>Malcolm's Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. i. p. 133. Indeed,
+there are few things in history better proved than the barbarism of a
+people whom some writers wish to invest with a romantic interest. The
+eulogy passed on them by Meiners is rather suspicious, for he concludes
+by saying, &lsquo;die Eroberungen der Araber waren höchst selten so blutig und
+zerstörend, als die Eroberungen der Tataren, Persen, Türken, u.s.w. in
+ältern und neuern Zeiten waren.&rsquo; <i>Fruchtbarkeit der Länder</i>, vol. i. p.
+153. If this is the best that can be said, the comparison with Tartars
+and Turks does not prove much; but it is singular that this learned
+author should have forgotten a passage in Diodorus Siculus which gives a
+pleasant description of them nineteen centuries ago on the eastern side:
+<i>Bibliothec. Hist.</i> lib. ii. vol. ii. p. 137. &#7957;&#967;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953;
+&#948;&#8050; &#946;&#8055;&#959;&#957; &#955;&#8131;&#962;&#964;&#961;&#953;&#954;&#8056;&#957;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#955;&#8052;&#957;
+&#964;&#8134;&#962; &#8001;&#956;&#8057;&#961;&#959;&#957; &#967;&#8061;&#961;&#945;&#962; &#954;&#945;&#964;&#945;&#964;&#961;&#8051;&#967;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962;
+&#955;&#8131;&#963;&#964;&#949;&#8059;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953;&#957;, &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> The only branch of knowledge which the Arabians ever
+raised to a science was astronomy, which began to be cultivated under
+the caliphs about the middle of the eighth century, and went on
+improving until &lsquo;la ville de Bagdad fut, pendant le dixième siècle, le
+théâtre principal de l'astronomie chez les orientaux.&rsquo; <i>Montucla</i>,
+<i>Histoire des Mathématiques</i>, vol. i. pp. 355, 364. The old Pagan Arabs,
+like most barbarous people living in a clear atmosphere, had such an
+empirical acquaintance with the celestial phenomena as was used for
+practical purposes; but there is no evidence to justify the common
+opinion that they studied this subject as a science. Dr. Dorn
+(<i>Transactions of the Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 371) says, &lsquo;of a
+scientific knowledge of astronomy among them no traces can be
+discovered.&rsquo; Beausobre (<i>Histoire de Manichée</i>, vol. i. p. 20) is quite
+enthusiastic about the philosophy of the Arabs in the time of
+Pythagoras! and he tells us, that &lsquo;ces peuples out toujours cultivé les
+sciences.&rsquo; To establish this fact, he quotes a long passage from a life
+of Mohammed written early in the eighteenth century by Boulainvilliers,
+whom he calls, &lsquo;un des plus beaux génies de France.&rsquo; If this is an
+accurate description, those who have read the works of Boulainvilliers
+will think that France was badly off for men of genius; and as to his
+life of Mohammed, it is little better than a romance: the author was
+ignorant of Arabic, and knew nothing which had not been already
+communicated by Maracci and Pococke. See <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, vol.
+v. p. 321.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the later Arabian astronomers, one of their great merits
+was to approximate to the value of the annual precession much closer
+than Ptolemy had done. See <i>Grant's History of Physical Astronomy</i>, 1852,
+p. 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Indeed it goes beyond it: &lsquo;the trackless sands of the
+Sahara desert, which is even prolonged for miles into the Atlantic Ocean
+in the form of sandbanks.&rsquo; <i>Somerville's Physical Geography</i>, vol. i. p.
+149. For a singular instance of one of these sandbanks being formed into
+an island, see <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 284. The
+Sahara desert, exclusive of Bornou and Darfour, covers an area of
+194,000 square leagues; that is, nearly three times the size of France,
+or twice the size of the Mediterranean. Compare <i>Lyell's Geology</i>, p.
+694, with <i>Somerville's Connexion of the Sciences</i>, p. 294. As to the
+probable southern limits of the plateau of the Sahara, see <i>Richardson's
+Mission to Central Africa</i>, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 146, 156; and as to the
+part of it adjoining the Mandingo country, see <i>Mungo Park's Travels</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 237, 238. Respecting the country south of Mandara, some
+scanty information was collected by Denham in the neighbourhood of Lake
+Tchad. <i>Denham's Northern and Central Africa</i>, pp. 121, 122, 144&ndash;146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Richardson, who travelled through it south of Tripoli,
+notices its &lsquo;features of sterility, of unconquerable barrenness.&rsquo;
+<i>Richardson's Sahara</i>, 1848, vol. i. p. 86; and see the striking picture
+at p. 409. The long and dreary route from Mourzouk to Yeou, on Lake
+Tchad, is described by Denham, one of the extremely few Europeans who
+have performed that hazardous journey. <i>Denham's Central Africa</i>, pp.
+2&ndash;60. Even on the shore of the Tchad there is hardly any vegetation, &lsquo;a
+coarse grass and a small bell-flower being the only plants that I could
+discover,&rsquo; p. 90. Compare his remark on Bornou, p. 317. The condition of
+part of the desert in the fourteenth century is described in the
+<i>Travels of Ibn Batuta</i>, p. 233, which should be compared with the
+account given by Diodorus Siculus of the journey of Alexander to the
+temple of Ammon. <i>Bibliothec. Historic.</i> lib. xvii. vol. vii. p. 348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Richardson, who travelled in 1850 from Tripoli to within a
+few days of Lake Tchad, was struck by the stationary character of the
+people. He says, &lsquo;neither in the desert nor in the kingdoms of Central
+Africa is there any march of civilization. All goes on according to a
+certain routine established for ages past.&rsquo; <i>Mission to Central Africa</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 304, 305. See similar remarks in <i>Pallme's Travels in
+Kordofan</i>, pp. 108, 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Abd-Allatif, who was in Egypt early in the thirteenth
+century, gives an interesting account of the rising of the Nile, to
+which Egypt owes its fertility. <i>Abd-Allatif</i>, <i>Relation de l'Egypte</i>,
+pp. 329&ndash;340, 374&ndash;376, and Appendix, p. 504. See also on these periodical
+inundations. <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. iv. pp. 101&ndash;104; and
+on the half-astronomical half theological notions connected with them,
+pp. 372&ndash;377, vol. v. pp. 291, 292. Compare on the religious importance
+of the Nile <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. i. p. 409. The expression, therefore,
+of Herodotus (book ii. chap. v. vol. i. p. 484), &#948;&#8182;&#961;&#959;&#957; &#964;&#959;&#8166; &#960;&#959;&#964;&#945;&#956;&#959;&#8166;
+is true in a much larger sense than he intended; since to the
+Nile Egypt owes all the physical peculiarities which distinguish it from
+Arabia and the great African desert. Compare <i>Heeren's African Nations</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 58; <i>Reynier</i>, <i>Economie des Arabes</i>, p. 3; <i>Postan's on the
+Nile and Indus</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. vii. p. 275; and
+on the difference between the soil of the Nile and that of the
+surrounding desert, see <i>Volney</i>, <i>Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte</i>, vol.
+i. p. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> &lsquo;The average breadth of the valley from one mountain-range
+to the other, between Cairo in Lower, and Edfoo in Upper Egypt, is only
+about seven miles; and that of the cultivable land, whose limits depend
+on the inundation, scarcely exceeds five and a half.&rsquo; <i>Wilkinson's
+Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. i. p. 216. According to Gerard, &lsquo;the mean width
+of the valley between Syene and Cairo is about nine miles.&rsquo; Note in
+<i>Heeren's African Nations</i>, vol. ii. p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> I will give one instance of this from an otherwise
+sensible writer, and a man too of considerable learning: &lsquo;As to the
+physical knowledge of the Egyptians, their cotemporaries gave them
+credit for the astonishing power of their magic; and as we cannot
+suppose that the instances recorded in Scripture were to be attributed
+to the exertion of supernatural powers, we must conclude that they were
+in possession of a more intimate knowledge of the laws and combinations
+of nature than what is professed by the most learned men of the present
+age.&rsquo; <i>Hamilton's Ægyptiaca</i>, pp. 61, 62. It is a shame that such
+nonsense should be written in the nineteenth century: and yet a still
+more recent author (<i>Vyse on the Pyramids</i>, vol. i. p. 28) assures us
+that &lsquo;the Egyptians, for especial purposes, were endowed with great
+wisdom and science.&rsquo; Science properly so called, the Egyptians had none;
+and as to their wisdom, it was considerable enough to distinguish them
+from barbarous nations like the old Hebrews, but it was inferior to that
+of the Greeks, and it was of course immeasurably below that of modern
+Europe.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Indeed many of them are still unknown; for, as M. Rey
+justly observes, most writers pay too exclusive an attention to the
+production of wealth, and neglect the laws of its distribution. <i>Rey</i>,
+<i>Science Sociale</i>, vol. iii. p. 271. In confirmation of this, I may
+mention the theory of rent, which was only discovered about half a
+century ago, and which is connected with so many subtle arguments that
+it is not yet generally adopted; and even some of its advocates have
+shown themselves unequal to defending their own cause. The great law of
+the ratio between the cost of labour and the profits of stock, is the
+highest generalization we have reached respecting the distribution of
+wealth; but it cannot be consistently admitted by anyone who holds that
+rent enters into price.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> In a still more advanced stage, there is a fourth division
+of wealth, and part of the produce of labour is absorbed by rent. This,
+however, is not an element of price, but a consequence of it; and in the
+ordinary march of affairs, considerable time must elapse before it can
+begin. Rent, in the proper sense of the word, is the price paid for
+using the natural and indestructible powers of the soil, and must not be
+confused with rent commonly so called; for this last also includes the
+profits of stock. I notice this, because several of the opponents of
+Ricardo have placed the beginning of rent too early, by overlooking the
+fact that apparent rent is very often profits disguised.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> &lsquo;Wages depend, then, on the proportion between the number
+of the labouring population, and the capital or other funds devoted to
+the purchase of labour; we will say, for shortness, the capital. If
+wages are higher at one time or place than at another, if the
+subsistence and comfort of the class of hired labourers are more ample,
+it is, and can be, for no other reason than because capital bears a
+greater proportion to population. It is not the absolute amount of
+accumulation or of production that is of importance to the labouring
+class; it is not the amount even of the funds destined for distribution
+among the labourers; it is the proportion between those funds and the
+numbers among whom they are shared. The condition of the class can be
+bettered in no other way than by altering that proportion to their
+advantage; and every scheme for their benefit which does not proceed on
+this as its foundation, is, for all permanent purposes, a delusion.&rsquo;
+<i>Mill's Principles of Political Economy</i>, 1849, vol. i. p. 425. See also
+vol. ii. pp. 264, 265, and <i>M'Culloch's Political Economy</i>, pp. 379,
+380. Ricardo, in his <i>Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn</i>,
+has stated, with his usual terseness, the three possible forms of this
+question: &lsquo;The rise or fall of wages is common to all states of society,
+whether it be the stationary, the advancing, or the retrograde state. In
+the stationary state, it is regulated wholly by the increase or
+falling-off of the population. In the advancing state, it depends on
+whether the capital or the population advance at the more rapid course.
+In the retrograde state, it depends on whether population or capital
+decrease with the greater rapidity.&rsquo; <i>Ricardo's Works</i>, p. 379.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> The standard of comfort being of course supposed the
+same.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> &lsquo;No point is better established, than that the supply of
+labourers will always ultimately be in proportion to the means of
+supporting them.&rsquo; <i>Principles of Political Economy</i>, chap. xxi. in
+<i>Ricardo's Works</i>, p. 176. Compare <i>Smith's Wealth of Nations</i>, book i.
+chap. xi. p. 86, and <i>M'Culloch's Political Economy</i>, p. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> The division of food into azotized and non-azotized is
+said to have been first pointed out by Magendie. See <i>Müller's
+Physiology</i>, vol. i. p. 525. It is now recognised by most of the best
+authorities. See, for instance, <i>Liebig's Animal Chemistry</i>, p. 134;
+<i>Carpenter's Human Physiology</i>, p. 685; <i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 1218, 1870. The first tables of food constructed according to it
+were by Boussingault; see an elaborate essay by Messrs. Lawes and
+Gilbert on <i>The Composition of Foods</i>, in <i>Report of British Association
+for 1852</i>, p. 323: but the experiments made by these gentlemen are
+neither numerous nor diversified enough to establish a general law;
+still less can we accept their singular assertion, p. 346, that the
+comparative prices of different foods are a test of the nutriment they
+comparatively contain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> &lsquo;Of all the elements of the animal body, nitrogen has the
+feeblest attraction for oxygen; and, what is still more remarkable, it
+deprives all combustible elements with which it combines, to a greater
+or less extent, of the power of combining with oxygen, that is, of
+undergoing combustion.&rsquo; <i>Liebig's Letters on Chemistry</i>, p. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> The doctrine of what may be called the protecting power of
+some substances is still imperfectly understood, and until late in the
+eighteenth century, its existence was hardly suspected. It is now known
+to be connected with the general theory of poisons. See <i>Turner's
+Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 516. To this we must probably ascribe the fact
+that several poisons which are fatal when applied to a wounded surface,
+may be taken into the stomach with impunity. <i>Brodie's Physiological
+Researches</i>, 1851, pp. 137, 138. It seems more reasonable to refer this
+to chemical laws than to hold, with Sir Benjamin Brodie, that some
+poisons &lsquo;destroy life by paralysing the muscles of respiration without
+immediately affecting the action of the heart.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Prout's well-known division into saccharine, oily, and
+albuminous, appears to me of much inferior value, though I observe that
+it is adopted in the last edition of <i>Elliotson's Human Physiology</i>, pp.
+65, 160. The division by M. Lepelletier into &lsquo;les alimens solides et les
+boissons&rsquo; is of course purely empirical. <i>Lepelletier</i>, <i>Physiologie
+Médicale</i>, vol. ii. p. 100, Paris, 1832. In regard to Prout's
+classification, compare <i>Burdach's Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. ix. p.
+240, with <i>Wagner's Physiology</i>, p. 452.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> The evidence of an universal connexion in the animal frame
+between exertion and decay, is now almost complete. In regard to the
+muscular system, see <i>Carpenter's Human Physiology</i>, pp.
+440, 441, 581, edit. 1846: &lsquo;there is strong reason to believe the waste
+or decomposition of the muscular tissue to be in exact proportion to the
+degree in which it is exerted.&rsquo; This perhaps would be generally
+anticipated even in the absence of direct proof; but what is more
+interesting, is that the same principle holds good of the nervous
+system. The human brain of an adult contains about one and a half per
+cent of phosphorus; and it has been ascertained, that after the mind
+has been much exercised, phosphates are excreted, and that in the case
+of inflammation of the brain their excretion (by the kidneys) is very
+considerable. See <i>Paget's Lectures on Surgical Pathology</i>, 1853, vol.
+i. pp. 6, 7, 434; <i>Carpenter's Human Physiology</i>, pp. 192, 193, 222;
+<i>Simon's Animal Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p. 426; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Anatomie
+Générale</i>, vol. ii. p. 172. The reader may also consult respecting the
+phosphorus of the brain the recent very able work of MM. Robin et
+Verdeil, <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, vol. i. p. 215, vol. ii. p. 348, Paris,
+1853. According to these writers (vol. iii. p. 445), its existence in
+the brain was first announced by Hensing, in 1779.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Though both objects are equally essential, the former is
+usually the more pressing; and it has been ascertained by experiment,
+what we should expect from theory, that when animals are starved to
+death, there is a progressive decline in the temperature of their
+bodies; so that the proximate cause of death by starvation is not
+weakness, but cold. See <i>Williams's Principles of Medicine</i>, p. 36; and
+on the connexion between the loss of animal heat and the appearance of
+<i>rigor mortis</i> in the contractile parts of the body, see <i>Vogel's
+Pathological Anatomy of the Human Body</i>, p. 532. Compare the important
+and thoughtful work of Burdach, <i>Physiologie comme Science
+d'Observation</i>, vol. v. pp. 144, 436, vol. ix. p. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Until the last twenty or five-and-twenty years, it used to
+be supposed that this combination took place in the lungs; but more
+careful experiments have made it probable that the oxygen unites with
+the carbon in the circulation, and that the blood-corpuscules are the
+carriers of the oxygen. Compare <i>Liebig's Animal Chemistry</i>, p. 78;
+<i>Letters on Chemistry</i>, pp. 335, 336; <i>Turner's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p.
+1319; <i>Müller's Physiology</i>, vol. i. pp. 92, 159. That the combination
+does not take place in the air-cells is moreover proved by the fact that
+the lungs are not hotter than other parts of the body. See <i>Müller</i>,
+vol. i. p. 348; <i>Thomson's Animal Chemistry</i>, p. 633; and <i>Brodie's
+Physiol. Researches</i>, p. 33. Another argument in favour of the red
+corpuscules being the carriers of oxygen, is that they are most abundant
+in those classes of the vertebrata which maintain the highest
+temperature; while the blood of invertebrata contains very few of them;
+and it has been doubted if they even exist in the lower articulata and
+mollusca. See <i>Carpenter's Human Physiol.</i> pp. 109, 532; <i>Grant's
+Comparative Anatomy</i>, p. 472; <i>Elliotson's Human Physiol.</i> p. 159. In
+regard to the different dimensions of corpuscules, see <i>Henle</i>,
+<i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol. i. pp. 457&ndash;467, 494, 495; <i>Blainville</i>,
+<i>Physiologie Comparée</i>, vol. i. pp. 298, 299, 301&ndash;304; <i>Milne Edwards</i>,
+<i>Zoologie</i>, part i. pp. 54&ndash;56; <i>Fourth Report of British Association</i>,
+pp. 117, 118; <i>Simon's Animal Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 103, 104; and,
+above all, the important observations of Mr. Gulliver (<i>Carpenter</i>, pp.
+105, 106). These additions to our knowledge, besides being connected
+with the laws of animal heat and of nutrition, will, when generalized,
+assist speculative minds in raising pathology to a science. In the mean
+time I may mention the relation between an examination of the
+corpuscules and the theory of inflammation which Hunter and Broussais
+were unable to settle: this is, that the proximate cause of inflammation
+is the obstruction of the vessels by the adhesion of the pale
+corpuscules. Respecting this striking generalization, which is still on
+its trial, compare <i>Williams's Principles of Medicine</i>, 1848, pp.
+258&ndash;265, with <i>Paget's Surgical Pathology</i>, 1853, vol. i. pp. 313&ndash;317;
+<i>Jones and Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy</i>, 1854, pp. 28, 105, 106. The
+difficulties connected with the scientific study of inflammation are
+evaded in <i>Vogel's Pathological Anatomy</i>, p. 418; a work which appears
+to me to have been greatly overrated.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> On the amount of heat disengaged by the union of carbon and
+oxygen, see the experiments of Dulong, in <i>Liebig's Animal Chemistry</i>,
+p. 44; and those of Despretz, in <i>Thomson's Animal Chemistry</i>, p. 634.
+Just in the same way, we find that the temperature of plants is
+maintained by the combination of oxygen with carbon: see <i>Balfour's
+Botany</i>, pp. 231, 232, 322, 323. As to the amount of heat caused
+generally by chemical combination, there is an essay well worth reading
+by Dr. Thomas Andrews in <i>Report of British Association for 1849</i>, pp.
+63&ndash;78. See also <i>Report for 1852, Transac. of Sec.</i> p. 40, and <i>Liebig
+and Kopp's Reports on the Progress of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 34, vol.
+iii. p. 16, vol. iv. p. 20; also <i>Pouillet</i>, <i>Elémens de Physique</i>,
+Paris, 1832, vol. i. part i. p. 411.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> The law of definite proportions, which, since the
+brilliant discoveries by Dalton, is the corner-stone of chemical
+knowledge, is laid down with admirable clearness in <i>Turner's Elements
+of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 146&ndash;151. Compare <i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 139&ndash;144; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. ii. p. 255;
+<i>Somerville's Connexion of the Sciences</i>, pp. 120, 121. But none of
+these writers have considered the law so philosophically as M. A. Comte,
+<i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. iii. pp. 133&ndash;176, one of the best chapters
+in his very profound, but ill-understood work.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> &lsquo;Ainsi, dans des temps égaux, la quantité d'oxygène
+consommée par le même animal est d'autant plus grande que la température
+ambiante est moins élevée.&rsquo; <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 44. Compare <i>Simon's Lectures on Pathology</i>, 1850, p. 188,
+for the diminished quantity of respiration in a high temperature; though
+one may question Mr. Simon's inference that <i>therefore</i> the blood is
+more venous in hot countries than in cold ones. This is not making
+allowance for the difference of diet, which corrects the difference of
+temperature.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> &lsquo;The consumption of oxygen in a given time may be
+expressed by the number of respirations.&rsquo; <i>Liebig's Letters on
+Chemistry</i>, p. 314; and see <i>Thomson's Animal Chemistry</i>, p. 611. It is
+also certain that exercise increases the number of respirations; and
+birds, which are the most active of all animals, consume more oxygen
+than any others. <i>Milne Edwards</i>, <i>Zoologie</i>, part i. p. 88, part ii. p.
+371; <i>Flourens</i>, <i>Travaux de Cuvier</i>, pp. 153, 154, 265, 266. Compare,
+on the connexion between respiration and the locomotive organs,
+<i>Beclard</i>, <i>Anatomie Générale</i>, pp. 39, 44; <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de
+Physiologie</i>, vol. ix. pp. 485, 556&ndash;559; <i>Carus's Comparative Anatomy</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 99, 164, 358, vol. ii. pp. 142, 160; <i>Grant's Comparative
+Anatomy</i>, pp. 455, 495, 522, 529, 537; <i>Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom</i>,
+pp. 369, 440, 692, 714, 720; <i>Owen's Invertebrata</i>, pp. 322, 345, 386,
+505. Thus too it has been experimentally ascertained, that in human
+beings exercise increases the amount of carbonic-acid gas. <i>Mayo's Human
+Physiology</i>, p. 64; <i>Liebig and Kopp's Reports</i>, vol. iii. p. 359.</p>
+
+<p>If we now put these facts together, their bearing on the propositions in
+the text will become evident; because, on the whole, there is more
+exercise taken in cold climates than in hot ones, and there must
+therefore be an increased respiratory action. For proof that greater
+exercise is both taken and required, compare <i>Wrangel's Polar
+Expedition</i>, pp. 79, 102; <i>Richardson's Arctic Expedition</i>, vol. i. p.
+385; <i>Simpson's North Coast of America</i>, pp. 49,88, which should be
+contrasted with the contempt for such amusements in hot countries.
+Indeed, in polar regions all this is so essential to preserve a normal
+state, that scurvy can only be kept off in the northern part of the
+American continent by taking considerable exercise: see <i>Crantz</i>, <i>History
+of Greenland</i>, vol. i. pp. 46, 62, 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> See the note at the end of this chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> &lsquo;The fruits used by the inhabitants of southern climes do
+not contain, in a fresh state, more than 12 per cent. of carbon; while
+the blubber and train-oil which feed the inhabitants of polar regions
+contain 66 to 80 per cent. of that element.&rsquo; <i>Liebig's Letters on
+Chemistry</i>, p. 320; see also p. 375, and <i>Turner's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 1315. According to Prout (<i>Mayo's Human Physiol.</i> p. 136), &lsquo;the
+proportion of carbon in oily bodies varies from about 60 to 80 per
+cent.&rsquo; The quantity of oil and fat habitually consumed in cold countries
+is remarkable. Wrangel (<i>Polar Expedition</i>, p. 21) says of the tribes in
+the north-east of Siberia, &lsquo;fat is their greatest delicacy. They eat it
+in every possible shape; raw, melted, fresh, or spoilt.&rsquo; See also
+<i>Simpson's Discoveries on the North Coast of America</i>, pp. 147, 404.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> &lsquo;So common, that no plant is destitute of it.&rsquo; <i>Lindley's
+Botany</i>, vol. i. p. 111; and at p. 121, &lsquo;starch is the most common of
+all vegetable productions.&rsquo; Dr. Lindley adds (vol. i. p. 292), that it
+is difficult to distinguish the grains of starch secreted by plants from
+cytoblasts. See also on the starch-granules, first noticed by M. Link,
+<i>Reports on Botany by the Ray Society</i>, pp. 223, 370; and respecting its
+predominance in the vegetable world, compare <i>Thomson's Chemistry of
+Vegetables</i>, pp. 650&ndash;652, 875; <i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p. 1160;
+<i>Turner's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p. 1236; <i>Liebig and Kopp's Reports</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 97, 98, 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> The oxygen is 49.39 out of 100. See the table in <i>Liebig's
+Letters on Chemistry</i>, p. 379. Amidin, which is the soluble part of
+starch, contains 53.33 per cent. of oxygen. See <i>Thomson's Chemistry of
+Vegetables</i>, p. 654, on the authority of Prout, who has the reputation
+of being an accurate experimenter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Of which a single whale will yield &lsquo;cent vingt tonneaux.&rsquo;
+<i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. i. p. 297. In regard to the solid food, Sir
+J. Richardson (<i>Arctic Expedition</i>, 1851, vol. i. p. 243) says that the
+inhabitants of the Arctic regions only maintain themselves by chasing
+whales and &lsquo;consuming blubber.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> It is said, that to keep a person in health, his food,
+even in the temperate parts of Europe, should contain &lsquo;a full eighth
+more carbon in winter than in summer.&rsquo; <i>Liebig's Animal Chemistry</i>, p.
+16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> The most highly carbonized of all foods are undoubtedly
+yielded by animals; the most highly oxidized by vegetables. In the
+vegetable kingdom there is, however, so much carbon, that its
+predominance, accompanied with the rarity of nitrogen, has induced
+chemical botanists to characterize plants as carbonized, and animals as
+azotized. But we have here to attend to a double antithesis. Vegetables
+are carbonized in so far as they are non-azotized; but they are oxidized
+in opposition to the highly carbonized animal food of cold countries.
+Besides this, it is important to observe that the carbon of vegetables
+is most abundant in the woody and unnutritious part, which is not
+eaten; while the carbon of animals is found in the fatty and oily parts,
+which are not only eaten, but are, in cold countries, greedily
+devoured.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Sir J. Malcolm (<i>History of Persia</i>, vol. ii. p. 380),
+speaking of the cheapness of vegetables in the East, says, &lsquo;in some
+parts of Persia fruit has hardly any value.&rsquo; Cuvier, in a striking
+passage (<i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. i. pp. 73, 74), has contrasted vegetable
+with animal food, and thinks that the former, being so easily obtained,
+is the more natural. But the truth is that both are equally natural:
+though when Cuvier wrote scarcely anything was known of the laws which
+govern the relation between climate and food. On the skill and energy
+required to obtain food in cold countries, see <i>Wrangel's Polar
+Expedition</i>, pp. 70, 71, 191, 192; <i>Simpson's Discoveries on the North
+Coast of America</i>, p. 249; <i>Crantz</i>, <i>History of Greenland</i>, vol. i. pp.
+22, 32, 105, 131, 154, 155, vol. ii. pp. 203, 265, 324.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> &lsquo;Cabanis&rsquo; (<i>Rapports du Physique et du Moral</i>, p. 313)
+says, &lsquo;Dans les temps et dans les pays froids on mange et l'on agit
+davantage.&rsquo; That much food is eaten in cold countries, and little in hot
+ones, is mentioned by numerous travellers, none of whom are aware of the
+cause. See <i>Simpson's Discov. on North Coast of America</i>, p. 218;
+<i>Custine's Russie</i>, vol. iv. p. 66; <i>Wrangel's Expedition</i>, pp. 21, 327;
+<i>Crantz</i>, <i>History of Greenland</i>, vol. i. pp. 145, 360; <i>Richardson's
+Central Africa</i>, vol. ii. p. 46; <i>Richardson's Sahara</i>, vol. i. p. 137;
+<i>Denham's Africa</i>, p. 37; <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. v. p. 144,
+vol. viii. p. 188; <i>Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia</i>, vol. ii. p.
+265; <i>Niebuhr</i>, <i>Description de l'Arabie</i>, p. 45; <i>Ulloa's Voyage to
+South America</i>, vol. i. pp. 403, 408; <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 283, vol. vi. p. 85, vol. xix. p. 121; <i>Spix and Martius's
+Travels in Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 164; <i>Southey's History of Brazil</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 848; <i>Volney</i>, <i>Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte</i>, vol. i. pp. 379,
+380, 460; <i>Low's Sarawak</i>, p. 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Meyen (<i>Geography of Plants</i>, 1846, p. 313) says that the
+potato was introduced into Ireland in 1586; but according to Mr.
+M'Culloch (<i>Dictionary of Commerce</i>, 1849, p. 1048), &lsquo;potatoes, it is
+commonly thought, were not introduced into Ireland till 1610, when a
+small quantity was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh to be planted in a garden
+on his estate in the vicinity of Youghall.&rsquo; Compare <i>Loudon's Encyclop.
+of Agriculture</i>, p. 845: &lsquo;first planted by Sir Walter Raleigh on his
+estate of Youghall, near Cork.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Adam Smith (<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book i. chap. xi. p. 67)
+supposes that it will support three times as many; but the statistics of
+this great writer are the weakest part of his work, and the more careful
+calculations made since he wrote bear out the statement in the text. &lsquo;It
+admits of demonstration that an acre of potatoes will feed double the
+number of people that can be fed from an acre of wheat.&rsquo; <i>Loudon's
+Encyclop. of Agriculture</i>, 5th edit. 1844, p. 845. So, too, in
+<i>M'Culloch's Dict.</i> p. 1048, &lsquo;an acre of potatoes will feed double the
+number of individuals that can be fed from an acre of wheat.&rsquo; The daily
+average consumption of an able-bodied labourer in Ireland is estimated
+at nine and a half pounds of potatoes for men, and seven and a half for
+women. See <i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, 1846, p. 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Malthus</i>, <i>Essay on Population</i>, vol. i. pp. 424, 425,
+431, 435, 441, 442; <i>M'Culloch's Political Economy</i>, pp. 381, 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> The lowest agricultural wages in our time have been in
+England about 1<i>s.</i> a day; while from the evidence collected by Mr.
+Thornton in 1845, the highest wages then paid were in Lincolnshire, and
+were rather more than 13<i>s.</i> a week; those in Yorkshire and
+Northumberland being nearly as high. <i>Thornton on Over-Population</i>, pp.
+12&ndash;15, 24, 25. Godwin, writing in 1820, estimates the average at 1<i>s.</i>
+6<i>d.</i> a day. <i>Godwin on Population</i>, p. 574. Mr. Phillips, in his work
+<i>On Scrofula</i>, 1846, p. 345, says, &lsquo;at present the ratio of wages is
+from 9<i>s.</i> to 10<i>s.</i>&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> The most miserable part, namely Connaught, in 1733,
+contained 242,160 inhabitants; and in 1821, 1,110,229. See <i>Sadler's Law
+of Population</i>, vol. ii. p. 490.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Mr. Inglis, who in 1834 travelled through Ireland with a
+particular view to its economical state, says, as the result of very
+careful inquiries, &lsquo;I am quite confident, that if the whole yearly
+earnings of the labourers of Ireland were divided by the whole number of
+labourers, the result would be under this sum&mdash;<i>Fourpence</i> a day for the
+labourers of Ireland.&rsquo; <i>Inglis</i>, <i>Journey throughout Ireland in 1834</i>,
+Lond. 1835, 2nd edit. vol. ii. p. 300. At Balinasloe, in the county of
+Galway, &lsquo;A gentleman with whom I was accidentally in company offered to
+procure, on an hour's warning, a couple of hundred labourers at
+fourpence even for temporary employment.&rsquo; <i>Inglis</i>, vol. ii. p. 17. The
+same writer says (vol. i. p. 263), that at Tralee &lsquo;it often happens that
+the labourers, after working in the canal from five in the morning until
+eleven in the forenoon, are discharged for the day with the pittance of
+twopence.&rsquo; Compare, in <i>Cloncurry's Recollections</i>, Dublin, 1849, p.
+310, a letter from Dr. Doyle written in 1829, describing Ireland as &lsquo;a
+country where the market is always overstocked with labour, and in which
+a man's labour is not worth, at an average, more than threepence a
+day.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> It is singular that so acute a thinker as Mr. Kay should,
+in his otherwise just remarks on the Irish, entirely overlook the effect
+produced on their wages by the increase of population. <i>Kay's Social
+Condition of the People</i>, vol. i. pp. 8, 9, 92, 223, 306&ndash;324. This is
+the more observable, because the disadvantages of cheap food have been
+noticed not only by several common writers, but by the highest of all
+authorities on population, Mr. Malthus: see the sixth edition
+of his <i>Essay on Population</i>, vol. i. p. 469, vol. ii. pp. 123, 124,
+383, 384. If these things were oftener considered, we should not hear so
+much about the idleness and levity of the Celtic race; the simple fact
+being, that the Irish are unwilling to work, not because they are Celts,
+but because their work is badly paid. When they go abroad, they get good
+wages, and therefore they become as industrious as any other people.
+Compare <i>Journal of Statistical Society</i>, vol. vii. p. 24, with
+<i>Thornton on Over-Population</i>, p. 425; a very valuable work. Even in
+1799, it was observed that the Irish as soon as they left their own
+country became industrious and energetic. See <i>Parliamentary History</i>,
+vol. xxxiv. p. 222. So, too, in North America, &lsquo;they are most willing to
+work hard.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Second Visit to the United States</i>, 1849, vol. i.
+p. 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> By low wages, I mean low reward of labour, which is of
+course independent both of the cost of labour and of the money-rate of
+wages.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> In a recent work of considerable ingenuity (<i>Doubleday's
+True Law of Population</i>, 1847, pp. 25&ndash;29, 69, 78, 123, 124, &amp;c.) it is
+noticed that countries are more populous when the ordinary food is
+vegetable than when it is animal; and an attempt is made to explain this
+on the ground that a poor diet is more favourable to fecundity than a
+rich one. But though the fact of the greater increase of population is
+indisputable, there are several reasons for being dissatisfied with Mr.
+Doubleday's explanation.</p>
+
+<p>1st. That the power of propagation is heightened by poor living, is a
+proposition which has never been established physiologically; while the
+observations of travellers and of governments are not sufficiently
+numerous to establish it statistically.</p>
+
+<p>2nd. Vegetable diet is as generous for a hot country as animal diet is
+for a cold country; and since we know that, notwithstanding the
+difference of food and climate, the temperature of the body varies
+little between the equator and the poles (compare <i>Liebig's Animal
+Chemistry</i>, p. 19; <i>Holland's Medical Notes</i>, p. 473; <i>Pouillet</i>,
+<i>Elémens de Physique</i>, vol. i. part i. p. 414; <i>Burdach's Traité de
+Physiologie</i>, vol. ix. p. 663), we have no reason to believe that there
+is any other normal variation, but should rather suppose that, in regard
+to all essential functions, vegetable diet and external heat are
+equivalent to animal diet and external cold.</p>
+
+<p>3rd. Even conceding, for the sake of argument, that vegetable food
+increases the procreative power, this would only affect the number of
+births, and not the density of population; for a greater number of
+births may be, and often are, remedied by a greater mortality; a point
+in regard to which Godwin, in trying to refute Malthus, falls into
+serious error. <i>Godwin on Population</i>, p. 317.</p>
+
+<p>Since writing the above, I have found that these views of Mr.
+Doubleday's were in a great measure anticipated by Fourier. See <i>Rey</i>,
+<i>Science Sociale</i>; vol. i. p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> I use the word &lsquo;Hindostan&rsquo; in the popular sense, as
+extending south to Cape Comorin; though, properly speaking, it only
+includes the country north of the Nerbudda. Compare <i>Mill's History of
+India</i>, vol. ii. p. 178; <i>Bohlen</i>, <i>das alte Indien</i>, vol. i. p. 11;
+<i>Meiners über die Länder in Asien</i>, vol. i. p. 224. The word itself is
+not found in the old Sanscrit, and is of Persian origin. <i>Halhed's
+Preface to the Gentoo Laws</i>, pp. xx. xxi.; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 368, 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> So that, in addition to works published on their
+philosophy, religion, and jurisprudence, a learned geographer stated
+several years ago, that &lsquo;kein anderes Asiatisches Reich ist in den
+letzten drey Jahrhunderten von so vielen und so einsichtsvollen
+Europäern durchreist und beschrieben worden, als Hindostan.&rsquo; <i>Meiners</i>,
+<i>Länder in Asien</i>, vol. i. p. 225. Since the time of Meiners, such
+evidence has become still more precise and extensive; and is, I think,
+too much neglected by M. Rhode in his valuable work on India: &lsquo;Dem
+Zwecke dieser Arbeit gemäss, betrachten wir hier nur Werke der Hindus
+selbst, oder Auszüge aus denselben als Quellen.&rsquo; <i>Rhode</i>, <i>Religiöse
+Bildung der Hindus</i>, vol. i. p. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> This is evident from the frequent and familiar mention of
+it in that remarkable relic of antiquity, the Institutes of Menu. See
+the <i>Institutes</i>, in <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iii. pp. 87, 132,
+156, 200, 215, 366, 400, 403, 434. Thus too, in the enumeration of Foods
+in <i>Vishnu Purana</i>, pp. 46, 47, rice is the first mentioned. See further
+evidence in <i>Bohlen</i>, <i>das alte Indien</i>, vol. i. p. 22, vol. ii. pp. 159,
+160; <i>Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus</i>, vol. i. part ii. pp. 15, 16, 37,
+92, 95, vol. ii. part ii. p. 35, part iii. p. 64; <i>Notes on the
+Ma-habharata</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. vii. p. 141;
+<i>Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth Century</i>, p. 164; <i>Colebrooke's
+Digest of Hindu Law</i>, vol. i. p. 499, vol. ii. pp. 44, 48, 436, 569,
+vol. iii. pp. 11, 148, 205, 206, 207, 266, 364, 530; <i>Asiatic
+Researches</i>, vol. vii. pp. 299, 302; <i>Ward on the Hindoos</i>, vol. i. p.
+209, vol. iii. p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> &lsquo;It contains a greater proportion of nutritious matter
+than any of the cerealia.&rsquo; <i>Somerville's Physical Geography</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> It contains from 83.8 to 85.07 percent of starch.
+<i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p. 1624; <i>Thomson's Chemistry of Organic
+Bodies</i>, p. 883.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> It is difficult to collect sufficient evidence to strike
+an average; but in Egypt, according to Savary, rice &lsquo;produces eighty
+bushels for one.&rsquo; <i>Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture</i>, p. 173. In
+Tennasserim, the yield is from 80 to 100. <i>Low's History of
+Tennasserim</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. iii. p. 29. In South
+America, 250 fold, according to Spix and Martius (<i>Travels in Brazil</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 79); or from 200 to 300, according to Southey (<i>History of
+Brazil</i>, vol. iii. pp. 658, 806). The lowest estimate given by M. Meyen
+is forty fold; the highest, which is marsh rice in the Philippine
+Islands, 400 fold. <i>Meyen's Geography of Plants</i>, 1846, p. 301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Elphinstone's History of India</i>, p. 7. Ragi is the
+Cynosurus Corocanus of Linnæus; and, considering its importance, it has
+been strangely neglected by botanical writers. The best account I have
+seen of it is in <i>Buchanan's Journey through the Countries of Mysore,
+Canara, and Malabar</i>, vol. i. pp. 100&ndash;104, 285, 286, 375, 376, 403, vol.
+ii. pp. 103, 104, vol. iii. pp. 239, 240, 296, 297. In the large cities,
+millet is generally used; of which &lsquo;a quantity sufficient for two meals
+may be purchased for about a halfpenny.&rsquo; <i>Gibson on Indian Agriculture</i>,
+in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. viii. p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Marsden's History of Sumatra</i>, pp. 56, 59; <i>Raffles'
+History of Java</i>, vol. i. pp. 39, 106, 119, 129, 240; <i>Percival's
+Ceylon</i>, pp. 337, 364; <i>Transac. of Society of Bombay</i>, vol. ii. p. 155;
+<i>Transac. of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. i. p. 510; <i>Journal of Asiatic
+Society</i>, vol. i. pp. 228, 247, vol. ii. pp. 44, 64, 251, 257, 262, 336,
+344, vol. iii. pp. 8, 25, 300, 340, vol. iv. pp. 82, 83, 104, vol. v.
+pp. 241, 246; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. v. pp. 124, 229, vol. xii. p.
+148, vol. xvi. pp. 171, 172; <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. ii. p.
+86, vol. iii. pp. 124, 295, 300, vol. v. p. 263, vol. viii. pp. 341,
+359, vol. xix. pp. 132, 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Rice, so far as I have been able to trace it, has
+travelled westward. Besides the historical evidence, there are
+philological probabilities in favour of its being indigenous to Asia,
+and the Sanscrit name for it has been very widely diffused. Compare
+<i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. p. 472, with <i>Crawfurd's History of the
+Indian Archipelago</i>, vol. i. p. 358. In the fourteenth century, it was
+the common food on the Zanguebar Coast; and is now universal in
+Madagascar. <i>Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth Century</i>, p. 56;
+<i>Ellis's History of Madagascar</i>, vol. i. pp. 39, 297&ndash;304, vol. ii. p.
+292; <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. iii. p. 212. From Madagascar
+its seeds were, according to <i>M'Culloch's Dictionary of Commerce</i>, p.
+1105, carried to Carolina late in the seventeenth century. It is now
+cultivated in Nicaragua (<i>Squier's Central America</i>, vol. i. p. 38) and
+in South America (<i>Henderson's Hist. of Brazil</i>, pp. 292, 307, 395, 440,
+488), where it is said to grow wild. Compare <i>Meyen's Geography of
+Plants</i>, pp. 291, 297, with <i>Azara</i>, <i>Voyages dans l'Amérique
+Méridionale</i>, vol. i. p. 100, vol. ii. p. 80. The ancient Greeks,
+though acquainted with rice, did not cultivate it; and its cultivation
+was first introduced into Europe by the Arabs. See <i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouvelle
+Espagne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 409, 410.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> So far as food is concerned, Diodorus Siculus notices the
+remarkable fertility of India, and the consequent accumulation of
+wealth. See two interesting passages in <i>Bibliothec. Hist.</i> lib. ii.
+vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, 108, 109. But of the economical laws of
+distribution he, like all the ancient writers, was perfectly ignorant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> An able and very learned apologist for this miserable
+people says, &lsquo;The servility so generally ascribed to the Hindu is never
+more conspicuous than when he is examined as an evidence. But if it be
+admitted that he acts as a slave, why blame him for not possessing the
+virtues of a free man? <i>The oppression of ages has taught him implicit
+submission.</i>&rsquo; <i>Vans Kennedy</i>, in <i>Transactions of the Society of Bombay</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 144. Compare the observations of Charles Hamilton in
+<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. i. p. 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> The impossibility of having a standard of value, is
+clearly pointed out in <i>Turgot's Réflexions sur la Formation et la
+Distribution des Richesses</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. v. pp. 51, 52. Compare
+<i>Ricardo's Works</i>, pp. 11, 28&ndash;30, 46, 166, 253, 270, 401, with
+<i>M'Culloch's Principles of Political Economy</i>, pp. 298, 299, 307.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Smith's Wealth of Nations</i>, book i. chap. ix. p. 37;
+where, however, the proposition is stated rather too absolutely, since
+the risks arising from an insecure state of society must be taken into
+consideration. But that there is an average ratio between interest and
+profits is obvious, and is distinctly laid down by the Sanscrit jurists.
+See <i>Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law</i>, vol. i. pp. 72, 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Ricardo (<i>Principles of Political Economy</i>, chap. vi. in
+<i>Works</i>, p. 65) says, &lsquo;whatever increases wages, necessarily reduces
+profits.&rsquo; And in chap. xv. p. 122, &lsquo;whatever raises the wages of labour,
+lowers the profits of stock.&rsquo; In several other places he makes the same
+assertion, very much to the discomfort of the ordinary reader, who knows
+that in the United States, for instance, wages and profits are both
+high. But the ambiguity is in the language, not in the thought; and in
+these and similar passages Ricardo by wages meant cost of labour, in
+which sense the proposition is quite accurate. If by wages we mean the
+reward of labour, then there is no relation between wages and profits;
+for when rent is low, both of them may be high, as is the case in the
+United States. That this was the view of Ricardo is evident from the
+following passage: &lsquo;Profits, it cannot be too often repeated, depend on
+wages; not on nominal but real wages; not on the number of pounds that
+may be annually paid to the labourer, but on the number of days' work
+necessary to obtain those pounds.&rsquo; <i>Political Economy</i>, chap. vii.,
+<i>Ricardo's Works</i>, p. 82. Compare <i>Mill's Principles of Political
+Economy</i>, vol. i. p. 509, vol. ii. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> I take the estimate of Mr. Elphinstone (<i>History of
+India</i>, pp. 225&ndash;228) as midway between Sir William Jones (<i>Works</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 56) and Mr. Wilson (<i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, vol. i. p. xlvii.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Institutes of Menu</i>, chap. viii. sec. 140&ndash;142, in <i>Works
+of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 295. The subsequent Sanscrit commentators
+recognize nearly the same rate of interest, the minimum being fifteen
+per cent. See <i>Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law</i>, vol. i. pp. 29, 36,
+43, 98, 99, 237, vol. ii. p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> In <i>Colebrooke's Digest</i>, vol. i. p. 454, and vol. iii. p.
+229, Menu is called &lsquo;the highest authority of memorial law,&rsquo; and &lsquo;the
+founder of memorial law.&rsquo; The most recent historian of India, Mr.
+Elphinstone, says (<i>Hist. of India</i>, p. 83) &lsquo;the code of Menu is still
+the basis of the Hindu jurisprudence; and the principal features remain
+unaltered to the present day.&rsquo; This remarkable code is also the basis of
+the laws of the Burmese, and even of those of the Laos. <i>Journal of the
+Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 271, vol. iii. pp. 28, 296, 332, vol. v.
+p. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> See, in <i>Mill's History of India</i>, vol. i. p. 317, the
+report of a committee of the House of Commons in 1810, in which it is
+stated that the ryots paid &lsquo;the heavy interest of three, four, and five
+per cent. per month.&rsquo; Ward, writing about the same time, mentions as
+much as seventy-five per cent. being given, and this apparently without
+the lender incurring any extraordinary risk. <i>Ward on the Hindoos</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Compare the table in <i>Loudon's Encyclopædia of
+Agriculture</i>, p. 778, with <i>Mavor's note in Tusser's Five Hundred Points
+of Husbandry</i>, p. 195, Lond. 1812, and <i>M'Culloch's Statistical Account
+of the British Empire</i>, 1847, vol. i. p. 560.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> This is the estimate I have received from persons well
+acquainted with French agriculture. The rent, of course, varies in each
+separate instance, according to the natural powers of the soil,
+according to the extent to which those powers have been improved, and
+according to the facilities for bringing the produce to market. But,
+notwithstanding these variations, there must be in every country an
+average rent, depending upon the operation of general causes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Owing to the immense supply of land preventing the
+necessity of cultivating those inferior soils which older countries are
+glad to use, and are therefore willing to pay a rent for the right of
+using. In the United States, profits and wages (i.e. the reward of the
+labourer, not the cost of labour) are both high, which would be
+impossible if rent were also high.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> See <i>Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems of
+India</i>, 1832, pp. 59&ndash;61, 63, 69, 92, 94. At p. 69, this high authority
+says of the agricultural peasantry of Bengal: &lsquo;In an abundant season,
+when the price of corn is low, the sale of their whole crops is required
+to meet the demands of the landholder, leaving little or nothing for
+seed or subsistence to the labourer or his family.&rsquo; In Cashmere, the
+sovereign received half the produce of the rice-crop, leaving the other
+half to the cultivator. <i>Moorcroft's Notices of Cashmere</i>, in <i>Journal
+of Geog. Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Heber (<i>Journey through India</i>, vol. i. pp. 209, 356, 357,
+359) gives some curious instances of the extremely low rate at which the
+natives are glad to work. As to the ordinary wages in India in the
+present century, see <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. i. p. 255, vol.
+v. p. 171; <i>Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems</i>, pp. 105,
+106; <i>Sykes's Statistics of the Deccan Reports of the British
+Association</i>, vol. vi. p. 321; <i>Ward's View of the Hindoos</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 207; <i>Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law</i>, vol. ii. p. 184. On wages in
+the south of India, the fullest information will be found in Buchanan's
+valuable work, <i>Journey through the Mysore, Canara, and Malabar</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 124, 125, 133, 171, 175, 216, 217, 298, 390, 415, vol. ii. pp.
+12, 19, 22, 37, 90, 108, 132, 217, 218, 315, 481, 523, 525, 562, vol.
+iii. pp. 35, 181, 226, 298, 321, 349, 363, 398, 428, 555. I wish that
+all travellers were equally minute in recording the wages of labour; a
+subject of far greater importance than those with which they usually
+fill their books.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the riches possessed by the upper classes have, owing
+to this mal-distribution of wealth, been always enormous, and sometimes
+incredible. See <i>Forbes's Oriental Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 297; <i>Bohlen</i>,
+<i>das alte Indien</i>, vol. ii. p. 119; <i>Travels of Ibn Batuta</i>, p. 41;
+<i>Ward's Hindoos</i>, vol. iii. p. 178. The autobiography of the Emperor
+Jehangueir contains such extraordinary statements of his immense wealth,
+that the Editor, Major Price, thinks that some error must have been made
+by the copyist; but the reader will find in <i>Grote's History of Greece</i>
+(vol. xii. pp. 229, 245) evidence of the treasures which it was possible
+for Asiatic rulers to collect in that state of society. The working of
+this unequal distribution is thus stated by Mr. Glyn (<i>Transac. of
+Asiatic Society</i>, vol. i. p. 482): &lsquo;The nations of Europe have very
+little idea of the actual condition of the inhabitants of Hindustan;
+they are more wretchedly poor than we have any notion of. Europeans have
+hitherto been too apt to draw their opinions of the wealth of Hindustan
+from the gorgeous pomp of a few emperors, sultans, nawabs, and rajahs;
+whereas a more intimate and accurate view of the real state of society
+would have shown that these princes and nobles were engrossing all the
+wealth of the country, whilst the great body of the people were earning
+but a bare subsistence, groaning under intolerable burdens, and hardly
+able to supply themselves with the necessaries of life, much less with
+its luxuries.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Turner, who travelled in 1783 through the north-east of
+Bengal, says: &lsquo;Indeed, the extreme poverty and wretchedness of these
+people will forcibly appear, when we recollect how little is necessary
+for the subsistence of a peasant in these regions. The value of this can
+seldom amount to more than one penny per day, even allowing him to make
+his meal of two pounds of boiled rice, with a due proportion of salt,
+oil, vegetables, fish, and chili.&rsquo; <i>Turner's Embassy to Tibet</i>, p. 11.
+Ibn Batuta, who travelled in Hindostan in the fourteenth century, says:
+&lsquo;I never saw a country in which provisions were so cheap.&rsquo; <i>Travels of
+Ibn Batuta</i>, p. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> The Sudras are estimated by Ward (<i>View of the Hindoos</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 281) at &lsquo;three-fourths of the Hindoos.&rsquo; At all events, they
+comprise the whole of the working classes; the Vaisyas not being
+husbandmen, as they are often called, but landlords, owners of cattle,
+and traders. Compare <i>Institutes of Menu</i>, chap. ix. sec. 326&ndash;333, in
+<i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iii. pp. 380, 381, with <i>Colebrooke's
+Digest</i>, vol. i. p. 15, from which it appears that the Vaisyas were
+always the masters, and that the Sudra was to &lsquo;rely on agriculture for
+his subsistence.&rsquo; The division, therefore, between &lsquo;the industrious and
+the servile&rsquo; (<i>Elphinstone's History of India</i>, p. 12) is too broadly
+stated, and we must, I think, take the definition of M. Rhode: &lsquo;Die
+Kaste der Sudras umfasst die ganze arbeitende, oder um Lohn dienende
+Classe des Volks.&rsquo; <i>Relig. Bildung der Hindus</i>, vol. ii. p. 561.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> &lsquo;Either be banished with a mark on his hinder parts, or the
+king shall cause a gash to be made on his buttock.&rsquo; <i>Institutes of
+Menu</i>, chap. viii. sec. 281, in <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iii. p.
+315. See also <i>Ward's View of the Hindoos</i>, vol. iii. p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <i>Menu</i>, chap. viii. sec. 271, in <i>Jones's Works</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Menu</i>, chap. viii. sec. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> &lsquo;If a Sudra gives much and frequent molestation to a
+Brahmin, the magistrate shall put him to death.&rsquo; <i>Halhed's Code of
+Gentoo Laws</i>, p. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Halhed's Code of Gentoo Laws</i>, p. 207. As to the case of
+striking a Brahmin, see <i>Rammohun Roy on the Veds</i>, p. 227, 2nd edit.
+1832.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> &lsquo;And if a Sooder listens to the Beids of the Shaster, then
+the oil, heated as before, shall be poured into his ears; and arzeez and
+wax shall be melted together, and the orifice of his ears shall be
+stopped up therewith.&rsquo; <i>Halhed</i>, p. 262. Compare the prohibition in
+<i>Menu</i>, chap. iv. sec. 99, chap. x. sec. 109&ndash;111, in <i>Jones's Works</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 174, 398.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Halhed</i>, p. 262: &lsquo;the magistrate shall put him to death.&rsquo;
+In Mrichchakati, the judge says to a Sudra, &lsquo;If you expound the Vedas,
+will not your tongue be cut out?&rsquo; <i>Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus</i>, vol.
+i. part ii. p. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> <i>Ward's View of the Hindoos</i>, vol. iv. p. 308. To this the
+only exception was in the case of theft. <i>Mill's History of India</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 193, 260. A Brahmin could &lsquo;on no account be capitally punished.&rsquo;
+<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. xv. p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Menu</i>, chap. xi. sec. 132, in <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> &lsquo;A Brahmin, if he take a Sudra to his bed as his first
+wife, sinks to the regions of torment.&rsquo; <i>Institutes of Menu</i>, chap. iii.
+sec. 17, in <i>Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 121. Compare the denial of funeral
+rites, in <i>Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law</i>, vol. iii. p. 328. And on
+the different hells invented by the Hindu clergy, see <i>Vishnu Purana</i>,
+p. 207; <i>Ward's View of the Hindoos</i>, vol. ii. pp. 182, 183; <i>Coleman's
+Mythology of the Hindus</i>, p. 113. The curious details in <i>Rhode</i>, <i>die
+Religiöse Bildung der Hindus</i>, vol. i. pp. 392, 393, rather refer to
+Buddhism, and should be compared with <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, I. série,
+vol. viii. pp. 80, 81, Paris, 1826.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> <i>Menu</i>, chap. ii. sec. 31, in <i>Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 87;
+also noticed in <i>Rhode</i>, <i>Relig. Bildung</i>, vol. ii. p. 561: &lsquo;sein Name
+soll schon Verachtung ausdrücken.&rsquo; So, too, Mr. Elphinstone (<i>History of
+India</i>, p. 17): &lsquo;the proper name of a Sudra is directed to be expressive
+of contempt.&rsquo; Compare <i>Origines du Droit</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Michelet</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 387, Bruxelles, 1840.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Menu</i>, chap. x. sec. 129, in <i>Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 401.
+This law is pointed out by Mill (<i>History of India</i>, vol. i. p. 195) as
+an evidence of the miserable state of the people, which, Mr. Wilson
+(note in p. 213) vainly attempts to evade.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> &lsquo;A Sudra, though emancipated by his master, is not
+released from a state of servitude; for of a state which is natural to
+him, by whom can he be divested?&rsquo; <i>Institutes of Menu</i>, chap. viii. sec.
+414, in <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> An intelligent observer says, &lsquo;It is also remarkable how
+little the people of Asiatic countries have to do in the revolutions of
+their governments. They are never guided by any great and common impulse
+of feeling, and take no part in events the most interesting and
+important to their country and their own prosperity.&rsquo; <i>M'Murdo on the
+Country of Sindh</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. i. p. 250.
+Compare similar remarks in <i>Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte</i>, vol. iii. p.
+114; and even in <i>Alison's History of Europe</i>, vol. x. pp. 419, 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Volney (<i>Voyage en Egypte</i>, vol. i. pp. 58&ndash;63) has a good
+chapter on the climate of Egypt.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> It is, however, unknown in South Africa. See the account
+of the Palmaceæ in <i>Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom</i>, 1847, p. 136, and
+<i>Meyen's Geog. of Plants</i>, p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> &lsquo;Of all eatables used by the Arabs, dates are the most
+favourite.&rsquo; <i>Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia</i>, vol. i. p. 56. See also,
+for proof of their abundance in the west of Arabia, vol. i. pp. 103,
+157, 238, vol. ii. pp. 91, 100, 105, 118, 209, 210, 214, 253, 300, 331.
+And on the dates of Oman and the east of Arabia, see <i>Wellsted's Travels
+in Arabia</i>, vol. i. pp. 188, 189, 236, 276, 290, 349. Compare <i>Niebuhr</i>,
+<i>Description de l'Arabie</i>, pp. 142, 296. Indeed,
+they are so important, that the Arabs have different names for them
+according to the stages of their growth. Djewhari says, &lsquo;La dénomination
+<i>balah</i> précède le nom <i>bosr</i>; car la datte se nomme d'abord <i>tala</i>, en
+suite <i>khalal</i>, puis <i>balah</i>, puis <i>bosr</i>, puis <i>rotab</i>, et enfin
+<i>tamr</i>.'&rsquo; <i>De Sacy's note to Abd-Allatif, Relation, de l'Egypte</i>, p. 74,
+and see p. 118. Other notices of the dates of Arabia will be found in
+<i>Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth Century</i>, p. 66; <i>Journal of
+Asiatic Soc.</i> vol. viii. p. 286; <i>Journal of Geograph. Soc.</i> vol. iv. p.
+201, vol. vi. pp. 53, 55, 58, 66, 68, 74, vol. vii. p. 32, vol. ix. pp.
+147, 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Heeren (<i>Trade of the African Nations</i>, vol. i. p. 182)
+supposes that in Africa, dates are comparatively little known south of
+26° north lat. But this learned writer is certainly mistaken; and a
+reference to the following passages will show that they are common as
+far down as the parallel of Lake Tchad, which is nearly the southern
+limit of our knowledge of Central Africa; <i>Denham's Central Africa</i>, p.
+295; <i>Clapperton's Journal</i>, in <i>Appendix to Denham</i>, pp. 34, 59;
+<i>Clapperton's Second Expedition</i>, p. 159. Further east they are somewhat
+scarcer, but are found much more to the south than is supposed by
+Heeren: see <i>Pallme's Kordofan</i>, p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> &lsquo;Dates are not only the principal growth of the Fezzan
+oases, but the main subsistence of their inhabitants. All live on dates;
+men, women, and children, horses, asses, and camels, and sheep, fowls,
+and dogs.&rsquo; <i>Richardson's Travels in the Sahara</i>, vol. ii. p. 323, and
+see vol. i. p. 343: as to those parts of the desert where the palm will
+not bear, see vol. i. pp. 387, 405, vol. ii. pp. 291, 363. Respecting
+the dates of western Africa, see <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol.
+xii. p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> &lsquo;It flourished spontaneously in the valley of the Nile.&rsquo;
+<i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. p. 372. As further
+illustration of the importance to Africa of this beautiful plant, it may
+be mentioned, that from the high-palm there is prepared a peculiar
+beverage, which in some parts is in great request. On this, which is
+called palm-wine, see <i>M'William's Medical Expedition to the Niger</i>, pp.
+71, 116; <i>Meredith's Gold Coast of Africa</i>, 1812, pp. 55, 56; <i>Laird and
+Oldfield's Expedition into the Interior of Africa</i>, 1837, vol. ii. pp.
+170, 213; <i>Bowdich</i>, <i>Mission to Ashantee</i>, pp. 69, 100, 152, 293, 386,
+392. But I doubt if this is the same as the palm-wine mentioned in
+<i>Balfour's Botany</i>, 1849, p. 532. Compare <i>Tuckey's Expedition to the
+Zaire</i>, pp. 155, 216, 224, 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. pp. 175&ndash;178. See
+also on the abundance of dates, the extracts from an Arabian geographer
+in <i>Quatremère</i>, <i>Recherches sur l'Egypte</i>, pp. 220, 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> On their relation to the laws of climate, see the remarks
+respecting the geographical limits of their power of ripening, in
+<i>Jussieu's Botany</i>, edit. Wilson, 1849, p. 734.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> &lsquo;In the valley of the Nile, a feddan (1&frac34; acre) is
+sometimes planted with 400 trees.&rsquo; <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 178. At Moorzuk an entire date-palm is only worth about a
+shilling. <i>Richardson's Central Africa</i>, vol. i. p. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> On the remarkable fertility of the Said, see
+<i>Abd-Allatif</i>, <i>Relation de l'Egypte</i>, p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> The superiority of the ruins in Southern Egypt over those
+in the northern part is noticed by Heeren (<i>African Nations</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 69), and must, indeed, be obvious to whoever has studied the
+monuments. In the Said the Coptic was preserved longer than in Lower
+Egypt, and is known to philologists by the name of Misr. See
+<i>Quatremère</i>, <i>Recherches sur la Langue de l'Egypte</i>, pp. 20, 41, 42.
+See also on the Saidic, pp. 134&ndash;140, and some good remarks by Dr.
+Prichard (<i>Physical Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 202); who, however, adopts the
+paradoxical opinion of Georgi respecting the origin of the language of
+the Thebaid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Abd-Allatif (<i>Relation de l'Egypte</i>, p. 32) says, that in
+his time it was only cultivated in the Said. This curious work by
+Abd-Allatif was written in <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1203. <i>Relation</i>, p. 423. Meiners thinks
+that Herodotus and other ancient writers refer to the dhourra without
+mentioning it: &lsquo;diese Durra muss daher im Herodot wie in andern alten
+Schriftstellern vorzüglich verstanden werden, wenn von hundert, zwey
+hundert, und mehrfältigen Früchten, welche die Erde trage, die Rede
+ist.&rsquo; <i>Meiners</i>, <i>Fruchtbarkeit der Länder</i>, vol. i. p. 139. According
+to Volney, it is the Holcus Arundinaceus of Linnæus, and appears to be
+similar to millet; and though that accurate traveller distinguishes
+between them, I observe that Captain Haines, in a recent memoir, speaks
+of them as being the same. Compare Haines in <i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i>
+vol. xv. p. 118, with <i>Volney</i>, <i>Voyage en Egypte</i>, vol. i. p. 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> &lsquo;The return is in general not less than 240 for one; and
+the average price is about 3<i>s.</i> 9<i>d.</i> the ardeb, which is scarcely
+3<i>d.</i> per bushel.&rsquo; <i>Hamilton's Æqyptiaca</i>, p. 420. In Upper Egypt, &lsquo;the
+doura constitutes almost the whole subsistence of the peasantry,&rsquo; p.
+419. At p. 96, Hamilton says, &lsquo;I have frequently counted 3,000 grains in
+one ear of doura, and each stalk has in general four or five ears.&rsquo; For
+an account, of the dhourra bread, see <i>Volney</i>, <i>Voyage en Egypte</i>, vol.
+i. p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> &#7960;&#960;&#949;&#8048;&#957; &#960;&#955;&#8053;&#961;&#951;&#962; &#947;&#8051;&#957;&#951;&#964;&#945;&#953; &#8001;
+&#960;&#959;&#964;&#945;&#956;&#8056;&#962;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#8048; &#960;&#949;&#948;&#8055;&#945; &#960;&#949;&#955;&#945;&#947;&#8055;&#963;&#8131;,
+&#966;&#8059;&#949;&#964;&#945;&#953; &#7952;&#957; &#964;&#8183; &#8005;&#948;&#945;&#964;&#953; &#954;&#961;&#8055;&#957;&#949;&#945; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#955;&#8048;,
+&#964;&#8048; &#913;&#7984;&#947;&#8059;&#960;&#964;&#953;&#959;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8051;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953; &#955;&#969;&#964;&#8057;&#957;&#8901;
+&#964;&#945;&#8166;&#964;&#945; &#7952;&#960;&#949;&#8048;&#957; &#948;&#961;&#8051;&#968;&#969;&#963;&#953;, &#945;&#8016;&#945;&#8055;&#957;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953;
+&#960;&#961;&#8056;&#962; &#7973;&#955;&#953;&#959;&#957;&#8901; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#7956;&#960;&#949;&#953;&#964;&#945; &#964;&#8056; &#7952;&#954; &#964;&#959;&#8166;
+&#956;&#8051;&#963;&#959;&#965; &#964;&#959;&#8166; &#955;&#969;&#964;&#959;&#8166; &#964;&#8135; &#956;&#8053;&#954;&#969;&#957;&#953;
+&#7952;&#8056;&#957; &#7952;&#956;&#966;&#949;&#961;&#8050;&#962;, &#960;&#964;&#8055;&#963;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#960;&#959;&#953;&#949;&#8166;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#953; &#7952;&#958;
+&#945;&#8016;&#964;&#959;&#8166; &#8112;&#961;&#964;&#959;&#965;&#962; &#8000;&#960;&#964;&#959;&#8058;&#962; &#960;&#965;&#961;&#8055;&#960;&#965;&#961;&#8055;.
+<i>Herodot.</i> ii. 92, vol. i. p. 688.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. pp. 370&ndash;372,
+400, vol. iv. p. 59. Abd-Allatif gives a curious account of the
+different vegetables grown in Egypt early in the thirteenth century.
+<i>Relation</i>, pp. 16&ndash;36, and the notes of De Sacy, pp. 37&ndash;134. On the
+&#954;&#8059;&#945;&#956;&#963;&#962; of Herodotus there are some botanical remarks worth
+reading in the <i>Correspondence of Sir J. E. Smith</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+224&ndash;232; but I doubt the assertion, p. 227, that Herodotus &lsquo;knew nothing
+of any other kind of &#954;&#8059;&#945;&#956;&#963;&#962; in Egypt than that of the ordinary
+bean.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> &lsquo;When Alexandria was taken by Amer, the lieutenant of the
+Caliph Omer, no less than 4,000 persons were engaged in selling
+vegetables in that city.&rsquo; <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. p.
+372, and see vol. i. p. 277, vol. iv. p. 60. Niebuhr (<i>Description de
+l'Arabie</i>, p. 136) says that the neighbourhood of Alexandria is so
+fertile, that &lsquo;le froment y rend le centuple.&rsquo; See also on its rich
+vegetation, <i>Matter</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. i. p.
+52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> The encouragement given to the increase of population by
+the fertility arising from the inundation of the Nile, is observed by
+many writers, but by none so judiciously as Malthus; <i>Essay on
+Population</i>, vol. i. pp. 161&ndash;163. This great work, the principles of
+which have been grossly misrepresented, is still the best which has been
+written on the important subject of population, though the author, from
+a want of sufficient reading, often errs in his illustrations; while he,
+unfortunately, had no acquaintance with those branches of physical
+knowledge which are intimately connected with economical inquiries.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a>
+&#932;&#961;&#8051;&#966;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953; &#948;&#8050; &#964;&#8048; &#960;&#945;&#953;&#948;&#8055;&#945; &#956;&#949;&#964;&#8049;
+&#964;&#953;&#957;&#959;&#962; &#949;&#8016;&#967;&#949;&#961;&#949;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#7936;&#945;&#960;&#8049;&#957;&#959;&#965;,
+&#954;&#945;&#8054; &#960;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#955;&#8182;&#962; &#7936;&#960;&#8055;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#957; &hellip; &#7936;&#957;&#965;&#960;&#959;&#948;&#8051;&#964;&#969;&#957;
+&#948;&#8050; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#960;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#963;&#964;&#969;&#957; &#954;&#945;&#8054;
+&#947;&#965;&#956;&#957;&#8182;&#957; &#964;&#961;&#949;&#966;&#959;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#969;&#957; &#948;&#953;&#8048; &#964;&#8052;&#957;
+&#949;&#8016;&#954;&#961;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#945;&#957; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#964;&#8057;&#960;&#969;&#957;, &#964;&#8052;&#957; &#960;&#8118;&#963;&#945;&#957;
+&#948;&#945;&#960;&#8049;&#957;&#951;&#957; &#959;&#7985; &#947;&#959;&#957;&#949;&#8146;&#962;, &#8112;&#967;&#961;&#953;&#962; &#7938;&#957; &#949;&#7984;&#962;
+&#7969;&#955;&#953;&#954;&#8055;&#945;&#957; &#7954;&#955;&#952;&#8131; &#964;&#8056; &#964;&#8051;&#954;&#957;&#959;&#957;, &#959;&#8016; &#960;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#969;
+&#960;&#959;&#953;&#959;&#8166;&#963;&#953; &#948;&#961;&#945;&#967;&#956;&#8182;&#957; &#949;&#8144;&#954;&#959;&#963;&#953;, &#948;&#7984; &#7938;&#962; &#945;&#7984;&#964;&#962;
+&#956;&#8049;&#955;&#953;&#963;&#964;&#945; &#964;&#8052;&#957; &#913;&#7988;&#947;&#965;&#960;&#964;&#959;&#957; &#963;&#965;&#956;&#946;&#945;&#8055;&#957;&#949;&#953;
+&#960;&#959;&#955;&#965;&#945;&#957;&#952;&#961;&#969;&#960;&#8055;&#8115; &#948;&#953;&#945;&#952;&#8051;&#961;&#949;&#953;&#957;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#948;&#953;&#8048;
+&#964;&#959;&#8166;&#964;&#959; &#960;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#963;&#964;&#945;&#962; &#7956;&#967;&#949;&#953;&#957; &#956;&#949;&#947;&#8049;&#955;&#969;&#957;
+&#7956;&#961;&#947;&#969;&#957;&#954;&#945;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#954;&#949;&#965;&#8049;&#962;.
+<i>Bibliothec. Hist.</i> book i. chap. lxxx. vol. i. p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Frederick Schlegel (<i>Philos. of Hist.</i> p. 247, London,
+1846) truly says, &lsquo;The deeper and more comprehensive the researches of
+the moderns have been on ancient history, the more have their regard and
+esteem for Herodotus increased.&rsquo; His minute information respecting Egypt
+and Asia Minor is now admitted by all competent geographers; and I may
+add, that a recent and very able traveller has given some curious proofs
+of his knowledge even of the western parts of Siberia. See Erman's
+valuable work, <i>Travels in Siberia</i>, vol. i. pp. 211, 297&ndash;301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> &#7960;&#960;&#8125; &#7944;&#956;&#8049;&#963;&#953;&#959;&#962; &#948;&#8050; &#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#8051;&#959;&#962;
+&#955;&#8051;&#947;&#949;&#964;&#945;&#953; &#913;&#7988;&#947;&#965;&#960;&#964;&#959;&#962; &#956;&#8049;&#955;&#953;&#963;-&#945; &#948;&#8052;&#964;&#8057;&#964;&#949;
+&#949;&#8016;&#948;&#945;&#953;&#956;&#959;&#957;&#8134;&#963;&#945;&#953;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#8048; &#7936;&#960;&#8056; &#964;&#959;&#8166;
+&#960;&#959;&#964;&#945;&#956;&#959;&#8166; &#964;&#8135; &#967;&#8061;&#961;&#8131;&#962; &#964;&#959;&#8146;&#963;&#953; &#7936;&#957;&#952;&#961;&#960;&#953;&#963;&#953;.
+&#954;&#945;&#8054; &#960;&#8057;&#955;&#953;&#962; &#7952;&#957; &#945;&#8016;&#964;&#8135;&#947;&#949;&#957;&#8051;&#963;&#952;&#945;&#953; &#964;&#8048;&#962;
+&#7937;&#960;&#8049;&#963;&#945;&#962; &#964;&#8057;&#964;&#949; &#948;&#953;&#963;&#956;&#957;&#961;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#964;&#8048;&#962; &#959;&#7984;&#954;&#949;&#959;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#945;&#962;. <i>Herodot.</i> book ii. chap. clxxvii. vol.
+i. pp. 881, 882.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Diodorus, who, though an honest and painstaking man, was
+in every respect inferior to Herodotus, says, impertinently enough,
+&#8005;&#963;&#945; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#959;&#8022;&#957; &#7976;&#8057;&#948;&#959;&#964;&#959;&#962; &#954;&#945;&#8055; &#964;&#953;&#957;&#949;&#962;
+&#964;&#8182;&#957; &#964;&#8048;&#962; &#913;&#7936;&#947;&#965;&#960;&#964;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#960;&#948;&#8049;&#958;&#949;&#953;&#962; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#958;&#945;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#969;&#957;
+&#7952;&#963;&#967;&#949;&#948;&#953;&#8049;&#954;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#957;, &#7953;&#954;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#8055;&#969;&#962;
+&#960;&#961;&#959;&#954;&#961;&#8055;&#957;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#964;&#8134;&#962; &#7936;&#955;&#951;&#952;&#949;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#964;&#8056;
+&#960;&#945;&#961;&#945;&#948;&#959;&#958;&#959;&#955;&#959;&#947;&#949;&#8150;&#957;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#956;&#8059;&#952;&#959;&#965;&#962; &#960;&#955;&#8049;&#964;&#964;&#949;&#953;&#957; &#966;&#965;&#967;&#945;&#947;&#969;&#947;&#8055;&#945;&#962; &#7957;&#957;&#949;&#954;&#945;, &#960;&#945;&#961;&#8053;&#963;&#959;&#956;&#949;&#957;.
+<i>Biblioth. Hist.</i> book i. chap. lxix. vol. i. p. 207. In other places he
+alludes to Herodotus in the same tone, without actually mentioning him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> &#928;&#959;&#955;&#965;&#945;&#957;&#952;&#961;&#969;&#960;&#8055;&#945; &#948;&#8050; &#964;&#8056; &#956;&#8050;&#957;
+&#960;&#945;&#955;&#945;&#953;&#8056;&#957; &#960;&#959;&#955;&#8058; &#960;&#961;&#959;&#8051;&#963;&#967;&#949; &#960;&#8049;&#957;&#964;&#969;&#957;
+&#964;&#8182;&#957; &#947;&#957;&#969;&#961;&#953;&#950;&#959;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#969;&#957; &#964;&#8057;&#960;&#969;&#957; &#954;&#945;&#964;&#8048;
+&#964;&#8052;&#957; &#959;&#7984;&#954;&#959;&#965;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#951;&#957;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#954;&#945;&#952;&#8125; &#7969;&#956;&#8118;&#962; &#948;&#8050;
+&#959;&#8016;&#948;&#949;&#957;&#8056;&#962; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#8112;&#955;&#955;&#969;&#957; &#948;&#959;&#954;&#949;&#8146; &#955;&#949;&#8055;&#960;&#949;&#963;&#952;&#945;&#953;.
+&#7952;&#960;&#8054; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#947;&#8048;&#961; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7936;&#967;&#945;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#967;&#961;&#8057;&#957;&#969;&#957;
+&#7956;&#963;&#967;&#949; &#954;&#8061;&#956;&#945;&#962; &#7936;&#958;&#953;&#959;&#955;&#8057;&#947;&#959;&#965;&#962;, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#960;&#8057;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#962;
+&#960;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#959;&#965;&#962; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#956;&#965;&#961;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#8000;&#954;&#964;&#945;&#954;&#953;&#963;&#967;&#953;&#955;&#8055;&#969;&#957;,
+&#8033; &#7952;&#957; &#964;&#945;&#8146;&#962; &#7936;&#957;&#945;&#947;&#961;&#945;&#966;&#945;&#8150;&#962; &#8001;&#961;&#8118;&#957;
+&#7952;&#963;&#964;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#964;&#945;&#954;&#949;&#967;&#969;&#961;&#953;&#963;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#959;&#957;.
+<i>Diod. Sic. Biblioth. Hist.</i> book i. chap. xxxi. vol. i. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Notwithstanding the positive assertions of M. Matter
+(<i>Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. ii. p. 285; compare <i>Hist. du
+Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i. p. 48), there is no good evidence for the supposed
+travels in Egypt of the earlier Greeks, and it is even questionable if
+Plato ever visited that country. (&lsquo;Whether he ever was in Egypt is
+doubtful.&rsquo; <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. i. p. 60.) The Romans took little
+interest in the subject (<i>Bunsen</i>, vol. i. pp. 152&ndash;158); and, says M.
+Bunsen, p. 152, &lsquo;with Diodorus all systematic inquiry into the history
+of Egypt ceases, not only on the part of the Greeks, but of the ancients
+in general.&rsquo; Mr. Leake, in an essay on the Quorra, arrives at the
+conclusion, that after the time of Ptolemy, the ancients made no
+additions to their knowledge of African geography. <i>Journal of
+Geographical Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> See on this some good remarks in <i>Heeren's African
+Nations</i>, vol. ii. pp. 202&ndash;207; and as to the difference between the
+traditions of Thebes and Memphis, see <i>Matter</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Ecole
+d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. i. p. 7. The power and importance of the two cities
+fluctuated, both being at different periods the capital. <i>Bunsen's
+Egypt</i>, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55, 244, 445, 446; <i>Vyse on the Pyramids</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 27, 100; <i>Sharpe's History of Egypt</i>, vol. i. pp. 9, 19, 24,
+34, 167, 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Sir John Herschel (<i>Disc. on Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 60)
+calculates that the great pyramid weighs twelve thousand seven hundred
+and sixty million pounds. Compare <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, p.
+459, where the still larger estimate of six million tons is given. But
+according to Perring, the present quantity of masonry is 6,316,000 tons,
+or 82,110,000 cubic feet. See <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. ii. p. 155, London,
+1854, and <i>Vyse on the Pyramids</i>, 1840, vol. ii. p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Many fanciful hypotheses have been put forward as to the
+purpose for which the pyramids were built; but it is now admitted that
+they were neither more nor less than tombs for the Egyptian kings! See
+<i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. ii. pp. xvii. 88, 105, 372, 389; and <i>Sharpe's
+History of Egypt</i>, vol. i. p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> For an estimate of the expense at which, one of the
+pyramids could be built in our time by European workmen, see <i>Vyse on
+the Pyramids</i>, vol. ii. p. 268. On account, however, of the number of
+disturbing causes, such calculations have little value.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Those who complain that in Europe this interval is still
+too great, may derive a species of satisfaction from studying the old
+extra-European civilizations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. pp. 8, 9. &lsquo;Nor
+was any one permitted to meddle with political affairs, or to hold any
+civil office in the state.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;If any artizan meddled with political
+affairs, or engaged in any other employment than the one to which he had
+been brought up, a severe punishment was instantly inflicted upon him.&rsquo;
+Compare <i>Diod. Sic. Bibliothec. Hist.</i> book i. chap. lxxiv. vol. i. p.
+223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. i. p. 263, vol. ii.
+p. 2; <i>Sharpe's History of Egypt</i>, vol. ii. p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. pp. 41, 42,
+vol. iii. p. 69, vol. iv. p. 131. Compare Ammianus Marcellinus, in
+<i>Hamilton's Ægyptiaca</i>, p. 309.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> <i>Vyse on the Pyramids</i>, vol. i. p. 61, vol. ii. p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> &lsquo;Ein König ahmte den andern nach, oder suchte ihn zu
+übertreffen; indess das gutmüthige Volk seine Lebenstage am Baue
+dieser Monumente verzehren musste. So entstanden wahrscheinlich die
+Pyramiden und Obelisken Aegyptens. Nur in den ältesten Zeiten wurden sie
+gebauet: denn die spätere Zeit und jede Nation, die ein nützliches
+Gewerbe treiben lernte, bauete keine Pyramiden mehr. Weit gefehlt also,
+dass Pyramiden ein Kennzeichen von der Glückseligkeit und Aufklärung des
+alten Aegyptens seyn sollten, sind sie ein unwidersprechliches Denkmal
+von dem Aberglauben und der Gedankenlosigkeit sowohl der Armen, die da
+baueten, als der Ehrgeizigen, die den Bau befahlen.&rsquo; <i>Herder's Ideen zur
+Geschichte</i>, vol. iii. pp. 103, 104: see also p. 293, and some admirable
+remarks in <i>Volney's Voyage en Egypte</i>, vol. i. pp. 240, 241. Even M.
+Bunsen, notwithstanding his admiration, says of one of the pyramids,
+&lsquo;the misery of the people, already grievously oppressed, was aggravated
+by the construction of this gigantic building&hellip;. The bones of the
+oppressors of the people who for two whole generations harassed hundreds
+of thousands from day to day,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. ii. p. 176, a
+learned and enthusiastic work.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a>
+&#922;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#959;&#8166;&#964;&#959; &#7952;&#954;&#8057;&#956;&#953;&#950;&#959;&#957; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#7952;&#960;&#8125;
+&#7956;&#964;&#949;&#945; &#964;&#961;&#8055;&#945; &#948;&#953;&#959;&#967;&#8055;&#955;&#953;&#959;&#953; &#948;&#8050; &#959;&#7985; &#959;&#963;&#949;&#964;&#949;&#964;&#8049;&#967;&#945;&#964;&#959;
+&#8112;&#957;&#948;&#961;&#949;&#962; &#7936;&#947;&#969;&#947;&#8051;&#949;&#962;. <i>Herodot.</i> book ii. chap. clxxv.
+vol. i. p. 897. On the enormous weight of the stones which the Egyptians
+sometimes carried, see <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. i. p. 379; and as to the
+machines employed, and the use of inclined roads for the transit, see
+<i>Vyse on the Pyramids</i>, vol. i. p. 197, vol. iii. pp. 14, 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. i. p. 70: but this
+learned writer is unwilling to believe a statement so adverse to his
+favourite Egyptians. It is likely enough that there is some
+exaggeration; still no one can dispute the fact of an enormous and
+unprincipled waste of human life.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a>
+&#932;&#961;&#953;&#8049;&#954;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#945; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#947;&#8048;&#961; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#7954;&#958;
+&#956;&#965;&#961;&#953;&#8049;&#948;&#949;&#962; &#7936;&#957;&#8003;&#961;&#8182;&#957;, &#8037;&#962; &#966;&#945;&#963;&#953;, &#964;&#945;&#8150;&#962;
+&#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7956;&#961;&#947;&#969;&#957; &#955;&#949;&#953;&#964;&#959;&#965;&#961;&#947;&#8055;&#945;&#953;&#963;&#956;&#945;
+&#964;&#8051;&#955;&#959;&#962; &#7956;&#963;&#967;&#949; &#956;&#8057;&#947;&#953;&#962; &#7952;&#964;&#8182;&#957; &#949;&#7988;&#954;&#959;&#963;&#953;
+&#948;&#953;&#949;&#955;&#952;&#8057;&#957;&#964;&#969;&#957; <i>Diod. Sic. Bibliothec.
+Hist.</i> book i. ch. lxiii. vol. i. p. 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> &lsquo;When compared with other parts of the New World, Mexico
+and Peru may be considered as polished states.&rsquo; <i>History of America</i>,
+book vii. in <i>Robertson's Works</i>, p. 904. See, to the same effect,
+<i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. v. p. 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Compare <i>Squier's Central America</i>, vol. i. pp. 34, 244,
+358, 421, vol. ii. p. 307, with <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 59, vol. viii. pp. 319, 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Mr. Squier (<i>Central America</i>, vol. ii. p. 68); who
+explored Nicaragua, says of the statues, &lsquo;the material, in every case,
+is a black basalt, of great hardness, which, with the best of modern
+tools, can only be cut with difficulty.&rsquo; Mr. Stephens (<i>Central
+America</i>, vol. ii. p. 355) found at Palenque &lsquo;elegant specimens of art
+and models for study.&rsquo; See also vol. iii. pp. 276, 389, 406, vol. iv. p.
+293. Of the paintings at Chichen he says (vol. iv. p. 311), &lsquo;they
+exhibit a freedom of touch which could only be the result of discipline
+and training under masters.&rsquo; At Copan (vol. i. p. 151), &lsquo;it would be
+impossible, with the best instruments of modern times, to cut stones
+more perfectly.&rsquo; And at Uxmal (vol. ii. p. 431), &lsquo;throughout, the laying
+and polishing of the stones are as perfect as under the rules of the
+best modern masonry.&rsquo; Our knowledge of Central America is almost
+entirely derived from these two writers; and although the work of Mr.
+Stephens is much the more minute, Mr. Squier says (vol. ii. p. 306),
+what I believe is quite true, that until the appearance of his own book
+in 1853, the monuments in Nicaragua were entirely unknown. Short
+descriptions of the remains in Guatemala and Yucatan will be found in
+<i>Larenaudière's Mexique et Guatemala</i>, pp. 308&ndash;327, and in <i>Journal of
+Geograph. Society</i>, vol. iii. pp. 60&ndash;63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> See the remarks on Yucatan in <i>Prichard's Physical
+History of Mankind</i>, vol. v. p. 348: &lsquo;a great and industrious, though
+perhaps, as the writer above cited (Gallatin) observes, an enslaved
+population. Splendid temples and palaces attest the power of the priests
+and nobles, while as usual no trace remains of the huts in which dwelt
+the mass of the nation.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Dr. M'Culloh (<i>Researches concerning the Aboriginal
+History of America</i>, pp. 272&ndash;340) has collected from the Spanish writers
+some meagre statements respecting the early condition of Central
+America; but of its social state and history, properly so called,
+nothing is known; nor is it even certain to what family of nations the
+inhabitants belonged, though a recent author can find &lsquo;la civilisation
+guatemalienne ou misteco-zapotèque et mayaquiche vivante pour nous
+encore dans les ruines de Mitla et de Palenque.&rsquo; <i>Mexique et Guatemala,
+par Larenaudière</i>, p. 8, Paris, 1843. Dr. Prichard, too, refers the
+ruins in Central America to &lsquo;the Mayan race:&rsquo; see <i>Prichard on
+Ethnology</i>, in <i>Report of British Association for 1847</i>, p. 252. But the
+evidence for these and similar statements is very unsatisfactory.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Respecting the connection between the vegetable
+productions of a country and its geognostic peculiarities, little is yet
+known; but the reader may compare <i>Meyen's Geography of Plants</i>, p. 64,
+with <i>Reports on Botany by the Ray Society</i>, 1846, pp. 70, 71. The
+chemical laws of soil are much better understood, and have a direct
+practical bearing on the use of manures. See <i>Turner's Chemistry</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 1310&ndash;1314; <i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 691, vol. ii. pp.
+1867&ndash;1869; <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, pp. 116&ndash;122; <i>Liebig and Kopp's Reports</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 315, 328, vol. iii. p. 463, vol. iv. pp. 438, 442, 446.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> As to the influence of heat and moisture on the
+geographical distribution of plants, see <i>Henslow's Botany</i>, pp.
+295&ndash;300, and <i>Balfour's Botany</i>, pp. 560&ndash;563. Meyen (<i>Geog. of Plants</i>,
+p. 263) says, &lsquo;I, therefore, after allowing for local circumstances,
+bring the vegetation of islands also under the law of nature, according
+to which the number of species constantly increases with increasing heat
+and corresponding humidity.&rsquo; On the effect of temperature alone, compare
+a note in <i>Erman's Siberia</i>, vol. i. pp. 64, 65, with <i>Reports on Botany
+by the Ray Society</i>, pp. 339, 340. In the latter work, it is supposed
+that heat is the most important of all single agents; and though this is
+probably true, still the influence of humidity is immense. I may mention
+as an instance of this, that it has been recently ascertained that the
+oxygen used by seeds during germination, is not always taken from the
+air, but is obtained by decomposing water. See the curious experiments
+of Edwards and Colin in <i>Lindley's Botany</i>, vol. ii. pp. 261, 262,
+London, 1848; and on the direct nourishment which water supplies to
+vegetables, see Burdache's great work, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. ix.
+pp. 254, 398.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> There is a difference between the watersheds of the
+eastern and western ranges, which explains this in part, but not
+entirely; and even if the explanation were more satisfactory than it is,
+it is too proximate to the phenomenon to have much scientific value, and
+must itself be referred to higher geological considerations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Of this irrigation some idea may be formed from an
+estimate that the Amazon drains an area of 2,500,000 square miles; that
+its mouth is 96 miles wide; and that it is navigable 2,200 miles from
+its mouth. <i>Somerville's Physical Geography</i>, vol. i. p. 423. Indeed, it
+is said in an essay on the Hydrography of South America (<i>Journal of
+Geograph. Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 250), that &lsquo;with the exception of one
+short portage of three miles, water flows, and is for the most part
+navigable, between Buenos Ayres, in 35° south latitude, to the mouth of
+the Orinoco, in nearly 9° north.&rsquo; See also on this river-system, vol. v.
+p. 93, vol. x. p. 267. In regard to North America, Mr. Rogers (<i>Geology
+of North America</i>, p. 8, <i>Brit. Assoc. for 1834</i>) says, &lsquo;the area
+drained by the Mississippi and all its tributaries is computed at
+1,099,000 square miles.&rsquo; Compare <i>Richardson's Arctic Expedition</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> The Oregon, or Columbia as it is sometimes called, forms
+a remarkable botanical line, which is the boundary of the Californian
+flora. See <i>Reports on Botany by the Ray Society</i>, p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> For proof that the mean temperature of the western coast
+of North America is higher than that of the eastern coast, see <i>Journal
+of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. ix. p. 380, vol. xi. pp. 168, 216;
+<i>Humboldt</i>, <i>la Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. i. pp. 42, 336; <i>Richardson's
+Arctic Expedition</i>, vol. ii. pp. 214, 218, 219, 259, 260. This is well
+illustrated by the botanical fact, that on the west coast the Coniferæ
+grow as high as 68° or 70° north latitude; while on the east their
+northern limit is 60°. See an Essay on the Morphology of the Coniferæ,
+in <i>Reports on Botany by the Ray Society</i>, p. 8, which should be
+compared with <i>Forry on the Climate of the United States and its Endemic
+Influences</i>, New York, 1842, p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> &lsquo;Writers on climate have remarked that the eastern coasts
+of continents in the northern hemisphere have a lower mean temperature
+than the western coasts.&rsquo; <i>Richardson on North American Zoology</i>, p.
+129, <i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1836: see also <i>Report for</i> 1841, <i>Sections</i>, p.
+28; <i>Davis's China</i>, vol. iii. pp. 140, 141; <i>Journal of Geograph.
+Society</i>, vol. xxii. p. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> The little that is known of the early state of the
+North-American tribes has been brought together by Dr.
+M'Culloh in his learned work, <i>Researches concerning
+America</i>, pp. 119&ndash;146. He says, p. 121, that they &lsquo;lived together
+without laws and civil regulations.&rsquo; In that part of the world, the
+population has probably never been fixed; and we now know that the
+inhabitants of the north-east of Asia have at different times passed
+over to the north-west of America, as in the case of the Tschuktschi,
+who are found in both continents. Indeed, Dobell was so struck by the
+similarity between the North-American tribes and some he met with nearly
+as far west as Tomsk, that he believed their origin to be the same. See
+<i>Dobell's Travels in Kamtschatka and Siberia</i>, 1830, vol. ii. p. 112.
+And on this question of intercourse between the two continents, compare
+<i>Crantz's History of Greenland</i>, vol. i. pp. 259, 260, with
+<i>Richardson's Arctic Expedition</i>, vol. i. pp. 362, 363, and <i>Prichard's
+Physical History of Mankind</i>, vol. iv. pp. 458, 463, vol. v. pp. 371,
+378.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> From general physical considerations, we should suppose a
+relation between amount of rain and extent of coast; and in Europe,
+where alone we have extensive meteorological records, the connexion has
+been proved statistically. &lsquo;If the quantity of rain that falls in
+different parts of Europe is measured, it is found to be less, other
+things being equal, as we recede from the sea-shore.&rsquo; <i>Kaemtz's
+Meteorology</i>, 1845, p. 139. Compare pp. 91, 94. Hence, no doubt, the
+greater rarity of rain as we advance north from Mexico. &lsquo;Au nord du 20°,
+surtout depuis les 22° au 30° de latitude, les pluies, que ne durent que
+pendant les mois de juin, de juillet, d'août et de septembre, sont peu
+fréquentes dans l'intérieur du pays.&rsquo; <i>Humboldt</i>, <i>la Nouvelle Espagne</i>,
+vol. i. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> &lsquo;The difference between the climates of the east and west
+coasts of continents and islands, has also been observed in the southern
+hemisphere but here the west coasts are colder than the east, while in
+the northern hemisphere the east coasts are the colder.&rsquo; <i>Meyen's
+Geography of Plants</i>, 1846, p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Mr. Darwin, who has written one of the most valuable
+works ever published on South America, was struck by this superiority of
+the eastern coast; and he mentions that &lsquo;fruits which ripen well and are
+very abundant, such as the grape and fig, in latitude 41° on the east
+coast, succeed very poorly in a lower latitude on the opposite side of
+the continent.&rsquo; <i>Darwin's Journal of Researches</i>, Lond. 1840, p. 268.
+Compare <i>Meyen's Geog. of Plants</i>, pp. 25, 188. So that the proposition
+of Daniell (<i>Meteorological Essays</i>, p. 104, sec. xiv.) is expressed too
+generally, and should be confined to continents north of the equator.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> The trade-winds sometimes reach the thirtieth parallel.
+See <i>Daniell's Meteorological Essays</i>, p. 469. Dr. Traill (<i>Physical
+Geography</i>, Edin. 1838, p. 200), says, &lsquo;they extend to about 30° on each
+side of the equator:&rsquo; but I believe they are rarely found so high;
+though Robertson is certainly wrong in supposing that they are peculiar
+to the tropics; <i>History of America</i>, book iv. in <i>Robertson's Works</i>,
+p. 781.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> &lsquo;In the northern hemisphere the trade-wind blows from the
+north-east, and in the southern from the south-east.&rsquo; <i>Meyen's Geog. of
+Plants</i>, p. 42. Compare <i>Walsh's Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 112, vol. ii. p.
+494; and on the &lsquo;tropical east-wind&rsquo; of the Gulf of Mexico, see <i>Forry's
+Climate of the United States</i>, p. 206. Dr. Forry says that it has given
+to the growth of the trees &lsquo;an inclination from the sea.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Respecting the causes of the trade-winds, see
+<i>Somerville's Connexion of the Physical Sciences</i>, pp. 136, 137;
+<i>Leslie's Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 518; <i>Daniell's Meteorological
+Essays</i>, pp. 44, 102, 476&ndash;481; <i>Kaemtz's Meteorology</i>, pp. 37&ndash;39;
+<i>Prout's Bridgewater Treatise</i>, pp. 254&ndash;256. The discovery of the true
+theory is often ascribed to Mr. Daniell; but Hadley was the real
+discoverer. <i>Note in Prout</i>, p. 257. The monsoons, which popular writers
+frequently confuse with the trade-winds, are said to be caused by the
+predominance of land, and by the difference between its temperature and
+that of the sea: see <i>Kaemtz</i>, pp. 42&ndash;45. On what may be called the
+conversion of the trades into monsoons, according to the laws very
+recently promulgated by M. Dove, see <i>Report of British Association for</i>
+1847 (<i>Transac. of Sections</i>, p. 30) and <i>Report for</i> 1848, p. 94. The
+monsoons are noticed in <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. p. 485; <i>Asiatic
+Researches</i>, vol. xviii. part i. p. 261; <i>Thirlwall's History of
+Greece</i>, vol. vii. pp. 13, 55; <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 90, vol. iv. pp. 8, 9, 148, 149, 169, vol. xi. p. 162, vol. xv. pp.
+146&ndash;149, vol. xvi. p. 185, vol. xviii. pp. 67, 68, vol. xxiii. p. 112;
+<i>Low's Sarawak</i>, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Lyell's Principles of Geology</i>, pp. 201, 714, 715; see
+also <i>Somerville's Physical Geography</i>, vol. ii. p. 71. And on this
+confining power of the Cordillera of the Andes, see <i>Azara</i>, <i>Voyages
+dans l'Amérique Méridionale</i>, vol. i. p. 33. According to Dr. Tschudi,
+the eastern chain is properly the Andes, and the western the Cordillera;
+but this distinction is rarely made. <i>Tschudi's Travels in Peru</i>, p.
+290.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> On the rain of Brazil, see <i>Daniell's Meteorological
+Essays</i>, p. 335; <i>Darwin's Journal</i>, pp. 11, 33; <i>Spix and Martius's
+Travels in Brazil</i>, vol. ii. p. 113; <i>Gardner's Travels in Brazil</i>, pp.
+53, 99, 114, 175, 233, 394.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Dr. Gardner, who looked at these things with the eye of a
+botanist, says that near Rio de Janeiro the heat and moisture are
+sufficient to compensate even the poorest soil; so that &lsquo;rocks, on which
+scarcely a trace of earth is to be observed, are covered with vellozias,
+tillandsias, melastomaceæ, cacti, orchideæ, and ferns, and all in the
+vigour of life.&rsquo; <i>Gardner's Travels in Brazil</i>, p. 9. See also on this
+combination, <i>Walsh's Brazil</i>, vol. ii. pp. 297, 298, a curious
+description of the rainy season: &lsquo;For eight or nine hours a day, during
+some weeks, I never had a dry shirt on me; and the clothes I divested
+myself of at night, I put on quite wet in the morning. When it did not
+rain, which was very rare, there shone out in some places a burning sun;
+and we went smoking along, the wet exhaling by the heat, as if we were
+dissolving into vapour.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> On the natural history of Brazil, I have compared a few
+notices in <i>Swainson's Geography of Animals</i>, pp. 75&ndash;87, with <i>Cuvier</i>,
+<i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. i. p. 460, vol. ii. pp. 28, 65, 66, 89, vol. iv.
+pp. 51, 75, 258, 320, 394, 485, 561, vol. v. pp. 40, 195, 272, 334, 553;
+<i>Azara</i>, <i>Amérique Méridionale</i>, vol. i. pp. 244&ndash;388, and the greater
+part of vols. iii. and iv.; <i>Winckler</i>, <i>Geschichte der Botanik</i>, pp.
+378, 576&ndash;578; <i>Southey's History of Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 27, vol. iii.
+pp. 315, 823; <i>Gardner's Brazil</i>, pp. 18, 32&ndash;34, 41&ndash;44, 131, 330; <i>Spix
+and Martius's Brazil</i>, vol. i. pp. 207&ndash;209, 238&ndash;248, vol. ii. pp. 131,
+160&ndash;163. And as to the forests, which are among the wonders of the
+world, <i>Somerville's Physical Geog.</i> vol. ii. pp. 204&ndash;206; <i>Prichard's
+Physical History</i>, vol. v. p. 497; <i>Darwin's Journal</i>, pp. 11, 24;
+<i>Walsh's Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 145, vol. ii. pp. 29, 30, 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> This extraordinary richness has excited the astonishment
+of all who have seen it. Mr. Walsh, who had travelled in some very
+fertile countries, mentions &lsquo;the exceeding fecundity of nature which
+characterizes Brazil.&rsquo; <i>Walsh's Brazil</i>, vol. ii. p. 19. And a very
+eminent naturalist, Mr. Darwin, says (<i>Journal</i>, p. 29), &lsquo;In England,
+any person fond of natural history enjoys in his walks a great
+advantage, by always having something to attract his attention; but in
+these fertile climates, teeming with life, the attractions are so
+numerous that he is scarcely able to walk at all.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Azara (<i>Amérique Méridionale</i>, vol. ii. pp. 1&ndash;168) gives
+a curious, but occasionally a disgusting account of the savage natives
+in that part of Brazil south of 16°, to which his observations were
+limited. And as to the inhabitants of other parts, see <i>Henderson's
+History of Brazil</i>, pp. 28, 29, 107, 173, 248, 315, 473; <i>M'Culloh's
+Researches concerning America</i>, p. 77; and the more recent account of
+Dr. Martius, in <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. ii. pp. 191&ndash;199.
+Even in 1817, it was rare to see a native in Rio de Janeiro (<i>Spix and
+Martius's Travels in Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 142); and Dr. Gardner (<i>Travels
+in Brazil</i>, pp. 61, 62) says, that &lsquo;more than one nation of Indians in
+Brazil&rsquo; have returned to that savage life from which they had apparently
+been reclaimed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Sir C. Lyell (<i>Principles of Geology</i>, p. 682) notices
+&lsquo;the incredible number of insects which lay waste the crops in Brazil;&rsquo;
+and Mr. Swainson, who had travelled in that country, says &lsquo;The red ants
+of Brazil are so destructive, and at the same time so prolific, that
+they frequently dispute possession of the ground with the husbandman,
+defy all his skill to extirpate their colonies, and fairly compel him to
+leave his fields uncultivated.&rsquo; <i>Swainson on the Geography and
+Classification of Animals</i>, p. 87. See more about these insects in
+<i>Darwin's Journal</i>, pp. 37&ndash;43; <i>Southey's History of Brazil</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 144, 256, 333&ndash;335, 343, vol. ii. pp. 365, 642, vol. iii. p. 876;
+<i>Spix and Martius's Travels in Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 259, vol. ii. p. 117;
+<i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Règne Animal</i>, vol. iv. p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> The cultivated land is estimated at from 1&frac12; to 2 per
+cent. See <i>M'Culloch's Geog. Dict.</i> 1849, vol. i. p. 430.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> During the present century, the population of Brazil has
+been differently stated at different times; the highest computation
+being 7,000,000, and the lowest 4,000,000. Comp. <i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouv.
+Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 855; <i>Gardner's Brazil</i>, p. 12; <i>M'Culloch's Geog.
+Dict.</i> 1849, vol. i. pp. 430, 434. Mr. Walsh describes Brazil as
+&lsquo;abounding in lands of the most exuberant fertility, but nearly
+destitute of inhabitants.&rsquo; <i>Walsh's Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 248. This was in
+1828 and 1829, since which the European population has increased; but,
+on the whole, 6,000,000 seems to be a fair estimate of what can only be
+known approximatively. In <i>Alison's History</i>, vol. x. p. 229, the number
+given is 5,000,000; but the area also is rather understated.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Vidaca being the most southerly point of the present
+Peruvian coast; though the conquests of Peru, incorporated with the
+empire, extended far into Chili, and within a few degrees of Patagonia.
+In regard to Mexico, the northern limit of the empire was 21°, on the
+Atlantic coast, and 19° on the Pacific. <i>Prescott's History of Mexico</i>,
+vol. i. p. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> A question has been raised as to the Asiatic origin of
+maize: <i>Reynier</i>, <i>Economie des Arabes</i>, pp. 94, 95. But later and more
+careful researches seem to have ascertained beyond much doubt that it
+was unknown before America was discovered. Compare <i>Meyen's Geography of
+Plants</i>, pp. 44, 303, 304; <i>Walckenaer's note in Azara, Amérique
+Méridionale</i>, vol. i. p. 149; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences
+Naturelles</i>, vol. ii. p. 354; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges Historiques</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 178; <i>Loudon's Encyclopædia of Agriculture</i>, p. 829; <i>M'Culloch's
+Dict. of Commerce</i>, 1849, p. 831. The casual notices of maize by
+Ixtlilxochitl, the native Mexican historian, show its general use as an
+article of food before the arrival of the Spaniards: see
+<i>Ixtlilxochitl</i>, <i>Histoire des Chichimèques</i>, vol. i. pp. 53, 64, 240,
+vol. ii. p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> &lsquo;Maize, indeed, grows to the height of 7,200 feet above
+the level of the sea, but only predominates between 3,000 and 6,000 of
+elevation.' <i>Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom</i>, 1847, p. 112. This refers to
+the tropical parts of South America; but the Zea Mais is said to have
+been raised on the slopes of the Pyrenees &lsquo;at an elevation of 3,000 to
+4,000 feet.&rsquo; See <i>Austen on the Forty Days' Maize</i>, in <i>Report of Brit.
+Assoc. for</i> 1849, <i>Trans. of Sec.</i> p. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> M. Meyen (<i>Geog. of Plants</i>, p. 302) and Mr. Balfour
+(<i>Botany</i>, p. 567) suppose that in America 40° is about its limit; and
+this is the case in regard to its extensive cultivation; but it is grown
+certainly as high as 52°, perhaps as high as 54°, north latitude: see
+<i>Richardson's Arctic Expedition</i>, 1851, vol. ii. pp. 49, 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> &lsquo;Sous la zone tempérée, entre les 33 et 38 degrés de
+latitude, par exemple dans la Nouvelle Californie, le maïs ne produit,
+en général, année commune, que 70 à 80 grains pour un.&rsquo; <i>Humboldt</i>, <i>la
+Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 375.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> &lsquo;La fécondité du Tlaolli, ou maïs mexicain, est au-delà
+de tout ce que l'on peut imaginer en Europe. La plante, favorisée par de
+fortes chaleurs et par beaucoup d'humidité, acquiert une hauteur de deux
+à trois mètres. Dans les belles plaines qui s'étendent depuis San Juan
+del Rio à Queretaro, par exemple dans les terres de la grande métairie
+de l'Esperanza, une fanègue de maïs en produit quelquefois huit cents.
+Des terrains fertiles en donnent, année commune, trois à quatre cents.&rsquo;
+<i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouv. Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 374. Nearly the same estimate
+is given by Mr. Ward: see <i>Ward's Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 32, vol. ii. p.
+230. In Central America (Guatemala), maize returns three hundred for
+one. <i>Mexique et Guatemala, par Larenaudière</i>, p. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> &lsquo;La pomme de terre n'est pas indigène au Pérou.&rsquo;
+<i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouv. Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 400. On the other hand, Cuvier
+(<i>Histoire des Sciences Naturelles</i>, part ii. p. 185) peremptorily says,
+&lsquo;il est impossible de douter qu'elle ne soit originaire du Pérou:&rsquo; see
+also his <i>Eloges Historiques</i>, vol. ii. p. 171. Compare <i>Winckler</i>,
+<i>Gesch. der Botanik</i>, p. 92: &lsquo;Von einem gewissen Carate unter den
+Gewächsen Peru's mit dem Namen papas aufgeführt.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> And has been used ever since for food. On the Peruvian
+potato compare <i>Tschudi's Travels in Peru</i>, pp. 178, 368, 386; <i>Ulloa's
+Voyage to South America</i>, vol. i. pp. 287, 288. In Southern Peru, at the
+height of 13,000 or 14,000 feet, a curious process takes place, the
+starch of the potato being frozen into saccharine. See a valuable paper
+by Mr. Bollaert in <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. xxi. p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Humboldt (<i>Nouv. Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 359) says,
+&lsquo;partout où la chaleur moyenne de l'année excède vingt-quatre degrés
+centigrades, le fruit du bananier est un objet de culture du plus grand
+intérêt pour la subsistance de l'homme.&rsquo; Compare <i>Bullock's Mexico</i>, p.
+281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> <i>M'Culloch's Geograph. Dict.</i>, 1849, vol. ii. p. 315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> &lsquo;Je doute qu'il existe une autre plante sur le globe,
+qui, sur un petit espace de terrain, puisse produire une masse de
+substance nourrissante aussi considérable.&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;Le produit des bananes
+est par conséquent à celui du froment comme 133: 1&mdash;à celui des pommes
+de terre comme 44: l'<i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. ii. pp. 362,
+363. See also <i>Prout's Bridgewater Treatise</i>, p. 333, edit. 1845;
+<i>Prescott's Peru</i>, vol. i. pp. 131, 132; <i>Prescott's Mexico</i>, vol. i. p.
+114. Earlier notices, but very imperfect ones, of this remarkable
+vegetable may be found in <i>Ulloa's South America</i>, vol. i. p. 74; and in
+<i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 590.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> The only science with which they had much acquaintance
+was astronomy, which the Mexicans appear to have cultivated with
+considerable success. Compare the remark of La Place, in <i>Humboldt</i>,
+<i>Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. i. p. 92, with <i>Prichard's Physical History</i>,
+vol. v. pp. 323, 329; <i>M'Culloch's Researches</i>, pp. 201&ndash;225;
+<i>Larenaudière's Mexique</i>, pp. 51, 52; <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. iv. p.
+456; <i>Journal of Geog. Society</i>, vol. vii. p. 3. However, their
+astronomy, as might be expected, was accompanied by astrology: see
+<i>Ixtlilxochitl</i>, <i>Histoire des Chichimèques</i>, vol. i. p. 168, vol. ii. pp.
+94, 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> The works of art produced by the Mexicans and Peruvians
+are under-rated by Robertson: who, however, admits that he had never
+seen them. <i>History of America</i>, book vii., in <i>Robertson's Works</i>, pp.
+909, 920. But during the present century considerable attention has been
+paid to this subject: and in addition to the evidence of skill and
+costly extravagance collected by Mr. Prescott, <i>History of Peru</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 28, 142; <i>History of Mexico</i>, vol. i. pp. 27, 28, 122, 256, 270,
+307, vol. ii. pp. 115, 116), I may refer to the testimony of M.
+Humboldt, the only traveller in the New World who has possessed a
+competent amount of physical as well as historical knowledge. <i>Humboldt,
+Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 483, and elsewhere. Compare Mr.
+Pentland's observations on the tombs in the neighbourhood of Titicaca
+(<i>Jour. of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. x. p. 554) with <i>M'Culloh's Researches</i>, pp.
+364&ndash;366; <i>Mexique par Larenaudière</i>, pp. 41, 42, 66; <i>Ulloa's South
+America</i>, vol. i. pp. 465, 466.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> &lsquo;The members of the royal house, the great nobles, even
+the public functionaries, and the numerous body of the priesthood, were
+all exempt from taxation. The whole duty of defraying the expenses of
+the government belonged to the people.&rsquo; <i>Prescott's History of Peru</i>,
+vol. i. p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Ondegardo emphatically says, &lsquo;Solo el trabajo de las
+personas era el tributo que se dava, porque ellos no poseian otra cosa.&rsquo;
+<i>Prescott's Peru</i>, vol. i. p. 57. Compare <i>M'Culloh's Researches</i>, p.
+359. In Mexico the state of things was just the same: &lsquo;Le petit peuple,
+qui ne possédait point de biens-fonds, et qui ne faisait point de
+commerce, payait sa part des taxes en travaux de différents genres;
+c'était par lui que les terres de la couronne étaient cultivées, les
+ouvrages publics exécutés, et les diverses maisons appartenantes à
+l'empereur construites ou entretenues.&rsquo; <i>Larenaudière's Mexique</i>, p.
+39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Mr. Prescott notices this with surprise, though, under
+the circumstances, it was in truth perfectly natural. He says (<i>Hist. of
+Peru</i>, vol. i. p. 159), &lsquo;Under this extraordinary polity, a people,
+advanced in many of the social refinements, well skilled in manufactures
+and agriculture, were unacquainted, as we have seen, with money. They
+had nothing that deserved to be called property. They could follow no
+craft, could engage in no labour, no amusement, but such as was
+specially provided by law. They could not change their residence or
+their dress without a licence from the government. They could not even
+exercise the freedom which is conceded to the most abject in other
+countries&mdash;that of selecting their own wives.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> The Mexicans being, as Prichard says (<i>Physical History</i>,
+vol. v. p. 467), of a more cruel disposition than the Peruvians; but our
+information is too limited to enable us to determine whether this was
+mainly owing to physical causes or to social ones. Herder preferred the
+Peruvian civilization: &lsquo;der gebildetste Staat dieses Welttheils, Peru.&rsquo;
+<i>Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit</i>, vol. i. p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> See in <i>Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. i. p. 101, a
+striking summary of the state of the Mexican people at the time of the
+Spanish Conquest: see also <i>History of America</i>, book vii., in
+<i>Robertson's Works</i>, p. 907.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of the Conquest of Mexico</i>, vol. i.
+p. 34. Compare a similar remark on the invasion of Egypt in <i>Bunsen's
+Egypt</i>, vol. ii. p. 414.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> That there were castes in Persia is stated by Firdousi;
+and his assertion, putting aside its general probability, ought to
+outweigh the silence of the Greek historians, who, for the most part,
+knew little of any country except their own. According to Malcolm, the
+existence of caste in the time of Jemsheed, is confirmed by some
+&lsquo;Mahomedan authors;&rsquo; but he does not say who they were. <i>Malcolm's
+History of Persia</i>, vol. i. pp. 505, 506. Several attempts have been
+made, but very unsuccessfully, to ascertain the period in which castes
+were first instituted. Compare <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. vi. p. 251;
+Heeren's <i>African Nations</i>, vol. ii. p. 121; <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 410; <i>Rammohun Roy on the Veds</i>, p. 269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Peru</i>, vol. i. pp. 143, 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> &lsquo;Les Américains, comme les habitans de l'Indoustan, et
+comme tous les peuples qui ont gémi long-temps sous le despotisme civil
+et religieux, tiennent avec une opiniâtreté extraordinaire à leurs
+habitudes, à leurs m&oelig;urs, à leurs opinions&hellip;. Au Mexique, comme dans
+l'Indoustan, il n'étoit pas permis aux fidèles de changer la moindre
+chose aux figures des idoles. Tout ce qui appartenoit au rite des
+Aztèques et des Hindous étoit assujéti à des lois immuables.&rsquo; <i>Humboldt</i>,
+<i>Nouv. Espagne</i>, vol. i. pp. 95, 97. Turgot (<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+226, 313, 314) has some admirable remarks on this fixity of opinion
+natural to certain states of society. See also <i>Herder's Ideen zur
+Geschichte</i>, vol. iii. pp. 34, 35; and for other illustrations of this
+unpliancy of thought, and adherence to old customs, which many writers
+suppose to be an eastern peculiarity but which is far more widely
+spread, and is, as Humboldt clearly saw, the result of an unequal
+distribution of power, compare <i>Turner's Embassy to Tibet</i>, p. 41;
+<i>Forbes's Oriental Memoirs</i>, vol. i. pp. 15, 164, vol. ii. p. 236;
+<i>Mill's History of India</i>, vol. ii. p. 214; <i>Elphinstone's History of
+India</i>, p. 48; <i>Otter's Life of Clarke</i>, vol. ii. p. 109; <i>Transac. of
+Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 64; <i>Journal of Asiat. Society</i>, vol.
+viii. p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> &lsquo;How scrupulous the Egyptians were, above all people, in
+permitting the introduction of new customs in matters relating to the
+gods.&rsquo; <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. iii. p. 262. Compare p.
+275. Thus, too, M. Bunsen notices the &lsquo;tenacity with which the Egyptians
+adhered to old manners and customs.&rsquo; <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. ii. p. 64.
+See also some remarks on the difference between this spirit and the love
+of novelty among the Greeks, in <i>Ritter's History of Ancient
+Philosophy</i>, vol. iv. pp. 625, 626.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>Herodot.</i> book ii. chap. 79:
+&#960;&#945;&#964;&#961;&#8055;&#959;&#953;&#963;&#953; &#948;&#8050; &#967;&#961;&#949;&#8061;&#956;&#949;&#957;&#959;&#953; &#957;&#8057;&#956;&#959;&#953;&#963;&#953;,
+&#7956;&#955;&#955;&#959;&#957; &#959;&#8000;&#948;&#8051;&#945; &#7952;&#953;&#964;&#8051;&#969;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#953;: and see the note in
+<i>Baehr</i>, vol. i. p. 660: &lsquo;&#957;&#8057;&#956;&#959;&#965;&#962; priores interpretes
+explicarunt <i>cantilenas</i>, <i>hymnos</i>; Schweighæuserus rectius intellexit
+<i>instituta ac mores</i>.&rsquo; In the same way, in Timæus, Plato represents an
+Egyptian priest saying to Solon, &#7965;&#955;&#955;&#951;&#957;&#949;&#962; &#7936;&#949;&#8054; &#960;&#945;&#8150;&#948;&#8051;&#962;
+&#7952;&#963;&#964;&#949;, &#947;&#8051;&#961;&#969;&#957; &#948;&#8050; &#7965;&#955;&#955;&#951;&#957; &#959;&#8016;&#954; &#7956;&#963;&#964;&#953;&#957;.
+And when Solon asked what he meant, &#925;&#8051;&#959;&#953; &#7952;&#963;&#964;&#949;, was the reply, &#964;&#8048;&#962; &#968;&#965;&#967;&#8048;&#962; &#960;&#8049;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962;&#8901; &#959;&#8016;&#948;&#949;&#956;&#8055;&#945;&#957; &#947;&#8048;&#961; &#7952;&#957;
+&#945;&#8016;&#964;&#945;&#8150;&#962; &#7956;&#967;&#949;&#964;&#949; &#948;&#8054; &#7936;&#961;&#967;&#945;&#8055;&#945;&#957; &#7936;&#954;&#959;&#8052;&#957;
+&#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#8056;&#957; &#948;&#8057;&#958;&#945;&#957; &#959;&#8016;&#948;&#8050; &#956;&#8049;&#952;&#951;&#956;&#945; &#967;&#961;&#8057;&#957;&#966;
+&#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#8056;&#957; &#959;&#8016;&#948;&#8051;&#957;. Chap. v. in <i>Platonis Opera</i>, vol. vii. p. 242, edit. Bekker,
+Lond. 1826.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> The Mexicans appear to have been even more wantonly
+prodigal than the Peruvians. See, respecting their immense pyramids, one
+of which, Cholula had a base &lsquo;twice as broad as the largest Egyptian
+pyramid,&rsquo; <i>M'Culloh's Researches</i>, pp. 252&ndash;256; <i>Bullock's Mexico</i>, pp.
+111&ndash;115, 414; <i>Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne</i>, vol. i. pp. 240, 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 117, vol. iii.
+p. 341; and <i>Prescott's History of Peru</i>, vol. i. p. 145. See also
+<i>Haüy</i>, <i>Traité de Minéralogie</i>, Paris, 1801, vol. iv. p. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Peru</i>, vol. i. p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Mr. Prescott (<i>History of Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 153) says,
+&lsquo;We are not informed of the time occupied in building this palace; but
+200,000 workmen, it is said, were employed on it. However this may be,
+it is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs, like those of Asia and ancient
+Egypt, had the control of immense masses of men, and would sometimes
+turn the whole population of a conquered city, including the women, into
+the public works. The most gigantic monuments of architecture which the
+world has witnessed would never have been reared by the hands of
+freemen.&rsquo; The Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, gives a curious account
+of one of the royal palaces. See his <i>Histoire de Chichiméques</i>,
+translated by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840, vol. i. pp. 257&ndash;262, chap.
+xxxvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> This may be illustrated by a good remark of M. Matter, to
+the effect that when the Egyptians had once lost their race of kings, it
+was found impossible for the nation to reconstruct itself. <i>Matter</i>,
+<i>Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. i. p. 68; a striking passage.
+In Persia, again, when the feeling of loyalty decayed, so also did the
+feeling of national power. <i>Malcolm's History of Persia</i>, vol. ii. p.
+130. The history of the most civilized parts of Europe presents a
+picture exactly the reverse of this.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> I mean in regard to the physical and economical
+generalizations. As to the literature of the subject, I am conscious of
+many deficiencies, particularly in respect to the Mexican and Peruvian
+histories.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> The sensation of fear, even when there is no danger,
+becomes strong enough to destroy the pleasure that would otherwise be
+felt. See, for instance, a description of the great mountain boundary of
+Hindostan, in <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. xi. p. 469: &lsquo;It is necessary
+for a person to place himself in our situation before he can form a just
+conception of the scene. The depth of the valley below, the progressive
+elevation of the intermediate hills, and the majestic splendour of the
+cloud-capped Himalaya, formed so grand a picture, that the mind was
+impressed with a sensation of dread rather than of pleasure.&rsquo; Compare
+vol. xiv. p. 116, Calcutta, 1822. In the Tyrol, it has been observed,
+that the grandeur of the mountain scenery imbues the minds of the
+natives with fear, and has caused the invention of many superstitious
+legends. <i>Alison's Europe</i>, vol. ix. pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> &lsquo;Une augmentation d'électricité s'y manifeste aussi
+presque toujours, et ils sont généralement annoncés par le mugissement
+des bestiaux, par l'inquiétude des animaux domestiques, et dans les
+hommes par cette sorte de malaise qui, en Europe, précède les orages
+dans les personnes nerveuses.&rsquo; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Prog. des Sciences</i>, vol. i.
+p. 265. See also, on this &lsquo;Vorgefühl,&rsquo; the observation of Von Hoff, in
+Mr. Mallet's valuable essay on earthquakes (<i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1850, p.
+68); and the &lsquo;foreboding&rsquo; in <i>Tschudi's Peru</i>, p. 165; and a letter in
+<i>Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iv. p. 504.
+The probable connexion between earthquakes and electricity is noticed in
+<i>Bakewell's Geology</i>, p. 434.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> &lsquo;Peru is more subject perhaps than any other country to
+the tremendous visitation of earthquakes.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geog. Dict.</i>
+1849. vol. ii. p. 499. Dr. Tschudi (<i>Travels in Peru</i>, p. 162) says of
+Lima, &lsquo;at an average forty-five shocks may be counted on in the year.&rsquo;
+See also on the Peruvian earthquakes, pp. 43, 75, 87, 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> A curious instance of association of ideas conquering the
+deadening effect of habit. Dr. Tschudi (<i>Peru</i>, p. 170), describing the
+panic, says, &lsquo;no familiarity with the phenomenon can blunt this
+feeling.&rsquo; Beale (<i>South-Sea Whaling Voyage</i>, Lond. 1839, p. 205) writes,
+&lsquo;it is said at Peru, that the oftener the natives of the place feel
+those vibrations of the earth, instead of becoming habituated to them,
+as persons do who are constantly exposed to other dangers, they become
+more filled with dismay every time the shock is repeated, so that aged
+people often find the terror a slight shock will produce almost
+insupportable.&rsquo; Compare <i>Darwin's Journal</i>, pp. 422, 423. So, too, in
+regard to Mexican earthquakes, Mr. Ward observes, that &lsquo;the natives are
+both more sensible than strangers of the smaller shocks, and more
+alarmed by them.&rsquo; <i>Ward's Mexico</i>, vol. ii. p. 55. On the physiological
+effects of the fear caused by earthquakes, see the remarkable statement
+by Osiander in <i>Burdach's Physiologie comme Science d'Observation</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 223, 224. That the fear should be not deadened by
+familiarity, but increased by it, would hardly be expected by
+speculative reasoners unacquainted with the evidence; and we find, in
+fact, that the Pyrrhonists asserted that &#959;&#8001; &#947;&#959;&#8166;&#957; &#963;&#949;&#953;&#963;&#956;&#8048; &#960;&#945;&#961;&#8125; &#959;&#8023;&#962; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#949;&#967;&#8182;&#962;
+&#7936;&#960;&#959;&#964;&#949;&#955;&#959;&#8166;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#953;, &#959;&#8016; &#952;&#945;&#965;&#956;&#8049;&#950;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#959;&#8901; &#959;&#8016;&#948;&#8125;
+&#8001; &#7973;&#955;&#953;&#959;&#962;, &#8005;&#964;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#952;&#8125; &#7969;&#956;&#8051;&#961;&#945;&#957; &#8001;&#961;&#8049;&#945;&#953;. <i>Diog. Laert. de Vitis Philos.</i> lib. ix. segm. 87,
+vol. i. p. 591.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Mr. Stephens, who gives a striking description of an
+earthquake in Central America, emphatically says, &lsquo;I never felt myself
+so feeble a thing before.&rsquo; <i>Stephens's Central America</i>, vol. i. p. 383.
+See also the account of the effects produced on the mind by an
+earthquake, in <i>Transac. of Soc. of Bombay</i>, vol. iii. p. 98, and the
+note at p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> The effect of earthquakes in encouraging superstition, is
+noticed in Lyell's admirable work, <i>Principles of Geology</i>, p. 492.
+Compare a myth on the origin of earthquakes in <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire
+Critique de Manichée</i>, vol. i. p. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> The greatest men in science, and in fact all very great
+men, have no doubt been remarkable for the powers of their imagination.
+But in art the imagination plays a far more conspicuous part than in
+science; and this is what I mean to express by the proposition in the
+text. Sir David Brewster, indeed, thinks that Newton was deficient in
+imagination: &lsquo;the weakness of his imaginative powers.&rsquo; <i>Brewster's Life
+of Newton</i>, 1855, vol. ii. p. 133. It is impossible to discuss so large
+a question in a note; but to my apprehension, no poet, except Dante and
+Shakespeare, ever had an imagination more soaring and more audacious
+than that possessed by Sir Isaac Newton.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> The remarks made by Mr. Ticknor on the absence of science
+in Spain, might be extended even further than he has done. See
+<i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223. He
+says, p. 237, that in 1771, the University of Salamanca being urged to
+teach the physical sciences, replied, &lsquo;Newton teaches nothing that would
+make a good logician or metaphysician, and Gassendi and Descartes do not
+agree so well with revealed truth as Aristotle does.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> In <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. vi. pp. 35, 36, there is a
+good instance of an earthquake giving rise to a theological fiction. See
+also vol. i. pp. 154&ndash;157; and compare <i>Coleman's Mythology of the
+Hindus</i>, p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> See for example, <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. iv. pp. 56,
+57, vol. vii. p. 94; and the effect produced by a volcano, in <i>Journal
+of Geograph. Society</i>, vol. v. p. 388. See also vol. xx. p. 8, and a
+practical recognition of the principle by Sextus Empiricus, in
+<i>Tennemann's Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. i. p. 292. Compare the
+use the clergy made of a volcanic eruption in Iceland (<i>Wheaton's
+History of the Northmen</i>, p. 42); and see further <i>Raffles' History of
+Java</i>, vol. i. pp. 29, 274, and <i>Tschudi's Peru</i>, pp. 64, 167, 171.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> The Hindus in the Iruari forests, says Mr. Edye, &lsquo;worship
+and respect everything from which they apprehend danger.&rsquo; <i>Edye on the
+Coast of Malabar</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Dr. Prichard (<i>Physical History</i>, vol. iv. p. 501) says
+&lsquo;The tiger is worshipped by the Hajin tribe in the vicinity of the
+Garrows or Garrudus.&rsquo; Compare <i>Transactions of Asiatic Society</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 66. Among the Garrows themselves, this feeling is so strong,
+that &lsquo;the tiger's nose strung round a woman's neck is considered as a
+great preservative in childbirth.&rsquo; <i>Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus</i>,
+p. 321. The Seiks have a curious superstition respecting wounds
+inflicted by tigers (<i>Burne's Bokhara</i>, 1834, vol. iii. p. 140); and the
+Malasir believe that these animals are sent as a punishment for
+irreligion. <i>Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore</i>, vol. ii. p. 385.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> The inhabitants of Sumatra are, for superstitious
+reasons, most unwilling to destroy tigers, though they commit frightful
+ravages. <i>Marsden's History of Sumatra</i>, pp. 149, 254. The Russian
+account of the Kamtschatkans says, &lsquo;besides the above-mentioned gods,
+they pay a religious regard to several animals from which they apprehend
+danger.&rsquo;<i>Grieve's History of Kamtschatka</i>, p. 205. Bruce mentions that
+in Abyssinia, hyænas are considered &lsquo;enchanters&rsquo; and the inhabitants
+&lsquo;will not touch the skin of a hyæna till it has been prayed over and
+exorcised by a priest.&rsquo; <i>Murray's Life of Bruce</i>, p. 472. Allied to
+this, is the respect paid to bears (<i>Erman's Siberia</i>, vol. i. p. 492,
+vol. ii. pp. 42, 43); also the extensively-diffused worship of the
+serpent, whose wily movements are well calculated to inspire fear, and
+therefore rouse the religious feelings. The danger apprehended from
+noxious reptiles is connected with the Dews of the Zendavesta. See
+<i>Matter's Histoire du Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i. p. 380, Paris, 1828.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> To give one instance of the extent to which these
+operate, it may be mentioned, that in 1815 an earthquake and volcanic
+eruption broke forth in Sumbawa, which shook the ground &lsquo;through an area
+of 1,000 miles in circumference,&rsquo; and the detonations of which were
+heard at a distance of 970 geographical miles. <i>Somerville's Connexion
+of the Physical Sciences</i>, p. 283; <i>Hitchcock's Religion of Geology</i>, p.
+190; <i>Low's Sarawak</i>, p. 10; <i>Bakewell's Geology</i>, p. 438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> In the sixteenth century, &lsquo;Les différentes sectes
+s'accordèrent néanmoins à regarder les maladies graves et dangereuses
+comme un effet immédiat de la puissance divine; idée que Fernel
+contribua encore à répandre davantage. On trouve dans Paré plusieurs
+passages de la Bible, cités pour prouver que la colère de Dieu est la
+seule cause de la peste, qu'elle suffit pour provoquer ce fléau, et que
+sans elle les causes éloignées ne sauraient agir.&rsquo; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Histoire
+de la Médecine</i>, vol. iii. p. 112. The same learned writer says of the
+Middle Ages (vol. ii. p. 372), &lsquo;D'après l'esprit généralement répandu
+dans ces siècles de barbarie, on croyait la lèpre envoyée d'une manière
+immédiate par Dieu.&rsquo; See also pp. 145, 346, 431. Bishop Heber says that
+the Hindus deprive lepers of caste and of the right of possessing
+property, because they are objects of &lsquo;Heaven's wrath.&rsquo; <i>Heber's Journey
+through India</i>, vol. ii. p. 330. On the Jewish opinion, see <i>Le Clerc</i>,
+<i>Bibliothèque Universelle</i>, vol. iv. p. 402, Amsterdam, 1702. And as to
+the early Christians, see <i>Maury</i>, <i>Légendes Pieuses</i>, p. 68, Paris,
+1843: though M. Maury ascribes to &lsquo;les idées orientales reçues par le
+christianisme,&rsquo; what is due to the operation of a much wider principle.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> Under the influence of the inductive philosophy, the
+theological theory of disease was seriously weakened before the middle
+of the seventeenth century; and by the middle, or at all events the
+latter half, of the eighteenth century, it had lost all its partisans
+among scientific men. At present it still lingers on among the vulgar;
+and traces of it may be found in the writings of the clergy, and in the
+works of other persons little acquainted with physical knowledge. When
+the cholera broke out in England, attempts were made to revive the old
+notion; but the spirit of the age was too strong for such efforts to
+succeed; and it may be safely predicted that men will never return to
+their former opinions, unless they first return to their former
+ignorance. As a specimen of the ideas which the cholera tended to
+excite, and of their antagonism to all scientific investigation, I may
+refer to a letter written in 1832 by Mrs. Grant, a woman of some
+accomplishments, and not devoid of influence (<i>Correspondence of Mrs.
+Grant</i>, London, 1844, vol. iii. pp. 216, 217), where she states that &lsquo;it
+appears to me great presumption to indulge so much as people do in
+speculation and conjecture about a disease so evidently a peculiar
+infliction, and different from all other modes of suffering hitherto
+known.&rsquo; This desire to limit human speculation is precisely the feeling
+which long retained Europe in darkness; since it effectually prevented
+those free inquiries to which we are indebted for all the real knowledge
+we possess. The doubts of Boyle upon this subject supply a curious
+instance of the transitory state through which the mind was passing in
+the seventeenth century, and by which the way was prepared for the great
+liberating movement of the next age. Boyle, after stating both sides of
+the question, namely, the theological and the scientific, adds, &lsquo;and it
+is the less likely that these sweeping and contagious maladies should be
+always sent for the punishment of impious men, because I remember to
+have read in good authors, that as some plagues destroyed both men and
+beasts, so some other did peculiarly destroy brute animals of very
+little consideration or use to men, as cats,&rsquo; &amp;c.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Upon these and the like reasons, I have sometimes suspected that in the
+controversy about the origin of the plague, namely, whether it be
+natural or supernatural, neither of the contending parties is altogether
+in the right; since it is very possible that some pestilences may not
+break forth without an extraordinary, though perhaps not immediate,
+interposition of Almighty God, provoked by the sins of men; and yet
+other plagues may be produced by a tragical concourse of merely natural
+causes.&rsquo; <i>Discourse on the Air</i>, in <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 288,
+289. &lsquo;<i>Neither of the contending parties is altogether in the
+right!</i>&rsquo;&mdash;an instructive passage towards understanding the compromising
+spirit of the seventeenth century; standing midway, as it did, between
+the credulity of the sixteenth, and the scepticism of the eighteenth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> To the historian of the human mind, the whole question is
+so full of interest, that I shall refer in this note to all the evidence
+I have been able to collect: and whoever will compare the following
+passages may satisfy himself that there is in every part of the world an
+intimate relation between ignorance respecting the nature and proper
+treatment of a disease, and the belief that such disease is caused by
+supernatural power, and is to be cured by it. <i>Burton's Sindh</i>, p. 146,
+London, 1851; <i>Ellis's Polynesian Researches</i>, vol. i. p. 395, vol. iii.
+pp. 36, 41, vol. iv. pp. 293, 334, 375; <i>Cullen's Works</i>, Edinb. 1827,
+vol. ii. pp. 414, 434; <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. i. pp. 274,
+482; <i>Cabanis</i>, <i>Rapports du Physique et du Moral</i>, p. 277; <i>Volney</i>,
+<i>Voyage en Syrie</i>, vol. i. p. 426; <i>Turner's Embassy to Tibet</i>, p. 104;
+<i>Syme's Embassy to Ava</i>, vol. ii. p. 211; <i>Ellis's Tour through Hawaii</i>,
+pp. 282, 283, 332, 333; <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>, vol. i.
+p. 398; <i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. i. pp. 261,
+262; <i>Grote's History of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 485 (compare p. 251, and
+vol. vi. p. 213); <i>Grieve's History of Kamtschatka</i>, p. 217; <i>Journal of
+Statist. Soc.</i> vol. x. p. 10; <i>Buchanan's North American Indians</i>, pp.
+256, 257; <i>Halkett's North American Indians</i>, pp. 36, 37, 388, 393, 394;
+<i>Catlin's North American Indians</i>, vol. i. pp. 35&ndash;41; <i>Briggs on the
+Aboriginal Tribes of India</i>, in <i>Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1850</i>, p.
+172; <i>Transactions of Soc. of Bombay</i>, vol. ii. p. 30; <i>Percival's
+Ceylon</i>, p. 201; <i>Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+27, 152, 286, 528, vol. iii. pp. 23, 188, 253 (so, too, M. Geoffroy
+Saint Hilaire, <i>Anomalies de l'Organization</i>, vol. iii. p. 380, says
+that when we were quite ignorant of the cause of monstrous births, the
+phenomenon was ascribed to the Deity,&mdash;&lsquo;de là aussi l'intervention
+supposée de la divinité;&rsquo; and for an exact verification of this, compare
+<i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. ii. p. 247, with <i>Journal of
+Geog. Soc.</i> vol. xvi. p. 113); <i>Ellis's History of Madagascar</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 224, 225; <i>Prichard's Physical History</i>, vol. i. p. 207, vol. v. p.
+492; <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. iii. p. 230, vol. iv. p. 158;
+<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. iii. pp. 29, 156, vol. iv. pp. 56, 58, 74,
+vol. xvi. pp. 215, 280; <i>Neander's History of the Church</i>, vol. iii. p.
+119; <i>Crawfurd's History of the Indian Archipelago</i>, vol. i. p. 328;
+<i>Low's Sarawak</i>, pp. 174, 261; <i>Cook's Voyages</i>, vol. i. p. 229;
+<i>Mariner's Tonga Islands</i>, vol. i. pp. 194, 350&ndash;360, 374, 438, vol. ii.
+pp. 172, 230; <i>Huc's Travels in Tartary and Thibet</i>, vol. i. pp. 74&ndash;77;
+<i>Richardson's Travels in the Sahara</i>, vol. i. p. 27; <i>M'Culloh's
+Researches</i>, p. 105; <i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. i. p. 41, vol. iv. p.
+260, vol. xiv. p. 37. And in regard to Europe, compare <i>Spence</i>, <i>Origin
+of the Laws of Europe</i>, p. 322; <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 443; <i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, p. 255; <i>Otter's Life of Clarke</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 265, 266, which may be illustrated by the &lsquo;sacred&rsquo; disease of
+Cambyses, no doubt epilepsy; see <i>Herodot.</i> lib. iii. chap. xxxiv. vol.
+ii. p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Heat, moisture, and consequent rapid decomposition of
+vegetable matter, are certainly among the causes of this; and to them
+may perhaps be added the electrical state of the atmosphere in the
+tropics. Compare <i>Holland's Medical Notes</i>, p. 477; <i>M'William's Medical
+Expedition to the Niger</i>, pp. 157, 185; <i>Simon's Pathology</i>, p. 269;
+<i>Forry's Climate and its Endemic Influences</i>, p. 158. M. Lepelletier
+says, rather vaguely (<i>Physiologie Médicale</i>, vol. iv. p. 527), that the
+temperate zones are &lsquo;favorables à l'exercice complet et régulier des
+phénomènes vitaux.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> And must have strengthened the power of the clergy; for,
+as Charlevoix says with great frankness, &lsquo;pestilences are the harvests
+of the ministers of God.&rsquo; <i>Southey's History of Brazil</i>, vol. ii. p.
+254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> For evidence of the extra-European origin of European
+diseases, some of which, such as the small-pox, have passed from
+epidemics into endemics, compare <i>Encyclop. of the Medical Sciences</i>,
+4to, 1847, p. 728; <i>Transactions of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. pp. 54,
+55; <i>Michaelis on the Laws of Moses</i>, vol. iii. p. 313; <i>Sprengel</i>,
+<i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. pp. 33, 195; <i>Wallace's Dissertation
+on the Numbers of Mankind</i>, pp. 81, 82; <i>Huetiana</i>, Amst. 1723, pp.
+132&ndash;135; <i>Sanders on the Small Pox</i>, Edinb. 1813, pp. 3&ndash;4; <i>Wilks's
+Hist. of the South of India</i>, vol. iii. pp. 16&ndash;21; <i>Clot-Bey de la
+Peste</i>, Paris, 1840, p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> &lsquo;So verwandelt das geistige Leben des Hindu sich in wahre
+Poesie, und das bezeichnende Merkmal seiner ganzen Bildung ist:
+Herrschaft der Einbildungskraft über den Verstand; im geraden Gegensatz
+mit der Bildung des Europäers, deren allgemeiner Charakter in der
+Herrschaft des Verstandes über die Einbildungskraft besteht. Es wird
+dadurch begreiflich, dass die Literatur der Hindus nur eine poetische
+ist; dass sie überreich an Dichterwerken, aber arm am wissenschaftlichen
+Schriften sind; dass ihre heiligen Schriften, ihre Gesetze und Sagen
+poetisch, und grösstentheils in Versen geschrieben sind; ja dass
+Lehrbücher der Grammatik, der Heilkunde, der Mathematik und
+Erdbeschreibung in Versen verfasst sind.&rsquo; <i>Rhode</i>, <i>Religiöse Bildung
+der Hindus</i>, vol. ii. p. 626. Thus, too, we are told respecting one of
+their most celebrated metaphysical systems, that &lsquo;the best text of the
+Sanchya is a short treatise in verse.&rsquo; <i>Colebrooke on the Philosophy of
+the Hindus</i>, in <i>Transactions of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. i. p. 23. And in
+another place the same high authority says (<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol.
+x. p. 439), &lsquo;the metrical treatises on law and other sciences are almost
+entirely composed in this easy verse.&rsquo; M. Klaproth, in an analysis of a
+Sanscrit history of Cashmere, says, &lsquo;comme presque toutes les
+compositions hindoues, il est écrit en vers.&rsquo; <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, I.
+série, vol. vii. p. 8, Paris, 1825. See also, in vol. vi. pp. 175, 176,
+the remarks of M. Burnouf: &lsquo;Les philosophes indiens, comme s'ils ne
+pouvaient échapper aux influences poétiques de leur climat, traitent les
+questions de la métaphysique le plus abstraite par similitudes et
+métaphores.&rsquo; Compare vol. vi. p. 4, &lsquo;le génie indien si poétique et si
+religieux;&rsquo; and see <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II. série, vol.
+i. p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Mr. Yates says of the Hindus, that no other people have
+ever &lsquo;presented an equal variety of poetic compositions. The various
+metres of Greece and Rome have filled Europe with astonishment; but what
+are these, compared with the extensive range of Sanscrit metres under
+its three classes of poetical writing?&rsquo; <i>Yates on Sanscrit
+Alliteration</i>, in <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. xx. p. 159, Calcutta, 1836.
+See also on the Sanscrit metres, p. 321, and an Essay by Colebrooke,
+vol. x. pp. 389&ndash;474. On the metrical system of the Vedas, see Mr.
+Wilson's note in the <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, vol. ii. p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> In Europe, as we shall see in the sixth chapter of this
+volume; the credulity was at one time extraordinary; but the age was
+then barbarous, and barbarism is always credulous. On the other hand,
+the examples gathered from Indian literature will be taken from the
+works of a lettered people, written in a language extremely rich, and so
+highly polished, that some competent judges have declared it equal, if
+not superior, to the Greek.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> &lsquo;The limit of life was vol. xvi. p. 456, Calcutta, 1828.
+80,000 years.&rsquo; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>. This was likewise the estimate of
+the Tibetan divines, according to whom men formerly &lsquo;parvenaient à l'âge
+de 80,000 ans.&rsquo; <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, I. série, vol. iii. p. 199, Paris,
+1823.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> &lsquo;Den Hindu macht dieser Widerspruch nicht verlegen, da er
+seine Heiligen 100,000 Jahre und länger leben lässt.&rsquo; <i>Rhode</i>, <i>Relig.
+Bildung der Hindus</i>, vol. i. p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> In the <i>Dabistan</i>, vol. ii. p. 47, it is stated of the
+earliest inhabitants of the world, that &lsquo;the duration of human life in
+this age extended to one hundred thousand common years.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Wilford (<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. v. p. 242) says,
+&lsquo;When the Puranics speak of the kings of ancient times, they are equally
+extravagant. According to them, King Yudhishthir reigned
+seven-and-twenty thousand years.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> &lsquo;For sixty thousand and sixty hundred years no other
+youthful monarch except Alarka reigned over the earth.&rsquo; <i>Vishnu Purana</i>,
+p. 408.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> And sometimes more. In the Essay on Indian Chronology in
+<i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. i. p. 325, we hear of &lsquo;a conversation
+between Valmic and Vyasa, &hellip; two bards whose ages were separated by a
+period of 864,000 years.&rsquo; This passage is also in <i>Asiatic Researches</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 399.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> &lsquo;He was the first king, first anchoret, and first saint;
+and is therefore entitled Prathama-Raja, Prathama Bhicshacara, Prathama
+Jina, and Prathama Tirthancara. At the time of his inauguration as king,
+his age was 2,000,000 years. He reigned 6,300,000 years, and then
+resigned his empire to his sons: and having employed 100,000 years in
+passing through the several stages of austerity and sanctity, departed
+from this world on the summit of a mountain named Ashtapada.&rsquo; <i>Asiatic
+Researches</i>, vol. ix. p. 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> &lsquo;Speculationen über Zahlen sind dem Inder so geläufig,
+dass selbst die Sprache einen Ausdruck hat für eine Unität mit 63
+Nullen, nämlich Asanke, eben weil die Berechnung der Weltperioden diese
+enorme Grössen nothwendig machte, denn jene einfachen 12,000 Jahre
+schienen einem Volke, welches so gerne die höchstmögliche Potenz auf
+seine Gottheit übertragen mögte, viel zu geringe zu seyn.&rsquo; <i>Bohlen</i>,
+<i>das alte Indien</i>, vol. ii. p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> <i>Elphinstone's History of India</i>, p. 136, &lsquo;a period
+exceeding 4,320,000 multiplied by six times seventy-one.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Symes (<i>Embassy to Ava</i>, vol. iii. p. 278) says: &lsquo;From
+the mouth of the Ganges to Cape Comorin, the whole range of our
+continental territory, there is not a single harbour capable of
+affording shelter to a vessel of 500 tons burden.&rsquo; Indeed, according to
+Percival, there is with the exception of Bombay, no harbour, &lsquo;either on
+the Coromandel or Malabar coasts, in which ships can moor in safety at
+all seasons of the year.&rsquo; <i>Percival's Account of Ceylon</i>, pp. 2, 15,
+66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> &lsquo;Altogether its area is somewhat less than that of
+Portugal.&rsquo; <i>Grote's History of Greece</i>, vol. ii. p. 302; and the same
+remark in <i>Thirlwall's History of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 2, and in
+<i>Heeren's Ancient Greece</i>, 1845, p. 16. M. Heeren says, &lsquo;But even if we
+add all the islands, its square contents are a third less than those of
+Portugal.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> The area of Hindostan being, according to Mr. M'Culloch
+(<i>Geog. Dict.</i> 1849, vol. i. p. 993), &lsquo;between 1,200,000 and
+1,300,000 square miles.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> In the best days of Greece, those alarming epidemics, by
+which the country was subsequently ravaged, were comparatively little
+known: see <i>Thirlwall's History of Greece</i>, vol. iii. p. 134, vol. viii.
+p. 471. This may be owing to large cosmical causes, or to the simple
+fact, that the different forms of pestilence had not yet been imported
+from the East by actual contact. On the vague accounts we possess of the
+earlier plagues, see <i>Clot-Bey de la Peste</i>, Paris, 1840. pp. 21, 46,
+184. The relation even of Thucydides is more satisfactory to scholars
+than to pathologists.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> &lsquo;Mount Guino, the highest point in Greece, and near its
+northern boundary, is 8,239 feet high&hellip;. No mountain in Greece reaches
+the limit of perpetual snow.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geog. Dict.</i> 1849, vol. i. p.
+924. Compare the table of mountains in Baker's Memoir on North Greece,
+in <i>Journal of Geographical Society</i>, vol. vii. p. 94, with <i>Bakewell's
+Geology</i>, pp. 621, 622.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> &lsquo;Greece has no navigable river.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geog.
+Dict.</i> vol. i. p. 924. &lsquo;Most of the rivers of Greece are torrents in
+early spring, and dry before the end of the summer.&rsquo; <i>Grote's History of
+Greece</i>, vol. ii. p. 286.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> See Stevenson on <i>The Anti-Brahmanical Religion of the
+Hindus</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. viii. pp. 331, 332, 336,
+338. Mr. Wilson (<i>Journal</i>, vol. iii. p. 204) says, &lsquo;The prevailing form
+of the Hindu religion in the south of the peninsula was, at the
+commencement of the Christian era, and some time before it most
+probably, that of Siva.&rsquo; See also vol. v. p. 85, where it is stated that
+Siva &lsquo;is the only Hindu god to whom honour is done at Ellora.&rsquo; Compare
+<i>Transac. of Soc. of Bombay</i>, vol. iii. p. 521; <i>Heeren's Asiatic
+Nations</i>, 1846, vol. ii. pp. 62, 66. On the philosophical relations
+between the followers of Siva and those of Vishnu, see <i>Ritter's Hist.
+of Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. iv. pp. 334, 335; and the noticeable fact
+(<i>Buchanan's Mysore</i>, vol. ii. p. 410), that even the Naimar caste,
+whose &lsquo;proper deity&rsquo; is Vishnu, &lsquo;wear on their foreheads the mark of
+Siva.&rsquo; As to the worship of Siva in the time of Alexander the Great, see
+<i>Thirlwall's History of Greece</i>, vol. vii. p. 36; and for further
+evidence of its extent, <i>Bohlen</i>, <i>das alte Indien</i>, vol. i. pp. 29,
+147, 206, and <i>Transac. of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. ii. pp. 50, 294.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> So it is generally stated by the Hindu theologians; but,
+according to Rammohun Roy, Siva had two wives. See <i>Rammohun Roy on the
+Veds</i>, p. 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> On these attributes and representations of Siva and
+Doorga, see <i>Rhode</i>, <i>Religiöse Bildung der Hindus</i>, vol. ii. p. 241;
+<i>Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus</i>, pp. 63, 92; <i>Bohlen</i>, <i>das alte
+Indien</i>, vol. i. p. 207; <i>Ward's Religion of the Hindoos</i>, vol. i. pp.
+xxxvii. 27, 145; <i>Transac. of Society of Bombay</i>, vol. i. pp. 215, 221.
+Compare the curious account of an image supposed to represent Mahadeo,
+in <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, I. série, vol. i. p. 354, Paris, 1822.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> <i>Ward on the Religion of the Hindoos</i>, vol. i. p. 35;
+<i>Transac. of Society of Bombay</i>, vol. i. p. 223. Compare the gloss in
+the <i>Dabistan</i>, vol. ii. p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> &lsquo;The Greek gods were formed like men, with greatly
+increased powers and faculties, and acted as men would do if so
+circumstanced, but with a dignity and energy suited to their nearer
+approach to perfection. The Hindu gods, on the other hand, though endued
+with human passions, have always something monstrous in their
+appearance, and wild and capricious in their conduct. They are of
+various colours, red, yellow, and blue; some have twelve heads, and most
+have four hands. They are often enraged without a cause, and reconciled
+without a motive.&rsquo; <i>Elphinstone's History of India</i>, pp. 96, 97. See
+also <i>Erskine on the Temple of Elephanta</i>, in <i>Transac. of Society of
+Bombay</i>, vol. i. p. 246; and the <i>Dabistan</i>, vol. i. p. cxi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> &lsquo;In the material polytheism of other leading ancient
+nations, the Egyptians, for example, the incarnation of the Deity was
+chiefly, or exclusively, confined to animals, monsters, or other
+fanciful emblems&hellip;. In Greece, on the other hand, it was an almost
+necessary result of the spirit and grace with which the deities were
+embodied in human forms, that they should also be burdened with human
+interests and passions. Heaven, like earth, had its courts and palaces,
+its trades and professions, its marriages, intrigues, divorces.&rsquo; <i>Mure's
+History of the Literature of Ancient Greece</i>, vol. i. pp. 471, 472. So,
+too, Tennemann (<i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. iii. p. 419): &lsquo;Diese
+Götter haben Menschengestalt&hellip;. Haben die Götter aber nicht nur
+menschliche Gestalt, sondern auch einen menschlichen Körper, so sind sie
+als Menschen auch denselben Unvollkommenheiten, Krankheiten und dem Tode
+unterworfen; dieses streitet mit dem Begriffe,&rsquo; <i>i.e.</i> of Epicurus.
+Compare <i>Grote's History of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 596: &lsquo;The mythical age
+was peopled with a mingled aggregate of gods, heroes, and men, so
+confounded together, that it was often impossible to distinguish to
+which class any individual name belonged.&rsquo; See also the complaint of
+Xenophanes, in <i>Müller's Hist. of Lit. of Greece</i>, London, 1856, p.
+251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> The same remark applies to beauty of form, which they
+first aimed at in the statues of men, and then brought to bear upon the
+statues of the gods. This is well put in Mr. Grote's important work,
+<i>History of Greece</i>, vol. iv. pp. 133, 134, edit. 1847.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> &lsquo;But the worship of deified heroes is no part of that
+system.&rsquo; <i>Colebrooke on the Vedas</i>, in <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. viii.
+p. 495.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> <i>Mackay's Religious Development</i>, vol. ii. p. 53, Lond.
+1850. Compare <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. iv. pp. 148, 318;
+and <i>Matter</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. i. p. 2; the
+&lsquo;culte des grands hommes,&rsquo; which afterwards arose in Alexandria
+(<i>Matter</i>, vol. i. p. 54), must have been owing to Greek influence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> There are no indications of it in the Zendavesta; and
+Herodotus says, that the Persians were unlike the Greeks, in so far as
+they disbelieved in a god having a human form; book i. chap. cxxxi. vol.
+i. p. 308: &#959;&#8016;&#954; &#7936;&#957;&#952;&#961;&#969;&#960;&#959;&#966;&#965;&#8051;&#945;&#962; &#7952;&#957;&#8057;&#956;&#953;&#963;&#945;&#957; &#964;&#959;&#8058;&#962; &#952;&#949;&#959;&#8058;&#962;,
+&#954;&#945;&#964;&#8049;&#960;&#949;&#961; &#7964;&#955;&#955;&#951;&#957;&#949;&#962; &#949;&#8150;&#957;&#945;&#953;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> I am not acquainted with any evidence connecting this
+worship with the old Arabian religion; and it was certainly most alien
+to the spirit of Mohammedanism.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> <i>Mure's History of the Literature of Greece</i>, vol. i. pp.
+28, 500, vol. ii. p. 402: very good remarks on a subject handled
+unsatisfactorily by Coleridge; <i>Literary Remains</i>, vol. i. p. 185.
+Thirlwall (<i>History of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 207) admits that &lsquo;the views
+and feelings out of which it (the worship of heroes) arose, seem to be
+clearly discernible in the Homeric poems.&rsquo; Compare <i>Cudworth's
+Intellectual System</i>, vol. ii. pp. 226, 372. In the Cratylus, chap.
+xxxiii., Socrates is represented as asking, &#927;&#8016;&#954; &#959;&#7990;&#963;&#952;&#945; &#8005;&#964;&#953;
+&#7969;&#956;&#8055;&#952;&#949;&#959;&#953; &#7973;&#961;&#969;&#949;&#962;;
+<i>Platonis Opera</i>, vol. iv. p. 227, edit. Bekker,
+Lond. 1826. And in the next century, Alexander obtained for his friend,
+Hephæstion, the right of being &lsquo;worshipped as a hero&rsquo; <i>Grote's History
+of Greece</i>, vol. xii. p. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> The adoration of the dead, and particularly the adoration
+of martyrs, was one great point of opposition between the orthodox
+church and the Manichæans (<i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire Critique de Manichée</i>,
+vol. i. p. 316, vol. ii. pp. 651, 669); and it is easy to understand how
+abhorrent such a practice must have been to the Persian heretics.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> M. Cousin, in his eloquent and ingenious work (<i>Histoire
+de la Philosophie</i>, 3e série, vol. i. pp. 183, 187), has some judicious
+observations on what he calls &lsquo;l'époque de l'infini&rsquo; of the East,
+contrasted with that &lsquo;du fini,&rsquo; which began in Europe. But as to the
+physical causes of this, he only admits the grandeur of nature,
+overlooking those natural elements of mystery and of danger by which
+religious sentiments were constantly excited.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> A learned orientalist says, that no people have made such
+efforts as the Hindus &lsquo;to solve, exhaust, comprehend, what is
+insolvable, inexhaustible, incomprehensible.&rsquo; <i>Troyer's Preliminary
+Discourse on the Dabistan</i>, vol. i. p. cviii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> This is noticed by Tennemann, who, however, has not
+attempted to ascertain the cause: &lsquo;Die Einbildungskraft des Griechen war
+schöpferisch, sie schuf in seinem Innern neue Ideenwelten; aber er wurde
+doch nie verleitet, die idealische Welt mit der wirklichen zu
+verwechseln, weil sie immer mit einem richtigen Verstande und gesunder
+Beurtheilungskraft verbunden war.&rsquo; <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. i.
+p. 8; and vol. vi. p. 490, he says, &lsquo;Bei allen diesen Mängeln und
+Fehlern sind doch die Griechen die einzige Nation der alten Welt, welche
+Sinn für Wissenschaft hatte, und zu diesem Behufe forschte. Sie haben
+doch die Bahn gebrochen, und den Weg zur Wissenschaft geebnet.&rsquo; To the
+same effect, <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>, vol. i. p. 215. And
+on this difference between the Eastern and the European mind, see
+<i>Matter</i>, <i>Histoire du Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i. pp. 18, 233, 234. So, too,
+Kant (<i>Logik</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. i. p. 350), &lsquo;Unter allen Völkern
+haben also die Griechen erst angefangen zu philosophiren. Denn sie haben
+zuerst versucht, nicht an dem Leitfaden der Bilder die
+Vernunfterkenntnisse zu cultiviren, sondern <i>in abstracto</i>; statt dass
+die anderen Völker sich die Begriffe immer nur durch Bilder <i>in
+concreto</i> verständlich zu machen suchten.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Thus, of one of the idols at Copan, &lsquo;The intention of the
+sculptor seems to have been to excite terror.&rsquo; <i>Stephens's Central
+America</i>, vol. i. p. 152; at p. 159, &lsquo;The form of sculpture most
+generally used was a death's head.&rsquo; At Mayapan (vol. iii. p. 133),
+&lsquo;representations of human figures or animals with hideous features and
+expressions, in producing which the skill of the artist seems to have
+been expended;&rsquo; and again, p. 412, &lsquo;unnatural and grotesque faces.&rsquo;</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOR
+DISCOVERING MENTAL LAWS.</div>
+
+<p>The evidence that I have collected seems to establish
+two leading facts, which, unless they can be impugned,
+are the necessary basis of universal history. The first
+fact is, that in the civilizations out of Europe, the
+powers of nature have been far greater than in those in
+Europe. The second fact is, that those powers have
+worked immense mischief; and that while one division
+of them has caused an unequal distribution of wealth,
+another division of them has caused an unequal distribution
+of thought, by concentrating attention upon
+subjects which inflame the imagination. So far as the
+experience of the past can guide us, we may say, that
+in all the extra European civilizations, these obstacles
+are insuperable: certainly no nation has ever yet overcome
+them. But Europe, being constructed upon a
+smaller plan than the other quarters of the world&mdash;being
+also in a colder region, having a less exuberant
+soil, a less imposing aspect, and displaying in all her
+physical phenomena much greater feebleness&mdash;it was
+easier for Man to discard the superstitions which
+Nature suggested to his imagination; and it was also
+easier for him to effect, not, indeed, a just division of
+wealth, but something nearer to it, than was practicable
+in the older countries.</p>
+
+<p>Hence it is that, looking at the history of the world
+as a whole, the tendency has been, in Europe, to subordinate
+nature to man; out of Europe, to subordinate
+man to nature. To this there are, in barbarous
+countries, several exceptions; but in civilized countries
+the rule has been universal. The great division, therefore,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
+between European civilization and non-European
+civilization, is the basis of the philosophy of history,
+since it suggests the important consideration, that if
+we would understand, for instance, the history of India,
+we must make the external world our first study,
+because it has influenced man more than man has
+influenced it. If, on the other hand, we would understand
+the history of a country like France or England,
+we must make man our principal study, because nature
+being comparatively weak, every step in the great progress
+has increased the dominion of the human mind
+over the agencies of the external world. Even in those
+countries where the power of man has reached the
+highest point, the pressure of nature is still immense;
+but it diminishes in each succeeding generation, because
+our increasing knowledge enables us not so much to
+control nature as to foretell her movements, and thus
+obviate many of the evils she would otherwise occasion.
+How successful our efforts have been, is evident from
+the fact, that the average duration of life constantly
+becomes longer, and the number of inevitable dangers
+fewer; and what makes this the more remarkable is,
+that the curiosity of men is keener, and their contact
+with each other closer, than in any former period; so
+that while apparent hazards are multiplied, we find
+from experience that real hazards are, on the whole,
+diminished.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p>
+
+<p>If, therefore, we take the largest possible view of
+the history of Europe, and confine ourselves entirely
+to the primary cause of its superiority over other
+parts of the world, we must resolve it into the encroachment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
+of the mind of man upon the organic and inorganic
+forces of nature. To this all other causes are subordinate.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>
+For we have seen that wherever the powers
+of nature reached a certain height, the national civilization
+was irregularly developed, and the advance of the
+civilization stopped. The first essential was, to limit
+the interference of these physical phenomena; and that
+was most likely to be accomplished where the phenomena
+were feeblest and least imposing. This was the
+case with Europe; it is accordingly in Europe alone,
+that man has really succeeded in taming the energies
+of nature, bending them to his own will, turning them
+aside from their ordinary course, and compelling them
+to minister to his happiness, and subserve the general
+purposes of human life.</p>
+
+<p>All around us are the traces of this glorious and successful
+struggle. Indeed, it seems as if in Europe there
+was nothing man feared to attempt. The invasions of
+the sea repelled, and whole provinces, as in the case of
+Holland, rescued from its grasp, mountains cut through
+and turned into level roads; soils of the most obstinate
+sterility becoming exuberant, from the mere advance
+of chemical knowledge; while, in regard to electric
+phenomena, we see the subtlest, the most rapid, and
+the most mysterious of all forces, made the medium of
+thought, and obeying even the most capricious behests of
+the human mind.</p>
+
+<p>In other instances, where the products of the external<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
+world have been refractory, man has succeeded in destroying
+what he could hardly hope to subjugate. The
+most cruel diseases, such as the plague, properly so
+called, and the leprosy of the Middle Ages,<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> have entirely
+disappeared from the civilized parts of Europe;
+and it is scarcely possible that they should ever again
+be seen there. Wild beasts and birds of prey have
+been extirpated, and are no longer allowed to infest the
+haunts of civilised men. Those frightful famines, by
+which Europe used to be ravaged several times in
+every century,<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> have ceased; and so successfully have
+we grappled with them, that there is not the slightest
+fear of their ever returning with any thing like their
+former severity. Indeed, our resources are now so
+great, that we could at worst, only suffer from a slight
+and temporary scarcity: since, in the present state of
+knowledge, the evil would be met at the outset by
+remedies which chemical science could easily suggest.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is hardly necessary to notice how, in numerous
+other instances, the progress of European civilization has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
+been marked by the diminished influence of the external
+world: I mean, of course, those peculiarities of the external
+world which have an existence independent of the
+wishes of man, and were not created by him. The most
+advanced nations do, in their present state, owe comparatively
+little to those original features of nature which,
+in every civilization out of Europe, exercised unlimited
+power. Thus, in Asia and elsewhere, the course of trade,
+the extent of commerce, and many similar circumstances,
+were determined by the existence of rivers, by the facility
+with which they could be navigated, and by the number
+and goodness of the adjoining harbours. But, in Europe,
+the determining cause is, not so much these physical peculiarities,
+as the skill and energy of man. Formerly the
+richest countries were those in which nature was most
+bountiful; now the richest countries are those in which
+man is most active. For, in our age of the world, if nature
+is parsimonious, we know how to compensate her deficiencies.
+If a river is difficult to navigate, or a country
+difficult to traverse, our engineers can correct the error,
+and remedy the evil. If we have no rivers, we make
+canals; if we have no natural harbours, we make artificial
+ones. And so marked is this tendency to impair the authority
+of natural phenomena, that it is seen even in the
+distribution of the people, since, in the most civilized
+parts of Europe, the population of the towns is everywhere
+outstripping that of the country; and it is evident
+that the more men congregate in great cities, the more
+they will become accustomed to draw their materials of
+thought from the business of human life, and the less
+attention they will pay to those peculiarities of nature,
+which are the fertile source of superstition, and by
+which, in every civilization out of Europe, the progress
+of man was arrested.</p>
+
+<p>From these facts it may be fairly inferred, that the
+advance of European civilization is characterized by a
+diminishing influence of physical laws, and an increasing
+influence of mental laws. The complete proof of this
+generalization can be collected only from history; and
+therefore I must reserve a large share of the evidence on
+which it is founded for the future volumes of this work.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
+But that the proposition is fundamentally true must be
+admitted by whoever, in addition to the arguments just
+adduced, will concede two premiss is, neither of which
+seem susceptible of much dispute. The first premiss is,
+that we are in possession of no evidence that the powers
+of nature have ever been permanently increased; and that
+we have no reason to expect that any such increase can
+take place. The other premiss is, that we have abundant
+evidence that the resources of the human mind have
+become more powerful, more numerous, and more able to
+grapple with the difficulties of the external world; because
+every fresh accession to our knowledge supplies
+fresh means with which we can either control the operations
+of nature, or, failing in that, can foresee the consequences,
+and thus avoid what it is impossible to prevent;
+in both instances, diminishing the pressure exercised on
+us by external agents.</p>
+
+<p>If these premisses are admitted, we are led to a conclusion
+which is of great value for the purpose of this
+Introduction. For, if the measure of civilization is the
+triumph of the mind over external agents, it becomes
+clear, that of the two classes of laws which regulate the
+progress of mankind, the mental class is more important
+than the physical. This, indeed, is assumed by one
+school of thinkers as a matter of course, though I am not
+aware that its demonstration has been hitherto attempted
+by any thing even approaching an exhaustive analysis.
+The question, however, as to the originality of my arguments,
+is one of very trifling moment; but what we have
+to notice is, that in the present stage of our inquiry, the
+problem with which we started has become simplified,
+and a discovery of the laws of European history is
+resolved, in the first instance, into a discovery of the
+laws of the human mind. These mental laws, when
+ascertained, will be the ultimate basis of the history
+of Europe; the physical laws will be treated as of minor
+importance, and as merely giving rise to disturbances,
+the force and the frequency of which have, during
+several centuries, perceptibly diminished.</p>
+
+<p>If we now inquire into the means of discovering the
+laws of the human mind, the metaphysicians are ready<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
+with an answer; and they refer us to their own labours
+as supplying a satisfactory solution. It therefore becomes
+necessary to ascertain the value of their researches, to
+measure the extent of their resources, and, above all, to
+test the validity of that method which they always follow,
+and by which alone, as they assert, great truths can be
+elicited.</p>
+
+<p>The metaphysical method, though necessarily branching
+into two divisions, is, in its origin, always the same,
+and consists in each observer studying the operations of
+his own mind.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> This is the direct opposite of the historical
+method; the metaphysician studying one mind,
+the historian studying many minds. Now, the first
+remark to make on this is, that the metaphysical method
+is one by which no discovery has ever yet been made in
+any branch of knowledge. Every thing we at present
+know has been ascertained by studying phenomena, from
+which all casual disturbances having been removed, the
+law remains as a conspicuous residue.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> And this can
+only be done by observations so numerous as to eliminate
+the disturbances, or else by experiments so delicate as
+to isolate the phenomena. One of these conditions is
+essential to all inductive science; but neither of them
+does the metaphysician obey. To isolate the phenomenon
+is for him an impossibility; since no man, into whatever
+state of reverie he may be thrown, can entirely cut
+himself off from the influence of external events, which
+must produce an effect on his mind, even when he is
+unconscious of their presence. As to the other condition,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
+it is by the metaphysician set at open defiance; for
+his whole system is based on the supposition that, by
+studying a single mind, he can get the laws of all minds;
+so that while he, on the one hand, is unable to isolate his
+observations from disturbances, he, on the other hand,
+refuses to adopt the only remaining precaution&mdash;he refuses
+so to enlarge his survey as to eliminate the disturbances
+by which his observations are troubled.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p>
+
+<p>This is the first and fundamental objection to which
+metaphysicians are exposed, even on the threshold of
+their science. But if we penetrate a little deeper, we
+shall meet with another circumstance, which, though
+less obvious, is equally decisive. After the metaphysician
+has taken for granted that, by studying one mind, he can
+discover the laws of all minds, he finds himself involved
+in a singular difficulty as soon as he begins to apply even
+this imperfect method. The difficulty to which I allude
+is one which, not being met with in any other pursuit,
+seems to have escaped the attention of those who are
+unacquainted with metaphysical controversies. To understand,
+therefore, its nature, it is requisite to give a
+short account of those two great schools, to one of which
+all metaphysicians must necessarily belong.</p>
+
+<p>In investigating the nature of the human mind,
+according to the metaphysical scheme, there are two
+methods of proceeding, both of which are equally obvious,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
+and yet both of which lead to entirely different results.
+According to the first method, the inquirer begins by
+examining his sensations. According to the other method,
+he begins by examining his ideas. These two
+methods always have led, and always must lead, to conclusions
+diametrically opposed to each other. Nor are
+the reasons of this difficult to understand. In metaphysics,
+the mind is the instrument as well as the material on
+which the instrument is employed. The means by which
+the science must be worked out, being thus the same as
+the object upon which it works, there arises a difficulty
+of a very peculiar kind. This difficulty is, the impossibility
+of taking a comprehensive view of the whole of
+the mental phenomena; because, however extensive such
+a view may be, it must exclude the state of the mind by
+which, or in which, the view itself is taken. Hence we
+may perceive what, I think, is a fundamental difference
+between physical and metaphysical inquiries. In physics,
+there are several methods of proceeding, all of which lead
+to the same results. But in metaphysics, it will invariably
+be found, that if two men of equal ability, and equal
+honesty, employ different methods in the study of the
+mind, the conclusions which they obtain will also be
+different. To those who are unversed in these matters, a
+few illustrations will set this in a clearer light. Metaphysicians
+who begin by the study of ideas observe in
+their own minds an idea of space. Whence, they ask,
+can this arise? It cannot, they say, owe its origin to
+the senses, because the senses only supply what is finite
+and contingent; whereas the idea of space is infinite
+and necessary.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> It is infinite, since we cannot conceive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
+that space has an end; and it is necessary, since we cannot
+conceive the possibility of its non-existence. Thus
+far the idealist. But the sensualist, as he is called,<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a>&mdash;he
+who begins, not with ideas, but with sensations,
+arrives at a very different conclusion. He remarks that
+we can have no idea of space until we have first had an
+idea of objects; and that the ideas of objects can only be
+the results of the sensations which those objects excite.
+As to the idea of space being necessary, this, he says,
+only results from the circumstance that we never can
+perceive an object which does not bear a certain position
+to some other object. This forms an indissoluble association
+between the idea of position and the idea of an
+object; and as this association is constantly repeated
+before us, we at length find ourselves unable to conceive
+an object without position, or, in other words, without
+space.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> As to space being infinite, this, he says, is a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
+notion we get by conceiving a continual addition to lines,
+or to surfaces, or to bulk, which are the three modifications
+of extension.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> On innumerable other points we
+find the same discrepancy between the two schools. The
+idealist,<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> for example, asserts that our notions of cause,
+of time, of personal identity, and of substance, are universal
+and necessary; that they are simple; and that not
+being susceptible of analysis, they must be referred to
+the original constitution of the mind.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> On the other
+hand, the sensationalist, so far from recognizing the simplicity
+of these ideas, considers them to be extremely
+complex, and looks upon their universality and necessity
+as merely the result of a frequent and intimate
+association.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p>
+
+<p>This is the first important difference which is inevitably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
+consequent on the adoption of different methods.
+The idealist is compelled to assert, that necessary truths
+and contingent truths have a different origin.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> The sensationalist
+is bound to affirm that they have the same
+origin.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> The further these two great schools advance,
+the more marked does their divergence become. They
+are at open war in every department of morals, of philosophy,
+and of art. The idealists say that all men have
+essentially the same notion of the good, the true, and
+the beautiful. The sensationalists affirm that there is no
+such standard, because ideas depend upon sensations,
+and because the sensations of men depend upon the
+changes in their bodies, and upon the external events
+by which their bodies are affected.</p>
+
+<p>Such is a short specimen of the opposite conclusions
+to which the ablest metaphysicians have been driven,
+by the simple circumstance that they have pursued
+opposite methods of investigation. And this is the more
+important to observe, because, after these two methods
+have been employed, the resources of metaphysics<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
+are evidently exhausted.<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> Both parties agree that
+mental laws can only be discovered by studying individual
+minds, and that there is nothing in the mind
+which is not the result either of reflection or of
+sensation. The only choice, therefore, they have
+to make, is between subordinating the results of
+sensation to the laws of reflection, or else subordinating
+the results of reflection to the laws of sensation.
+Every system of metaphysics has been constructed
+according to one of these schemes; and this must
+always continue to be the case, because, when the two
+schemes are added together, they include the totality
+of metaphysical phenomena. Each process is equally
+plausible;<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> the supporters of each are equally confident;
+and, by the very nature of the dispute, it is
+impossible that any middle term should be found; nor
+can there ever be an umpire, because no one can
+mediate between metaphysical controversies without
+being a metaphysician, and no one can be a metaphysician
+without being either a sensationalist or an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
+idealist; in other words, without belonging to one of
+those very parties whose claims he professes to judge.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p>
+
+<p>On these grounds, we must, I think, arrive at the
+conclusion, that as metaphysicians are unavoidably, and
+by the very nature of their inquiry, broken up into
+two completely antagonistic schools, the relative truth
+of which there are no means of ascertaining; as they,
+moreover, have but few resources, and as they use
+those resources according to a method by which no
+other science has ever been developed,&mdash;we, looking at
+these things, ought not to expect that they can supply
+us with sufficient data for solving those great problems
+which the history of the human mind presents to our
+view. And whoever will take the pains fairly to estimate
+the present condition of mental philosophy, must
+admit that, notwithstanding the influence it has always
+exercised over some of the most powerful minds, and
+through them over society at large, there is, nevertheless,
+no other study which has been so zealously prosecuted,
+so long continued, and yet remains so barren of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
+results. In no other department has there been so
+much movement, and so little progress. Men of
+eminent abilities, and of the greatest integrity of purpose,
+have in every civilized country, for many centuries,
+been engaged in metaphysical inquiries; and yet
+at the present moment their systems, so far from approximating
+towards truth, are diverging from each
+other with a velocity which seems to be accelerated by
+the progress of knowledge. The incessant rivalry of
+the hostile schools, the violence with which they have
+been supported, and the exclusive and unphilosophic
+confidence with which each has advocated its own
+method,&mdash;all these things have thrown the study of
+the mind into a confusion only to be compared to that
+in which the study of religion has been thrown by the
+controversies of the theologians.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> The consequence is,
+that if we except a very few of the laws of association,
+and perhaps I may add the modern theories of vision
+and of touch,<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> there is not to be found in the whole
+compass of metaphysics a single principle of importance,
+and at the same time of incontestable truth.
+Under these circumstances, it is impossible to avoid a
+suspicion that there is some fundamental error in the
+manner in which these inquiries have been prosecuted.
+For my own part, I believe that, by mere observation
+of our own minds, and even by such rude experiments<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
+as we are able to make upon them, it will be impossible
+to raise psychology to a science; and I entertain very
+little doubt that metaphysics can only be successfully
+studied by an investigation of history so comprehensive
+as to enable us to understand the conditions which
+govern the movements of the human race.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> This diminution of casualties is undoubtedly one cause,
+though a slight one, of the increased duration of life; but the most
+active cause is a general improvement in the physical condition of man:
+see <i>Sir B. Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and Surgery</i>, p. 212; and for
+proof that civilized men are stronger than uncivilized ones, see
+<i>Quetelet</i>, <i>sur l'Homme</i>, vol. ii. pp. 67, 272; <i>Lawrence's Lectures on
+Man</i>, pp. 275, 276; <i>Ellis's Polynesian Researches</i>, vol. i. p. 98;
+<i>Whately's Lectures on Political Economy</i>, 8vo. 1831, p. 59; <i>Journal of
+the Statistical Society</i>, vol. xvii. pp. 32, 33; <i>Dufau</i>, <i>Traité de
+Statistique</i>, p. 107; <i>Hawkins's Medical Statistics</i>, p. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> The general social consequences of this I shall hereafter
+consider; but the mere economical consequences are well expressed by Mr.
+Mill: &lsquo;Of the features which characterize this progressive economical
+movement of civilized nations, that which first excites attention,
+through its intimate connexion with the phenomena of Production, is the
+perpetual, and, so far as human foresight can extend, the unlimited,
+growth of man's power over nature. Our knowledge of the properties and
+laws of physical objects shows no sign of approaching its ultimate
+boundaries; it is advancing more rapidly, and in a greater number of
+directions at once, than in any previous age or generation, and
+affording such frequent glimpses of unexplored fields beyond, as to
+justify the belief that our acquaintance with nature is still almost in
+its infancy.&rsquo; <i>Mill's Principles of Polit. Economy</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+246&ndash;7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> What this horrible disease once was, may be estimated from
+the fact, &lsquo;qu'au treizième siècle on comptait en France seulement, deux
+mille léproseries, et que l'Europe entière renfermait environ dix-neuf
+mille établissemens semblables.&rsquo; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 374. As to the mortality caused by the plague, see
+<i>Clot-Bey</i>, <i>de la Peste</i>, Paris, 1840, pp. 62, 63, 185, 292.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> For a curious list of famines, see an essay by Mr. Farr, in
+<i>Journal of the Statistical Society</i>, vol. ix. pp. 159&ndash;163. He says,
+that in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, the average
+was, in England, one famine every fourteen years.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> In the opinion of one of the highest living authorities,
+famine is, even in the present state of chemistry, &lsquo;next to impossible.&rsquo;
+<i>Herschel's Discourse on Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 65. Cuvier (<i>Recueil
+des Eloges</i>, vol. i. p. 10) says that we have succeeded &lsquo;a rendre toute
+famine impossible.&rsquo; See also <i>Godwin on Population</i>, p. 500; and for a
+purely economical argument to prove the impossibility of famine, see
+<i>Mill's Principles of Political Economy</i>, vol. ii. p. 258; and compare a
+note in <i>Ricardo's Works</i>, p. 191. The Irish famine may seem an
+exception: but it could have been easily baffled except for the poverty
+of the people, which frustrated our efforts to reduce it to a dearth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> &lsquo;As the metaphysician carries within himself the materials
+of his reasoning, he is not under a necessity of looking abroad for
+subjects of speculation or amusement.&rsquo; <i>Stewart's Philosophy of the
+Mind</i>, vol. i. p. 462; and the same remark, almost literally repeated,
+at vol. iii. p. 260. Locke makes what passes in each man's mind the sole
+source of metaphysics, and the sole test of their truth. <i>Essay
+concerning Human Understanding</i>, in <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 18, 76,
+79, 121, 146, 152, 287, vol. ii. pp. 141, 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> The deductive sciences form, of course, an exception to
+this; but the whole theory of metaphysics is founded on its inductive
+character, and on the supposition that it consists of generalized
+observations, and that from them alone the science of mind can be
+raised.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> These remarks are only applicable to those who follow the
+purely metaphysical method of investigation. There is, however, a very
+small number of metaphysicians, among whom M. Cousin is the most eminent
+in France, in whose works we find larger views, and an attempt to
+connect historical inquiries with metaphysical ones; thus recognizing
+the necessity of verifying their original speculations. To this method
+there can be no objection, provided the metaphysical conclusions are
+merely regarded as hypothesis, which require verification to raise them
+to theories. But, instead of this cautious proceeding, the almost
+invariable plan is, to treat the hypothesis as if it were a theory
+already proved, and as if there remained nothing to do but to give
+historical illustrations of truths established by the psychologist. This
+confusion between illustration and verification appears to be the
+universal failing of those who, like Vico and Fichte, speculate upon
+historical phenomena <i>à priori</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Compare <i>Stewart's Philosophy of the Mind</i>, vol. ii. p.
+194, with <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II. série, vol. ii. p.
+92. Among the Indian metaphysicians, there was a sect which declared
+space to be the cause of all things. <i>Journal of Asiatic Soc.</i> vol. vi.
+pp. 268, 290. See also the <i>Dabistan</i>, vol. ii. p. 40, which, however,
+was contrary to the Vedas. <i>Rammohun Roy on the Veds</i>, 1832, pp. 8, 111.
+In Spain, the doctrine of the infinity of space is heretical. <i>Doblado's
+Letters</i>, p. 96; which should be compared with the objection of Irenæus
+against the Valentinians, in <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire de Manichée</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 275. For the different theories of space, I may, moreover, refer
+to <i>Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. i. pp. 451, 473, 477,
+vol. ii. p. 314, vol. iii. pp. 195&ndash;204; <i>Cudworth's Intellectual
+System</i>, vol. i. p. 191, vol. iii. pp. 230, 472; <i>Kritik der reinen
+Vernunft</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 23, 62, 81, 120, 139, 147,
+256, 334, 347; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. i. p.
+109, vol. ii. p. 303, vol. iii. pp. 130&ndash;137, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v.
+pp. 384&ndash;387, vol. vi. p. 99, vol. viii. pp. 87, 88, 683, vol. ix. pp.
+257, 355, 410, vol. x. p. 79, vol. xi. pp. 195, 385&ndash;389.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> This is the title conferred by M. Cousin upon nearly all
+the greatest English metaphysicians, and upon Condillac and all his
+disciples in France, their system having &lsquo;le nom mérité de sensualisme.&rsquo;
+<i>Cousin</i>, <i>Histoire de la Philosophie</i>, II. série, vol. ii. p. 88. The
+same name is given to the same school, in <i>Feuchtersleben's Medical
+Psychology</i>, p. 52, and in <i>Renouard's Histoire de la Médecine</i>, vol. i.
+p. 346, vol. ii. p. 368. In <i>Jobert's New System of Philosophy</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 334, 8vo. 1849, it is called &lsquo;sensationalism,&rsquo; which seems a
+preferable expression.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> This is very ably argued by Mr. James Mill in his
+<i>Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind</i>, vol. ii. pp. 32, 93&ndash;95,
+and elsewhere. Compare <i>Essay concerning Human Understanding</i>, in
+<i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 147, 148, 154, 157, and the ingenious
+distinction, p. 198, &lsquo;between the idea of the infinity of space, and the
+idea of a space infinite.&rsquo; At p. 208, Locke sarcastically says, &lsquo;But
+yet, after all this, there being men who persuade themselves that they
+have clear, positive, comprehensive ideas of infinity, it is fit they
+enjoy their privilege; and I should be very glad (with some others that
+I know, who acknowledge they have none such) to be better informed by
+their communication.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> <i>Mill's Analysis of the Mind</i>, vol. ii. pp. 96, 97. See
+also the <i>Examination of Malebranche</i>, in <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. viii.
+pp. 248, 249; and <i>Müller's Elements of Physiology</i>, vol. ii. p. 1081,
+which should be compared with <i>Comte</i>, <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. i.
+p. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> I speak of idealists in opposition to sensationalists;
+though the word idealist is often used by metaphysicians in a very
+different sense. On the different kinds of idealism, see <i>Kritik der
+reinen Vernunft</i>, and <i>Prolegomena zu jeder künftigen Metaphysik</i>, in
+<i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 223, 389, vol. iii. pp. 204, 210, 306, 307.
+According to him, the Cartesian idealism is empirical.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Thus, Dugald Stewart (<i>Philosophical Essays</i>, Edin. 1810,
+p. 33) tells us of &lsquo;the simple idea of personal identity.&rsquo; And Reid
+(<i>Essays on the Powers of the Mind</i>, vol. i. p. 354) says, &lsquo;I know of no
+ideas or notions that have a better claim to be accounted simple and
+original than those of space and time.&rsquo; In the Sanscrit metaphysics,
+time is &lsquo;an independent cause.&rsquo; See the <i>Vishnu Purana</i>, pp. 10, 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> &lsquo;As Space is a comprehensive word, including all
+positions, or the whole of synchronous order, so Time is a comprehensive
+word, including all successions, or the whole of successive order.&rsquo;
+<i>Mill's Analysis of the Mind</i>, vol. ii. p. 100; and on the relation of
+time to memory, vol. i. p. 252. In <i>Jobert's New System of Philosophy</i>,
+vol. i. p. 33, it is said that &lsquo;time is nothing but the succession of
+events, and we know events by experience only.&rsquo; See also p. 133, and
+compare respecting time <i>Condillac</i>, <i>Traité des Sensations</i>, pp.
+104&ndash;114, 222, 223, 331&ndash;333. To the same effect is <i>Essay concerning
+Human Understanding</i>, book ii. chap. xiv., in <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. i.
+p. 163; and see his second reply to the Bishop of Worcester, in <i>Works</i>,
+vol. iii. pp. 414&ndash;416; and as to the idea of substance, see vol. i. pp.
+285&ndash;290, 292, 308, vol. iii. pp. 5, 10, 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Reid (<i>Essays on the Powers of the Mind</i>, vol. i. p. 281)
+says, that necessary truths &lsquo;cannot be the conclusions of the senses;
+for our senses testify only what is, and not what must necessarily be.&rsquo;
+See also vol. ii. pp. 53, 204, 239, 240, 281. The same distinction is
+peremptorily asserted in <i>Whewell's Philosophy of the Inductive
+Sciences</i>, 8vo, 1847, vol. i. pp. 60&ndash;73, 140; and see <i>Dugald Stewart's
+Philosophical Essays</i>, pp. 123, 124. Sir W. Hamilton (<i>Additions to
+Reid's Works</i>, p. 754) says, that non-contingent truths &lsquo;have their
+converse absolutely incogitable.&rsquo; But this learned writer does not
+mention how we are to know when anything is &lsquo;absolutely incogitable.&rsquo;
+That we cannot cogitate an idea, is certainly no proof of its being
+incogitable; for it may be cogitated at some later period, when
+knowledge is more advanced.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> This is asserted by all the followers of Locke; and one of
+the latest productions of that school declares, that &lsquo;to say that
+necessary truths cannot be acquired by experience, is to deny the most
+clear evidence of our senses and reason.&rsquo; <i>Jobert's New System of
+Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> To avoid misapprehension, I may repeat, that, here and
+elsewhere, I mean by metaphysics, that vast body of literature which is
+constructed on the supposition that the laws of the human mind can be
+generalized <i>solely</i> from the facts of individual consciousness.
+For this scheme, the word &lsquo;metaphysics&rsquo; is rather inconvenient, but it
+will cause no confusion if this definition of it is kept in view by the
+reader.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> What a celebrated historian of philosophy says of
+Platonism, is equally true of all the great metaphysical systems: &lsquo;Dass
+sie ein zusammenhängendes harmonisches Ganzes ausmachen (<i>i.e.</i> the
+leading propositions of it) fällt in die Augen.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>,
+<i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. ii. p. 527. And yet he confesses
+(vol. iii. p. 52) of it and the opposite system: &lsquo;und wenn man auf die
+Beweise siehet, so ist der Empirismus des Aristoteles nicht besser
+begründet als der Rationalismus des Plato.&rsquo; Kant admits that there can
+be only one true system, but is confident that he has discovered what
+all his predecessors have missed. <i>Die Metaphysik der Sitten</i>, in
+<i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. v. p. 5, where he raises the question, &lsquo;ob es wohl
+mehr, als eine Philosophie geben könne.&rsquo; In the <i>Kritik</i>, and in the
+<i>Prolegomena zujeder künftigen Metaphysik</i>, he says that metaphysics
+have made no progress, and that the study can hardly be said to exist.
+<i>Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, vol. iii. pp. 166, 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> We find a curious instance of this, in the attempt made by
+M. Cousin to found an eclectic school; for this very able and learned
+man has been quite unable to avoid the one-sided view which is to every
+metaphysician an essential preliminary; and he adopts that fundamental
+distinction between necessary ideas and contingent ideas, by which the
+idealist is separated from the sensationalist: &lsquo;la grande division des
+idées aujourd'hui établie est la division des idées contingentes et des
+idées nécessaires.&rsquo; <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II. série, vol.
+i. p. 82: see also vol. ii. p. 92, and the same work, I. série, vol.
+i. pp. 249, 267, 268, 311, vol. iii. pp. 51&ndash;54. M. Cousin constantly
+contradicts Locke, and then says he has refuted that profound and
+vigorous thinker; while he does not even state the arguments of James
+Mill, who, as a metaphysician, is the greatest of our modern
+sensationalists, and whose views, whether right or wrong, certainly
+deserve notice from an eclectic historian of philosophy.</p>
+
+<p>Another eclectic, Sir W. Hamilton, announces (<i>Discussions on
+Philosophy</i>, p. 597) &lsquo;an undeveloped philosophy, which, I am confident,
+is founded upon truth. To this confidence I have come, not merely
+through the convictions of my own consciousness, but by finding in this
+system a centre and conciliation for the most opposite of philosophical
+opinions.&rsquo; But, at p. 589, he summarily disposes of one of the most
+important of these philosophical opinions as &lsquo;the superficial edifice of
+Locke.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Berkeley, in a moment of candour, inadvertently confesses
+what is very damaging to the reputation of his own pursuits: &lsquo;Upon the
+whole, I am inclined to think that the far greater part, if not all, of
+those difficulties which have hitherto amused philosophers, and blocked
+up the way to knowledge, are entirely owing to ourselves. That we have
+first raised a dust, and then complain we cannot see.&rsquo; <i>Principles of
+Human Knowledge</i>, in <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 74. Every
+metaphysician and theologian should get this sentence by heart: &lsquo;That we
+have first raised a dust, and then complain we cannot see.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Some of the laws of association, as stated by Hume and
+Hartley, are capable of historical verification, which would change the
+metaphysical hypothesis into a scientific theory. Berkeley's theory of
+vision, and Brown's theory of touch, have, in the same way, been
+verified physiologically; so that we now know what otherwise we could
+only have suspected.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> In regard to one of the difficulties stated in this
+chapter as impeding metaphysicians, it is only just to quote the remarks
+of Kant: &lsquo;Wie aber das Ich, der ich denke, von dem Ich, das sich selbst
+anschaut, unterschieden (indem ich mir noch andere Anschauungsart
+wenigstens als möglich vorstellen kann), und doch mit diesem letzteren
+als dasselbe Subject einerlei sei, wie ich also sagen könne: Ich als
+Intelligenz und denkend Subject, erkenne mich selbst als gedachtes
+Object, so fern ich mir noch über das in der Anschauung gegeben bin,
+nur, gleich anderen Phänomenen, nicht wie ich vor dem Verstande bin,
+sondern wie ich mir erscheine, hat nicht mehr auch nicht weniger
+Schwierigkeit bei sich, als wie ich mir selbst überhaupt ein Object und
+zwar der Anschauung und innerer Wahrnehmungen sein könne.&rsquo; <i>Kritik der
+reinen Vernunft</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol. ii. p. 144. I am very willing
+to let the question rest on this: for to me it appears that both cases
+are not only equally difficult, but, in the present state of our
+knowledge, are equally impossible.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON
+OF MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE
+EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY.</div>
+
+<p>In the preceding chapter, it has, I trust, been made
+apparent, that, whatever may hereafter be the case, we,
+looking merely at the present state of our knowledge,
+must pronounce the metaphysical method to be unequal
+to the task, often imposed upon it, of discovering the
+laws which regulate the movements of the human mind.
+We are, therefore, driven to the only remaining method,
+according to which mental phenomena are to be studied,
+not simply as they appear in the mind of the individual
+observer, but as they appear in the actions of mankind at
+large. The essential opposition between these two plans
+is very obvious: but it may perhaps be well to bring
+forward further illustration of the resources possessed
+by each for the investigation of truth; and for this
+purpose, I will select a subject which, though still imperfectly
+understood, supplies a beautiful instance of
+the regularity with which, under the most conflicting
+circumstances, the great Laws of Nature are able to
+hold their course.</p>
+
+<p>The case to which I refer, is that of the proportion
+kept up in the births of the sexes; a proportion which
+if it were to be greatly disturbed in any country, even
+for a single generation, would throw society into the
+most serious confusion, and would infallibly cause a
+great increase in the vices of the people.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> Now, it has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
+always been suspected that, on an average, the male
+and female births are tolerably equal; but, until very
+recently, no one could tell whether or not they are
+precisely equal, or, if unequal, on which side there is an
+excess.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> The births being the physical result of physical
+antecedents, it was clearly seen that the laws of
+the births must be in those antecedents; that is to say,
+that the causes of the proportion of the sexes must
+reside in the parents themselves.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> Under these circumstances,
+the question arose, if it was not possible to
+elucidate this difficulty by our knowledge of animal
+physiology; for it was plausibly said, &lsquo;Since physiology
+is a study of the laws of the body,<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> and since all births<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
+are products resulting from the body, it follows that if
+we know the laws of the body, we shall know the laws
+of the birth.&rsquo; This was the view taken by physiologists
+of our origin;<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> and this is precisely the view taken by
+metaphysicians of our history. Both parties believed
+that it was possible at once to rise to the cause of the
+phenomenon, and by studying its laws predict the phenomenon
+itself. The physiologist said, &lsquo;By studying
+individual bodies, and thus ascertaining the laws which
+regulate the union of the parents, I will discover the
+proportion of the sexes, because the proportion is
+merely the result to which the union gives rise.&rsquo; Just
+in the same way, the metaphysician says, &lsquo;By studying
+individual minds, I will ascertain the laws which govern
+their movements; and in that way I will predict the
+movements of mankind, which are obviously compounded
+of the individual movements.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> These are the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
+expectations which have been confidently held out, by
+physiologists respecting the laws of the sexes, and by
+metaphysicians respecting the laws of history. Towards
+the fulfilment, however, of these promises the
+metaphysicians have done absolutely nothing; nor have
+the physiologists been more successful, although their
+views have the support of anatomy, which admits of
+the employment of direct experiment, a resource unknown
+to metaphysics. But towards settling the present
+question, all this availed them nothing; and physiologists
+are not yet possessed of a single fact which
+throws any light on this problem: Is the number of
+male births equal to female births&mdash;is it greater, or is it
+less?</p>
+
+<p>These are questions to which all the resources of
+physiologists, from Aristotle down to our own time,
+afford no means of reply.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> And yet at the present day<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
+we, by the employment of what now seems a very
+natural method, are possessed of a truth which the
+united abilities of a long series of eminent men failed to
+discover. By the simple experiment of registering the
+number of births and their sexes; by extending this
+registration over several years, in different countries,&mdash;we
+have been able to eliminate all casual disturbances,
+and ascertain the existence of a law which, expressed
+in round numbers, is, that for every twenty girls there
+are born twenty-one boys: and we may confidently
+say, that although the operations of this law are of
+course liable to constant aberrations, the law itself is so
+powerful, that we know of no country in which during
+a single year the male births have not been greater
+than the female ones.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></p>
+
+<p>The importance and the beautiful regularity of this
+law make us regret that it still remains an empirical
+truth, not having yet been connected with the physical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
+phenomena by which its operations are caused.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> But
+this is immaterial to my present purpose, which is only
+to notice the method by which the discovery has been
+made. For this method is obviously analogous to that
+by which I propose to investigate the operations of the
+human mind; while the old and unsuccessful method
+is analogous to that employed by the metaphysicians.
+As long as physiologists attempted to ascertain the
+laws of the proportion of sexes by individual experiments,
+they effected absolutely nothing towards the end<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
+they hoped to achieve. But when men became dissatisfied
+with these individual experiments, and instead of
+them, began to collect observations less minute, but
+more comprehensive, then it was that the great law of
+nature, for which during many centuries they had
+vainly searched, first became unfolded to their view.
+Precisely in the same way, as long as the human mind
+is only studied according to the narrow and contracted
+method of metaphysicians, we have every reason for
+thinking that the laws which regulate its movements
+will remain unknown. If, therefore, we wish to effect
+anything of real moment, it becomes necessary that we
+should discard those old schemes, the insufficiency of
+which is demonstrated by experience as well as by
+reason; and that we should substitute in their place
+such a comprehensive survey of facts as will enable us
+to eliminate those disturbances which, owing to the
+impossibility of experiment, we shall never be able to
+isolate.</p>
+
+<p>The desire that I feel to make the preliminary views
+of this Introduction perfectly clear, is my sole apology
+for having introduced a digression which, though adding
+nothing to the strength of the argument, may be
+found useful as illustrating it, and will at all events
+enable ordinary readers to appreciate the value of the
+proposed method. It now remains for us to ascertain
+the manner in which, by the application of this
+method, the laws of mental progress may be most easily
+discovered.</p>
+
+<p>If, in the first place, we ask what this progress is,
+the answer seems very simple: that it is a two-fold
+progress, Moral and Intellectual; the first having more
+immediate relation to our duties, the second to our
+knowledge. This is a classification which has been
+frequently laid down, and with which most persons are
+familiar. And so far as history is a narration of results,
+there can be no doubt that the division is perfectly
+accurate. There can be no doubt that a people
+are not really advancing, if, on the one hand, their increasing
+ability is accompanied by increasing vice, or
+if, on the other hand, while they are becoming more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
+virtuous, they likewise become more ignorant. This
+double movement, moral and intellectual, is essential to
+the very idea of civilization, and includes the entire
+theory of mental progress. To be willing to perform
+our duty is the moral part; to know how to perform it
+is the intellectual part: while the closer these two
+parts are knit together, the greater the harmony with
+which they work; and the more accurately the means
+are adapted to the end, the more completely will the
+scheme of our life be accomplished, and the more
+securely shall we lay a foundation for the further
+advancement of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>A question, therefore, now arises of great moment:
+namely, which of these two parts or elements of mental
+progress is the most important. For the progress itself
+being the result of their united action, it becomes
+necessary to ascertain which of them works more
+powerfully, in order that we may subordinate the
+inferior element to the laws of the superior one. If
+the advance of civilization, and the general happiness
+of mankind, depend more on their moral feelings than
+on their intellectual knowledge, we must of course
+measure the progress of society by those feelings;
+while if, on the other hand, it depends principally on
+their knowledge, we must take as our standard the
+amount and success of their intellectual activity. As
+soon as we know the relative energy of these two components,
+we shall treat them according to the usual
+plan for investigating truth; that is to say, we shall
+look at the product of their joint action as obeying the
+laws of the more powerful agent, whose operations are
+casually disturbed by the inferior laws of the minor
+agent.</p>
+
+<p>In entering into this inquiry, we are met by a preliminary
+difficulty, arising from the loose and careless
+manner in which ordinary language is employed on
+subjects that require the greatest nicety and precision.
+For the expression, Moral and Intellectual Progress, is
+suggestive of a serious fallacy. In the manner in
+which it is generally used, it conveys an idea that the
+moral and intellectual faculties of men are, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
+advance of civilization, naturally more acute and more
+trustworthy than they were formerly. But this, though
+it may possibly be true, has never been proved. It may
+be that, owing to some physical causes still unknown,
+the average capacity of the brain is, if we compare long
+periods of time, becoming gradually greater; and that
+therefore the mind, which acts through the brain, is,
+even independently of education, increasing in aptitude
+and in the general competence of its views.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> Such,
+however, is still our ignorance of physical laws, and so
+completely are we in the dark as to the circumstances
+which regulate the hereditary transmission of character,
+temperament,<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> and other personal peculiarities, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
+we must consider this alleged progress as a very doubtful
+point; and, in the present state of our knowledge,
+we cannot safely assume that there has been any permanent
+improvement in the moral or intellectual
+faculties of man, nor have we any decisive ground for
+saying that those faculties are likely to be greater in
+an infant born in the most civilized part of Europe,
+than in one born in the wildest region of a barbarous
+country.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whatever, therefore, the moral and intellectual progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
+of men may be, it resolves itself not into a progress
+of natural capacity,<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> but into a progress, if I
+may so say, of opportunity; that is, an improvement in
+the circumstances under which that capacity after
+birth comes into play. Here, then, lies the gist of the
+whole matter. The progress is one, not of internal
+power, but of external advantage. The child born in a
+civilized land is not likely, as such, to be superior to
+one born among barbarians; and the difference which
+ensues between the acts of the two children will be
+caused, so far as we know, solely by the pressure of
+external circumstances; by which I mean the surrounding
+opinions, knowledge, associations; in a word, the
+entire mental atmosphere in which the two children
+are respectively nurtured.</p>
+
+<p>On this account it is evident, that if we look at mankind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
+in the aggregate, their moral and intellectual conduct
+is regulated by the moral and intellectual notions
+prevalent in their own time. There are, of course, many
+persons who will rise above those notions, and many
+others who will sink below them. But such cases are
+exceptional, and form a very small proportion of the
+total amount of those who are nowise remarkable either
+for good or for evil. An immense majority of men must
+always remain in a middle state, neither very foolish
+nor very able, neither very virtuous nor very vicious,
+but slumbering on in a peaceful and decent mediocrity,
+adopting without much difficulty the current opinions of
+the day, making no inquiry, exciting no scandal, causing
+no wonder, just holding themselves on a level with their
+generation, and noiselessly conforming to the standard
+of morals and of knowledge common to the age and
+country in which they live.</p>
+
+<p>Now, it requires but a superficial acquaintance with
+history to be aware that this standard is constantly
+changing, and that it is never precisely the same even
+in the most similar countries, or in two successive
+generations in the same country. The opinions which
+are popular in any nation vary in many respects almost
+from year to year; and what in one period is attacked
+as a paradox or a heresy, is in another period welcomed
+as a sober truth; which, however, in its turn is
+replaced by some subsequent novelty. This extreme
+mutability in the ordinary standard of human actions
+shows that the conditions on which the standard depends
+must themselves be very mutable; and those
+conditions, whatever they may be, are evidently the
+originators of the moral and intellectual conduct of the
+great average of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Here, then, we have a basis on which we can safely
+proceed. We know that the main cause of human actions
+is extremely variable; we have only, therefore, to
+apply this test to any set of circumstances which are
+supposed to be the cause, and if we find that such circumstances
+are not very variable, we must infer that
+they are not the cause we are attempting to discover.</p>
+
+<p>Applying this test to moral motives, or to the dictates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
+of what is called moral instinct, we shall at once
+see how extremely small is the influence those motives
+have exercised over the progress of civilization. For
+there is, unquestionably, nothing to be found in the
+world which has undergone so little change as those
+great dogmas of which moral systems are composed.
+To do good to others; to sacrifice for their benefit your
+own wishes; to love your neighbour as yourself; to
+forgive your enemies; to restrain your passions; to
+honour your parents; to respect those who are set over
+you: these, and a few others, are the sole essentials of
+morals; but they have been known for thousands of
+years, and not one jot or tittle has been added to them
+by all the sermons, homilies, and text-books which
+moralists and theologians have been able to produce.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p>
+
+<p>But, if we contrast this stationary aspect of moral<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
+truths with the progressive aspect of intellectual truths,
+the difference is indeed startling.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> All the great moral
+systems which have exercised much influence have been
+fundamentally the same; all the great intellectual systems
+have been fundamentally different. In reference
+to our moral conduct, there is not a single principle
+now known to the most cultivated Europeans, which was
+not likewise known to the ancients. In reference to
+the conduct of our intellect, the moderns have not only
+made the most important additions to every department
+of knowledge that the ancients ever attempted to study,
+but besides this, they have upset and revolutionized the
+old methods of inquiry; they have consolidated into one
+great scheme all those resources of induction which
+Aristotle alone dimly perceived; and they have created
+sciences, the faintest idea of which never entered the
+mind of the boldest thinker antiquity produced.</p>
+
+<p>These are, to every educated man, recognized and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
+notorious facts; and the inference to be drawn from
+them is immediately obvious. Since civilization is the
+product of moral and intellectual agencies, and since
+that product is constantly changing, it evidently cannot
+be regulated by the stationary agent; because, when
+surrounding circumstances are unchanged, a stationary
+agent can only produce a stationary effect. The only
+other agent is the intellectual one; and that this is the
+real mover may be proved in two distinct ways: first,
+because being, as we have already seen, either moral
+or intellectual, and being, as we have also seen, not
+moral, it must be intellectual; and, secondly, because
+the intellectual principle has an activity and a capacity
+for adaptation, which, as I undertake to show, is quite
+sufficient to account for the extraordinary progress
+that, during several centuries, Europe has continued
+to make.</p>
+
+<p>Such are the main arguments by which my view is
+supported; but there are also other and collateral
+circumstances which are well worthy of consideration.
+The first is, that the intellectual principle is not only
+far more progressive than the moral principle, but is
+also far more permanent in its results. The acquisitions
+made by the intellect are, in every civilized country,
+carefully preserved, registered in certain well-understood
+formulas, and protected by the use of technical
+and scientific language; they are easily handed down
+from one generation to another, and thus assuming an
+accessible, or, as it were, a tangible form, they often
+influence the most distant posterity, they become the
+heirlooms of mankind, the immortal bequest of the
+genius to which they owe their birth. But the good
+deeds effected by our moral faculties are less capable of
+transmission; they are of a more private and retiring
+character; while, as the motives to which they owe
+their origin are generally the result of self-discipline
+and of self-sacrifice, they have to be worked out by
+every man for himself; and thus, begun by each anew,
+they derive little benefit from the maxims of preceding
+experience, nor can they well be stored up for the use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
+of future moralists. The consequence is, that although
+moral excellence is more amiable, and to most persons
+more attractive, than intellectual excellence, still, it
+must be confessed that, looking at ulterior results, it is
+far less active, less permanent, and, as I shall presently
+prove, less productive of real good. Indeed, if we
+examine the effects of the most active philanthropy, and
+of the largest and most disinterested kindness, we shall
+find that those effects are, comparatively speaking, short-lived;
+that there is only a small number of individuals
+they come in contact with and benefit; that they rarely
+survive the generation which witnessed their commencement;
+and that, when they take the more durable form
+of founding great public charities, such institutions
+invariably fall, first into abuse, then into decay, and
+after a time are either destroyed, or perverted from
+their original intention, mocking the effort by which
+it is vainly attempted to perpetuate the memory even
+of the purest and most energetic benevolence.</p>
+
+<p>These conclusions are no doubt very unpalatable;
+and what makes them peculiarly offensive is, that it is
+impossible to refute them. For the deeper we penetrate
+into this question, the more clearly shall we see
+the superiority of intellectual acquisitions over moral
+feeling.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> There is no instance on record of an ignorant
+man who, having good intentions, and supreme power
+to enforce them, has not done far more evil than good.
+And whenever the intentions have been very eager,
+and the power very extensive, the evil has been enormous.
+But if you can diminish the sincerity of that
+man, if you can mix some alloy with his motives, you
+will likewise diminish the evil which he works. If he
+is selfish as well as ignorant, it will often happen that
+you may play off his vice against his ignorance, and by
+exciting his fears restrain his mischief. If, however,
+he has no fear, if he is entirely unselfish, if his sole
+object is the good of others, if he pursues that object<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
+with enthusiasm, upon a large scale, and with disinterested
+zeal, then it is that you have no check upon
+him, you have no means of preventing the calamities
+which, in an ignorant age, an ignorant man will be
+sure to inflict. How entirely this is verified by experience,
+we may see in studying the history of religious
+persecution. To punish even a single man for his
+religious tenets, is assuredly a crime of the deepest
+dye; but to punish a large body of men, to persecute
+an entire sect, to attempt to extirpate opinions, which,
+growing out of the state of society in which they arise,
+are themselves a manifestation of the marvellous and
+luxuriant fertility of the human mind,&mdash;to do this is
+not only one of the most pernicious, but one of the
+most foolish acts that can possibly be conceived.
+Nevertheless, it is an undoubted fact that an overwhelming
+majority of religious persecutors have been
+men of the purest intentions, of the most admirable
+and unsullied morals. It is impossible that this should
+be otherwise. For they are not bad-intentioned men,
+who seek to enforce opinions which they believe to be
+good. Still less are they bad men, who are so regardless
+of temporal considerations as to employ all the
+resources of their power, not for their own benefit, but
+for the purpose of propagating a religion which they
+think necessary to the future happiness of mankind.
+Such men as these are not bad, they are only ignorant;
+ignorant of the nature of truth, ignorant of the consequences
+of their own acts. But, in a moral point of
+view, their motives are unimpeachable. Indeed, it is
+the very ardour of their sincerity which warms them
+into persecution. It is the holy zeal by which they
+are fired that quickens their fanaticism into a deadly
+activity. If you can impress any man with an absorbing
+conviction of the supreme importance of some
+moral or religious doctrine; if you can make him
+believe that those who reject that doctrine are doomed
+to eternal perdition; if you then give that man power,
+and by means of his ignorance blind him to the ulterior
+consequences of his own act,&mdash;he will infallibly persecute
+those who deny his doctrine; and the extent of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
+his persecution will be regulated by the extent of his
+sincerity. Diminish the sincerity, and you will diminish
+the persecution: in other words, by weakening
+the virtue you may check the evil. This is a truth of
+which history furnishes such innumerable examples,
+that to deny it would be not only to reject the plainest
+and most conclusive arguments, but to refuse the concurrent
+testimony of every age. I will merely select
+two cases, which, from the entire difference in their
+circumstances, are very apposite as illustrations: the
+first being from the history of Paganism, the other
+from the history of Christianity; and both proving the
+inability of moral feelings to control religious persecution.</p>
+
+<p>I. The Roman emperors, as is well known, subjected
+the early Christians to persecutions, which, though
+they have been exaggerated, were frequent and very
+grievous. But what to some persons must appear
+extremely strange, is, that among the active authors of
+these cruelties, we find the names of the best men who
+ever sat on the throne; while the worst and most infamous
+princes were precisely those who spared the
+Christians, and took no heed of their increase. The
+two most thoroughly depraved of all the emperors were
+certainly Commodus and Elagabalus; neither of whom
+persecuted the new religion, or indeed adopted any
+measures against it. They were too reckless of the
+future, too selfish, too absorbed in their own infamous
+pleasures, to mind whether truth or error prevailed;
+and being thus indifferent to the welfare of their subjects,
+they cared nothing about the progress of a creed,
+which they, as Pagan emperors, were bound to regard
+as a fatal and impious delusion. They, therefore,
+allowed Christianity to run its course, unchecked by
+those penal laws which more honest, but more mistaken,
+rulers would assuredly have enacted.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> We find,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
+accordingly, that the great enemy of Christianity was
+Marcus Aurelius: a man of kindly temper, and of fearless,
+unflinching honesty, but whose reign was characterized
+by a persecution from which he would have
+refrained had he been less in earnest about the religion
+of his fathers.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> And to complete the argument, it
+may be added, that the last and one of the most
+strenuous of the opponents of Christianity, who occupied
+the throne of the Cæsars, was Julian: a prince
+of eminent probity, whose opinions are often attacked,
+but against whose moral conduct even calumny itself
+has hardly breathed a suspicion.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a></p>
+
+<p>II. The second illustration is supplied by Spain; a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
+country of which it must be confessed, that in no other
+have religious feelings exercised such sway over the
+affairs of men. No other European nation has produced
+so many ardent and disinterested missionaries,
+zealous self-denying martyrs, who have cheerfully
+sacrificed their lives in order to propagate truths
+which they thought necessary to be known. Nowhere
+else have the spiritual classes been so long in the
+ascendant; nowhere else are the people so devout, the
+churches so crowded, the clergy so numerous. But
+the sincerity and the honesty of purpose by which the
+Spanish people, taken as a whole, have always been
+marked, have not only been unable to prevent religious
+persecution, but have proved the means of encouraging
+it. If the nation had been more lukewarm, it would
+have been more tolerant. As it was, the preservation
+of the faith became the first consideration; and everything
+being sacrificed to this one object, it naturally
+happened that zeal begat cruelty, and the soil was prepared
+in which the Inquisition took root and flourished.
+The supporters of that barbarous institution were not
+hypocrites, but enthusiasts. Hypocrites are for the
+most part too supple to be cruel. For cruelty is a stern
+and unbending passion; while hypocrisy is a fawning
+and flexible art, which accommodates itself to human
+feelings, and flatters the weakness of men in order that
+it may gain its own ends. In Spain, the earnestness
+of the nation, being concentrated on a single topic,
+carried everything before it; and hatred of heresy becoming
+a habit, persecution of heresy was thought a duty.
+The conscientious energy with which that duty was fulfilled
+is seen in the history of the Spanish Church.
+Indeed, that the inquisitors were remarkable for an
+undeviating and incorruptible integrity, may be proved
+in a variety of ways, and from different and independent
+sources of evidence. This is a question to which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
+I shall hereafter return; but there are two testimonies
+which I cannot omit, because, from the circumstances
+attending them, they are peculiarly unimpeachable.
+Llorente, the great historian of the Inquisition, and its
+bitter enemy, had access to its private papers; and yet,
+with the fullest means of information, he does not even
+insinuate a charge against the moral character of the
+inquisitors; but while execrating the cruelty of their
+conduct, he cannot deny the purity of their intentions.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>
+Thirty years earlier, Townsend, a clergyman of
+the Church of England, published his valuable work
+on Spain;<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> and though, as a Protestant and an Englishman,
+he had every reason to be prejudiced against the
+infamous system which he describes, he also can bring
+no charge against those who upheld it; but having
+occasion to mention its establishment at Barcelona,
+one of its most important branches, he makes the
+remarkable admission, that all its members are men of
+worth, and that most of them are of distinguished
+humanity.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p>
+
+<p>These facts, startling as they are, form a very small
+part of that vast mass of evidence which history contains,
+and which decisively proves the utter inability of
+moral feelings to diminish religious persecution. The
+way in which the diminution has been really effected
+by the mere progress of intellectual acquirements, will
+be pointed out in another part of this volume; when
+we shall see that the great antagonist of intolerance is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>
+not humanity, but knowledge. It is to the diffusion of
+knowledge, and to that alone, that we owe the comparative
+cessation of what is unquestionably the greatest
+evil men have ever inflicted on their own species. For
+that religious persecution is a greater evil than any
+other, is apparent, not so much from the enormous and
+almost incredible number of its known victims,<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> as from
+the fact that the unknown must be far more numerous,
+and that history gives no account of those who have
+been spared in the body, in order that they might
+suffer in the mind. We hear much of martyrs and confessors&mdash;of
+those who were slain by the sword, or
+consumed in the fire; but we know little of that still
+larger number who, by the mere threat of persecution,
+have been driven into an outward abandonment of
+their real opinions; and who, thus forced into an
+apostasy the heart abhors, have passed the remainder of
+their life in the practice of a constant and humiliating
+hypocrisy. It is this which is the real curse of religious
+persecution. For in this way, men being constrained
+to mask their thoughts, there arises a habit of securing
+safety by falsehood, and of purchasing impunity with
+deceit. In this way fraud becomes a necessary of life;
+insincerity is made a daily custom; the whole tone of
+public feeling is vitiated, and the gross amount of vice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
+and of error fearfully increased. Surely, then, we have
+reason to say, that, compared to this, all other crimes
+are of small account; and we may well be grateful for
+that increase of intellectual pursuits which has destroyed
+an evil that some among us would even now
+willingly restore.</p>
+
+<p>The principle I am advocating is of such immense
+importance in practice as well as in theory, that I will
+give yet another instance of the energy with which it
+works. The second greatest evil known to mankind&mdash;the
+one by which, with the exception of religious persecution,
+most suffering has been caused&mdash;is, unquestionably,
+the practice of war. That this barbarous pursuit
+is, in the progress of society, steadily declining, must
+be evident, even to the most hasty reader of European
+history.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> If we compare one country with another, we
+shall find that for a very long period wars have been
+becoming less frequent; and now so clearly is the movement
+marked, that, until the late commencement of hostilities,
+we had remained at peace for nearly forty years:
+a circumstance unparalleled, not only in our own country,
+but also in the annals of every other country which has
+been important enough to play a leading part in the
+affairs of the world.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> The question arises, as to what
+share our moral feelings have had in bringing about this
+great improvement. And if this question is answered,
+not according to preconceived opinions, but according
+to the evidence we possess, the answer will certainly
+be, that those feelings have had no share at all. For it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
+surely will not be pretended that the moderns have
+made any discoveries respecting the moral evils of war.
+On this head nothing is now known that has not
+been known for many centuries. That defensive wars
+are just, and that offensive wars are unjust, are the
+only two principles which, on this subject, moralists
+are able to teach. These two principles were as clearly
+laid down, as well understood, and as universally admitted,
+in the Middle Ages, when there was never a
+week without war, as they are at the present moment,
+when war is deemed a rare and singular occurrence.
+Since, then, the actions of men respecting war have
+been gradually changing, while their moral knowledge
+respecting it has not been changing, it is palpably evident
+that the changeable effect has not been produced
+by the unchangeable cause. It is impossible to conceive
+an argument more decisive than this. If it can
+be proved that, during the last thousand years, moralists
+or theologians have pointed out a single evil caused by
+war, the existence of which was unknown to their predecessors,&mdash;if
+this can be proved, I will abandon the
+view for which I am contending. But if, as I most
+confidently assert, this cannot be proved, then it must
+be conceded that, no additions having been made on
+this subject to the stock of morals, no additions can
+have been made to the result which the morals produce.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus far as to the influence exercised by moral feelings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
+in increasing our distaste for war. But if, on the
+other hand, we turn to the human intellect, in the narrowest
+sense of the term, we shall find that every great
+increase in its activity has been a heavy blow to the warlike
+spirit. The full evidence for this I shall hereafter
+detail at considerable length; and in this Introduction I
+can only pretend to bring forward a few of those prominent
+points, which, being on the surface of history, will
+be at once understood.</p>
+
+<p>Of these points, one of the most obvious is, that every
+important addition made to knowledge increases the
+authority of the intellectual classes, by increasing the
+resources which they have to wield. Now, the antagonism
+between these classes and the military class is
+evident: it is the antagonism between thought and
+action, between the internal and the external, between
+argument and violence, between persuasion and force;
+or, to sum up the whole, between men who live by the
+pursuits of peace and those who live by the practice of
+war. Whatever, therefore, is favourable to one class, is
+manifestly unfavourable to the other. Supposing the
+remaining circumstances to be the same, it must happen,
+that as the intellectual acquisitions of a people
+increase, their love of war will diminish; and if their
+intellectual acquisitions are very small, their love of war
+will be very great.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> In perfectly barbarous countries,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
+there are no intellectual acquisitions; and the mind
+being a blank and dreary waste, the only resource is
+external activity,<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> the only merit personal courage.
+No account is made of any man, unless he has killed
+an enemy; and the more he has killed, the greater the
+reputation he enjoys.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> This is the purely savage state;
+and it is the state in which military glory is most
+esteemed, and military men most respected.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> From<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
+this frightful debasement, even up to the summit of
+civilization, there is a long series of consecutive steps;
+gradations, at each of which something is taken from
+the dominion of force, and something given to the
+authority of thought. Slowly, and one by one, the intellectual
+and pacific classes begin to arise; at first
+held in great contempt by warriors, but nevertheless
+gradually gaining ground, increasing in number and in
+power, and at each increase weakening that old military
+spirit, in which all other tendencies had formerly
+been absorbed. Trade, commerce, manufactures, law,
+diplomacy, literature, science, philosophy,&mdash;all these
+things, originally unknown, became organized into separate
+studies, each study having a separate class, and
+each class insisting on the importance of its own pursuit.
+Of these classes, some are, no doubt, less pacific
+than others; but even those which are the least pacific,
+are, of course, more so than men whose associations are
+entirely military, and who see in every fresh war that
+chance of personal distinction, from which, during
+peace, they are altogether debarred.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it is that, as civilization advances, an equipoise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
+is established, and military ardour is balanced by motives
+which none but a cultivated people can feel. But
+among a people whose intellect is not cultivated, such a
+balance can never exist. Of this we see a good illustration
+in the history of the present war.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> For the peculiarity
+of the great contest in which we are engaged is, that it
+was produced, not by the conflicting interests of civilized
+countries, but by a rupture between Russia and Turkey,
+the two most barbarous monarchies now remaining in
+Europe. This is a very significant fact. It is highly
+characteristic of the actual condition of society, that a
+peace of unexampled length should have been broken,
+not, as former peaces were broken, by a quarrel between
+two civilized nations, but by the encroachments of
+the uncivilized Russians on the still more uncivilized
+Turks. At an earlier period, the influence of intellectual,
+and therefore pacific, habits was indeed constantly increasing,
+but was still too weak, even in the most
+advanced countries, to control the old warlike habits:
+hence there arose a desire for conquest, which often
+outweighed all other feelings, and induced great nations
+like France and England to attack each other on the
+slightest pretence, and seek every opportunity of gratifying
+the vindictive hatred with which both contemplated
+the prosperity of their neighbour. Such, however, is
+now the progress of affairs, that these two nations, laying
+aside the peevish and irritable jealousy they once entertained,
+are united in a common cause, and have drawn
+the sword, not for selfish purposes, but to protect the
+civilized world against the incursions of a barbarous foe.</p>
+
+<p>This is the leading feature which distinguishes the
+present war from its predecessors. That a peace should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
+last for nearly forty years, and should then be interrupted,
+not, as heretofore, by hostilities between civilized states,
+but by the ambition of the only empire which is at once
+powerful and uncivilized&mdash;is one of many proofs that a
+dislike to war is a cultivated taste peculiar to an intellectual
+people. For no one will pretend that the military
+predilections of Russia are caused by a low state of
+morals, or by a disregard of religious duties. So far
+from this, all the evidence we have shows that vicious
+habits are not more common in Russia than in France
+or England;<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> and it is certain that the Russians submit
+to the teachings of the church with a docility greater
+than that displayed by their civilized opponents.<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> It
+is, therefore, clear that Russia is a warlike country, not
+because the inhabitants are immoral, but because they
+are unintellectual. The fault is in the head, not in the
+heart. In Russia, the national intellect being little cultivated,
+the intellectual classes lack influence; the military
+class, therefore, is supreme. In this early stage of
+society, there is as yet no middle rank,<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> and consequently
+the thoughtful and pacific habits which spring from the
+middle ranks have no existence. The minds of men,
+deprived of mental pursuits,<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> naturally turn to warlike<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>
+ones, as the only resource remaining to them. Hence it
+is that, in Russia, all ability is estimated by a military
+standard. The army is considered to be the greatest
+glory of the country: to win a battle, or outwit an enemy,
+is valued as one of the noblest achievements of life; and
+civilians, whatever their merits may be, are despised by
+this barbarous people, as beings of an altogether inferior
+and subordinate character.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p>
+
+<p>In England, on the other hand, opposite causes have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
+produced opposite results. With us intellectual progress
+is so rapid, and the authority of the middle class so great,
+that not only have military men no influence in the government
+of the state, but there seemed at one time even
+a danger lest we should push this feeling to an extreme;
+and lest, from our detestation of war, we should neglect
+those defensive precautions which the enmity of other
+nations makes it advisable to adopt. But this at least
+we may safely say, that, in our country, a love of war
+is, as a national taste, utterly extinct. And this vast
+result has been effected, not by moral teachings, nor by
+the dictates of moral instinct; but by the simple fact,
+that in the progress of civilization there have been formed
+certain classes of society which have an interest in the
+preservation of peace, and whose united authority is
+sufficient to control those other classes whose interest
+lies in the prosecution of war.</p>
+
+<p>It would be easy to conduct this argument further,
+and to prove how, by an increasing love of intellectual
+pursuits, the military service necessarily declines, not
+only in reputation, but likewise in ability. In a backward
+state of society men of distinguished talents crowd to
+the army, and are proud to enrol themselves in its
+ranks. But, as society advances, new sources of activity
+are opened, and new professions arise, which, being essentially
+mental, offer to genius opportunities for success
+more rapid than any formerly known. The consequence
+is, that in England, where these opportunities are more
+numerous than elsewhere, it nearly always happens that
+if a father has a son whose faculties are remarkable, he
+brings him up to one of the lay professions, where intellect,
+when accompanied by industry, is sure to be rewarded.
+If, however, the inferiority of the boy is obvious, a suitable
+remedy is at hand: he is made either a soldier or
+a clergyman; he is sent into the army, or hidden in the
+church. And this, as we shall hereafter see, is one of
+the reasons why, as society advances, the ecclesiastical
+spirit and the military spirit never fail to decline. As
+soon as eminent men grow unwilling to enter any profession,
+the lustre of that profession will be tarnished:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
+first its reputation will be lessened, and then its power
+will be abridged. This is the process through which
+Europe is actually passing, in regard both to the church
+and to the army. The evidence, so far as the ecclesiastical
+profession is concerned, will be found in another
+part of this work. The evidence respecting the military
+profession is equally decisive. For although that profession
+has in modern Europe produced a few men of undoubted
+genius, their number is so extremely small, as
+to amaze us at the dearth of original ability. That the
+military class, taken as a whole, has a tendency to degenerate,
+will become still more obvious if we compare
+long periods of time. In the ancient world, the leading
+warriors were not only possessed of considerable accomplishments,
+but were comprehensive thinkers in politics
+as well as in war, and were in every respect the first
+characters of their age. Thus&mdash;to give only a few specimens
+from a single people&mdash;we find that the three most
+successful statesmen Greece ever produced were Solon,
+Themistocles, and Epaminondas,&mdash;all of whom were distinguished
+military commanders. Socrates, supposed by
+some to be the wisest of the ancients, was a soldier; and
+so was Plato; and so was Antisthenes, the celebrated
+founder of the Cynics. Archytas, who gave a new direction
+to the Pythagorean philosophy; and Melissus, who
+developed the Eleatic philosophy&mdash;were both of them
+well-known generals, famous alike in literature and in
+war. Among the most eminent orators, Pericles, Alcibiades,
+Andocides, Demosthenes, and Æschines were all
+members of the military profession; as also were the
+two greatest tragic writers, Æschylus and Sophocles.
+Archilochus, who is said to have invented iambic verses,
+and whom Horace took as a model, was a soldier; and
+the same profession could likewise boast of Tyrtæus, one
+of the founders of elegiac poetry, and of Alcæus, one of
+the best composers of lyric poetry. The most philosophic
+of all the Greek historians was certainly Thucydides;
+but he, as well as Xenophon and Polybius, held high
+military appointments, and on more than one occasion
+succeeded in changing the fortunes of war. In the midst
+of the hurry and turmoil of camps, these eminent men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
+cultivated their minds to the highest point that the knowledge
+of that age would allow: and so wide is the range
+of their thoughts, and such the beauty and dignity of
+their style, that their works are read by thousands who
+care nothing about the sieges and battles in which they
+were engaged.</p>
+
+<p>These were among the ornaments of the military profession
+in the ancient world; and all of them wrote in
+the same language, and were read by the same people.
+But in the modern world this identical profession, including
+many millions of men, and covering the whole of
+Europe, has never been able, since the sixteenth century,
+to produce ten authors who have reached the first class
+either as writers or as thinkers. Descartes is an instance
+of an European soldier combining the two qualities; he
+being as remarkable for the exquisite beauty of his style
+as for the depth and originality of his inquiries. This,
+however, is a solitary case; and there is, I believe, no
+second one of a modern military writer thus excelling in
+both departments. Certainly, the English army, during
+the last two hundred and fifty years, affords no example
+of it, and has, in fact, only possessed two authors,
+Raleigh and Napier, whose works are recognized as
+models, and are studied merely for their intrinsic merit.
+Still, this is simply in reference to style; and these two
+historians, notwithstanding their skill in composition,
+have never been reputed profound thinkers on difficult
+subjects, nor have they added anything of moment to
+the stock of our knowledge. In the same way, among
+the ancients, the most eminent soldiers were likewise
+the most eminent politicians, and the best leaders of the
+army were generally the best governors of the state.
+But here, again, the progress of society has wrought so
+great a change, that for a long period instances of this
+have been excessively rare. Even Gustavus Adolphus
+and Frederick the Great failed ignominiously in their
+domestic policy, and showed themselves as short-sighted
+in the arts of peace as they were sagacious in the arts
+of war. Cromwell, Washington, and Napoleon are, perhaps,
+the only first-rate modern warriors of whom it can
+be fairly said, that they were equally competent to govern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
+a kingdom and command an army. And, if we look at
+England as furnishing a familiar illustration, we see this
+remark exemplified in our two greatest generals, Marlborough
+and Wellington. Marlborough was a man not
+only of the most idle and frivolous pursuits, but was so
+miserably ignorant, that his deficiencies made him the
+ridicule of his contemporaries; and of politics he had no
+other idea but to gain the favour of the sovereign by
+flattering his mistress, to desert the brother of that sovereign
+at his utmost need, and afterwards, by a double
+treachery, turn against his next benefactor, and engage
+in a criminal, as well as a foolish, correspondence with
+the very man whom a few years before he had infamously
+abandoned. These were the characteristics of the greatest
+conqueror of his age, the hero of a hundred fights,
+the victor of Blenheim and of Ramilies. As to our other
+great warrior, it is indeed true that the name of Wellington
+should never be pronounced by an Englishman without
+gratitude and respect: these feelings are, however,
+due solely to his vast military services, the importance
+of which it would ill become us to forget. But whoever
+has studied the civil history of England during the present
+century knows full well that this military chief,
+who in the field shone without a rival, and who, to his
+still greater glory be it said, possessed an integrity of purpose,
+an unflinching honesty, and a high moral feeling,
+which could not be surpassed, was nevertheless utterly
+unequal to the complicated exigencies of political life. It
+is notorious, that in his views of the most important legislative
+measures he was always in the wrong. It is notorious,
+and the evidence of it stands recorded in our Parliamentary
+Debates, that every great measure which was
+carried, every great improvement, every great step in
+reform, every concession to the popular wishes, was
+strenuously opposed by the Duke of Wellington, became
+law in spite of his opposition, and after his mournful
+declarations that by such means the security of England
+would be seriously imperilled. Yet there is now hardly a
+forward schoolboy who does not know that to these very
+measures the present stability of our country is mainly
+owing. Experience, the great test of wisdom, has amply<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
+proved, that those vast schemes of reform, which the
+Duke of Wellington spent his political life in opposing,
+were, I will not say expedient or advisable, but were
+indispensably necessary. That policy of resisting the
+popular will which he constantly advised is precisely the
+policy which has been pursued, since the Congress of
+Vienna, in every monarchy except our own. The result
+of that policy is written for our instruction: it is written
+in that great explosion of popular passion, which in the
+moment of its wrath upset the proudest thrones, destroyed
+princely families, ruined noble houses, desolated beautiful
+cities. And if the counsel of our great general had been
+followed, if the just demands of the people had been refused&mdash;this
+same lesson would have been written in the
+annals of our own land; and we should most assuredly
+have been unable to escape the consequence of that terrible
+catastrophe, in which the ignorance and selfishness
+of rulers did, only a few years ago, involve a large part
+of the civilized world.</p>
+
+<p>Thus striking is the contrast between the military
+genius of ancient times, and the military genius of modern
+Europe. The causes of this decay are clearly traceable
+to the circumstance that, owing to the immense increase
+of intellectual employments, few men of ability will now
+enter a profession into which, in antiquity, men of ability
+eagerly crowded, as supplying the best means of exercising
+those faculties which, in more civilized countries,
+are turned to a better account. This, indeed, is a very
+important change; and thus to transfer the most powerful
+intellects from the arts of war to the arts of peace,
+has been the slow work of many centuries, the gradual,
+but constant, encroachments of advancing knowledge.
+To write the history of those encroachments would be
+to write the history of the human intellect&mdash;a task impossible
+for any single man adequately to perform. But
+the subject is one of such interest, and has been so little
+studied, that though I have already carried this analysis
+farther than I had intended, I cannot refrain from noticing
+what appear to me to be the three leading ways in
+which the warlike spirit of the ancient world has been
+weakened by the progress of European knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>The first of these arose out of the invention of Gunpowder;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
+which, though a warlike contrivance, has in
+its results been eminently serviceable to the interests
+of peace.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> This important invention is said to have
+been made in the thirteenth century;<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> but was not in
+common use until the fourteenth, or even the beginning
+of the fifteenth, century. Scarcely had it come
+into operation, when it worked a great change in the
+whole scheme and practice of war. Before this time,
+it was considered the duty of nearly every citizen to be
+prepared to enter the military service, for the purpose
+either of defending his own country, or of attacking
+others.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> Standing armies were entirely unknown;
+and in their place there existed a rude and barbarous
+militia, always ready for battle, and always unwilling
+to engage in those peaceful pursuits which were then
+universally despised. Nearly every man being a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
+soldier, the military profession, as such, had no
+separate existence; or, to speak more properly, the
+whole of Europe composed one great army, in which
+all other professions were merged. To this the only
+exception was the ecclesiastical profession; but even
+that was affected by the general tendency, and it was
+not at all uncommon to see large bodies of troops led
+to the field by bishops and abbots, to most of whom
+the arts of war were in those days perfectly familiar.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>
+At all events, between these two professions men were
+necessarily divided: the only avocations were war and
+theology; and if you refused to enter the church, you
+were bound to serve in the army. As a natural consequence,
+everything of real importance was altogether
+neglected. There were, indeed, many priests and many
+warriors, many sermons and many battles.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> But, on
+the other hand, there was neither trade, nor commerce,
+nor manufactures; there was no science, no literature:
+the useful arts were entirely unknown; and even the
+highest ranks of society were unacquainted, not only with
+the most ordinary comforts, but with the commonest
+decencies of civilized life.</p>
+
+<p>But so soon as gunpowder came into use, there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
+laid the foundation of a great change. According to
+the old system, a man had only to possess, what he
+generally inherited from his father, either a sword or
+a bow, and he was ready equipped for the field.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> According
+to the new system, new means were required,
+and the equipment became more costly and more
+difficult. First, there was the supply of gunpowder;<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
+then there was the possession of muskets, which were
+expensive weapons, and considered difficult to manage.<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>
+Then, too, there were other contrivances to which gunpowder
+naturally gave rise, such as pistols, bombs,
+mortars, shells, mines, and the like.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> All these things,
+by increasing the complication of the military art, increased
+the necessity of discipline and practice; while,
+at the same time, the change that was being effected
+in the ordinary weapons deprived the great majority of
+men of the possibility of procuring them. To suit these
+altered circumstances, a new system was organized:
+and it was found advisable to train up bodies of men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
+for the sole purpose of war, and to separate them as
+much as possible from those other employments in
+which formerly all soldiers were occasionally engaged.
+Thus it was that there arose standing armies; the first
+of which were formed in the middle of the fifteenth
+century,<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> almost immediately after gunpowder was
+generally known. Thus, too, there arose the custom of
+employing mercenary troops; of which we find a few
+earlier instances, though the practice was not fully
+established until the latter part of the fourteenth
+century.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></p>
+
+<p>The importance of this movement was soon seen, by
+the change it effected in the classification of European
+society. The regular troops being, from their discipline,
+more serviceable against the enemy, and also more immediately
+under the control of the government, it naturally
+followed that, as their merits became understood,
+the old militia should fall, first into disrepute, then be
+neglected, and then sensibly diminish. At the same
+time, this diminution in the number of undisciplined
+soldiers deprived the country of a part of its warlike
+resources, and therefore made it necessary to pay more
+attention to the disciplined ones, and to confine them
+more exclusively to their military duties. Thus it was
+that a division was first broadly established between the
+soldier and the civilian; and there arose a separate military
+profession,<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> which, consisting of a comparatively<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
+small number of the total amount of citizens, left the
+remainder to settle in some other pursuit.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> In this way
+immense bodies of men were gradually weaned from
+their old warlike habits; and being, as it were, forced
+into civil life, their energies became available for the
+general purposes of society, and for the cultivation of
+those arts of peace which had formerly been neglected.
+The result was, that the European mind, instead of
+being, as heretofore, solely occupied either with war or
+with theology, now struck out into a middle path, and
+created those great branches of knowledge to which
+modern civilization owes its origin. In each successive
+generation this tendency towards a separate organization
+was more marked; the utility of a division of
+labour became clearly recognized; and by this means
+knowledge itself advanced, the authority of this middle
+or intellectual class correspondingly increased. Each
+addition to its power lessened the weight of the other
+two classes, and checked those superstitious feelings
+and that love of war, on which, in an early state of
+society, all enthusiasm is concentrated. The evidence
+of the growth and diffusion of this intellectual principle
+is so full and decisive, that it would be possible, by
+combining all the branches of knowledge, to trace
+nearly the whole of its consecutive steps. At present,
+it is enough to say, that, taking a general view, this
+third, or intellectual, class, first displayed an independent,
+though still a vague, activity in the fourteenth
+and fifteenth centuries; that in the sixteenth century,
+this activity, assuming a distinct form, showed itself in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
+religious outbreaks; that in the seventeenth century,
+its energy, becoming more practical, was turned against
+the abuses of government, and caused a series of
+rebellions, from which hardly any part of Europe
+escaped; and finally, that in the eighteenth and nineteenth
+centuries, it has extended its aim to every
+department of public and private life, diffusing education,
+teaching legislators, controlling kings, and, above
+all, settling on a sure foundation that supremacy of
+Public Opinion, to which not only constitutional
+princes, but even the most despotic sovereigns, are
+now rendered strictly amenable.</p>
+
+<p>These, indeed, are vast questions; and, without some
+knowledge of them, no one can understand the present
+condition of European society, or form the least idea of
+its future prospects. It is, however, sufficient that the
+reader can now perceive the way in which so slight a
+matter as the invention of gunpowder diminished the
+warlike spirit, by diminishing the number of persons to
+whom the practice of war was habitual. There were, no
+doubt, other and collateral circumstances which tended
+in the same direction; but the use of gunpowder was the
+most effectual, because, by increasing the difficulty and
+expense of war, it made a separate military profession
+indispensable; and thus, curtailing the action of the
+military spirit, left an overplus, an unemployed energy,
+which soon found its way to the pursuits of peace,
+infused into them a new life, and began to control that
+lust of conquest, which, though natural to a barbarous
+people, is the great enemy of knowledge, and is the
+most fatal of those diseased appetites by which even
+civilized countries are too often afflicted.</p>
+
+<p>The second intellectual movement, by which the love
+of war has been lessened, is much more recent, and has
+not yet produced the whole of its natural effects. I
+allude to the discoveries made by Political Economy:
+a branch of knowledge with which even the wisest of
+the ancients had not the least acquaintance, but which
+possesses an importance it would be difficult to exaggerate,
+and is, moreover, remarkable, as being the
+only subject immediately connected with the art of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
+government that has yet been raised to a science. The
+practical value of this noble study, though perhaps only
+fully known to the more advanced thinkers, is gradually
+becoming recognized by men of ordinary education:
+but even those by whom it is understood seem
+to have paid little attention to the way in which, by
+its influence, the interests of peace, and therefore of
+civilization, have been directly promoted.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> The manner
+in which this has been brought about, I will endeavour
+to explain, as it will furnish another argument
+in support of that great principle which I wish to
+establish.</p>
+
+<p>It is well known, that, among the different causes of
+war, commercial jealousy was formerly one of the most
+conspicuous; and there are numerous instances of quarrels
+respecting the promulgation of some particular
+tariff, or the protection of some favourite manufacture.
+Disputes of this kind were founded upon the very
+ignorant, but the very natural notion, that the advantages
+of commerce depend upon the balance of trade,
+and that whatever is gained by one country must be
+lost by another. It was believed that wealth is composed
+entirely of money; and that it is, therefore, the
+essential interest of every people to import few commodities
+and much gold. Whenever this was done,
+affairs were said to be in a sound and healthy state;
+but, if this was not done, it was declared that we were
+being drained of our resources, and that some other
+country was getting the better of us, and was enriching
+itself at our expense.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> For this the only remedy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
+was to negotiate a commercial treaty, which should
+oblige the offending nation to take more of our commodities,
+and give us more of their gold: if, however,
+they refused to sign the treaty, it became necessary to
+bring them to reason; and for this purpose an armament
+was fitted out to attack a people who, by lessening
+our wealth, had deprived us of that money by which
+alone trade could be extended in foreign markets.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a></p>
+
+<p>This misconception of the true nature of barter was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
+formerly universal;<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> and being adopted even by the
+ablest politicians, was not only an immediate cause of
+war, but increased those feelings of natural hatred by
+which war is encouraged; each country thinking that
+it had a direct interest in diminishing the wealth of its
+neighbours.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> In the seventeenth, or even late in the
+sixteenth century, there were, indeed, one or two eminent
+thinkers who exposed some of the fallacies upon which
+this opinion was based.<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> But their arguments found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
+no favour with those politicians by whom European
+affairs were then administered. It is doubtful if they
+were known; and it is certain that, if known, they
+were despised by statesmen and legislators, who, from
+the constancy of their practical occupations, cannot be
+supposed to have sufficient leisure to master each new
+discovery that is successively made; and who in consequence
+are, as a body, always in the rear of their
+age. The result was, that they went blundering on in
+the old track, believing that no commerce could flourish
+without their interference, troubling that commerce by
+repeated and harassing regulations, and taking for
+granted that it was the duty of every government to
+benefit the trade of their own people by injuring the
+trade of others.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a></p>
+
+<p>But in the eighteenth century, a long course of
+events, which I shall hereafter trace, prepared the way
+for a spirit of improvement, and a desire for reform, of
+which the world had then seen no example. This great
+movement displayed its energy in every department of
+knowledge; and now it was that a successful attempt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
+was first made to raise Political Economy to a science,
+by discovering the laws which regulate the creation
+and diffusion of wealth. In the year 1776, Adam
+Smith published his <i>Wealth of Nations</i>; which, looking
+at its ultimate results, is probably the most important
+book that has ever been written, and is certainly the
+most valuable contribution ever made by a single man
+towards establishing the principles on which government
+should be based. In this great work, the old
+theory of protection as applied to commerce was destroyed
+in nearly all its parts;<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> the doctrine of the
+balance of trade was not only attacked, but its falsehood
+was demonstrated; and innumerable absurdities,
+which had been accumulating for ages, were suddenly
+swept away.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></p>
+
+<p>If the <i>Wealth of Nations</i> had appeared in any preceding
+century, it would have shared the fate of the
+great works of Stafford and Serra; and although the
+principles which it advocated would, no doubt, have
+excited the attention of speculative thinkers, they
+would, in all probability, have produced no effect on
+practical politicians, or, at all events, would only have
+exercised an indirect and precarious influence. But
+the diffusion of knowledge had now become so general,
+that even our ordinary legislators were, in some degree,
+prepared for these great truths, which, in a
+former period, they would have despised as idle
+novelties. The result was, that the doctrines of Adam
+Smith soon found their way into the House of Commons;<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>
+and, being adopted by a few of the leading<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
+members, were listened to with astonishment by that
+great assembly, whose opinions were mainly regulated
+by the wisdom of their ancestors, and who were loth to
+believe that anything could be discovered by the moderns
+which was not already known to the ancients. But it
+is in vain that such men as these always set themselves
+up to resist the pressure of advancing knowledge. No
+great truth which has once been found has ever afterwards
+been lost; nor has any important discovery yet
+been made which has not eventually carried everything
+before it. Even so, the principles of Free Trade, as
+demonstrated by Adam Smith, and all the consequences
+which flow from them, were vainly struggled against by
+the most overwhelming majorities of both Houses of
+Parliament. Year by year the great truth made its
+way; always advancing, never receding.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> The
+majority was at first deserted by a few men of
+ability, then by ordinary men, then it became a
+minority, then even the minority began to dwindle;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
+and at the present day, eighty years after the publication
+of Smith's <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, there is not to be
+found any one of tolerable education who is not ashamed
+of holding opinions which, before the time of Adam
+Smith, were universally received.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the way in which great thinkers control the
+affairs of men, and by their discoveries regulate the
+march of nations. And truly the history of this one
+triumph alone should be enough to repress the presumption
+of statesmen and legislators, who so exaggerate
+the importance of their craft as to ascribe great
+results to their own shifting and temporary contrivances.
+For, whence did they derive that knowledge,
+of which they are always ready to assume the merit?
+How did they obtain their opinions? How did they
+get at their principles? These are the elements of
+their success; and these they can only learn from their
+masters&mdash;from those great teachers, who, moved by the
+inspiration of genius, fertilize the world with their discoveries.
+Well may it be said of Adam Smith, and
+said, too, without fear of contradiction, that this solitary
+Scotchman has, by the publication of one single work,
+contributed more towards the happiness of man, than
+has been effected by the united abilities of all the
+statesmen and legislators of whom history has preserved
+an authentic account.</p>
+
+<p>The result of these great discoveries I am not here
+concerned to examine, except so far as they aided in
+diminishing the energy of the warlike spirit. And the way
+in which they effected this may be easily stated. As long
+as it was generally believed that the wealth of a country
+consists of its gold, it was of course also believed that
+the sole object of trade is to increase the influx of the
+precious metals; it, therefore, became natural that
+Government should be expected to take measures by
+which such influx could be secured. This, however,
+could only be done by draining other countries of their
+gold; a result which they, for precisely the same
+reasons, strenuously resisted. The consequence was,
+that any idea of real reciprocity was impossible: every
+commercial treaty was an attempt made by one nation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
+to outwit another;<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> every new tariff was a declaration
+of hostility; and that which ought to be the most
+peaceable of all pursuits became one of the causes of
+those national jealousies and national animosities, by
+which war is mainly promoted.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> But when it was
+once clearly understood that gold and silver are not
+wealth, but are merely the representatives of wealth;
+when men began to see that wealth itself solely consists
+of the value which skill and labour can add to the raw
+material, and that money is of no possible use to a nation
+except to measure and circulate their riches; when these
+great truths were recognized,<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> all the old notions respecting
+the balance of trade, and the supreme importance
+of the precious metals, at once fell to the ground. These
+enormous errors being dispersed, the true theory of
+barter was easily worked out. It was perceived, that
+if commerce is allowed to be free, its advantages will
+be shared by every country which engages in it; that,
+in the absence of monopoly, the benefits of trade are of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
+necessity reciprocal; and that, so far from depending
+on the amount of gold received, they simply arise from
+the facility with which a nation gets rid of those commodities
+which it can produce most cheaply, and receives
+in return those commodities which it could only
+produce at a great expense, but which the other nation
+can, from the skill of its workmen, or from the bounty
+of nature, afford to supply at a lower rate. From this
+it followed, that, in a mercantile point of view, it would
+be as absurd to attempt to impoverish a people with
+whom we trade, as it would be in a tradesman to wish
+for the insolvency of a rich and frequent customer.
+The result is, that the commercial spirit, which formerly
+was often warlike, is now invariably pacific.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a>
+And although it is perfectly true that not one merchant
+out of a hundred is familiar with the arguments on
+which these economical discoveries are founded, that
+does not prevent the effect which the discoveries themselves
+produce on his own mind. The mercantile class is,
+like every other, acted upon by causes which only a few
+members of that class are able to perceive. Thus, for
+instance, of all the innumerable opponents of protection,
+there are very few indeed who can give valid reasons
+to justify their opposition. But this does not prevent
+the opposition from taking place. For an immense
+majority of men always follow with implicit submission
+the spirit of their own time; and the spirit of the
+time is merely its knowledge, and the direction that
+knowledge takes. As, in the ordinary avocations of
+daily life, everyone is benefited, in the increase of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
+comforts, and of his general security, by the progress
+of many arts and sciences, of which perhaps he does
+not even know the name, just so is the mercantile class
+benefited by those great economical discoveries which,
+in the course of two generations, have already effected
+a complete change in the commercial legislation of this
+country, and which are now operating slowly, but
+steadily, upon those other European states where,
+public opinion being less powerful, it is more difficult
+to establish great truths and extirpate old abuses.
+While, therefore, it is perfectly true, that among
+merchants, a comparatively small number are acquainted
+with political economy, it is not the less true
+that they owe a large part of their wealth to the
+political economists; who, by removing the obstacles
+with which the ignorance of successive governments
+had impeded trade, have now settled on a solid foundation
+that commercial prosperity which is by no means
+the least of our national glories. Most assuredly is it
+also true, that this same intellectual movement has
+lessened the chance of war, by ascertaining the principles
+which ought to regulate our commercial relations
+with foreign countries; by proving, not only the inutility,
+but the positive mischief, caused by interfering
+with them; and finally, by exploding those long-established
+errors, which, inducing men to believe that
+nations are the natural enemies of each other, encouraged
+those evil feelings, and fostered those national
+jealousies, to the strength of which the military spirit
+owed no small share of its former influence.</p>
+
+<p>The third great cause by which the love of war has
+been weakened, is the way in which discoveries respecting
+the application of Steam to the purposes of
+travelling have facilitated the intercourse between different
+countries, and thus aided in destroying that
+ignorant contempt which one nation is too apt to feel
+for another. Thus, for instance, the miserable and
+impudent falsehoods which a large class of English
+writers formerly directed against the morals and
+private character of the French, and, to their shame
+be it said, even against the chastity of French women,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
+tended not a little to embitter the angry feelings then
+existing between the two first countries of Europe;
+irritating the English against French vices, irritating
+the French against English calumnies. In the same
+way, there was a time when every honest Englishman
+firmly believed that he could beat ten Frenchmen; a
+class of beings whom he held in sovereign contempt, as
+a lean and stunted race, who drank claret instead of
+brandy, who lived entirely off frogs; miserable infidels,
+who heard mass every Sunday, who bowed down before
+idols, and who even worshipped the Pope. On the
+other hand, the French were taught to despise us, as
+rude unlettered barbarians, without either taste or
+humanity; surly, ill-conditioned men, living in an
+unhappy climate, where a perpetual fog, only varied
+by rain, prevented the sun from ever being seen; suffering
+from so deep and inveterate a melancholy, that
+physicians had called it the English spleen; and under
+the influence of this cruel malady constantly committing
+suicide, particularly in November, when we were
+well known to hang and shoot ourselves by thousands.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whoever has looked much into the older literature
+of France and England, knows that these were the
+opinions which the two first nations of Europe, in the
+ignorance and simplicity of their hearts, held respecting
+each other. But the progress of improvement, by
+bringing the two countries into close and intimate
+contact, has dissipated these foolish prejudices, and
+taught each people to admire, and, what is still more
+important, to respect each other. And the greater the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
+contact, the greater the respect. For, whatever theologians
+may choose to assert, it is certain that mankind
+at large has far more virtue than vice, and that in
+every country good actions are more frequent than bad
+ones. Indeed, if this were otherwise, the preponderance
+of evil would long since have destroyed the human
+race, and not even have left a single man to lament the
+degeneracy of his species. An additional proof of this
+is the fact, that the more nations associate with each
+other, and the more they see and know of their fellow-creatures,
+the more quickly do ancient enmities disappear.
+This is because an enlarged experience proves
+that mankind is not so radically bad as we from our
+infancy are taught to believe. But if vices were really
+more frequent than virtues, the result would be, that
+the increasing amalgamation of society would increase
+our bad opinion of others; because, though we may
+love our own vices, we do not generally love the vices
+of our neighbours. So far, however, is this from being
+the actual consequence, that it has always been found
+that those whose extensive knowledge makes them best
+acquainted with the general course of human actions,
+are precisely those who take the most favourable view
+of them. The greatest observer and the most profound
+thinker is invariably the most lenient judge. It is the
+solitary misanthrope, brooding over his fancied wrongs,
+who is most prone to depreciate the good qualities of
+our nature, and exaggerate its bad ones. Or else it is
+some foolish and ignorant monk, who, dreaming away
+his existence in an idle solitude, flatters his own vanity
+by denouncing the vices of others; and thus declaiming
+against the enjoyments of life, revenges himself on
+that society from which by his own superstition he is
+excluded. These are the sort of men who insist most
+strongly on the corruption of our nature, and on the
+degeneracy into which we have fallen. The enormous
+evil which such opinions have brought about, is well
+understood by those who have studied the history of
+countries in which they are, and have been, most prevalent.
+Hence it is that, among the innumerable benefits
+derived from advancing knowledge, there are few more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
+important than those improved facilities of communication,<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>
+which, by increasing the frequency with which
+nations and individuals are brought into contact, have,
+to an extraordinary extent, corrected their prejudices,
+raised the opinion which each forms of the other,
+diminished their mutual hostility, and thus diffusing a
+more favourable view of our common nature, have
+stimulated us to develop those boundless resources of
+the human understanding, the very existence of which
+it was once considered almost a heresy to assert.</p>
+
+<p>This is precisely what has occurred in modern
+Europe. The French and English people have, by the
+mere force of increased contact, learned to think more
+favourably of each other, and to discard that foolish
+contempt in which both nations formerly indulged.
+In this, as in all cases, the better one civilized country
+is acquainted with another, the more it will find to
+respect and to imitate. For of all the causes of national
+hatred, ignorance is the most powerful. When you
+increase the contact, you remove the ignorance, and
+thus you diminish the hatred.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> This is the true bond
+of charity; and it is worth all the lessons which moralists
+and divines are able to teach. They have pursued
+their vocation for centuries, without producing the least
+effect in lessening the frequency of war. But it may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
+be said without the slightest exaggeration, that every
+new railroad which is laid down, and every fresh
+steamer which crosses the Channel, are additional
+guarantees for the preservation of that long and unbroken
+peace which, during forty years, has knit together
+the fortunes and the interests of the two most
+civilized nations of the earth.</p>
+
+<p>I have thus, so far as my knowledge will permit, endeavoured
+to indicate the causes which have diminished
+religious persecution and war: the two greatest evils
+with which men have yet contrived to afflict their
+fellow-creatures. The question of the decline of religious
+persecution I have only briefly noticed, because
+it will be more fully handled in a subsequent part of
+this volume. Enough, however, has been advanced to
+prove how essentially it is an intellectual process, and
+how little good can be effected on this subject by the
+operation of moral feelings. The causes of the decline
+of the warlike spirit I have examined at considerable,
+and, perhaps, to some readers, at tedious length, and
+the result of that examination has been, that the decline
+is owing to the increase of the intellectual classes,
+to whom the military classes are necessarily antagonistic.
+In pushing the inquiry a little deeper, we
+have, by still further analysis, ascertained the existence
+of three vast though subsidiary causes, by which the
+general movement has been accelerated. These are&mdash;the
+invention of Gunpowder, the discoveries of Political
+Economy, and the discovery of improved means of
+Locomotion. Such are the three great modes or channels
+by which the progress of knowledge has weakened
+the old warlike spirit; and the way in which they have
+effected this has, I trust, been clearly pointed out.
+The facts and arguments which I have brought forward,
+have, I can conscientiously say, been subjected to careful
+and repeated scrutiny; and I am quite unable to
+see on what possible ground their accuracy is to be
+impugned. That they will be disagreeable to certain
+classes, I am well aware; but the unpleasantness of a
+statement is hardly to be considered a proof of its
+falsehood. The sources from which the evidence has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
+been derived are fully indicated; and the arguments, I
+hope, fairly stated. And from them there results a most
+important conclusion. From them we are bound to
+infer, that the two oldest, greatest, most inveterate,
+and most widely-spread evils which have ever been
+known, are constantly, though, on the whole, slowly,
+diminishing; and that their diminution has been
+effected, not at all by moral feelings, nor by moral teachings,
+but solely by the activity of the human intellect,
+and by the inventions and discoveries which, in a long
+course of successive ages, man has been able to make.</p>
+
+<p>Since, then, in the two most important phenomena
+which the progress of society presents, the moral laws
+have been steadily and invariably subordinate to the
+intellectual laws, there arises a strong presumption that
+in inferior matters the same process has been followed.
+To prove this in its full extent, and thus raise the presumption
+to an absolute certainty, would be to write,
+not an Introduction to history, but the History itself.
+The reader must, therefore, be satisfied for the present
+with what, I am conscious, is merely an approach
+towards demonstration; and the complete demonstration
+must necessarily be reserved for the future
+volumes of this work: in which I pledge myself
+to show that the progress Europe has made from
+barbarism to civilization is entirely due to its intellectual
+activity; that the leading countries have
+now, for some centuries, advanced sufficiently far to
+shake off the influence of those physical agencies by
+which in an earlier state their career might have been
+troubled; and that although the moral agencies are
+still powerful, and still cause occasional disturbances,
+these are but aberrations, which, if we compare long
+periods of time, balance each other, and thus in the
+total amount entirely disappear. So that, in a great
+and comprehensive view, the changes in every civilized
+people are, in their aggregate, dependent solely on
+three things: first, on the amount of knowledge possessed
+by their ablest men; secondly, on the direction
+which that knowledge takes, that is to say, the sort of
+subjects to which it refers: thirdly, and above all, on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
+the extent to which the knowledge is diffused, and the
+freedom with which it pervades all classes of society.</p>
+
+<p>These are the three great movers of every civilized
+country; and although their operation is frequently disturbed
+by the vices or the virtues of powerful individuals,
+such moral feelings correct each other, and the average
+of long periods remains unaffected. Owing to causes of
+which we are ignorant, the moral qualities do, no doubt,
+constantly vary; so that in one man, or perhaps even
+in one generation, there will be an excess of good intentions;
+in another an excess of bad ones. But we
+have no reason to think that any permanent change
+has been effected in the proportion which those who
+naturally possess good intentions bear to those in whom
+bad ones seem to be inherent. In what may be called
+the innate and original morals of mankind, there is, so
+far as we are aware, no progress. Of the different
+passions with which we are born, some are more prevalent
+at one time, some at another; but experience
+teaches us that, as they are always antagonistic,
+they are held in balance by the force of their own
+opposition. The activity of one motive is corrected
+by the activity of another. For to every vice there
+is a corresponding virtue. Cruelty is counteracted
+by benevolence; sympathy is excited by suffering;
+the injustice of some provokes the charity of others;
+new evils are met by new remedies, and even the most
+enormous offences that have ever been known have
+left behind them no permanent impression. The
+desolation of countries and the slaughter of men are
+losses which never fail to be repaired, and at the distance
+of a few centuries every vestige of them is effaced.
+The gigantic crimes of Alexander or Napoleon become
+after a time void of effect, and the affairs of the world
+return to their former level. This is the ebb and flow
+of history, the perpetual flux to which by the laws of
+our nature we are subject. Above all this, there is a
+far higher movement; and as the tide rolls on, now
+advancing, now receding, there is, amid its endless fluctuations,
+one thing, and one alone, which endures for
+ever. The actions of bad men produce only temporary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
+evil, the actions of good men only temporary good;
+and eventually the good and the evil altogether subside,
+are neutralized by subsequent generations, absorbed
+by the incessant movements of future ages. But the
+discoveries of great men never leave us; they are immortal,
+they contain those eternal truths which survive
+the shock of empires, outlive the struggles of rival
+creeds, and witness the decay of successive religions.
+All these have their different measures and their different
+standards; one set of opinions for one age,
+another set for another. They pass away like a dream;
+they are as the fabric of a vision, which leaves not a
+rack behind. The discoveries of genius alone remain:
+it is to them we owe all that we now have, they
+are for all ages and all times; never young, and never
+old, they bear the seeds of their own life; they flow
+on in a perennial and undying stream; they are essentially
+cumulative, and, giving birth to the additions
+which they subsequently receive, they thus influence
+the most distant posterity, and after the lapse of centuries
+produce more effect than they were able to do
+even at the moment of their promulgation.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Thus we find that the Crusades, by diminishing the
+proportion of men to women in Europe, increased licentiousness. See a
+curious passage in <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p.
+376. In Yucatan, there is generally a considerable excess of women, and
+the result is prejudicial to morals. <i>Stephens's Central America</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 380, 429. On the other hand, respecting the state of society
+produced by an excess of males, see <i>Mallet's Northern Antiquities</i>, p.
+259; <i>Journal of Geographical Society</i>, vol. xv. p. 45, vol. xvi. p.
+307; <i>Southey's Commonplace Book</i>, third series, p. 579.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> On this question a variety of conflicting statements may be
+seen in the old writers. Goodman, early in the seventeenth century,
+supposed that more females were born than males. <i>Southey's Commonplace
+Book</i>, third series, p. 696. Turgot (<i>&#338;uvres</i>, vol. ii. p. 247)
+rightly says, &lsquo;il naît un peu plus d'hommes que de femmes;&rsquo; but the
+evidence was too incomplete to make this more than a lucky guess; and I
+find that even Herder, writing in 1785, takes for granted that the
+proportion was about equal: &lsquo;ein ziemliches Gleichmass in den Geburten
+beider Geschlechter&rsquo; (<i>Ideen zur Geschichte</i>, vol. ii. p. 149), and was
+sometimes in favour of girls, &rsquo;ja, die Nachrichten mehrerer Reisenden
+machen es wahrscheinlich, dass in manchen dieser Gegenden wirklich mehr
+Töchter als Söhne geboren werden.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> A question, indeed, has been raised as to the influence
+exercised by the state of the mind during the period of orgasm. But
+whatever this influence may be, it can only affect the subsequent birth
+through and by physical antecedents, which in every case must be
+regarded as the proximate cause. If, therefore, the influence were
+proved to exist, we should still have to search for physical laws:
+though such laws would of course be considered merely as secondary ones,
+resolvable into some higher generalization.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Some writers treat physiology as a study of the laws of
+life. But this, looking at the subject as it now stands, is far too bold
+a step, and several branches of knowledge will have to be raised from
+their present empirical state, before the phenomena of life can be
+scientifically investigated. The more rational mode seems to be, to
+consider physiology and anatomy as correlative; the first forming the
+dynamical, and the second forming the statical part of the study of
+organic structure.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> &lsquo;Voulez-vous savoir de quoi dépend le sexe des enfants?
+Fernel vous répond, sur la foi des anciens, qu'il dépend des qualités de
+la semence du père et de la mère.&rsquo; <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Histoire de la
+Médecine</i>, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 106; see also, at p. 185, the
+opinion of Hippocrates, adopted by Galen; and similar views in
+<i>Lepelletier</i>, <i>Physiologie Médicale</i>, vol. iv. p. 332, and <i>Sprengel</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. i. pp. 252, 10, vol. ii. p. 115, vol. iv.
+p. 62. For further information as to the opinions which have been held
+respecting the origin of sexes, see <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire de Manichée</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 417; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. iii. pp. 358, 361; <i>Vishnu
+Purana</i>, p. 349; <i>Works of Sir William Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 126;
+<i>Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. iii. p. 191; <i>Denham and
+Clapperton's Africa</i>, pp. 323, 324; <i>Maintenon</i>, <i>Lettres Inédites</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 62; and the view of Hohl (<i>Burdach's Physiologie</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 472), &lsquo;que les femmes chez lesquelles prédomine le système artériel
+procréent des garçons, au lieu que celles dont le système veineux a la
+prédominance mettent au monde des filles.&rsquo; According to Anaxagoras the
+question was extremely simple: &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#7940;&#961;&#961;&#949;&#957;&#945;
+&#956;&#8050;&#957; &#7936;&#960;&#8056; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#948;&#949;&#958;&#953;&#8182;,&#952;&#8053;&#955;&#949;&#945; &#948;&#8050; &#7936;&#960;&#8056;
+&#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7936;&#961;&#953;&#963;&#964;&#949;&#961;&#8182;&#957;.
+<i>Diog. Laert.</i> ii. 9, vol. i. p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> &lsquo;Le metaphysicien se voit comme la source de l'évidence et
+le confident de la nature: Moi seul, dit-il, je puis généraliser les
+idées, et découvrir le germe des événements qui se développent
+journellement dans le monde physique et moral; et c'est par moi seul que
+l'homme peut être éclairé.&rsquo; <i>Helvetius</i>, <i>de l'Esprit</i>, vol. i. p. 86.
+Compare <i>Herder</i>, <i>Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit</i>, vol. ii. p.
+105. Thus, too, M. Cousin (<i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II. série, vol. i.
+p. 131) says, &lsquo;Le fait de la conscience transporté de l'individu dans
+l'espèce et dans l'histoire, est la clef de tous les développements de
+l'humanité.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Considering the very long period during which physiology
+has been studied, it is remarkable how little the physiologists have
+contributed towards the great and final object of all science, namely,
+the power of predicting events. To me it appears that the two principal
+causes of this are, the backwardness of chemistry, and the still
+extremely imperfect state of the microscope, which even now is so
+inaccurate an instrument, that when a high power is employed, little
+confidence can be placed in it; and the examination, for instance, of
+the spermatozoa has led to the most contradictory results. In regard to
+chemistry, MM. Robin and Verdeil, in their recent great work, have ably
+proved what manifold relations there are between it and the further
+progress of our knowledge of the animal frame; though I venture to think
+that these eminent writers have shown occasionally an undue disposition
+to limit the application of chemical laws to physiological phenomena.
+See <i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anatomique et Physiologique</i>, Paris,
+1853, vol. i. pp. 20, 34, 167, 337, 338, 437, 661, vol. ii. pp. 136,
+137, 508, vol. iii. pp. 135, 144, 183, 281, 283, 351, 547. The
+increasing tendency of chemistry to bring under its control what are
+often supposed to be purely organic phenomena, is noticed cautiously in
+<i>Turner's Chemistry</i>, vol. ii. p. 1308, London, 1847; and boldly in
+<i>Liebig's Letters on Chemistry</i>, 1851, pp. 250, 251. The connexion
+between chemistry and physiology is touched on rather too hastily in
+<i>Bouilland</i>, <i>Philosophie Médicale</i>, pp. 160, 257; <i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen
+des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. iii. p. 166; <i>Brodie's Lectures on
+Pathology</i>, p. 48; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Traité d'Anatomie</i>, vol. i. pp. 25, 26;
+<i>Feuchtersleben's Medical Psychology</i>, p. 88; but better in <i>Holland's
+Medical Notes</i>, 1839, p. 270, a thoughtful and suggestive work. On the
+necessity of chemistry for increasing our knowledge of embryology,
+compare <i>Wagner's Physiology</i>, pp. 131, 132 note, with <i>Burdach</i>,
+<i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. iv. pp. 59, 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> It used to be supposed that some of the eastern countries
+formed an exception to this; but more precise observations have
+contradicted the loose statements of the earlier travellers, and in no
+part of the world, so far as our knowledge extends, are more girls born
+than boys; while in every part of the world for which we have
+statistical returns, there is a slight excess on the side of male
+births. Compare <i>Marsden's History of Sumatra</i>, p. 234; <i>Raffles'
+History of Java</i>, vol. i. pp. 81, 82; <i>Sykes on the Statistics of the
+Deccan</i>, in <i>Reports of British Association</i>, vol. vi. pp. 246, 261,
+262; <i>Niebuhr</i>, <i>Description de l'Arabie</i>, p. 63; <i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouv.
+Espagne</i>, vol. i. p. 139; <i>McWilliam</i>, <i>Medical History of Expedition to
+the Niger</i>, p. 113; <i>Elliotson's Human Physiology</i>, p. 795; <i>Thomson's
+Hist. of Royal Society</i>, p. 531; <i>Sadler's Law of Population</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 507, 511, vol. ii. pp. 324, 335; <i>Paris and Fonblanque's Medical
+Jurisprudence</i>, vol. i. p. 259; <i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol. iii. pp.
+263, 264, vol. xvii. pp. 46, 123; <i>Journal of Geographical Soc.</i> vol.
+xx. p. 17; <i>Fourth Report of British Association</i>, pp. 687, 689, <i>Report
+for</i> 1842, pp. 144, 145; <i>Transac. of Sections for</i> 1840, p. 174, <i>for</i>
+1847, p. 96, <i>for</i> 1849, p. 87; <i>Dufau</i>, <i>Traité de Statistique</i>, pp.
+24, 209, 210; <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. ii. pp. 56, 57,
+273, 274, 281, vol. v. p. 373; <i>Hawkins's Medical Statistics</i>, pp. 221,
+222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> In <i>Müller's Physiology</i>, vol. ii. p. 1657, a work of great
+authority, it is said, that &lsquo;the causes which determine the sex of the
+embryo are unknown, although it appears that the relative age of the
+parents has some influence over the sex of the offspring.&rsquo; That the
+relative age of the parents does affect the sex of their children, may,
+from the immense amount of evidence now collected, be considered almost
+certain; but M. Müller, instead of referring to physiological writers,
+ought to have mentioned that the statisticians, and not the
+physiologists, were the first to make this discovery. On this curious
+question, see <i>Carpenter's Human Physiology</i>, p. 746; <i>Sadler's Law of
+Population</i>, vol. ii. pp. 333, 336, 342; <i>Journal of Statistical
+Society</i>, vol. iii. pp. 263, 264. In regard to animals below man, we
+find from numerous experiments, that among sheep and horses the age of
+the parents &lsquo;has a very great general influence upon the sex&rsquo; of the
+offspring. <i>Elliotson's Physiology</i>, pp. 708, 709; and see <i>Cuvier</i>,
+<i>Progrès des Sciences Naturelles</i>, vol. ii. p. 406. As to the relation
+between the origin of sex and the laws of arrested development, compare
+<i>Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire</i>, <i>Hist. des Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 33, 34, 73, vol. iii. p. 278, with <i>Lindley's Botany</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 81. In <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. i. p. 302, there is a
+singular case recorded by Lamotte, which would seem to connect this
+question with pathological phenomena, though it is uncertain whether the
+epilepsy was an effect or a cognate symptom.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> That the natural powers of the human brain are improving
+because they are capable of transmission, is a favourite doctrine with
+the followers of Gall, and is adopted by M. A. Comte (<i>Philosophie
+Positive</i>, vol. iv. pp. 384, 385); who, whoever, admits that it has
+never been sufficiently verified: &lsquo;sans que toutefois l'expérience ait
+encore suffisamment prononcé.&rsquo; Dr. Prichard, whose habits of thought
+were very different, seems, nevertheless, inclined to lean in this
+direction; for his comparison of skulls led him to the conclusion, that
+the present inhabitants of Britain, &lsquo;either as the <i>result of many ages
+of greater intellectual cultivation</i>, or from some other cause, have, as
+I am persuaded, much more capacious braincases than their
+forefathers.&rsquo; <i>Prichard's Physical History of Mankind</i>, vol. i. p. 305.
+Even if this were certain, it would not prove that the contents of the
+crania were altered, though it might create a presumption; and the
+general question must, I think, remain unsettled until the researches
+begun by Blumenbach, and recently continued by Morton, are carried out
+upon a scale far more comprehensive than has hitherto been attempted.
+Compare <i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie</i>, vol. ii. p. 253; where,
+however, the question is not stated with sufficient caution.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> None of the laws of hereditary descent connected with the
+formation of character, have yet been generalized; nor is our knowledge
+much more advanced respecting the theory of temperaments, which still
+remains the principal obstacle in the way of the phrenologists. The
+difficulties attending the study of temperaments, and the obscurity in
+which this important subject is shrouded, may be estimated by whoever
+will compare what has been said upon it by the following writers:
+<i>Müller's Physiology</i>, vol. ii. pp. 1406&ndash;1410; <i>Elliotson's Human
+Physiology</i>, pp. 1059&ndash;1062; <i>Blainville</i>, <i>Physiologie Générale et
+Comparée</i>, vol. i. pp. 168, 264, 265, vol. ii. pp. 43, 130, 214, 328,
+329, vol. iii. pp. 54, 74, 118, 148, 149, 284, 285; <i>Williams's
+Principles of Medicine</i>, pp. 16, 17, 112, 113; <i>Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire</i>,
+<i>Anomalies de l'Organisation</i>, vol. i. pp. 186, 190;
+<i>Broussais</i>, <i>Examen des Doctrines Médicales</i>, vol. i. pp. 204, 205,
+vol. iii. p. 276; <i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. i. p. 326;
+<i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. i. p. 380, vol. ii. p. 408,
+vol. iii. p. 21, vol. v. p. 325, vol. vi. p. 492; <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies
+Mentales</i>, vol. i. pp. 39, 226, 429, 594, vol. ii. p. 29; <i>Lepelletier</i>,
+<i>Physiol. Médicale</i>, vol. i. pp. 139, 281, vol. iii. pp. 372&ndash;429, vol.
+iv. pp. 93, 123, 133, 143, 148, 177; <i>Henle</i>, <i>Anatomie Générale</i>, vol.
+i. p. 474, vol. ii. pp. 288, 289, 316; <i>Bichat</i>, <i>Anatomie Générale</i>,
+vol. i. p. 207, vol. ii. p. 444, vol. iii. pp. 310, 507, vol. iv. pp.
+281, 399, 400, 504; <i>Bichat sur la Vie</i>, pp. 80, 81, 234, 235; <i>Phillips
+on Scrofula</i>, p. 9; <i>Feuchtersleben's Medical Psychology</i>, pp. 143&ndash;145;
+<i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 110; <i>Cullen's
+Works</i>, Edinb. 1827, vol. i. pp. 214&ndash;221; <i>Cabanis</i>, <i>Rapports du
+Physique et du Moral</i>, pp. 76&ndash;83, 229&ndash;261, 520&ndash;533; <i>Noble on the
+Brain</i>, pp. 370&ndash;376; <i>Combe's North America</i>, vol. i. pp. 126&ndash;128.
+Latterly, attention has been paid to the chemistry of the blood as it
+varies in the various temperaments; and this seems a more satisfactory
+method than the old plan of merely describing the obvious symptoms of
+the temperament. <i>Clark on Animal Physiology</i>, in <i>Fourth Report of the
+British Association</i>, p. 126; <i>Simon's Animal Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p.
+236; <i>Wagner's Physiology</i>, p. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> We often hear of hereditary talents, hereditary vices, and
+hereditary virtues; but whoever will critically examine the evidence
+will find that we have no proof of their existence. The way in which
+they are commonly proved is in the highest degree illogical; the usual
+course being for writers to collect instances of some mental peculiarity
+found in a parent and in his child, and then to infer that the
+peculiarity was bequeathed. By this mode of reasoning we might
+demonstrate any proposition; since in all large fields of inquiry there
+are a sufficient number of empirical coincidences to make a plausible
+case in favour of whatever view a man chooses to advocate. But this is
+not the way in which truth is discovered; and we ought to inquire not
+only how many instances there are of hereditary talents, &amp;c. but how
+many instances there are of such qualities not being hereditary. Until
+something of this sort is attempted, we can know nothing about the
+matter inductively: while, until physiology and chemistry are much more
+advanced, we can know nothing about it deductively.
+</p>
+<p>
+These considerations ought to prevent us from receiving statements
+(<i>Taylor's Medical Jurisprudence</i>, pp. 644, 678, and many other books)
+which positively affirm the existence of hereditary madness and
+hereditary suicide; and the same remark applies to hereditary disease
+(on which see some admirable observations in <i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, pp.
+101&ndash;120, London, 1846); and with still greater force does it apply to
+hereditary vices and hereditary virtues; inasmuch as ethical phenomena
+have not been registered as carefully as physiological ones, and
+therefore our conclusions respecting them are even more precarious.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> To what has been already stated, I will add the opinions
+of two of the most profound among modern thinkers. &lsquo;Men, I think, have
+been much the same for natural endowments in all times.&rsquo; <i>Conduct of the
+Understanding</i>, in <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 361. &lsquo;Les dispositions
+primitives agissent également chez les peuples barbares et chez les
+peuples policés; ils sont vraisemblablement les mêmes dans tous les
+lieux et dans tous les tems&hellip;. Plus il y aura
+d'hommes, et plus vous aurez de grands hommes ou d'hommes propres à
+devenir grands.&rsquo; <i>Progrès de l'Esprit Humain</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 264. The remarks of Dr. Brown (<i>Lectures on the Mind</i>, p.
+57), if I rightly understand his rhetorical language, apply not to
+natural capacity, but to that which is acquired: see the end of his
+ninth Lecture.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> That the system of morals propounded in the New Testament
+contained no maxim which had not been previously enunciated, and that
+some of the most beautiful passages in the Apostolic writings are
+quotations from pagan authors, is well known to every scholar; and so
+far from supplying, as some suppose, an objection against Christianity,
+it is a strong recommendation of it, as indicating the intimate relation
+between the doctrines of Christ and the moral sympathies of mankind in
+different ages. But to assert that Christianity communicated to man
+moral truths previously unknown, argues, on the part of the assertor,
+either gross ignorance or else wilful fraud. For evidence of the
+knowledge of moral truths possessed by barbarous nations, independently
+of Christianity, and for the most part previous to its promulgation,
+compare <i>Mackay's Religious Development</i>, vol. ii. pp. 376&ndash;380; <i>Mure's
+Hist. of Greek Literature</i>, vol. ii. p. 398, vol. iii. p. 380;
+<i>Prescott's History of Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 31; <i>Elphinstone's History of
+India</i>, p. 47; <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. i. pp. 87, 168, vol. iii.
+pp. 105, 114; <i>Mill's History of India</i>, vol. i. p. 419; <i>Bohlen</i>, <i>das
+alte Indien</i>, vol. i. pp. 364&ndash;366; <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire de Manichée</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 318, 319; <i>Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus</i>, p. 193;
+<i>Transac. of Soc. of Bombay</i>, vol. iii. p. 198; <i>Transac. of Asiatic
+Society</i>, vol. i. p. 5, vol. iii. pp. 283, 284; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 271, vol. vii. p. 40, vol. xvi. pp. 130, 277, vol. xx. pp.
+460, 461; <i>The Dabistan</i>, vol. i. pp. 328, 338; <i>Catlin's North-American
+Indians</i>, vol. ii. p. 243; <i>Syme's Embassy to Ava</i>, vol. ii. p. 389;
+<i>Davis's Chinese</i>, vol. i. p. 196, vol. ii. pp. 136, 233; <i>Journal
+Asiatique</i>, I. série, vol. iv. p. 77, Paris, 1824.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Sir James Mackintosh was so struck by the stationary
+character of moral principles, that he denies the possibility of their
+advance, and boldly affirms that no further discoveries can be made in
+morals: &lsquo;Morality admits no discoveries&hellip;. More than three thousand
+years have elapsed since the composition of the Pentateuch; and let any
+man, if he is able, tell me in what important respect the rule of life
+has varied since that distant period. Let the Institutes of Menu be
+explored with the same view; we shall arrive at the same conclusion. Let
+the books of false religion be opened; it will be found that their moral
+system is, in all its grand features, the same&hellip;. The fact is evident
+that no improvements have been made in practical morality&hellip;. The facts
+which lead to the formation of moral rules are as accessible, and must
+be as obvious, to the simplest barbarian as to the most enlightened
+philosopher&hellip;. The case of the physical and speculative sciences is
+directly opposite. There the facts are remote and scarcely
+accessible&hellip;. From the countless variety of the facts with which they
+are conversant, it is impossible to prescribe any bounds to their future
+improvement. It is otherwise with morals. They have hitherto been
+stationary; and, in my opinion, they are likely for ever to continue
+so.&rsquo; <i>Life of Mackintosh, edited by his Son</i>, London, 1835, vol. i. pp.
+119&ndash;122. Condorcet (<i>Vie de Turgot</i>, p. 180) says, &lsquo;La morale de toutes
+les nations a été la même;&rsquo; and Kant (<i>Logik</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>, vol.
+i. p. 356), &lsquo;In der Moral-philosophie sind wir nicht weiter gekommen,
+als die Alten.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> One part of the argument is well stated by Cuvier, who
+says, &lsquo;Le bien que l'on fait aux hommes, quelque grand qu'il soit, est
+toujours passager; les vérités qu'on leur laisse sont éternelles.&rsquo;
+<i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Eloges Historiques</i>, vol. ii. p. 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> &lsquo;The first year of Commodus
+must be the epocha of the
+toleration. From all these authorities,
+it appears beyond
+exception, that Commodus put a
+stop to the persecution in the
+first year of his reign&hellip;.
+Not one writer, either heathen
+or Christian, makes Commodus
+a persecutor.&rsquo; <i>Letters concerning the Thundering Legion</i>, in <i>Moyle's
+Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 266, London,
+1726. &lsquo;Heliogabalus also, though
+in other respects the most
+infamous of all princes, and
+perhaps the most odious of all
+mortals, showed no marks of
+bitterness or aversion to the
+disciples of Jesus.&rsquo; <i>Mosheim's
+Eccl. History</i>, vol. i. p. 66: see
+also <i>Milman's Hist. of Christianity</i>,
+London, 1840, vol. ii.
+p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Dr. Milman (<i>History of
+Christianity</i>, 1840, vol. ii. p. 159)
+says, &lsquo;A blameless disciple in
+the severest school of philosophic
+morality, the austerity of Marcus
+rivalled that of the Christians
+in its contempt of the follies
+and diversions of life; yet his
+native kindliness of disposition
+was not hardened or embittered
+by the severity or the pride of
+his philosophy. With Aurelius,
+nevertheless, Christianity found
+not only a fair and high-minded
+competitor for the command of
+the human mind; not only a
+rival in the exaltation of the
+soul of man to higher views and
+more dignified motives; but a
+violent and intolerant persecutor.&rsquo;
+M. Guizot compares him
+with Louis IX. of France; and
+certainly there was in both an
+evident connexion between sincerity
+and persecution: &lsquo;Marc
+Auréle et saint Louis sont peut-être
+les deux seuls princes qui,
+en toute occasion, aient fait de
+leurs croyances morales la
+première règle de leur conduite:
+Marc Auréle, stoicien; saint
+Louis, chrétien.&rsquo; <i>Guizot</i>, <i>Civilisation
+en France</i>, vol. iv. p. 142.
+Even Duplessis Mornay (<i>Mém.</i>
+vol. iv. p. 374) calls him &lsquo;le
+meilleur des empereurs payens;&rsquo;
+and Ritter (<i>Hist. of Philos.</i>
+vol. iv. p. 222), &lsquo;the virtuous
+and noble emperor.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Neander (<i>History of the
+Church</i>, vol. i. p. 122) observes,
+that the best emperors opposed
+Christianity, and that the worst
+ones were indifferent to its encroachments.
+The same remark,
+in regard to Marcus and Commodus,
+is made by Gibbon
+(<i>Decline and Fall</i>, chap. xvi.
+p. 220, Lond. 1836). Another
+writer, of a very different character,
+ascribes this peculiarity
+to the wiles of the devil: &lsquo;In
+the primitive times, it is observed that the best emperors
+were some of them stirred up by
+Satan to be the bitterest persecutors
+of the Church.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs
+of Colonel Hutchinson</i>, p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> By which, indeed, he is sorely puzzled. &lsquo;On reconnaîtra
+mon impartialité dans quelques circonstances où je fais remarquer
+chez les inquisiteurs des dispositions généreuses; ce qui me porte à
+croire que les atroces sentences rendues par le Saint-Office, sont
+plutôt une conséquence de ses lois organiques, qu'un effet du caractère
+particulier de ses membres.&rsquo; <i>Llorente</i>, <i>Histoire Critique de
+l'Inquisition d'Espagne</i>, vol. i. p. xxiii.: compare vol. ii. pp. 267,
+268, vol. iv. p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Highly spoken of by the late Blanco White, a most
+competent judge. See <i>Doblado's Letters from Spain</i>, p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> &lsquo;It is, however, universally acknowledged, for the credit
+of the corps at Barcelona, that all its members are men of worth, and
+most of them distinguished for humanity.&rsquo; <i>Townsend's Journey through
+Spain, in 1786 and 1787</i>, vol. i. p. 122, Lond. 1792.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> In 1546, the Venetian ambassador at the court of the
+Emperor Charles V. stated, in an official report to his own government
+on his return home, &lsquo;that in Holland and in Friesland, more than 30,000
+persons have suffered death at the hands of justice for Anabaptist
+errors.&rsquo; <i>Correspondence of Charles V. and his Ambassadors</i>, edited by
+William Bradford, Lond. 8vo, 1850, p. 471. In Spain, the Inquisition,
+during the eighteen years of Torquemada's ministry, punished, according
+to the lowest estimate, upwards of 105,000 persons, of whom 8,800 were
+burned. <i>Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. i. p. 265.
+In Andalusia alone, during a single year, the Inquisition put to death
+2,000 Jews, &lsquo;besides 17,000 who underwent some form of punishment less
+severe than that of the stake.&rsquo; <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish
+Literature</i>, vol. i. p. 410. For other statistical evidence on this
+horrible subject, see <i>Llorente</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 160, 229, 238, 239, 279, 280, 406, 407, 455, vol. ii. pp. 77, 116,
+376, vol. iv. p. 31; and, above all, the summary at pp. 242&ndash;273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> On the diminished love of war, which is even more marked
+than the actual diminution of war, see some interesting remarks in
+<i>Comte</i>, <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. iv. pp. 488, 713, vol. vi. pp. 68,
+424&ndash;436, where the antagonism between the military spirit and the
+industrial spirit is, on the whole, well worked out; though some of the
+leading phenomena have escaped the attention of this eminent
+philosopher, from his want of acquaintance with the history and present
+state of political economy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> In <i>Pellew's Life of Sidmouth</i>, 1847, vol. iii. p. 137,
+this prolonged peace is gravely ascribed to &lsquo;the wisdom of the
+adjustment of 1815;&rsquo; in other words, to the proceedings of the Congress
+of Vienna!</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Unless more zeal has been displayed in the diffusion of
+moral and religious principles; in which case it would be possible for
+the principles to be stationary, and yet their effects be progressive.
+But so far from this, it is certain that in the Middle Ages there were,
+relatively to the population, more churches than there are now; the
+spiritual classes were far more numerous, the proselyting spirit far
+more eager, and there was a much stronger determination to prevent
+purely scientific inferences from encroaching on ethical ones. Indeed,
+during the Middle Ages, the moral and religious literature outweighed
+all the profane literature put together; and surpassed it, not only in
+bulk, but also in the ability of its cultivators. Now, however, the
+generalizations of moralists have ceased to control the affairs of men,
+and have made way for the larger doctrine of expediency, which includes
+all interests and all classes. Systematic writers on morals reached
+their zenith in the thirteenth century, fell off rapidly after that
+period, were, as Coleridge well says, opposed by &lsquo;the genius of
+Protestantism:&rsquo; and, by the end of the seventeenth century, became
+extinct in the most civilized countries; the <i>Ductor Dubitantium</i> of
+Jeremy Taylor being the last comprehensive attempt of a man of genius to
+mould society solely according to the maxims of moralists. Compare two
+interesting passages in <i>Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist.</i>, vol. i. p. 338,
+and <i>Coleridge's Friend</i>, vol. iii. p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Herder boldly asserts that man originally, and by virtue
+of his organization, is peaceably disposed; but this opinion is
+decisively refuted by the immense additions which, since the time of
+Herder, have been made to our knowledge of the feelings and habits of
+savages. &lsquo;Indessen ist's wahr, dass der Bau des Menschen vorzüglich auf
+die Vertheidigung, nicht auf den Angriff gerichtet ist: in diesem muss
+ihm die Kunst zu Hülfe kommen, in jener aber ist er von Natur das
+kräftigste Geschöpf der Erde. Seine Gestalt selbst lehret ihn also
+Friedlichkeit, nicht räuberische Mordverwüstung,&mdash;der Humanität erstes
+Merkmal.&rsquo; <i>Ideen zur Geschichte</i>, vol. i. p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> Hence, no doubt, that acuteness of the senses, natural,
+and indeed necessary, to an early state of society, and which, being at
+the expense of the reflecting faculties, assimilates man to the lower
+animals. See <i>Carpenter's Human Physiology</i>, p. 404; and a fine passage
+in <i>Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte</i>, vol. ii. p. 12: &lsquo;Das abstehende
+thierische Ohr, das gleichsam immer lauscht und horchet, das kleine
+scharfe Auge, das in der weitesten Ferne den kleinsten Rauch oder Staub
+gewahr wird, der weisse hervorbleckende, knochenbenagende Zahn, der
+dicke Hals und die zurückgebogene Stellung ihres Kopfes auf demselben.&rsquo;
+Compare <i>Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind</i>, vol. i. pp. 292, 293;
+<i>Azara</i>, <i>Amérique Méridionale</i>, vol. ii. p. 18; <i>Wrangel's Polar
+Expedition</i>, p. 384; <i>Pallme's Travels in Kordofan</i>, pp. 132, 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> &lsquo;Among some Macedonian tribes, the man who had never slain
+an enemy was marked by a degrading badge.&rsquo; <i>Grote's History of Greece</i>,
+vol. xi. p. 397. Among the Dyaks of Borneo, &lsquo;a man cannot marry until he
+has procured a human head; and he that has several may be distinguished
+by his proud and lofty bearing, for it constitutes his patent of
+nobility.&rsquo; <i>Earl's Account of Borneo</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 181. See also <i>Crawfurd on Borneo</i>, in <i>Journal of Geog.
+Soc.</i>, vol. xxiii. pp. 77, 80. And for similar instances of this
+absorption of all other ideas into warlike ones, compare <i>Journal of
+Geog. Soc.</i>, vol. x. p. 357; <i>Mallet's Northern Antiquities</i>, pp. 158,
+159, 195; <i>Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. i. pp. 226, 284, vol.
+viii. p. 209; <i>Henderson's History of Brazil</i>, p. 475; <i>Southey's
+History of Brazil</i>, vol. i. pp. 126, 248; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 188, vol. vii. p. 193; <i>Transactions of Bombay Society</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+51, 52; <i>Hoskins's Travels in Ethiopia</i>, p. 163; <i>Origines du Droit</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Michelet</i>, vol. ii. pp. 333, 334 note. So also the
+Thracians: &#947;&#8134;&#962; &#948;&#8050; &#7952;&#961;&#947;&#8049;&#964;&#951;&#957;
+&#954;&#945;&#8054; &#955;&#951;&#953;&#963;&#964;&#8059;&#959;&#962;, &#954;&#8049;&#955;&#955;&#953;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#957;.
+<i>Herodotus</i>, book v. chap. 6, vol. iii. p. 10, edit. Baehr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Malcolm (<i>History of Persia</i>, vol. i. p. 204) says of the
+Tartars, &lsquo;There is only one path to eminence, that of military renown.&rsquo;
+Thus, too, in the <i>Institutes of Timour</i>, p. 269: &lsquo;He only is equal to
+stations of power and dignity, who is well acquainted with the military
+art, and with the various modes of breaking and defeating hostile
+armies.&rsquo; The same turn of mind is shown in the frequency and evident
+delight with which Homer relates battles&mdash;a peculiarity noticed in
+<i>Mure's Greek Literature</i>, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64, where an attempt is made
+to turn it into an argument to prove that the Homeric poems are all by
+the same author; though the more legitimate inference would be that the
+poems were all composed in a barbarous age.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> To the prospect of personal distinction there was formerly
+added that of wealth; and in Europe, during the Middle Ages, war was a
+very lucrative profession, owing to the custom of exacting heavy ransom
+for the liberty of prisoners. See Barrington's learned work,
+<i>Observations on the Statutes</i>, pp. 390&ndash;393. In the reign of Richard II.
+&lsquo;a war with France was esteemed as almost the only method by which an
+English gentleman could become rich.&rsquo; Compare <i>Turner's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. vi. p. 21. Sainte Palaye (<i>Mémoires sur l'ancienne
+Chevalerie</i>, vol. i. p. 311) says, &lsquo;La guerre enrichissoit alors par le
+butin, et par les rançons, celui qui la faisoit avec le plus de valeur,
+de vigilance et d'activité. La rançon étoit, ce semble, pour
+l'ordinaire, une année des revenus du prisonnier.&rsquo; For an analogy with
+this, see <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, vol. i. p. 208, sec. 3, and vol. ii. p.
+265, sec. 13. In Europe, the custom of paying a ransom for
+prisoners-of-war survived the Middle Ages, and was only put an end to by
+the peace of Munster, in 1648. <i>Manning's Commentaries on the Law of
+Nations</i>, 1839, p. 162; and on the profits formerly made, pp. 157, 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> I wrote this in 1855.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Indeed some have supposed that there is less immorality in
+Russia than in Western Europe; but this idea is probably erroneous. See
+<i>Stirling's Russia</i>, Lond. 1841, pp. 59, 60. The benevolence and
+charitable disposition of the Russians are attested by Pinkerton, who
+had good means of information, and was by no means prejudiced in their
+favour. See <i>Pinkerton's Russia</i>, Lond. 1833, pp. 335, 336. Sir John
+Sinclair also says they are &lsquo;prone to acts of kindness and charity.&rsquo;
+<i>Sinclair's Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> The reverence of the Russian people for their clergy has
+attracted the attention of many observers, and is, indeed, too notorious
+to require proof.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> A very observing and intelligent writer says, &lsquo;Russia has
+only two ranks&mdash;the highest and the lowest.&rsquo; <i>Letters from the Baltic</i>,
+Lond. 1841, vol. ii. p. 185. &lsquo;Les marchands, qui formeraient une classe
+moyenne, sont en si petit nombre qu'ils ne peuvent marquer dans l'état:
+d'ailleurs presque tous sont étrangers; &hellip; où donc trouver cette classe
+moyenne qui fait la force des états?&rsquo; <i>Custine's Russie</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+125, 126: see also vol. iv. p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> A recent authoress, who had admirable opportunities of
+studying the society of St. Petersburg, which she estimated with that
+fine tact peculiar to an accomplished woman, was amazed at this state of
+things among classes surrounded with every form of luxury and wealth: &lsquo;a
+total absence of all rational tastes or literary topics&hellip;. Here it is
+absolutely <i>mauvais genre</i> to discuss a rational subject&mdash;mere
+<i>pédanterie</i> to be caught upon any topics beyond dressing, dancing, and
+a <i>jolie tournure</i>.&rsquo; <i>Letters from the Baltic</i>, 1841, vol. ii. p. 233.
+M. Custine (<i>La Russie en 1839</i>, vol. i. p. 321) says &lsquo;Règle générale,
+personne ne profère jamais un mot qui pourrait intéresser vivement
+quelqu'un.&rsquo; At vol. ii. p. 195, &lsquo;De toutes les facultés de
+l'intelligence, la seule qu'on estime ici c'est le tact.&rsquo; Another writer
+of repute, M. Kohl, contemptuously observes, that in Russia, &lsquo;the depths
+of science are not even guessed at.&rsquo; <i>Kohl's Russia</i>, 1842, Lond. p.
+142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> According to Schnitzler, &lsquo;Precedence is determined, in
+Russia, by military rank; and an ensign would take the <i>pas</i> of a
+nobleman not enrolled in the army, or occupying some situation giving
+military rank.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Geog. Dict.</i> 1849, vol. ii. p. 614. The
+same thing is stated in <i>Pinkerton's Russia</i>, 1833, p. 321. M. Erman,
+who travelled through great part of the Russian empire, says, &lsquo;In the
+modern language of St. Petersburg, one constantly hears a distinction of
+the greatest importance, conveyed in the inquiry which is habitually
+made respecting individuals of the educated class: Is he a plain-coat or
+a uniform?&rsquo; <i>Erman's Siberia</i>, vol. i. p. 45. See also on this
+preponderance of the military classes, which is the inevitable fruit of
+the national ignorance, <i>Kohl's Russia</i>, pp. 28, 194; <i>Stirling's Russia
+under Nicholas the First</i>, p. 7; <i>Custine's Russie</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 147, 152, 252, 266, vol. ii. pp. 71, 128, 309, vol. iii. p.
+328, vol. iv. p. 284. Sir A. Alison (<i>History of Europe</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+391, 392) says, &lsquo;The whole energies of the nation are turned towards the
+army. Commerce, the law, and all civil employments, are held in no
+esteem; the whole youth of any consideration betake themselves to the
+profession of arms.&rsquo; The same writer (vol. x. p. 566) quotes the remark
+of Bremner, that &lsquo;nothing astonishes the Russian or Polish noblemen so
+much as seeing the estimation in which the civil professions, and
+especially the bar, are held in Great Britain.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> The consequences of the invention of gunpowder are
+considered very superficially by Frederick Schlegel (<i>Lectures on the
+History of Literature</i>, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38), and by Dugald Stewart
+(<i>Philosophy of the Mind</i>, vol. i. p. 262). They are examined with much
+greater ability, though by no means exhaustively, in <i>Smith's Wealth of
+Nations</i>, book v. chap. i. pp. 292, 296, 297; <i>Herder's Ideen zur
+Geschichte der Menschheit</i>, vol. iv. p. 301; <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 470.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> From the following authorities, it appears impossible to
+trace it further back than the thirteenth century; and it is doubtful
+whether the Arabs were, as is commonly supposed, the inventors:
+<i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. p. 590; <i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableaux des Révolutions</i>,
+vol. i. p. 242; <i>Beckmann's History of Inventions</i>, 1846, vol. ii. p.
+505; <i>Histoire Lit. de la France</i>, vol. xx. p. 236; <i>Thomson's History
+of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 36; <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 341.
+The statements in <i>Erman's Siberia</i>, vol. i. pp. 370, 371, are more
+positive than the evidence we are possessed of will justify; but there
+can be no doubt that a sort of gunpowder was at an early period used in
+China, and in other parts of Asia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> <i>Vattel, le Droit des Gens</i>, vol. ii. p. 129; <i>Lingard's
+History of England</i>, vol. ii. pp. 356, 357. Among the Anglo-Saxons, &lsquo;all
+free men and proprietors of land, except the ministers of religion, were
+trained to the use of arms, and always held ready to take the field at a
+moment's warning.&rsquo; <i>Eccleston's English Antiquities</i>, p. 62. &lsquo;There was
+no distinction between the soldier and the citizen.&rsquo; <i>Palgrave's
+Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth</i>, vol. i. p. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> On these warlike ecclesiastics, compare <i>Grose's Military
+Antiq.</i> vol. i. pp. 67&ndash;8; <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. pp. 26,
+183, vol. iii. p. 14; <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iv. p. 458, vol.
+v. pp. 92, 402, 406; <i>Mosheim's Eccl. History</i>, vol. i. pp. 173, 193,
+241; <i>Crichton's Scandinavia</i>, Edinb. 1838, vol. i. p. 220. Such
+opponents were the more formidable, because in those happy days it was
+sacrilege for a layman to lay hands on a bishop. In 1095 his Holiness
+the Pope caused a council to declare, &lsquo;Quòd qui apprehenderit episcopum
+omnino exlex fiat.&rsquo; <i>Matthæi Paris Historia Major</i>, p. 18. As the
+context contains no limitation of this, it would follow that a man
+became spiritually outlawed if he, even in self-defence, took a bishop
+prisoner.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> As Sharon Turner observes of England under the Anglo-Saxon
+government, &lsquo;war and religion were the absorbing subjects of this
+period.&rsquo; <i>Turner's History of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 263. And a recent
+scientific historian says of Europe generally: &lsquo;alle Künste und
+Kenntnisse, die sich nicht auf das edle Kriegs-, Rauf- und Raubhandwerk
+bezogen, waren überflüssig und schädlich. Nur etwas Theologie war
+vonnöthen, um die Erde mit dem Himmel zu verbinden.&rsquo; <i>Winckler,
+Geschichte der Botanik</i>, 1854, p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> In 1181, Henry II. of England ordered that every man
+should have either a sword or bow; which he was not to sell, but leave
+to his heir: &lsquo;cæteri autem omnes haberent wanbasiam, capellum ferreum,
+lanceam et gladium, vel arcum et sagittas: et prohibuit ne aliquis arma
+sua venderet vel invadiaret; sed cùm moreretur, daret illa propinquiori
+hæredi suo.&rsquo; <i>Rog. de Hov. Annal. in Scriptores post Bedam</i>, p. 348 rev.
+In the reign of Edward I., it was ordered that every man possessing land
+to the value of forty shillings should keep &lsquo;a sword, bow and arrows,
+and a dagger&hellip;. Those who were to keep bows and arrows might have them
+out of the forest.&rsquo; <i>Grose's Military Antiquities</i>, vol. ii. pp. 301,
+302. Compare <i>Geijer's History of the Swedes</i>, part i. p. 94. Even late
+in the fifteenth century, there were at the Universities of Oxford and
+Cambridge, &lsquo;in each from four to five thousand scholars, all grown up,
+carrying swords and bows, and in great part gentry.&rsquo; <i>Sir William
+Hamilton on the History of Universities</i>, in <i>Hamilton's Philosoph.
+Discussions</i>, p. 414. One of the latest attempts made to revive archery
+was a warrant issued by Elizabeth in 1596, and printed by Mr. Collier in
+the <i>Egerton Papers</i>, pp. 217&ndash;220, edit. Camden Soc. 1840. In the
+south-west of England, bows and arrows did not finally disappear from
+the muster-rolls till 1599; and in the meantime the musket gained
+ground. See <i>Yonge's Diary</i>, edit. Camden Soc. 1848, p. xvii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> It is stated by many writers that no gunpowder was
+manufactured in England until the reign of Elizabeth. <i>Camden's
+Elizabeth</i>, in <i>Kennett's History</i>, vol. ii. p. 388, London, 1719;
+<i>Strickland's Queens of England</i>, vol. vi. p. 223, Lond. 1843; <i>Grose's
+Military Antiquities</i>, vol. i. p. 378. But Sharon Turner (<i>History of
+England</i>, vol. vi. pp. 490, 491, Lond. 1839) has shown, from an order of
+Richard III. in the Harleian manuscripts, that it was made in England in
+1483; and Mr. Eccleston (<i>English Antiquities</i>, p. 182, Lond. 1847)
+states, that the English both made and exported it as early as 1411:
+compare p. 202. At all events, it long remained a costly article; and
+even in the reign of Charles I., I find a complaint of its dearness,
+&lsquo;whereby the train-bands are much discouraged in their exercising.&rsquo;
+<i>Parliament. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 655. In 1686, it appears from the
+<i>Clarendon Correspondence</i>, vol. i. p. 413, that the wholesale price
+ranged from about 2<i>l.</i> 10<i>s.</i> to 3<i>l.</i> per barrel. On the expense of
+making it in the present century, see <i>Liebig and Kopp's Reports on
+Chemistry</i>, vol. iii. p. 325, Lond. 1852.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> The muskets were such miserable machines, that, in the
+middle of the fifteenth century, it took a quarter of an hour to charge
+and fire one. <i>Hallam's Middle Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 342. Grose (<i>Military
+Antiquities</i>, vol. i. p. 146, vol. ii. pp. 292, 337) says, that the
+first mention of muskets in England is in 1471; and that rests for them
+did not become obsolete until the reign of Charles I. In the recent
+edition of <i>Beckmann's History of Inventions</i>, Lond. 1846, vol. ii. p.
+535, it is strangely supposed that muskets were &lsquo;first used at the
+battle of Pavia.&rsquo; Compare <i>Daniel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Milice</i>, vol. i. p.
+464, with <i>Smythe's Military Discourses</i>, in <i>Ellis's Original Letters</i>,
+p. 53, edit. Camden Society.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Pistols are said to have been invented early in the
+sixteenth century. <i>Grose's Military Antiq.</i> vol. i. pp. 102, 146.
+Gunpowder was first employed in mining towns in 1487. <i>Prescott's Hist.
+of Ferdinand and Isabella</i>, vol. ii. p. 32; <i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableaux des
+Révolutions</i>, vol. i. p. 243; <i>Daniel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Milice Française</i>,
+vol. i. p. 574. Daniel (<i>Milice Française</i>, vol. i. pp. 580, 581) says
+that bombs were not invented till 1588; and the same thing is asserted
+in <i>Biographie Universelle</i>, vol. xv. p. 248: but, according to Grose
+(<i>Military Antiq.</i> vol. i. p. 387), they are mentioned by Valturinus in
+1472. On the general condition of the French artillery in the sixteenth
+century, see <i>Relations des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens</i>, vol. i. pp. 94,
+476, 478, Paris, 1838, 4to: a curious and valuable publication. There is
+some doubt as to the exact period in which cannons were first known; but
+they were certainly used in war before the middle of the fourteenth
+century. See <i>Bohlen</i>, <i>das alte Indien</i>, vol. ii. p. 63; <i>Daniel</i>,
+<i>Histoire de la Milice</i>, vol. i. pp. 441, 442.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> <i>Blackstone's Commentaries</i>, vol. i. p. 413; <i>Daniel,
+Hist. de la Milice</i>, vol. i. p. 210, vol. ii. pp. 491, 493; <i>&#338;uvres
+de Turgot</i>, vol. viii. p. 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> The leading facts respecting the employment of mercenary
+troops are indicated with great judgment by Mr. Hallam, in his <i>Middle
+Ages</i>, vol. i. p. 328&ndash;337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Grose (<i>Military Antiquities</i>, vol. i. pp. 310, 311) says,
+that until the sixteenth century, English soldiers had no professional
+dress, but &lsquo;were distinguished by badges of their leaders' arms, similar
+to those now worn by watermen.&rsquo; It was also early in the sixteenth
+century that there first arose a separate military literature. <i>Daniel</i>,
+<i>Hist. de la Milice</i>, vol. i. p. 380: &lsquo;Les auteurs, qui ont écrit en
+détail sur la discipline militaire: or ce n'est guères que sous François
+I, et sous l'Empereur Charles V, que les Italiens, les François, les
+Espagnols et les Allemans ont commencé à écrire sur ce sujet.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> The change from the time when every layman was a soldier,
+is very remarkable. Adam Smith (<i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book v. chap. i. p.
+291) says, &lsquo;Among the civilized nations of modern Europe, it is commonly
+computed, that not more than the one-hundredth part of the inhabitants
+of any country can be employed as soldiers, without ruin to the country
+which pays the expense of their service.&rsquo; The same proportion is given
+in <i>Sadler's Law of Population</i>, vol. i. p. 292; and in <i>Grandeur et
+Décadence des Romains</i>, chap. iii.&mdash;<i>&#338;uvres de
+Montesquieu</i>, p. 130: also in <i>Sharpe's History of Egypt</i>, vol. i. p.
+105; and in <i>Alison's History of Europe</i>, vol. xii. p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> The pacific tendencies of political economy are touched on
+very briefly in <i>Blanqui</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Economie Politique</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 207; and in <i>Twiss's Progress of Political Economy</i>, p. 240.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> This favourite doctrine is illustrated in a curious
+&lsquo;Discourse,&rsquo; written in 1578, and printed in <i>Stow's London</i>, in which
+it is laid down, that if our exports exceed our imports, we gain by the
+trade; but that, if they are less, we lose. <i>Stow's London</i>, edit.
+Thoms, 1842, p. 205. Whenever this balance was disturbed, politicians
+were thrown into an agony of fear. In 1620, James I. said, in one of his
+long speeches, &lsquo;It's strange that my Mint hath not gone this eight or
+nine years; but I think the fault of the want of money is the uneven
+balancing of trade.&rsquo; <i>Parl. History</i>, vol. i. p. 1179; see also the
+debate &lsquo;On the Scarcity of Money,&rsquo; pp. 1194&ndash;1196. In 1620, the House of
+Commons, in a state of great alarm, passed a resolution, &lsquo;That the
+importation of tobacco out of Spain is one reason of the scarcity of
+money in this kingdom.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 1198. In 1627, it was
+actually argued in the House of Commons that the Netherlands were being
+weakened by their trade with the East Indies, because it carried money
+out of the country! <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 220. Half a century later,
+the same principle was advocated by Sir William Temple in his Letters,
+and also in his Observations upon the United Provinces. <i>Temple's
+Works</i>, vol. i. p. 175, vol. ii. pp. 117, 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> In 1672, the celebrated Earl of Shaftesbury, then Lord
+Chancellor, announced that the time had come when the English must go to
+war with the Dutch; for that it was &lsquo;impossible both should stand upon a
+balance; and that, if we do not master their trade, they will ours. They
+or we must truckle. One must and will give the law to the other. There
+is no compounding, where the contest is for the trade of the whole
+world.&rsquo; <i>Somers' Tracts</i>, vol. viii. p. 39. A few months later, still
+insisting on the propriety of the war, he gave as one of his reasons
+that it &lsquo;was necessary to the trade of England that there should be a
+fair adjustment of commerce in the East Indies.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iv.
+p. 587. In 1701, Stepney, a diplomatist and one of the lords of trade,
+published an essay, strongly insisting on the benefits which would
+accrue to English commerce by a war with France. <i>Somers' Tracts</i>, vol.
+xi. pp. 199, 217; and he says, p. 205, that one of the consequences of
+peace with France would be &lsquo;the utter ruin and destruction of our
+trade.&rsquo; See also, in vol. xiii. p. 688, the remarks on the policy of
+William III. In 1743, Lord Hardwicke, one of the most eminent men of his
+time, said, in the House of Lords, &lsquo;If our wealth is diminished, it is
+time to ruin the commerce of that nation which has driven us from the
+markets of the Continent&mdash;by sweeping the seas of their ships, and by
+blockading their ports.&rsquo; <i>Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors</i>, vol. v.
+p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> In regard to the seventeenth century, see <i>Mill's History
+of India</i>, vol. i. pp. 41, 42. To this I may add, that even Locke had
+very confused notions respecting the use of money in trade. See <i>Essay
+on Money</i>, in <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. iv.; and in particular pp. 9, 10,
+12, 20, 21, 49&ndash;52. Berkeley, profound thinker as he was, fell into the
+same errors, and assumes the necessity of maintaining the balance of
+trade, and lessening our imports in proportion as we lessen our exports.
+See the <i>Querist</i>, Nos. xcix. clxi., in <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+246, 250: see also his proposal for a sumptuary law, in <i>Essay towards
+Preventing the Ruin of Great Britain</i>, in <i>Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 190. The
+economical views of Montesquieu (<i>Esprit des Lois</i>, livre xx. chap. xii.
+in <i>&#338;uvres</i>, p. 353) are as hopelessly wrong; while Vattel (<i>Droit
+des Gens</i>, vol. i. pp. 111, 117, 118, 206) goes out of his way to praise
+the mischievous interference of the English government, which he
+recommends as a pattern to other states.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> The Earl of Bristol, a man of some ability, told the House
+of Lords, in 1642, that it was a great advantage to England for other
+countries to go to war with each other; because by that means we should
+get their money, or, as he called it, their &lsquo;wealth.&rsquo; See his speech, in
+<i>Parl. History</i>, vol. ii. pp. 1274&ndash;1279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Serra, who wrote in 1613, is said to have been the first
+to prove the absurdity of discouraging the exportation of the precious
+metals. See <i>Twiss on the Progress of Political Economy</i>, pp. 8, 12, 13.
+But I believe that the earliest approach towards modern economical
+discoveries is a striking essay published in 1581, and ascribed to
+William Stafford. It will be found in the <i>Harleian Miscellany</i>, vol.
+ix. pp. 139&ndash;192, edit. Park, 1812; and the title, <i>Brief Conceipt of
+English Policy</i>, gives an inadequate idea of what is, on the whole, the
+most important work on the theory of politics which had then appeared:
+since the author not only displays an insight into the nature of price
+and value, such as no previous thinker possessed, but he points out
+clearly the causes of that system of enclosures which is the leading
+economical fact in the reign of Elizabeth, and is intimately connected
+with the rise of the poor-laws. Some account of this essay is given by
+Dr. Twiss; but the original is easily accessible, and should be read by
+every student of English history. Among other heretical propositions, it
+recommends free trade in corn.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> In regard to the interference of the English legislature,
+it is stated by Mr. M'Culloch (<i>Polit. Econ.</i> p. 269), on the authority
+of a committee of the House of Commons, that before the year 1820, &lsquo;no
+fewer than two thousand laws with respect to commerce had been passed at
+different periods.&rsquo; It may be confidently asserted, that every one of
+those laws was an unmitigated evil, since no trade, and indeed no
+interest of any kind, can be protected by government without inflicting
+immeasurably greater loss upon the unprotected interests and trades;
+while, if the protection is universal, the loss will be universal. Some
+striking instances of the absurd laws which have been passed respecting
+trade, are collected in <i>Barrington's Observations on the Statutes</i>, pp.
+279&ndash;285. Indeed, it was considered necessary that every parliament
+should do something in this way; and Charles II., in one of his
+speeches, says, &lsquo;I pray, contrive any good short bills which may improve
+the industry of the nation  &hellip; and so God bles your councils.&rsquo; <i>Parl.
+History</i>, vol. iv. p. 291. Compare the remarks on the fishery-trade, in
+<i>Somers' Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> To this the only exception of any moment is the view taken
+of the usury-laws, which Jeremy Bentham has the honour of demolishing.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Before Adam Smith, the principal merit is due to Hume; but
+the works of that profound thinker were too fragmentary to produce much
+effect. Indeed, Hume, notwithstanding his vast powers, was inferior to
+Smith in comprehensiveness as well as in industry.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> The first notice I have observed of the <i>Wealth of
+Nations</i> in Parliament is in 1783; and between then and the end of the
+century it is referred to several times, and latterly with increasing
+frequency. See <i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. xxiii. p. 1152, vol. xxvi.
+pp. 481, 1035, vol. xxvii. p. 385, vol. xxix. pp. 834, 905, 982, 1065,
+vol. xxx. pp. 330, 333, vol. xxxii. p. 2, vol. xxxiii. pp. 353, 386,
+522, 548, 549, 563, 774, 777, 778, 822, 823, 824, 825, 827, 1249, vol.
+xxxiv. pp. 11, 97, 98, 141, 142, 304, 473, 850, 901, 902, 903. It is
+possible that one or two passages may have been overlooked; but I
+believe that these are the only instances of Adam Smith being referred
+to during seventeen years. From a passage in <i>Pellew's Life of
+Sidmouth</i>, vol. i. p. 51, it appears that even Addington was studying
+Adam Smith in 1787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> In 1797, Pulteney, in one of his financial speeches,
+appealed to &lsquo;the authority of Dr. Smith, who, it was well said, would
+persuade the present generation and govern the next.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxxiii. p. 778. In 1813, Dugald Stewart (<i>Philosophy of the Human Mind</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 472) announced that the doctrine of free trade &lsquo;has now, I
+believe, become the prevailing creed of thinking men all over Europe.&rsquo;
+And in 1816, Ricardo said, &lsquo;The reasoning by which the liberty of trade
+is supported is so powerful, that it is daily obtaining converts. It is
+with pleasure that I see the progress which this great principle is
+making amongst those whom we should have expected to cling the longest
+to old prejudices.&rsquo; <i>Proposals for an Economical Currency</i>, in
+<i>Ricardo's Works</i>, p. 407.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Sir Theodore Janson, in his <i>General Maxims of Trade</i>,
+published in 1713, lays it down as a principle universally recognized,
+that &lsquo;All the nations of Europe seem to strive who shall outwit one
+another in point of trade; and they concur in this maxim, that the less
+they consume of foreign commodities, the better it is for them.&rsquo;
+<i>Somers' Tracts</i>, vol. xiii. p. 292. Thus, too, in a <i>Dialogue between
+an Englishman and a Dutchman</i>, published in 1700, the Dutchman is
+represented as boasting that his government had &lsquo;forced treaties of
+commerce exclusive to all other nations.&rsquo; <i>Somers' Tracts</i>, vol. xi. p.
+376. This is the system of &lsquo;narrow selfishness&rsquo; denounced by Dr. Story,
+in his noble work, <i>Conflict of Laws</i>, 1841, p. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> &lsquo;It cannot, indeed, be denied that mistaken views of
+commerce, like those so frequently entertained of religion, have been
+the cause of many wars and of much bloodshed.&rsquo; <i>M'Culloch's Principles
+of Political Economy</i>, p. 140. See also pp. 37, 38: &lsquo;It has made each
+nation regard the welfare of its neighbours as incompatible with its
+own: hence the reciprocal desire of injuring and impoverishing each
+other; and hence that spirit of commercial rivalry, which has been the
+immediate or remote cause of the greater number of modern wars.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> On the rapid diffusion during the present century of the
+principles worked out by the economists, compare <i>Laing's Sweden</i>, pp.
+356&ndash;358, with a note to the last edition of <i>Malthus on Population</i>,
+1826, vol. ii. pp. 354, 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> &lsquo;The feelings of rival tradesmen, prevailing among
+nations, overruled for centuries all sense of the general community of
+advantage which commercial countries derive from the prosperity of one
+another; and that commercial spirit, which is now one of the strongest
+obstacles to wars, was during a certain period of European history their
+principal cause.&rsquo; <i>Mill's Political Economy</i>, 1849, vol. ii. p. 221.
+This great change in the feelings of the commercial classes did not
+begin before the present century, and has not been visible to ordinary
+observers until the last five-and-twenty or thirty years; but it was
+foretold in a remarkable passage written by Herder in 1787; see his
+<i>Ideen zur Geschichte</i>, vol. iii. pp. 292, 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> That there are more suicides in gloomy weather than in
+fine weather used always to be taken for granted, and was a favourite
+topic with the French wits, who were never weary of expatiating on our
+love of self-murder, and on the relation between it and our murky
+climate. Unfortunately for such speculations, the fact is exactly
+opposite to what is generally supposed, and we have decisive evidence
+that there are more suicides in summer than in winter. See <i>Quetelet sur
+l'Homme</i>, vol. ii. pp. 152, 158; <i>Tissot de la Manie du Suicide</i>, Paris,
+1840, pp. 50, 149, 150; <i>Journal of Statistical Society</i>, vol. i. p.
+102; <i>Winslow's Anatomy of Suicide</i>, 1840, pp. 131, 132; <i>Hawkins's
+Medical Statistics</i>, p. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Respecting which I will only mention one fact, in regard
+to our own country. By the returns of the Board of Trade, it appears
+that the passengers annually travelling by railway amounted in 1842 to
+nineteen millions; but in 1852 they had increased to more than
+eighty-six millions. <i>Journal of Statistical Society</i>, vol. xvi. p.
+292.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Of this, Mr. Stephens (in his valuable work, <i>Central
+America</i>, vol. i. pp. 247&ndash;8) relates an interesting instance in the case
+of that remarkable man Carrera: &lsquo;Indeed, in no particular had he changed
+more than in his opinion of foreigners; a happy illustration of the
+effect of personal intercourse in breaking down prejudices against
+individuals or classes.&rsquo; Mr. Elphinstone (<i>History of India</i>, p. 195)
+says, &lsquo;Those who have known the Indians longest have always the best
+opinion of them: but <i>this is rather a compliment to human nature than
+to them, since it is true of every other people</i>.&rsquo; Compare an
+instructive passage in <i>Darwin's Journal of Researches</i>, p. 421, with
+<i>Burdach</i>, <i>Traité de Physiologie comme Science d'Observation</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 61.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND GOVERNMENT.</div>
+
+<p>By applying to the history of Man those methods of
+investigation which have been found successful in other
+branches of knowledge, and by rejecting all preconceived
+notions which would not bear the test of those methods,
+we have arrived at certain results, the heads of which it
+may now be convenient to recapitulate. We have seen
+that our actions, being solely the result of internal and
+external agencies, must be explicable by the laws of
+those agencies; that is to say, by mental laws and by
+physical laws. We have also seen that mental laws are,
+in Europe, more powerful than physical laws; and that,
+in the progress of civilization, their superiority is constantly
+increasing, because advancing knowledge multiplies
+the resources of the mind, but leaves the old resources
+of nature stationary. On this account, we have treated
+the mental laws as being the great regulators of progress;
+and we have looked at the physical laws as occupying a
+subordinate place, and as merely displaying themselves
+in occasional disturbances, the force and frequency of
+which have been long declining, and are now, on a large
+average, almost inoperative. Having, by this means,
+resolved the study of what may be called the dynamics
+of society into the study of the laws of the mind, we have
+subjected these last to a similar analysis; and we have
+found that they consist of two parts, namely, moral laws
+and intellectual laws. By comparing these two parts,
+we have clearly ascertained the vast superiority of the
+intellectual laws; and we have seen, that as the progress
+of civilization is marked by the triumph of the mental
+laws over the physical, just so is it marked by the triumph<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
+of the intellectual laws over the moral ones. This important
+inference rests on two distinct arguments. First,
+that moral truths being stationary, and intellectual truths
+being progressive, it is highly improbable that the progress
+of society should be due to moral knowledge, which
+for many centuries has remained the same, rather than
+to intellectual knowledge, which for many centuries has
+been incessantly advancing. The other argument consists
+in the fact, that the two greatest evils known to
+mankind have not been diminished by moral improvement;
+but have been, and still are, yielding to the
+influence of intellectual discoveries. From all this it
+evidently follows, that if we wish to ascertain the conditions
+which regulate the progress of modern civilization,
+we must seek them in the history of the amount and
+diffusion of intellectual knowledge; and we must consider
+physical phenomena and moral principles as causing, no
+doubt, great aberrations in short periods, but in long
+periods correcting and balancing themselves, and thus
+leaving the intellectual laws to act uncontrolled by these
+inferior and subordinate agents.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the conclusion to which we have been led by
+successive analyses, and on which we now take our
+stand. The actions of individuals are greatly affected
+by their moral feelings and by their passions; but these
+being antagonistic to the passions and feelings of other
+individuals, are balanced by them; so that their effect
+is, in the great average of human affairs, nowhere to be
+seen; and the total actions of mankind, considered as a
+whole, are left to be regulated by the total knowledge
+of which mankind is possessed. And of the way in
+which individual feeling and individual caprice are thus
+absorbed and neutralized, we find a clear illustration in
+the facts already brought forward respecting the history
+of crime. For by those facts it is decisively proved, that
+the amount of crime committed in a country is, year
+after year, reproduced with the most startling uniformity,
+not being in the least affected by those capricious and
+personal feelings to which human actions are too often
+referred. But if, instead of examining the history of
+crime year by year, we were to examine it month by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
+month, we should find less regularity; and if we were
+to examine it hour by hour, we should find no regularity
+at all; neither would its regularity be seen, if, instead
+of the criminal records of a whole country, we only knew
+those of a single street, or of a single family. This is
+because the great social laws by which crime is governed,
+can only be perceived after observing great numbers or
+long periods; but in a small number, and a short period,
+the individual moral principle triumphs, and disturbs
+the operation of the larger and intellectual law. While,
+therefore, the moral feelings by which a man is urged
+to commit a crime, or to abstain from it, will produce an
+immense effect on the amount of his own crimes, they
+will produce no effect on the amount of crimes committed
+by the society to which he belongs; because, in the long-run,
+they are sure to be neutralized by opposite moral
+feelings, which cause in other men an opposite conduct.
+Just in the same way, we are all sensible that moral
+principles do affect nearly the whole of our actions; but
+we have incontrovertible proof that they produce not
+the least effect on mankind in the aggregate, or even on
+men in very large masses, provided that we take the precaution
+of studying social phenomena for a period sufficiently
+long, and on a scale sufficiently great, to enable
+the superior laws to come into uncontrolled operation.</p>
+
+<p>The totality of human actions being thus, from the
+highest point of view, governed by the totality of human
+knowledge, it might seem a simple matter to collect the
+evidence of the knowledge, and, by subjecting it to successive
+generalizations, ascertain the whole of the laws
+which regulate the progress of civilization. And that
+this will be eventually done, I do not entertain the slightest
+doubt. But, unfortunately, history has been written
+by men so inadequate to the great task they have undertaken,
+that few of the necessary materials have yet been
+brought together. Instead of telling us those things
+which alone have any value,&mdash;instead of giving us information
+respecting the progress of knowledge, and the
+way in which mankind has been affected by the diffusion
+of that knowledge,&mdash;instead of these things, the vast majority
+of historians fill their works with the most trifling<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>
+and miserable details: personal anecdotes of kings and
+courts; interminable relations of what was said by one
+minister, and what was thought by another; and, what is
+worse than all, long accounts of campaigns, battles, and
+sieges, very interesting to those engaged in them, but
+to us utterly useless, because they neither furnish new
+truths, nor do they supply the means by which new
+truths may be discovered. This is the real impediment
+which now stops our advance. It is this want of judgment,
+and this ignorance of what is most worthy of
+selection, which deprives us of materials that ought long
+since to have been accumulated, arranged, and stored-up
+for future use. In other great branches of knowledge,
+observation has preceded discovery; first the facts have
+been registered, and then their laws have been found.
+But in the study of the history of Man, the important
+facts have been neglected, and the unimportant ones
+preserved. The consequence is, that whoever now attempts
+to generalize historical phenomena must collect
+the facts, as well as conduct the generalization. He finds
+nothing ready to his hand. He must be the mason as
+well as the architect; he must not only scheme the edifice,
+but likewise excavate the quarry. The necessity of performing
+this double labour entails upon the philosopher
+such enormous drudgery, that the limits of an entire life
+are unequal to the task; and history, instead of being
+ripe, as it ought to be, for complete and exhaustive
+generalizations, is still in so crude and informal a state,
+that not the most determined and protracted industry
+will enable any one to comprehend the really important
+actions of mankind, during even so short a period as two
+successive centuries.</p>
+
+<p>On account of these things, I have long since abandoned
+my original scheme; and I have reluctantly determined
+to write the history, not of general civilization,
+but of the civilization of a single people. While, however,
+by this means, we curtail the field of inquiry, we
+unfortunately diminish the resources of which the inquiry
+is possessed. For although it is perfectly true, that the
+totality of human actions, if considered in long periods,
+depends on the totality of human knowledge, it must be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
+allowed that this great principle, when applied only to
+one country, loses something of its original value. The
+more we diminish our observations, the greater becomes
+the uncertainty of the average; in other words, the
+greater the chance of the operation of the larger laws
+being troubled by the operation of the smaller. The
+interference of foreign governments; the influence exercised
+by the opinions, literature, and customs of a foreign
+people; their invasions, perhaps even their conquests;
+the forcible introduction by them of new religions, new
+laws, and new manners,&mdash;all these things are perturbations,
+which, in a view of universal history, equalize each
+other, but which, in any one country, are apt to disturb
+the natural march, and thus render the movements of
+civilization more difficult to calculate. The manner in
+which I have endeavoured to meet this difficulty will be
+presently stated; but what I first wish to point out, are
+the reasons which have induced me to select the history
+of England as more important than any other, and therefore
+as the most worthy of being subjected to a complete
+and philosophic investigation.</p>
+
+<p>Now, it is evident that, inasmuch as the great advantage
+of studying past events consists in the possibility
+of ascertaining the laws by which they were governed,
+the history of any people will become more valuable in
+proportion as their movements have been least disturbed
+by agencies not arising from themselves. Every foreign
+or external influence which is brought to bear upon a
+nation is an interference with its natural development,
+and therefore complicates the circumstances we seek to
+investigate. To simplify complications, is, in all branches
+of knowledge, the first essential of success. This is very
+familiar to the cultivators of physical science, who are
+often able, by a single experiment, to discover a truth
+which innumerable observations had vainly searched;
+the reason being, that by experimenting on phenomena,
+we can disentangle them from their complications; and
+thus isolating them from the interference of unknown
+agencies, we leave them, as it were, to run their own
+course, and disclose the operation of their own law.</p>
+
+<p>This, then, is the true standard by which we must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
+measure the value of the history of any nation. The
+importance of the history of a country depends, not upon
+the splendour of its exploits, but upon the degree to
+which its actions are due to causes springing out of itself.
+If, therefore, we could find some civilized people who
+had worked out their civilization entirely by themselves;
+who had escaped all foreign influence, and who had been
+neither benefited nor retarded by the personal peculiarities
+of their rulers,&mdash;the history of such a people would
+be of paramount importance; because it would present
+a condition of normal and inherent development; it would
+show the laws of progress acting in a state of isolation;
+it would be, in fact, an experiment ready-made, and
+would possess all the value of that artificial contrivance
+to which natural science is so much indebted.</p>
+
+<p>To find such a people as this is obviously impossible;
+but the duty of the philosophic historian is, to select
+for his especial study the country in which the conditions
+have been most closely followed. Now, it will be readily
+admitted, not only by ourselves, but by intelligent foreigners,
+that in England, during, at all events, the last
+three centuries, this has been done more constantly and
+more successfully than in any other country. I say nothing
+of the number of our discoveries, the brilliancy of
+our literature, or the success of our arms. These are
+invidious topics; and other nations may perhaps deny
+to us those superior merits which we are apt to exaggerate.
+But I take up this single position, that of all
+European countries, England is the one where, during
+the longest period, the government has been most
+quiescent, and the people most active; where popular
+freedom has been settled on the widest basis; where each
+man is most able to say what he thinks, and do what he
+likes; where every one can follow his own bent, and
+propagate his own opinions; where, religious persecution
+being little known, the play and flow of the human mind
+may be clearly seen, unchecked by those restraints to
+which it is elsewhere subjected; where the profession of
+heresy is least dangerous, and the practice of dissent
+most common; where hostile creeds flourish side by
+side, and rise and decay without disturbance, according<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
+to the wants of the people, unaffected by the wishes of
+the church, and uncontrolled by the authority of the
+state; where all interests, and all classes, both spiritual
+and temporal, are most left to take care of themselves;
+where that meddlesome doctrine called Protection was
+first attacked, and where alone it has been destroyed;
+and where, in a word, those dangerous extremes to which
+interference gives rise having been avoided, despotism
+and rebellion are equally rare, and concession being recognized
+as the groundwork of policy, the national progress
+has been least disturbed by the power of privileged
+classes, by the influence of particular sects, or by the
+violence of arbitrary rulers.</p>
+
+<p>That these are the characteristics of English history
+is notorious; to some men a matter of boast, to others
+of regret. And when to these circumstances we add,
+that England, owing to its insular formation,<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> was,
+until the middle of the last century, rarely visited by
+foreigners, it becomes evident that, in our progress as
+a people, we have been less affected than any other
+by the two main sources of interference, namely, the
+authority of government, and the influence of foreigners.
+In the sixteenth century, it became a fashion, among
+the English nobility, to travel abroad;<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> but it was by
+no means the fashion for foreign nobility to travel in
+England. In the seventeenth century, the custom of
+travelling for amusement spread so much, that, among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
+the rich and idle classes, there were few Englishmen
+who did not, at least once in their life, cross the Channel;
+while the same classes in other countries, partly
+because they were less wealthy, partly from an inveterate
+dislike to the sea, hardly ever entered our island,
+unless compelled to do so on some particular business.
+The result was, that in other countries, and particularly
+in France and Italy, the inhabitants of the great cities
+became gradually accustomed to foreigners, and, like
+all men, were imperceptibly influenced by what they
+often saw. On the other hand, there were many of
+our cities in which none but Englishmen ever set their
+feet;<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> and inhabitants, even of the metropolis, might
+grow old without having once seen a single foreigner,
+except, perhaps, some dull and pompous ambassador
+taking his airing on the banks of the Thames. And
+although it is often said that, after the restoration of
+Charles II., our national character began to be greatly
+influenced by French example,<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> this, as I shall fully
+prove, was confined to that small and insignificant part
+of society which hung about the court; nor did it produce
+any marked effect upon the two most important
+classes,&mdash;the intellectual class, and the industrious
+class. The movement may, indeed, be traced in the
+most worthless parts of our literature,&mdash;in the shameless
+productions of Buckingham, Dorset, Etherege,
+Killigrew, Mulgrave, Rochester, and Sedley. But
+neither then, nor at a much later period, were any
+of our great thinkers influenced by the intellect of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
+France;<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> on the contrary, we find in their ideas, and
+even in their style, a certain rough and native vigour,
+which, though offensive to our more polished neighbours,
+has at least the merit of being the indigenous
+product of our own country.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> The origin and extent
+of that connexion between the French and English
+intellects which subsequently arose, is a subject of
+immense importance; but, like most others of real
+value, it has been entirely neglected by historians. In
+the present work, I shall attempt to supply this deficiency:
+in the mean time I may say, that although we
+have been, and still are, greatly indebted to the French
+for our improvement in taste, in refinement, in manners,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
+and indeed in all the amenities of life, we have borrowed
+from them nothing absolutely essential, nothing
+by which the destinies of nations are permanently
+altered. On the other hand, the French have not only
+borrowed from us some very valuable political institutions,
+but even the most important event in French
+history is due, in no small degree, to our influence.
+Their revolution of 1789 was, as is well known, brought
+about, or, to speak more properly, was mainly instigated,
+by a few great men, whose works, and afterwards
+whose speeches, roused the people to resistance;
+but what is less known, and nevertheless is certainly
+true, is, that these eminent leaders learnt in England
+that philosophy and those principles by which, when
+transplanted into their own country, such fearful and
+yet such salutary results were effected.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></p>
+
+<p>It will not, I hope, be supposed, that by these remarks
+I mean to cast any reflection on the French: a
+great and admirable people; a people in many respects
+superior to ourselves; a people from whom we have
+still much to learn, and whose deficiencies, such as
+they are, arise from the perpetual interference of a long
+line of arbitrary rulers. But, looking at this matter
+historically, it is unquestionably true that we have
+worked out our civilization with little aid from them,
+while they have worked out theirs with great aid from
+us. At the same time, it must also be admitted, that
+our governments have interfered less with us than their
+governments have interfered with them. And without
+in the least prejudging the question as to which is the
+greater country, it is solely on these grounds that I
+consider our history more important than theirs: and
+I select for especial study the progress of English
+civilization, simply because, being less affected by
+agencies not arising from itself, we can the more
+clearly discern in it the normal march of society, and
+the undisturbed operation of those great laws by which
+the fortunes of mankind are ultimately regulated.</p>
+
+<p>After this comparison between the relative value of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
+French and English history, it seems scarcely necessary
+to examine the claims which may be put forward for
+the history of other countries. Indeed, there are only
+two in whose favour any thing can be said: I mean
+Germany, considered as a whole, and the United States
+of North America. As to the Germans, it is undoubtedly
+true, that since the middle of the eighteenth
+century they have produced a greater number of profound
+thinkers than any other country, I might perhaps
+say, than all other countries put together. But the
+objections which apply to the French are still more
+applicable to the Germans. For the protective principle
+has been, and still is, stronger in Germany than in
+France. Even the best of the German governments
+are constantly interfering with the people; never leaving
+them to themselves, always looking after their
+interests, and meddling in the commonest affairs of
+daily life. Besides this, the German literature, though
+now the first in Europe, owes it origin, as we shall
+hereafter see, to that great sceptical movement, by
+which, in France, the Revolution was preceded. Before
+the middle of the eighteenth century, the Germans,
+notwithstanding a few eminent names, such as Kepler
+and Leibnitz, had no literature of real value; and the
+first impetus which they received, was caused by their
+contact with the French intellect, and by the influence
+of those eminent Frenchmen who, in the reign of
+Frederick the Great, flocked to Berlin,<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> a city which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
+has ever since been the head-quarters of philosophy
+and science. From this there have resulted some very
+important circumstances, which I can here only briefly
+indicate. The German intellect, stimulated by the
+French into a sudden growth, has been irregularly
+developed; and thus hurried into an activity greater
+than the average civilization of the country requires.
+The consequence is, that there is no nation in Europe
+in which we find so wide an interval between the
+highest minds and the lowest minds. The German
+philosophers possess a learning, and a reach of thought,
+which places them at the head of the civilized world.
+The German people are more superstitious, more prejudiced,
+and, notwithstanding the care which the
+government takes of their education, more really ignorant,
+and more unfit to guide themselves, than are the
+inhabitants either of France or of England.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
+separation and divergence of the two classes is the
+natural result of that artificial stimulus, which a century
+ago was administered to one of the classes, and
+which thus disturbed the normal proportions of society.
+Owing to this, the highest intellects have, in Germany,
+so outstripped the general progress of the nation, that
+there is no sympathy between the two parties; nor are
+there at present any means by which they may be
+brought into contact. Their great authors address
+themselves, not to their country, but to each other.
+They are sure of a select and learned audience, and
+they use what, in reality, is a learned language; they
+turn their mother-tongue into a dialect, eloquent indeed,
+and very powerful, but so difficult, so subtle, and
+so full of complicated inversions, that to their own
+lower classes it is utterly incomprehensible.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> From<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
+this, there have arisen some of the most marked peculiarities
+of German literature. For, being deprived of
+ordinary readers, it is cut off from the influence of
+ordinary prejudice; and hence, it has displayed a boldness
+of inquiry, a recklessness in the pursuit of truth
+and a disregard of traditional opinions, which entitle
+it to the highest praise. But, on the other hand, this
+same circumstance has produced that absence of practical
+knowledge, and that indifference to material and
+physical interests, for which the German literature is
+justly censured. As a matter of course, all this has
+widened the original breach, and increased the distance
+which separates the great German thinkers from that
+dull and plodding class, which, though it lies immediately
+beneath them, still remains uninfluenced by
+their knowledge, and uncheered by the glow and fire
+of their genius.</p>
+
+<p>In America, on the other hand, we see a civilization
+precisely the reverse of this. We see a country, of
+which it has been truly said, that in no other are there
+so few men of great learning, and so few men of great
+ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> In Germany, the speculative classes and
+the practical classes are altogether disunited; in America,
+they are altogether fused. In Germany, nearly
+every year brings forward new discoveries, new philosophies,
+new means by which the boundaries of
+knowledge are to be enlarged. In America, such inquiries
+are almost entirely neglected: since the time
+of Jonathan Edwards no great metaphysician has
+appeared; little attention has been paid to physical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
+science; and, with the single exception of jurisprudence,<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>
+scarcely anything has been done for those vast
+subjects on which the Germans are incessantly labouring.
+The stock of American knowledge is small, but
+it is spread through all classes; the stock of German
+knowledge is immense, but it is confined to one class.
+Which of these two forms of civilization is the more
+advantageous, is a question we are not now called upon
+to decide. It is enough for our present purpose, that
+in Germany, there is a serious failure in the diffusion
+of knowledge; and, in America, a no less serious one
+in its accumulation. And as civilization is regulated
+by the accumulation and diffusion of knowledge, it is
+evident that no country can even approach to a complete
+and perfect pattern, if, cultivating one of these
+conditions to an excess, it neglects the cultivation of
+the other. Indeed, from this want of balance and
+equilibrium between the two elements of civilization,
+there have arisen in America and in Germany those
+great but opposite evils, which, it is to be feared, will
+not be easily remedied; and which, until remedied,
+will certainly retard the progress of both countries,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
+notwithstanding the temporary advantages which such
+one-sided energy does for the moment always procure.</p>
+
+<p>I have very briefly, but I hope fairly, and certainly
+with no conscious partiality, endeavoured to estimate
+the relative value of the history of the four leading
+countries of the world. As to the real greatness of the
+countries themselves, I offer no opinion; because each
+considers itself to be first. But, unless the facts I have
+stated can be controverted, it certainly follows, that
+the history of England is, to the philosopher, more
+valuable than any other; because he can more clearly
+see in it the accumulation and diffusion of knowledge
+going hand-in-hand; because that knowledge has been
+less influenced by foreign and external agencies; and
+because it has been less interfered with, either for good
+or for evil, by those powerful, but frequently incompetent
+men, to whom the administration of public affairs is
+entrusted.</p>
+
+<p>It is on account of these considerations, and not at
+all from those motives which are dignified with the
+name of patriotism, that I have determined to write the
+history of my own country, in preference to that of
+any other; and to write it in a manner as complete, and
+as exhaustive, as the materials which are now extant
+will enable me to do. But, inasmuch as the circumstances
+already stated, render it impossible to discover
+the laws of society solely by studying the history of a
+single nation, I have drawn up the present Introduction
+in order to obviate some of the difficulties with which
+this great subject is surrounded. In the earlier chapters,
+I have attempted to mark out the limits of the
+subject considered as a whole, and fix the largest possible
+basis upon which it can rest. With this view, I
+have looked at civilization as broken into two vast
+divisions: the European division, in which Man is
+more powerful than Nature; and the non-European
+division, in which Nature is more powerful than Man.
+This has led us to the conclusion, that national progress,
+in connexion with popular liberty, could have
+originated in no part of the world except in Europe;
+where, therefore, the rise of real civilization, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
+encroachments of the human mind upon the forces of
+nature, are alone to be studied. The superiority of the
+mental laws over the physical, being thus recognized
+as the groundwork of European history, the next step
+has been, to resolve the mental laws into moral and
+intellectual, and prove the superior influence of the
+intellectual ones in accelerating the progress of Man.
+These generalizations appear to me the essential preliminaries
+of history, considered as a science; and, in
+order to connect them with the special history of
+England, we have now merely to ascertain the fundamental
+condition of intellectual progress, as, until that
+is done, the annals of any people can only present an
+empirical succession of events, connected by such stray
+and casual links as are devised by different writers,
+according to their different principles. The remaining
+part of this Introduction will, therefore, be chiefly
+occupied in completing the scheme I have sketched,
+by investigating the history of various countries in reference
+to those intellectual peculiarities on which the
+history of our own country supplies no adequate information.
+Thus, for instance, in Germany, the accumulation
+of knowledge has been far more rapid than in
+England; the laws of the accumulation of knowledge
+may, on that account, be most conveniently studied in
+German history, and then applied deductively to the
+history of England. In the same way, the Americans
+have diffused their knowledge much more completely
+than we have done; I, therefore, purpose to explain
+some of the phenomena of English civilization by those
+laws of diffusion, of which, in American civilization,
+the workings may be most clearly seen, and hence the
+discovery most easily made. Again, inasmuch as France
+is the most civilized country in which the protective
+spirit is very powerful, we may trace the occult tendencies
+of that spirit among ourselves, by studying its
+obvious tendencies among our neighbours. With this
+view, I shall give an account of French history, in
+order to illustrate the protective principle, by showing
+the injury it has inflicted on a very able and enlightened
+people. And, in an analysis of the French Revolution,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
+I shall point out how that great event was a reaction
+against the protective spirit; while, as the materials
+for the reaction were drawn from England, we shall
+also see in it the way in which the intellect of
+one country acts upon the intellect of another; and
+we shall arrive at some results respecting that interchange
+of ideas which is likely to become the most
+important regulator of European affairs. This will
+throw much light on the laws of international thought;
+and, in connexion with it, two separate chapters will
+be devoted to a History of the Protective Spirit, and
+an Examination of its relative intensity in France and
+England. But the French, as a people, have, since the
+beginning or middle of the seventeenth century, been
+remarkably free from superstition; and, notwithstanding
+the efforts of their government, they are very averse
+to ecclesiastical power: so that, although their history
+displays the protective principle in its political form, it
+supplies little evidence respecting its religious form;
+while, in our own country, the evidence is also scanty.
+Hence, my intention is, to give a view of Spanish
+history; because in it we may trace the full results of
+that protection against error which the spiritual classes
+are always eager to afford. In Spain, the church has,
+from a very early period, possessed more authority, and
+the clergy have been more influential, both with the
+people and the government, than in any other country;
+it will, therefore, be convenient to study in Spain the
+laws of ecclesiastical development, and the manner in
+which that development affects the national interests.
+Another circumstance, which operates on the intellectual
+progress of a nation, is the method of investigation
+that its ablest men habitually employ. This method
+can only be one of two kinds; it must be either inductive,
+or deductive. Each of these belongs to a different
+form of civilization, and is always accompanied by a
+different style of thought, particularly in regard to
+religion and science. These differences are of such
+immense importance, that, until their laws are known,
+we cannot be said to understand the real history of
+past events. Now, the two extremes of the difference<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
+are, undoubtedly, Germany and the United States; the
+Germans being pre-eminently deductive, the Americans
+inductive. But Germany and America are, in so many
+other respects, diametrically opposed to each other, that
+I have thought it expedient to study the operations of
+the deductive and inductive spirit in countries between
+which a closer analogy exists; because the greater the
+similarity between two nations, the more easily can we
+trace the consequences of any single divergence, and the
+more conspicuous do the laws of that divergence become.
+Such an opportunity occurs in the history of
+Scotland, as compared with that of England. Here we
+have two nations, bordering on each other, speaking
+the same language, reading the same literature, and
+knit together by the same interests. And yet it is a
+truth, which seems to have escaped attention, but the
+proof of which I shall fully detail, that, until the last
+thirty or forty years, the Scotch intellect has been even
+more entirely deductive than the English intellect has
+been inductive. The inductive tendencies of the English
+mind, and the almost superstitious reverence with which
+we cling to them, have been noticed with regret by a
+few, and a very few, of our ablest men.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> On the other
+hand, in Scotland, particularly during the eighteenth
+century, the great thinkers, with hardly an exception,
+adopted the deductive method. Now, the characteristic
+of deduction, when applied to branches of knowledge
+not yet ripe for it, is, that it increases the number
+of hypotheses from which we reason downwards, and
+brings into disrepute the slow and patient ascent
+peculiar to inductive inquiry. This desire to grasp at
+truth by speculative, and, as it were, foregone conclusions,
+has often led the way to great discoveries; and
+no one, properly instructed, will deny its immense
+value. But when it is universally followed, there is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
+imminent danger lest the observation of mere empirical
+uniformities should be neglected; and lest thinking
+men should grow impatient at those small and proximate
+generalizations which, according to the inductive
+scheme, must invariably precede the larger and higher
+ones. Whenever this impatience actually occurs, there
+is produced serious mischief. For these lower generalizations
+form a neutral ground, which speculative minds
+and practical minds possess in common, and on which
+they meet. If this ground is cut away, the meeting is
+impossible. In such case, there arises among the scientific
+classes an undue contempt for inferences which
+the experience of the vulgar has drawn, but of which
+the laws seem inexplicable; while, among the practical
+classes, there arises a disregard of speculations so wide,
+so magnificent, and of which the intermediate and preliminary
+steps are hidden from their gaze. The results
+of this in Scotland are highly curious, and are, in
+several respects, similar to those which we find in
+Germany; since in both countries the intellectual classes
+have long been remarkable for their boldness of investigation
+and their freedom from prejudice, and the people
+at large equally remarkable for the number of their
+superstitions and the strength of their prejudices. In
+Scotland this is even more striking than in Germany;
+because the Scotch, owing to causes which have been
+little studied, are, in practical matters, not only industrious
+and provident, but singularly shrewd. This, however,
+in the higher departments of life, has availed
+them nothing; and, while there is no country which
+possesses a more original, inquisitive, and innovating
+literature than Scotland does, so also is there no country,
+equally civilized, in which so much of the spirit of the
+Middle Ages still lingers, in which so many absurdities
+are still believed, and in which it would be so easy
+to rouse into activity the old feelings of religious
+intolerance.</p>
+
+<p>The divergence, and indeed the hostility, thus established
+between the practical and speculative classes,
+is the most important fact in the history of Scotland,
+and is partly cause and partly effect of the predominance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
+of the deductive method. For this descending
+scheme being opposed to the ascending or inductive
+scheme, neglects those lower generalizations which are
+the only ones that both classes understand, and, therefore,
+the only ones where they sympathize with each
+other. The inductive method, as popularized by Bacon,
+gave great prominence to these lower or proximate
+truths; and this, though it has often made the intellectual
+classes in England too utilitarian, has at all events
+saved them from that state of isolation in which they
+would otherwise have remained. But in Scotland the
+isolation has been almost complete, because the deductive
+method has been almost universal. Full evidence
+of this will be collected in the third volume; but, that
+I may not leave the subject entirely without illustration,
+I will notice very briefly the principal instances
+that occurred during those three generations in which
+Scotch literature reached its highest excellence.</p>
+
+<p>During this period, which comprises nearly a century,
+the tendency was so unmistakable as to form a
+striking phenomenon in the annals of the human mind.
+The first great symptom was a movement begun by
+Simson, professor at the University of Glasgow, and
+continued by Stewart, professor at the University of
+Edinburgh. These able men made strenuous efforts to
+revive the pure Greek geometry, and depreciate the
+algebraic or symbolical analysis.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> Hence there arose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
+among them, and among their disciples, a love of the
+most refined methods of solution, and a contempt for
+those easier, but less elegant ones, which we owe to
+algebra.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> Here we clearly see the isolating and esoteric
+character of a scheme which despises what
+ordinary understandings can quickly master, and
+which had rather proceed from the ideal to the tangible,
+than mount from the tangible to the ideal. Just
+at the same time, the same spirit was displayed, in
+another branch of inquiry, by Hutcheson, who, though
+an Irishman by birth, was educated in the University
+of Glasgow, and was professor there. In his celebrated
+moral and æsthetic researches, he, in the place of inductive
+reasoning from palpable facts, substituted deductive
+reasoning from impalpable principles; ignoring
+the immediate and practical suggestions of the senses,
+and believing that by a hypothetical assumption of
+certain laws, he could descend upon the facts, instead
+of rising from the facts in order to learn the laws.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>
+His philosophy exercised immense influence among
+metaphysicians;<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> and his method of working downwards,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
+from the abstract to the concrete, was adopted
+by another and a still greater Scotchman, the illustrious
+Adam Smith. How Smith favoured the deductive
+form of investigation is apparent in his <i>Theory of
+Moral Sentiments</i>, likewise in his <i>Essay on Language</i>,<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>
+and even in his fragment on the <i>History of Astronomy</i>,
+in which he, from general considerations, undertook to
+prove what the march of astronomical discovery must
+have been, instead of first ascertaining what it had
+been.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> The <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, again, is entirely deductive,
+since in it Smith generalizes the laws of wealth,
+not from the phenomena of wealth, nor from statistical
+statements, but from the phenomena of selfishness;
+thus making a deductive application of one set of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
+mental principles to the whole set of economical facts.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>
+The illustrations with which his great book abounds
+are no part of the real argument: they are subsequent
+to the conception; and if they were all admitted, the
+work, though less interesting and perhaps less influential,
+would, in a scientific point of view, be equally
+valuable. To give another instance: the works of
+Hume, his metaphysical essays alone excepted, are all
+deductive; his profound economical inquiries are essentially
+<i>a priori</i>, and might have been written without
+any acquaintance with those details of trade and finance
+from which, according to the inductive scheme, they
+should have been generalized.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> Thus, too, in his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
+<i>Natural History of Religion</i>, he endeavoured simply by
+reflection, and independently of evidence, to institute a
+purely speculative investigation into the origin of
+religious opinions.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> In the same way, in his <i>History
+of England</i>, instead of first collecting the evidence, and
+then drawing inferences from it, he began by assuming
+that the relations between the people and the government
+must have followed a certain order, and he either
+neglected or distorted the facts by which this supposition
+was contradicted.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> These different writers, though<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
+varying in their principles, and in the subjects they
+studied, were all agreed as to their method; that is to
+say, they were all agreed to investigate truth rather by
+descent than by ascent. The immense social importance
+of this peculiarity I shall examine in the third
+volume, where I shall endeavour to ascertain how it
+affected the national civilization, and caused some
+curious contrasts with the opposite, and more empirical,
+character of English literature. In the meantime,
+and merely to state what will be hereafter proved,
+I may add, that the deductive method was employed,
+not only by those eminent Scotchmen I have mentioned,
+but was carried into the speculative <i>History of Civil
+Society</i> by Ferguson; into the study of legislation by
+Mill; into the study of jurisprudence by Mackintosh;
+into geology by Hutton; into thermotics by Black and
+Leslie; into physiology by Hunter, by Alexander
+Walker, and by Charles Bell; into pathology by
+Cullen; into therapeutics by Brown and Currie.</p>
+
+<p>This is an outline of the plan I purpose to follow in
+the present Introduction, and by means of which I hope
+to arrive at some results of permanent value. For by
+studying different principles in those countries where
+they have been most developed, the laws of the principles
+will be more easily unfolded than if we had
+studied them in countries where they are very obscure.
+And, inasmuch as, in England, civilization has followed
+a course more orderly, and less disturbed, than in any
+other country, it becomes the more necessary, in writing
+its history, to use some resources like those which I
+have suggested. What makes the history of England
+so eminently valuable is, that nowhere else has the
+national progress been so little interfered with, either
+for good or for evil. But the mere fact that our civilization
+has, by this means, been preserved in a more
+natural and healthy state, renders it incumbent on us
+to study the diseases to which it is liable, by observing
+those other countries where social disease is more rife.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
+The security and the durability of civilization must
+depend on the regularity with which its elements are
+combined, and on the harmony with which they work.
+If any one element is too active, the whole composition
+will be in danger. Hence it is, that although the laws
+of the composition of the elements will be best ascertained
+wherever we can find the composition most
+complete, we must, nevertheless, search for the laws
+of each separate element wherever we can find the
+element itself most active. While, therefore, I have
+selected the history of England, as that in which the
+harmony of the different principles has been longest
+maintained, I have, precisely on that account, thought
+it advisable to study each principle separately in the
+country where it has been most powerful, and where,
+by its inordinate development, the equilibrium of the
+entire structure has been disturbed.</p>
+
+<p>By adopting these precautions, we shall be able to
+remove many of the difficulties which still beset the
+study of history. Before, however, entering that wide
+field which now lies in our way, it will be well to clear
+up some preliminary points, which I have not yet
+noticed, and the discussion of which may obviate certain
+objections that might otherwise be raised. The
+subjects to which I allude, are Religion, Literature,
+and Government: three topics of vast importance, and
+which, in the opinion of many persons, are the prime
+movers of human affairs. That this opinion is altogether
+erroneous will be amply proved in the present
+work; but as the opinion is widely spread, and is very
+plausible, it is necessary that we should at once come
+to some understanding respecting it, and inquire into
+the real nature of that influence, which these three
+great powers do actually exercise over the progress of
+civilization.</p>
+
+<p>Now, in the first place, it is evident that if a people
+were left entirely to themselves, their religion, their
+literature, and their government would be, not the
+causes of their civilization, but the effects of it. Out of
+a certain condition of society certain results naturally
+follow. Those results may, no doubt, be tampered with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
+by some external agency; but if that is not done, it is
+impossible that a highly civilized people, accustomed
+to reason and to doubt, should ever embrace a religion
+of which the glaring absurdities set reason and doubt
+at defiance. There are many instances of nations
+changing their religion, but there is no instance of a
+progressive country voluntarily adopting a retrogressive
+religion; neither is there any example of a declining
+country ameliorating its religion. It is of course true,
+that a good religion is favourable to civilization, and a
+bad one unfavourable to it. Unless, however, there is
+some interference from without, no people will ever
+discover that their religion is bad until their reason
+tells them so; but if their reason is inactive, and their
+knowledge stationary, the discovery will never be made.
+A country that continues in its old ignorance will
+always remain in its old religion. Surely nothing can
+be plainer than this. A very ignorant people will, by
+virtue of their ignorance, incline towards a religion
+full of marvels; a religion which boasts of innumerable
+gods, and which ascribes every occurrence to the immediate
+authority of those gods. On the other hand, a
+people whose knowledge makes them better judges of
+evidence, and who are accustomed to that most difficult
+task, the practice of doubting, will require a religion less
+marvellous, less obtrusive; one that taxes their credulity
+less heavily. But will you, therefore, say, that the
+badness of the first religion causes the ignorance; and
+that the goodness of the second religion causes the
+knowledge? Will you say, that when one event precedes
+another, the one which comes first is the effect,
+and the one which follows afterwards is the cause?
+This is not the way in which men reason on the ordinary
+affairs of life; and it is difficult to see why they
+should reason thus respecting the history of past
+events.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that the religious opinions which prevail
+in any period are among the symptoms by which that
+period is marked. When the opinions are deeply rooted,
+they do, no doubt, influence the conduct of men; but
+before they can be deeply rooted, some intellectual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
+change must first have taken place. We may as well
+expect that the seed should quicken in the barren rock,
+as that a mild and philosophic religion should be established
+among ignorant and ferocious savages. Of this
+innumerable experiments have been made, and always
+with the same result. Men of excellent intentions, and
+full of a fervent though mistaken zeal, have been, and
+still are, attempting to propagate their own religion
+among the inhabitants of barbarous countries. By
+strenuous and unremitting activity, and frequently by
+promises, and even by actual gifts, they have, in many
+cases, persuaded savage communities to make a profession
+of the Christian religion. But whoever will
+compare the triumphant reports of the missionaries
+with the long chain of evidence supplied by competent
+travellers, will soon find that such profession is only
+nominal, and that these ignorant tribes have adopted,
+indeed, the ceremonies of the new religion, but have by
+no means adopted the religion itself. They receive
+the externals, but there they stop. They may baptize
+their children; they may take the sacrament; they
+may flock to the church. All this they may do, and
+yet be as far removed from the spirit of Christianity as
+when they bowed the knee before their former idols.
+The rites and forms of a religion lie on the surface;
+they are at once seen, they are quickly learned, easily
+copied by those who are unable to penetrate to that
+which lies beneath. It is this deeper and inward
+change which alone is durable; and this the savage
+can never experience while he is sunk in an ignorance
+that levels him with the brutes by which he is surrounded.
+Remove the ignorance, and then the religion
+may enter. This is the only course by which ultimate
+benefit can be effected. After a careful study of the
+history and condition of barbarous nations, I do most
+confidently assert, that there is no well attested case of
+any people being permanently converted to Christianity,
+except in those very few instances where missionaries,
+being men of knowledge, as well as men of piety, have
+familiarized the savage with habits of thought, and, by
+thus stimulating his intellect, have prepared him for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
+the reception of those religious principles, which, without
+such stimulus, he could never have understood.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is in this way that, looking at things upon a large
+scale, the religion of mankind is the effect of their improvement,
+not the cause of it. But, looking at things
+upon a small scale, or taking what is called a practical
+view of some short and special period, circumstances
+will occasionally occur which disturb this general order,
+and apparently reverse the natural process. And this,
+as in all such cases, can only arise from the peculiarities
+of individual men; who, moved by the minor laws which
+regulate individual actions, are able, by their genius or
+their energy, to interfere with the operation of those
+greater laws which regulate large societies. Owing to
+circumstances still unknown, there appear, from time
+to time, great thinkers, who, devoting their lives to a
+single purpose, are able to anticipate the progress of
+mankind, and to produce a religion or a philosophy, by
+which important effects are eventually brought about.
+But, if we look into history, we shall clearly see that,
+although the origin of a new opinion may be thus due<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
+to a single man, the result which the new opinion produces
+will depend on the condition of the people
+among whom it is propagated. If either a religion or
+a philosophy is too much in advance of a nation, it can
+do no present service, but must bide its time, until
+the minds of men are ripe for its reception. Of this
+innumerable instances will occur to most readers.
+Every science and every creed has had its martyrs;
+men exposed to obloquy, or even to death, because they
+knew more than their contemporaries, and because
+society was not sufficiently advanced to receive the
+truths which they communicated. According to the
+ordinary course of affairs, a few generations pass away,
+and then there comes a period when these very truths
+are looked upon as commonplace facts; and a little
+later, there comes another period, in which they are
+declared to be necessary, and even the dullest intellects
+wonder how they could ever have been denied. This
+is what happens when the human mind is allowed to
+have fair play, and to exercise itself, with tolerable freedom,
+in the accumulation and diffusion of knowledge.
+If, however, by violent, and therefore by artificial,
+means, this same society is prevented from exercising
+its intellect, then the truths, however important they
+may be, can never be received. For why should certain
+truths be rejected in one age, and acknowledged in
+another? The truths remain the same; their ultimate
+recognition must, therefore, be due to a change in the
+society which now accepts what it had before despised.
+Indeed, history is full of evidence of the utter inefficiency
+even of the noblest principles, when they are
+promulgated among a very ignorant nation. Thus it
+was that the doctrine of One God, taught to the
+Hebrews of old, remained for many centuries altogether
+inoperative. The people to whom it was addressed
+had not yet emerged from barbarism; they were, therefore,
+unable to raise their minds to so elevated a conception.
+Like all other barbarians, they craved after a
+religion which would feed their credulity with incessant
+wonders; and which, instead of abstracting the
+Deity to a single essence, would multiply their gods<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
+until they covered every field, and swarmed in every
+forest. This is the idolatry which is the natural fruit
+of ignorance; and this it is to which the Hebrews were
+perpetually recurring. Notwithstanding the most severe
+and unremitting punishments, they, at every opportunity,
+abandoned that pure theism which their minds
+were too backward to receive, and relapsed into superstitions
+which they could more easily understand,&mdash;into
+the worship of the golden calf, and the adoration
+of the brazen serpent. Now, and in this age of the
+world, they have long ceased to do these things. And
+why? Not because their religious feelings are more
+easily aroused, or their religious fears more often excited.
+So far from this, they are dissevered from their
+old associations; they have lost for ever those scenes by
+which men might well have been moved. They are no
+longer influenced by those causes which inspired emotions,
+sometimes of terror, sometimes of gratitude.
+They no longer witness the pillar of cloud by day, or
+the pillar of fire by night; they no longer see the Law
+being given from Sinai, nor do they hear the thunder
+rolling from Horeb. In the presence of these great
+appeals, they remained idolaters in their hearts, and
+whenever an opportunity occurred, they became idolaters
+in their practice, and this they did because they
+were in that state of barbarism, of which idolatry is the
+natural product. To what possible circumstance can
+their subsequent change be ascribed, except to the
+simple fact, that the Hebrews, like all other people,
+as they advanced in civilization, began to abstract and
+refine their religion, and, despising the old worship of
+many gods, thus by slow degrees elevated their minds
+to that steady perception of One Great Cause, which,
+at an earlier period, it had been vainly attempted to
+impress upon them?</p>
+
+<p>Thus intimate is the connexion between the opinions
+of a people and their knowledge; and thus necessary
+is it that, so far as nations are concerned, intellectual
+activity should precede religious improvement. If we
+require further illustrations of this important truth,
+we shall find them in the events which occurred in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
+Europe soon after the promulgation of Christianity.
+The Romans were, with rare exceptions, an ignorant
+and barbarous race; ferocious, dissolute, and cruel.
+For such a people, Polytheism was the natural creed;
+and we read, accordingly, that they practised an idolatry
+which a few great thinkers, and only a few, ventured
+to despise. The Christian religion, falling among these
+men, found them unable to appreciate its sublime and
+admirable doctrines. And when, a little later, Europe
+was overrun by fresh immigrations, the invaders, who
+were even more barbarous than the Romans, brought
+with them those superstitions which were suited to
+their actual condition. It was upon the materials arising
+from these two sources that Christianity was now
+called to do her work. The result is most remarkable.
+For after the new religion seemed to have carried all
+before it, and had received the homage of the best part
+of Europe, it was soon found that nothing had been
+really effected. It was soon found that society was in
+that early stage in which superstition is inevitable; and
+in which men, if they do not have it in one form, will
+have it in another. It was in vain that Christianity
+taught a simple doctrine, and enjoined a simple worship.
+The minds of men were too backward for so great a
+step, and required more complicated forms, and a more
+complicated belief. What followed is well known to
+the students of ecclesiastical history. The superstition
+of Europe, instead of being diminished, was only
+turned into a fresh channel. The new religion was
+corrupted by the old follies. The adoration of idols
+was succeeded by the adoration of saints; the worship
+of the Virgin was substituted for the worship of Cybele;<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>
+Pagan ceremonies were established in Christian
+churches; not only the mummeries of idolatry, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
+likewise its doctrines, were quickly added, and were
+incorporated and worked into the spirit of the new
+religion; until, after a lapse of a few generations,
+Christianity exhibited so grotesque and hideous a form,
+that its best features were lost, and the lineaments of
+its earlier loveliness altogether destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p>
+
+<p>After some centuries were passed, Christianity slowly
+emerged from these corruptions; many of which, however,
+even the most civilized countries have not yet
+been able to throw off.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> Indeed, it was found impossible
+to effect even the beginning of a reform, until
+the European intellect was, in some degree, roused from
+its lethargy. The knowledge of men, gradually advancing,
+made them indignant at superstitions which
+they had formerly admired. The way in which their
+indignation increased, until, in the sixteenth century,
+it broke out into that great event which is well called
+the Reformation, forms one of the most interesting
+subjects in modern history. But, for our present purpose,
+it is enough to keep in mind the memorable and
+important fact that, for centuries after Christianity
+was the established religion of Europe, it failed to bear
+its natural fruit, because its lot was cast among a
+people whose ignorance compelled them to be superstitious,
+and who, on account of their superstition,
+defaced a system which, in its original purity, they
+were unable to receive.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a></p>
+
+<p>Indeed, in every page of history, we meet with fresh<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
+evidence of the little effect religious doctrines can produce
+upon a people, unless preceded by intellectual
+culture. The influence exercised by Protestantism, as
+compared with Catholicism, affords an interesting example
+of this. The Catholic religion bears to the
+Protestant religion exactly the same relation that the
+Dark Ages bear to the sixteenth century. In the
+Dark Ages, men were credulous and ignorant; they
+therefore produced a religion which required great
+belief and little knowledge. In the sixteenth century,
+their credulity and ignorance, though still considerable,
+were rapidly diminishing, and it was found necessary
+to organize a religion suited to their altered circumstances:
+a religion more favourable to free inquiry; a
+religion less full of miracles, saints, legends, and idols;
+a religion of which the ceremonies were less frequent,
+and less burdensome; a religion which should discourage
+penance, fasting, confession, celibacy, and those
+other mortifications which had long been universal.
+All this was done by the establishment of Protestantism;
+a mode of worship which, being thus
+suited to the age, made, as is well known, speedy progress.
+If this great movement had been allowed to
+proceed without interruption, it would, in the course
+of a few generations, have overthrown the old superstition,
+and established in its place a simpler and less
+troublesome creed; the rapidity with which this was
+done, being, of course, proportioned to the intellectual
+activity of the different countries. But, unfortunately,
+the European governments, who are always meddling
+in matters with which they have no concern, thought
+it their duty to protect the religious interests of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
+people; and making common cause with the Catholic
+clergy, they, in many instances, forcibly stopped the
+heresy, and thus arrested the natural development of
+the age. This interference was, in nearly all cases,
+well intended, and is solely to be ascribed to the ignorance
+of rulers respecting the proper limits of their
+functions: but the evils caused by this ignorance it
+would be difficult to exaggerate. During almost a
+hundred and fifty years, Europe was afflicted by religious
+wars, religious massacres, and religious persecutions;
+not one of which would have arisen, if the
+great truth had been recognised, that the state has no
+concern with the opinions of men, and no right to
+interfere, even in the slightest degree, with the form
+of worship which they may choose to adopt. This
+principle was, however, formerly unknown, or at all
+events unheeded; and it was not until the middle of
+the seventeenth century that the great religious contests
+were brought to a final close, and the different
+countries settled down into their public creeds; which,
+in the essential points, have never since been permanently
+altered; no nation having, for more than two
+hundred years, made war upon another on account of
+its religion; and all the great Catholic countries having,
+during the same period, remained Catholic, all the
+great Protestant ones remained Protestant.</p>
+
+<p>From this it has arisen, that, in several of the European
+countries, the religious development has not followed
+its natural order, but has been artificially forced
+into an unnatural one. According to the natural order,
+the most civilized countries should all be Protestants,
+and the most uncivilized ones Catholics. In the average
+of instances this is actually the case; so that many
+persons have been led into the singular error, of ascribing
+all modern enlightenment to the influence of Protestantism;
+overlooking the important fact, that until
+the enlightenment had begun, Protestantism was never
+required. But although, in the ordinary course of affairs,
+the advance of the Reformation would have been the
+measure, and the symptom, of that advance of knowledge
+by which it was preceded, still, in many cases, the authority<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span>
+of the government and of the church acted as disturbing
+causes, and frustrated the natural progress of
+religious improvement. And, after the treaty of Westphalia
+had fixed the political relations of Europe, the love
+of theological strife so greatly subsided, that men no
+longer thought it worth their while to raise a religious
+revolution, and to risk their lives in an attempt to overturn
+the creed of the state. At the same time, governments,
+not being themselves particularly fond of revolutions,
+have encouraged this stationary condition; and
+very naturally, and, as it appears to me, very wisely, have
+made no great alteration, but have left the national establishments
+as they found them; that is to say, the Protestant
+ones Protestant, and the Catholic ones Catholic.
+Hence it is, that the national religion professed by any
+country at the present moment, is no decisive criterion
+of the present civilization of the country; because the
+circumstances which fixed the religion occurred long
+since, and the religion remains endowed and established
+by the mere continuance of an impetus which was
+formerly given.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far as to the origin of the ecclesiastical
+establishments of Europe. But, in their practical
+consequences, we see some results which are highly
+instructive. For many countries owing their national
+creed, not to their own proper antecedents, but to the
+authority of powerful individuals, it will be invariably
+found, that in such countries the creed does not produce
+the effects which might have been expected from
+it, and which, according to its terms, it ought to produce.
+Thus, for instance, the Catholic religion is more
+superstitious, and more intolerant, than the Protestant;
+but it by no means follows, that those countries which
+profess the former creed, must be more superstitious,
+and more intolerant, than those which profess the
+latter. So far from this, the French are not only quite
+as free from those odious qualities as are the most
+civilized Protestants, but they are more free from them
+than some Protestant nations, as the Scotch and the
+Swedes. Of the highly-educated class, I am not here
+speaking; but of the clergy, and of the people generally,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
+it must be admitted, that in Scotland there is
+more bigotry, more superstition, and a more thorough
+contempt for the religion of others, than there is in
+France. And in Sweden, which is one of the oldest
+Protestant countries in Europe,<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> there is, not occasionally,
+but habitually, an intolerance and a spirit of persecution,
+which would be discreditable to a Catholic
+country; but which is doubly disgraceful when proceeding
+from a people who profess to base their religion
+on the right of private judgment.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p>
+
+<p>These things show, what it would be easy to prove by
+a wider induction, that when, from special, or, as they
+are called, accidental causes, any people profess a religion
+more advanced than themselves, it will not produce<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
+its legitimate effect.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> The superiority of Protestantism
+over Catholicism consists in its diminution of superstition
+and intolerance, and in the check which it gives to ecclesiastical
+power. But the experience of Europe teaches
+us, that when the superior religion is fixed among an
+inferior people, its superiority is no longer seen. The
+Scotch and the Swedes,&mdash;and to them might be added
+some of the Swiss cantons,&mdash;are less civilized than the
+French, and are therefore more superstitious. This
+being the case, it avails them little that they have a
+religion better than the French. It avails them little
+that, owing to circumstances which have long since
+passed away, they, three centuries ago, adopted a creed
+to which the force of habit, and the influence of tradition,
+now oblige them to cling. Whoever has travelled in
+Scotland with sufficient attention to observe the ideas
+and opinions of the people, and whoever will look into
+Scotch theology, and read the history of the Scotch
+Kirk, and the proceedings of the Scotch Assemblies and
+Consistories, will see how little the country has benefited
+by its religion, and how wide an interval there is
+between its intolerant spirit and the natural tendencies
+of the Protestant Reformation. On the other hand,
+whoever will subject France to a similar examination,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
+will see an illiberal religion accompanied by liberal
+views, and a creed full of superstitions professed by a
+people among whom superstition is comparatively rare.</p>
+
+<p>The simple fact is, that the French have a religion
+worse than themselves; the Scotch have a religion better
+than themselves. The liberality of France is as ill suited
+to Catholicism, as the bigotry of Scotland is ill suited
+to Protestantism. In these, as in all similar cases, the
+characteristics of the creed are overpowered by the characteristics
+of the people; and the national faith is, in
+the most important points, altogether inoperative, because
+it does not harmonize with the civilization of the
+country in which it is established. How idle, then, it
+is to ascribe the civilization to the creed; and how
+worse than foolish are the attempts of government to
+protect a religion which, if suited to the people, will
+need no protection, and, if unsuited to them, will work
+no good!</p>
+
+<p>If the reader has seized the spirit of the preceding
+arguments, he will hardly require that I should analyze
+with equal minuteness the second disturbing cause,
+namely, Literature. It is evident, that what has already
+been said respecting the religion of a people, is, in a great
+measure, applicable to their literature. Literature,<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>
+when it is in a healthy and unforced state, is simply the
+form in which the knowledge of a country is registered;
+the mould in which it is cast. In this, as in the other
+cases we have considered, individual men may of course
+take great steps, and rise to a great height above the
+level of their age. But if they rise beyond a certain
+point, their present usefulness is impaired; if they rise
+still higher, it is destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> When the interval between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
+the intellectual classes and the practical classes is too
+great, the former will possess no influence, the latter
+will reap no benefit. This is what occurred in the ancient
+world, when the distance between the ignorant idolatry
+of the people and the refined systems of philosophers
+was altogether impassable;<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> and this is the principal
+reason why the Greeks and Romans were unable to retain
+the civilization which they for a short time possessed.
+Precisely the same process is at the present moment
+going on in Germany, where the most valuable part of
+literature forms an esoteric system, which, having nothing
+in common with the nation itself, produces no
+effect on the national civilization. The truth is, that
+although Europe has received great benefit from its
+literature, this is owing, not to what the literature has
+originated, but to what it has preserved. Knowledge
+must be acquired, before it can be written; and the only
+use of books is, to serve as a storehouse in which the
+treasures of the intellect are safely kept, and where they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
+may be conveniently found. Literature, in itself, is but
+a trifling matter; and is merely valuable as being the
+armory in which the weapons of the human mind are
+laid up, and from which, when required, they can be
+quickly drawn. But he would be a sorry reasoner, who,
+on that account, should propose to sacrifice the end, that
+he might obtain the means; who should hope to defend
+the armory by giving up the weapons, and who should
+destroy the treasure, in order to improve the magazine
+in which the treasure is kept.</p>
+
+<p>Yet this is what many persons are apt to do. From
+literary men, in particular, we hear too much of the
+necessity of protecting and rewarding literature, and we
+hear too little of the necessity of that freedom and boldness,
+in the absence of which the most splendid literature
+is altogether worthless. Indeed, there is a general tendency,
+not to exaggerate the advantages of knowledge,&mdash;for
+that is impossible,&mdash;but to misunderstand what that
+is in which knowledge really consists. Real knowledge,
+the knowledge on which all civilization is based, solely
+consists in an acquaintance with the relations which
+things and ideas bear to each other and to themselves;
+in other words, in an acquaintance with physical and
+mental laws. If the time should ever come when all
+these laws are known, the circle of human knowledge
+will then be complete; and, in the interim, the value of
+literature depends upon the extent to which it communicates
+either a knowledge of the laws, or the materials
+by which the laws may be discovered. The business of
+education is to accelerate this great movement, and thus
+increase the fitness and aptitude of men, by increasing
+the resources which they possess. Towards this purpose,
+literature, so far as it is auxiliary, is highly useful. But
+to look upon an acquaintance with literature as one of
+the objects of education, is to mistake the order of events,
+and to make the end subservient to the means. It is
+because this is done, that we often find what are called
+highly educated men, the progress of whose knowledge
+has been actually retarded by the activity of their education.
+We often find them burdened by prejudices,
+which their reading, instead of dissipating, has rendered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
+more inveterate.<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> For literature, being the depository
+of the thoughts of mankind, is full, not only of wisdom,
+but also of absurdities. The benefit, therefore, which is
+derived from literature, will depend, not so much upon
+the literature itself, as upon the skill with which it is
+studied, and the judgment with which it is selected.
+These are the preliminary conditions of success; and if
+they are not obeyed, the number and the value of the
+books in a country become a matter quite unimportant.
+Even in an advanced stage of civilization, there is always
+a tendency to prefer those parts of literature which
+favour ancient prejudices, rather than those which oppose
+them; and in cases where this tendency is very strong,
+the only effect of great learning will be, to supply the
+materials which may corroborate old errors, and confirm
+old superstitions. In our time such instances are not
+uncommon; and we frequently meet with men whose
+erudition ministers to their ignorance, and who the more
+they read, the less they know. There have been states
+of society in which this disposition was so general, that
+literature has done far more harm than good. Thus,
+for example, in the whole period from the sixth to the
+tenth centuries, there were not in all Europe more than
+three or four men who dared to think for themselves;
+and even they were obliged to veil their meaning in
+obscure and mystical language. The remaining part of
+society was, during these four centuries, sunk in the most
+degrading ignorance. Under these circumstances, the
+few who were able to read, confined their studies to
+works which encouraged and strengthened their superstition,
+such as the legends of the saints, and the homilies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
+of the fathers. From these sources they drew those
+lying and impudent fables, of which the theology of that
+time is principally composed.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> These miserable stories
+were widely circulated, and were valued as solid and
+important truths. The more the literature was read,
+the more the stories were believed; in other words, the
+greater the learning, the greater the ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> And
+I entertain no doubt, that if, in the seventh and eighth
+centuries, which were the worst part of that period,<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>
+all knowledge of the alphabet had for a while been lost,
+so that men could no longer read the books in which
+they delighted, the subsequent progress of Europe would
+have been more rapid than it really was. For when the
+progress began, its principal antagonist was that credulity
+which the literature had fostered. It was not that
+better books were wanting, but it was that the relish
+for such books was extinct. There was the literature
+of Greece and Rome, which the monks not only preserved,
+but even occasionally looked into and copied.
+But what could that avail such readers as they? So
+far from recognizing the merit of the ancient writers,
+they were unable to feel even the beauties of their style,
+and they trembled at the boldness of their inquiries.
+At the first glimpse of the light, their eyes were blinded.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
+They never turned the leaves of a pagan author without
+standing aghast at the risk they were running; and
+they were in constant fear, lest by imbibing any of his
+opinions, they should involve themselves in a deadly
+sin. The result was, that they willingly laid aside the
+great master-pieces of antiquity; and in their place
+they substituted those wretched compilations, which
+corrupted their taste, increased their credulity, strengthened
+their errors, and prolonged the ignorance of Europe,
+by embodying each separate superstition in a
+written and accessible form, thus perpetuating its influence,
+and enabling it to enfeeble the understanding
+even of a distant posterity.</p>
+
+<p>It is in this way that the nature of the literature possessed
+by a people is of very inferior importance, in
+comparison with the disposition of the people by whom
+the literature is to be read. In what are rightly termed
+the Dark Ages, there was a literature in which valuable
+materials were to be found; but there was no one who
+knew how to use them. During a considerable period,
+the Latin language was a vernacular dialect;<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> and, if
+men had chosen, they might have studied the great
+Latin authors. But to do this, they must have been in
+a state of society very different from that in which they
+actually lived. They, like every other people, measured
+merit by the standard commonly received in their own
+age; and, according to their standard, the dross was
+better than the gold. They, therefore, rejected the
+gold, and hoarded up the dross. What took place then
+is, on a smaller scale, taking place now. Every literature
+contains something that is true, and much that is
+false; and the effect it produces will chiefly depend
+upon the skill with which the truth is discriminated
+from the falsehood. New ideas, and new discoveries,
+possess prospectively an importance difficult to exaggerate;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
+but until the ideas are received, and the discoveries
+adopted, they exercise no influence, and, therefore,
+work no good. No literature can ever benefit a
+people, unless it finds them in a state of preliminary
+preparation. In this respect, the analogy with religious
+opinions is complete. If the religion and the literature
+of a country are unsuited to its wants, they will be useless,
+because the literature will be neglected, and the
+religion will be disobeyed. In such cases, even the
+ablest books are unread, and the purest doctrines despised.
+The works fall into oblivion; the faith is corrupted
+by heresy.</p>
+
+<p>The other opinion to which I have referred is, that
+the civilization of Europe is chiefly owing to the ability
+which has been displayed by the different governments,
+and to the sagacity with which the evils of society have
+been palliated by legislative remedies. To any one who
+has studied history in its original sources, this notion
+must appear so extravagant, as to make it difficult to
+refute it with becoming gravity. Indeed, of all the
+social theories which have ever been broached, there is
+none so utterly untenable, and so unsound in all its
+parts, as this. In the first place, we have the obvious
+consideration, that the rulers of a country have, under
+ordinary circumstances, always been the inhabitants of
+that country; nurtured by its literature, bred to its
+traditions, and imbibing its prejudices. Such men are,
+at best, only the creatures of the age, never its creators.
+Their measures are the result of social progress, not the
+cause of it. This may be proved, not only by speculative
+arguments, but also by a practical consideration,
+which any reader of history can verify for himself. No
+great political improvement, no great reform, either
+legislative or executive, has ever been originated in any
+country by its rulers. The first suggesters of such
+steps have invariably been bold and able thinkers, who
+discern the abuse, denounce it, and point out how it is
+to be remedied. But long after this is done, even the
+most enlightened governments continue to uphold the
+abuse, and reject the remedy. At length, if circumstances
+are favourable, the pressure from without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
+becomes so strong, that the government is obliged to
+give way; and, the reform being accomplished, the
+people are expected to admire the wisdom of their
+rulers, by whom all this has been done. That this
+is the course of political improvement, must be well
+known to whoever has studied the law-books of different
+countries in connexion with the previous progress
+of their knowledge. Full and decisive evidence of this
+will be brought forward in the present work; but, by
+way of illustration, I may refer to the abolition of the
+corn-laws, undoubtedly one of the most remarkable
+facts in the history of England during this century.
+The propriety, and, indeed, the necessity, of their abolition,
+is now admitted by every one of tolerable information;
+and the question arises, as to how it was
+brought about. Those Englishmen who are little
+versed in the history of their country will say, that
+the real cause was the wisdom of Parliament; while
+others, attempting to look a little further, will ascribe
+it to the activity of the Anti-Corn-Law League, and
+the consequent pressure put upon Government. But
+whoever will minutely trace the different stages
+through which this great question successively passed,
+will find, that the Government, the Legislature, and the
+League, were the unwitting instruments of a power far
+greater than all other powers put together. They were
+simply the exponents of that march of public opinion,
+which on this subject had begun nearly a century before
+their time. The steps of this vast movement I shall
+examine on another occasion; at present it is enough
+to say, that soon after the middle of the eighteenth
+century, the absurdity of protective restrictions on
+trade was so fully demonstrated by the political economists,
+as to be admitted by every man who understood
+their arguments, and had mastered the evidence connected
+with them. From this moment, the repeal of
+the corn-laws became a matter, not of party, nor of
+expediency, but merely of knowledge. Those who
+knew the facts, opposed the laws; those who were
+ignorant of the facts, favoured the laws. It was, therefore,
+clear, that whenever the diffusion of knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
+reached a certain point, the laws must fall. The merit
+of the League was, to assist this diffusion; the merit of
+the Parliament was, to yield to it. It is, however, certain,
+that the members both of League and Legislature
+could at best only slightly hasten what the progress of
+knowledge rendered inevitable. If they had lived a
+century earlier, they would have been altogether powerless,
+because the age would not have been ripe for their
+labours. They were the creatures of a movement which
+began long before any of them were born; and the utmost
+they could do was, to put into operation what
+others had taught, and repeat, in louder tones, the
+lessons they had learned from their masters. For, it
+was not pretended, they did not even pretend themselves,
+that there was anything new in the doctrines
+which they preached from the hustings, and disseminated
+in every part of the kingdom. The discoveries
+had long since been made, and were gradually doing
+their work; encroaching upon old errors, and making
+proselytes in all directions. The reformers of our time
+swam with the stream: they aided what it would have
+been impossible long to resist. Nor is this to be deemed
+a slight or grudging praise of the services they undoubtedly
+rendered. The opposition they had to encounter
+was still immense; and it should always be
+remembered, as a proof of the backwardness of political
+knowledge, and of the incompetence of political legislators,
+that although the principles of free trade had
+been established for nearly a century by a chain of
+arguments as solid as those on which the truths of
+mathematics are based, they were to the last moment
+strenuously resisted; and it was only with the greatest
+difficulty that Parliament was induced to grant what
+the people were determined to have, and the necessity
+of which had been proved by the ablest men during
+three successive generations.</p>
+
+<p>I have selected this instance as an illustration, because
+the facts connected with it are undisputed, and,
+indeed, are fresh in the memory of us all. For it was
+not concealed at the time, and posterity ought to know,
+that this great measure, which, with the exception of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
+the Reform Bill, is by far the most important ever
+passed by a British parliament, was, like the Reform
+Bill, extorted from the legislature by a pressure from
+without; that it was conceded, not cheerfully, but with
+fear; and that it was carried by statesmen who had
+spent their lives in opposing what they now suddenly
+advocated. Such was the history of these events; and
+such likewise has been the history of all those improvements
+which are important enough to rank as epochs in
+the history of modern legislation.</p>
+
+<p>Besides this, there is another circumstance worthy
+the attention of those writers who ascribe a large part
+of European civilization to measures originated by
+European governments. This is, that every great
+reform which has been effected, has consisted, not in
+doing something new, but in undoing something old.
+The most valuable additions made to legislation have
+been enactments destructive of preceding legislation;
+and the best laws which have been passed, have been
+those by which some former laws were repealed. In
+the case just mentioned, of the corn-laws, all that was
+done was to repeal the old laws, and leave trade to its
+natural freedom. When this great reform was accomplished,
+the only result was, to place things on the
+same footing as if legislators had never interfered at
+all. Precisely the same remark is applicable to another
+leading improvement in modern legislation, namely, the
+decrease of religious persecution. This is unquestionably
+an immense boon; though, unfortunately, it is still
+imperfect, even in the most civilized countries. But it is
+evident that the concession merely consists in this:
+that legislators have retraced their own steps, and undone
+their own work. If we examine the policy of the
+most humane and enlightened governments, we shall
+find this to be the course they have pursued. The whole
+scope and tendency of modern legislation is, to restore
+things to that natural channel from which the ignorance
+of preceding legislation has driven them. This
+is one of the great works of the present age; and
+if legislators do it well, they will deserve the gratitude
+of mankind. But though we may thus be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
+grateful to individual lawgivers, we owe no thanks to
+lawgivers, considered as a class. For since the most
+valuable improvements in legislation are those which
+subvert preceding legislation, it is clear that the
+balance of good cannot be on their side. It is clear,
+that the progress of civilization cannot be due to those
+who, on the most important subjects, have done so
+much harm, that their successors are considered benefactors,
+simply because they reverse their policy, and
+thus restore affairs to the state in which they would
+have remained, if politicians had allowed them to run
+on in the course which the wants of society required.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, the extent to which the governing classes
+have interfered, and the mischiefs which that interference
+has produced, are so remarkable, as to make
+thoughtful men wonder how civilization could advance,
+in the face of such repeated obstacles. In some of the
+European countries, the obstacles have, in fact, proved
+insuperable, and the national progress is thereby
+stopped. Even in England, where, from causes which
+I shall presently relate, the higher ranks have for some
+centuries been less powerful than elsewhere, there has
+been inflicted an amount of evil, which, though much
+smaller than that incurred in other countries, is sufficiently
+serious to form a melancholy chapter in the
+history of the human mind. To sum up these evils
+would be to write a history of English legislation; for
+it may be broadly stated, that, with the exception of
+certain necessary enactments respecting the preservation
+of order, and the punishment of crime, nearly
+everything which has been done, has been done amiss.
+Thus, to take only such conspicuous facts as do not
+admit of controversy, it is certain that all the most
+important interests have been grievously damaged by
+the attempts of legislators to aid them. Among the
+accessories of modern civilization, there is none of
+greater moment than trade, the spread of which has
+probably done more than any other single agent to
+increase the comfort and happiness of man. But every
+European government which has legislated respecting
+trade, has acted as if its main object were to suppress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
+the trade, and ruin the traders. Instead of leaving the
+national industry to take its own course, it has been
+troubled by an interminable series of regulations, all
+intended for its good, and all inflicting serious harm.
+To such a height has this been carried, that the commercial
+reforms which have distinguished England
+during the last twenty years, have solely consisted in
+undoing this mischievous and intrusive legislation.
+The laws formerly enacted on this subject, and too
+many of which are still in force, are marvellous to contemplate.
+It is no exaggeration to say, that the history
+of the commercial legislation of Europe presents every
+possible contrivance for hampering the energies of
+commerce. Indeed, a very high authority, who has
+maturely studied this subject, has recently declared,
+that if it had not been for smuggling, trade could not
+have been conducted, but must have perished, in consequence
+of this incessant interference.<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> However
+paradoxical this assertion may appear, it will be denied
+by no one who knows how feeble trade once was, and
+how strong the obstacles were which opposed it. In
+every quarter, and at every moment, the hand of
+government was felt. Duties on importation, and
+duties on exportation; bounties to raise up a losing
+trade, and taxes to pull down a remunerative one; this
+branch of industry forbidden, and that branch of industry
+encouraged; one article of commerce must not
+be grown, because it was grown in the colonies; another
+article might be grown and bought, but not sold
+again, while a third article might be bought and sold,
+but not leave the country. Then, too, we find laws to
+regulate wages; laws to regulate prices; laws to regulate
+profits; laws to regulate the interest of money;
+custom-house arrangements of the most vexatious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
+kind, aided by a complicated scheme, which was well
+called the sliding-scale,&mdash;a scheme of such perverse
+ingenuity, that the duties constantly varied on the
+same article, and no man could calculate beforehand
+what he would have to pay. To this uncertainty, itself
+the bane of all commerce, there was added a severity of
+exaction, felt by every class of consumers and producers.
+The tolls were so onerous, as to double and often quadruple
+the cost of production. A system was organized,
+and strictly enforced, of interference with markets,
+interference with manufactories, interference with
+machinery, interference even with shops. The towns
+were guarded by excisemen, and the ports swarmed
+with tide-waiters, whose sole business was to inspect
+nearly every process of domestic industry, peer into
+every package, and tax every article; while, that absurdity
+might be carried to its extreme height, a large
+part of all this was by way of protection: that is to
+say, the money was avowedly raised, and the inconvenience
+suffered, not for the use of the government,
+but for the benefit of the people; in other words, the
+industrious classes were robbed, in order that industry
+might thrive.</p>
+
+<p>Such are some of the benefits which European trade
+owes to the paternal care of European legislators. But
+worse still remains behind. For the economical evils,
+great as they were, have been far surpassed by the
+moral evils which this system produced. The first
+inevitable consequence was, that, in every part of
+Europe, there arose numerous and powerful gangs of
+armed smugglers, who lived by disobeying the laws
+which their ignorant rulers had imposed. These men,
+desperate from the fear of punishment,<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> and accustomed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
+to the commission of every crime, contaminated
+the surrounding population; introduced into peaceful
+villages vices formerly unknown; caused the ruin of
+entire families; spread, wherever they came, drunkenness,
+theft, and dissoluteness; and familiarized their
+associates with those coarse and swinish debaucheries
+which were the natural habits of so vagrant and lawless
+a life.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> The innumerable crimes arising from this,<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>
+are directly chargeable upon the European governments
+by whom they were provoked. The offences were
+caused by the laws; and now that the laws are repealed,
+the offences have disappeared. But it will
+hardly be pretended, that the interests of civilization
+have been advanced by such a policy as this. It will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
+hardly be pretended, that we owe much to a system
+which, having called into existence a new class of
+criminals, at length retraces its steps; and, though it
+thus puts an end to the crime, only destroys what its
+own acts had created.</p>
+
+<p>It is unnecessary to say, that these remarks do not
+affect the real services rendered to society by every
+tolerably organized government. In all countries, a
+power of punishing crime, and of framing laws, must
+reside somewhere; otherwise the nation is in a state of
+anarchy. But the accusation which the historian is
+bound to bring against every government which has
+hitherto existed is, that it has overstepped its proper
+functions, and, at each step, has done incalculable
+harm. The love of exercising power has been found to
+be so universal, that no class of men who have possessed
+authority have been able to avoid abusing it.
+To maintain order, to prevent the strong from oppressing
+the weak, and to adopt certain precautions respecting
+the public health, are the only services which any
+government can render to the interests of civilization.
+That these are services of immense value, no one will
+deny; but it cannot be said, that by them civilization
+is advanced, or the progress of Man accelerated. All
+that is done is, to afford the opportunity of progress;
+the progress itself must depend upon other matters.
+And that this is the sound view of legislation, is,
+moreover, evident from the fact, that as knowledge is
+becoming more diffused, and as an increasing experience
+is enabling each successive generation better to understand
+the complicated relations of life; just in the
+same proportion are men insisting upon the repeal of
+those protective laws, the enactment of which was
+deemed by politicians to be the greatest triumph of
+political foresight.</p>
+
+<p>Seeing, therefore, that the efforts of government in
+favour of civilization are, when most successful, altogether
+negative; and seeing too, that when those efforts
+are more than negative, they become injurious,&mdash;it
+clearly follows, that all speculations must be erroneous
+which ascribe the progress of Europe to the wisdom of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
+its rulers. This is an inference which rests not only
+on the arguments already adduced, but on facts which
+might be multiplied from every page of history. For
+no government having recognized its proper limits, the
+result is, that every government has inflicted on its
+subjects great injuries; and has done this nearly always
+with the best intentions. The effects of its protective
+policy in injuring trade, and, what is far worse, in
+increasing crime, have just been noticed; and to these
+instances, innumerable others might be added. Thus,
+during many centuries, every government thought it
+was its bounden duty to encourage religious truth, and
+discourage religious error. The mischief this has produced
+is incalculable. Putting aside all other considerations,
+it is enough to mention its two leading
+consequences; which are, the increase of hypocrisy,
+and the increase of perjury. The increase of hypocrisy
+is the inevitable result of connecting any description
+of penalty with the profession of particular opinions.
+Whatever may be the case with individuals, it is certain
+that the majority of men find an extreme difficulty in
+long resisting constant temptation. And when the
+temptation comes to them in the shape of honour and
+emolument, they are too often ready to profess the
+dominant opinions, and abandon, not indeed their belief,
+but the external marks by which that belief is
+made public. Every man who takes this step is a
+hypocrite; and every government which encourages
+this step to be taken, is an abettor of hypocrisy and a
+creator of hypocrites. Well, therefore, may we say,
+that when a government holds out as a bait, that those
+who profess certain opinions shall enjoy certain privileges,
+it plays the part of the tempter of old, and, like
+the Evil One, basely offers the good things of this
+world to him who will change his worship and deny
+his faith. At the same time, and as a part of this
+system, the increase of perjury has accompanied the
+increase of hypocrisy. For legislators, plainly seeing
+that proselytes thus obtained could not be relied upon,
+have met the danger by the most extraordinary precautions;
+and compelling men to confirm their belief<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
+by repeated oaths, have thus sought to protect the old
+creed against the new converts. It is this suspicion as
+to the motives of others, which has given rise to oaths
+of every kind and in every direction. In England,
+even the boy at college is forced to swear about matters
+which he cannot understand, and which far riper minds
+are unable to master. If he afterwards goes into Parliament,
+he must again swear about his religion; and
+at nearly every stage of political life he must take fresh
+oaths; the solemnity of which is often strangely contrasted
+with the trivial functions to which they are the
+prelude. A solemn adjuration of the Deity being thus
+made at every turn, it has happened, as might have
+been expected, that oaths, enjoined as a matter of
+course, have at length degenerated into a matter of
+form. What is lightly taken, is easily broken. And
+the best observers of English society,&mdash;observers too
+whose characters are very different, and who hold the
+most opposite opinions,&mdash;are all agreed on this, that the
+perjury habitually practised in England, and of which
+government is the immediate creator, is so general,
+that it has become a source of national corruption,
+has diminished the value of human testimony, and
+shaken the confidence which men naturally place in the
+word of their fellow-creatures.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a></p>
+
+<p>The open vices, and, what is much more dangerous,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
+the hidden corruption, thus generated in the midst of
+society by the ignorant interference of Christian rulers,
+is indeed a painful subject; but it is one which I could
+not omit in an analysis of the causes of civilization. It
+would be easy to push the inquiry still further, and to
+show how legislators, in every attempt they have made
+to protect some particular interests, and uphold some
+particular principles, have not only failed, but have
+brought about results diametrically opposite to those
+which they proposed. We have seen that their laws
+in favour of industry have injured industry; that their
+laws in favour of religion have increased hypocrisy;
+and that their laws to secure truth have encouraged
+perjury. Exactly in the same way, nearly every country
+has taken steps to prevent usury, and keep down the
+interest of money; and the invariable effect has been to
+increase usury, and raise the interest of money. For,
+since no prohibition, however stringent, can destroy
+the natural relation between demand and supply, it has
+followed, that when some men want to borrow, and
+other men want to lend, both parties are sure to find
+means of evading a law which interferes with their
+mutual rights.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> If the two parties were left to adjust
+their own bargain undisturbed, the usury would depend
+on the circumstances of the loan; such as the amount
+of security, and the chance of repayment. But this
+natural arrangement has been complicated by the interference
+of government.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> A certain risk being always<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
+incurred by those who disobey the law, the usurer,
+very properly, refuses to lend his money unless he is
+also compensated for the danger he is in from the
+penalty hanging over him. This compensation can
+only be made by the borrower, who is thus obliged to
+pay what in reality is a double interest: one interest
+for the natural risk on the loan, and another interest
+for the extra risk from the law. Such, then, is the
+position in which every European legislature has placed
+itself. By enactments against usury, it has increased
+what it wished to destroy; it has passed laws, which
+the imperative necessities of men compel them to violate:
+while, to wind up the whole, the penalty for such violation
+falls on the borrowers; that is, on the very class
+in whose favour the legislators interfered.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the same meddling spirit, and with the same mistaken
+notions of protection, the great Christian governments
+have done other things still more injurious. They
+have made strenuous and repeated efforts to destroy the
+liberty of the press, and prevent men from expressing
+their sentiments on the most important questions in
+politics and religion. In nearly every country, they,
+with the aid of the church, have organized a vast system
+of literary police; the sole object of which is, to abrogate
+the undoubted right of every citizen to lay his
+opinions before his fellow-citizens. In the very few
+countries where they have stopped short of these extreme
+steps, they have had recourse to others less
+violent, but equally unwarrantable. For even where
+they have not openly forbidden the free dissemination<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
+of knowledge, they have done all that they could to check
+it. On all the implements of knowledge, and on all the
+means by which it is diffused, such as paper, books,
+political journals, and the like, they have imposed duties
+so heavy, that they could hardly have done worse if
+they had been the sworn advocates of popular ignorance.
+Indeed, looking at what they have actually
+accomplished, it may be emphatically said, that they
+have taxed the human mind. They have made the
+very thoughts of men pay toll. Whoever wishes to
+communicate his ideas to others, and thus do what he
+can to increase the stock of our acquirements, must first
+pour his contributions into the imperial exchequer.
+That is the penalty inflicted on him for instructing his
+fellow-creatures. That is the blackmail which government
+extorts from literature; and on receipt of which
+it accords its favour, and agrees to abstain from further
+demands. And what causes all this to be the more insufferable,
+is the use which is made of these and similar
+exactions, wrung from every kind of industry, both
+bodily and mental. It is truly a frightful consideration,
+that knowledge is to be hindered, and that the proceeds
+of honest labour, of patient thought, and sometimes of
+profound genius, are to be diminished, in order that a
+large part of their scanty earnings may go to swell the
+pomp of an idle and ignorant court, minister to the
+caprice of a few powerful individuals, and too often
+supply them with the means of turning against the
+people resources which the people called into existence.</p>
+
+<p>These, and the foregoing statements, respecting the
+effects produced on European society by political legislation,
+are not doubtful or hypothetical inferences, but
+are such as every reader of history may verify for himself.
+Indeed, some of them are still acting in England;
+and, in one country or another, the whole of them may
+be seen in full force. When put together, they compose
+an aggregate so formidable, that we may well wonder
+how, in the face of them, civilization has been able to
+advance. That, under such circumstances, it has advanced,
+is a decisive proof of the extraordinary energy of
+Man; and justifies a confident belief, that as the pressure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
+of legislation is diminished, and the human mind less
+hampered, the progress will continue with accelerated
+speed. But it is absurd, it would be a mockery of all
+sound reasoning, to ascribe to legislation any share in
+the progress; or to expect any benefit from future legislators,
+except that sort of benefit which consists in undoing
+the work of their predecessors. This is what the
+present generation claims at their hands; and it should
+be remembered that what one generation solicits as a
+boon, the next generation demands as a right. And,
+when the right is pertinaciously refused, one of two
+things has always happened: either the nation has retrogaded,
+or else the people have risen. Should the
+government remain firm, this is the cruel dilemma in
+which men are placed. If they submit, they injure
+their country; if they rebel, they may injure it still
+more. In the ancient monarchies of the East, their
+usual plan was to yield; in the monarchies of Europe,
+it has been to resist. Hence those insurrections and
+rebellions which occupy so large a space in modern
+history, and which are but repetitions of the old story,
+the undying struggle between oppressors and oppressed.
+It would, however, be unjust to deny, that in one
+country the fatal crisis has now for several generations
+been successfully averted. In one European country,
+and in one alone, the people have been so strong and
+the government so weak, that the history of legislation,
+taken as a whole, is, notwithstanding a few aberrations,
+the history of slow, but constant concession: reforms
+which would have been refused to argument, have been
+yielded from fear; while from the steady increase of
+democratic opinions, protection after protection, and
+privilege after privilege, have, even in our time, been
+torn away; until the old institutions, though they
+retain their former name, have lost their former vigour,
+and there no longer remains a doubt as to what their
+fate must ultimately be. Nor need we add, that in this
+same country, where, more than in any other of Europe,
+legislators are the exponents and the servants of the
+popular will, the progress has, on this account, been
+more undeviating than elsewhere; there has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
+neither anarchy nor revolution; and the world has been
+made familiar with the great truth, that one main condition
+of the prosperity of a people is, that its rulers shall
+have very little power, that they shall exercise that
+power very sparingly, and that they shall by no means
+presume to raise themselves into supreme judges of the
+national interests, or deem themselves authorized to
+defeat the wishes of those for whose benefit alone they
+occupy the post entrusted to them.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Coleridge well says, &lsquo;it is the chief of many blessings
+derived from the insular character and circumstances of our country,
+that our social institutions have formed themselves out of our proper
+needs and interests.&rsquo; <i>Coleridge on the Constitution of the Church and
+State</i>, 8vo. 1830, pp. 20, 21. The political consequences of this were
+much noticed at the time of the French Revolution. See <i>Mémoires de La
+Fayette</i>, vol. i. p. 404, Bruxelles, 1837.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> In another place, I shall collect the evidence of the
+rapidly increasing love of travelling in the sixteenth century; but it
+is interesting to observe, that during the latter half of the century
+there was first established the custom of appointing travelling tutors.
+Compare <i>Barrington's Observations on the Statutes</i>, p. 218, with a
+letter from Beza, written in 1598, in <i>Mémoires et Correspondence de Du
+Plessis Mornay</i>, vol. ix. p. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> In regard to the society of women, this was still more
+observable, even at a much later period; and when the Countess de
+Boufflers visited England, at the beginning of the reign of George III.,
+&lsquo;on lui faisoit un mérite de sa curiosité de voir l'Angleterre; car on
+remarquoit qu'elle étoit la seule dame françoise de qualité qui fût
+venue en voyageuse depuis deux cents ans: on ne comprenoit point, dans
+cette classe, les ambassadrices, ni la duchesse de Mazarin, qui y
+étoient venues par nécessité.&rsquo; <i>Dutens</i>, <i>Mémoires d'un Voyageur</i>, vol.
+i. p. 217. Compare <i>Mémoires de Madame de Genlis</i>, vol. viii. p. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> <i>Orme's Life of Owen</i>, p. 288; <i>Mahon's History of
+England</i>, vol. ii. p. 211; and many other writers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> The only Englishman of genius who, during this period, was
+influenced by the French mind, was Dryden; but this is chiefly apparent
+in his plays, the whole of which are now deservedly forgotten. His great
+works, and, above all, those wonderful satires, in which he distances
+every competitor, except Juvenal, are thoroughly national, and, as mere
+specimens of English, are, if I may express my own judgment, to be
+ranked immediately after Shakspeare. In Dryden's writings there are
+unquestionably many Gallicisms of expression, but few Gallicisms of
+thought; and it is by these last that we must estimate the real amount
+of foreign influence. Sir Walter Scott goes so far as to say, &lsquo;It will
+admit of question, whether any single French word has been naturalized
+upon the sole authority of Dryden.&rsquo; <i>Scott's Life of Dryden</i>, p. 523,
+8vo. 1808. Rather a bold assertion. As to the opinion of Fox, see Lord
+Holland's preface to <i>Fox's James II.</i>, 4to. 1808, p. xxxii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Another circumstance which has maintained the independence,
+and therefore increased the value, of our literature, is, that in no
+great country have literary men been so little connected with the
+government, or rewarded by it. That this is the true policy, and that to
+protect literature is to injure it, are propositions for the proof of
+which I must refer to chap. xi. of this volume&mdash;on the system of Louis
+XIV. In the mean time, I will quote the following words from a learned
+and, what is much better, a thoughtful writer: &lsquo;Nor must he who will
+understand the English institutions leave out of view the character of
+the enduring works which had sprung from the salient energy of the
+English mind. Literature had been left to develop itself. William of
+Orange was foreign to it; Anne cared not for it; the first George knew
+no English; the second not much.&rsquo; <i>Bancroft's History of the American
+Revolution</i>, vol. ii. p. 48. Compare <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>,
+1854, vol. i. pp. 93&ndash;96, vol. ii. p. 480.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> See, for evidence of this influence of England, chap. v. of
+the second volume.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> The history of this remarkable, though short-lived, union
+between the French and German intellects will be traced in the next
+volume; but its first great effect, in stimulating, or rather in
+creating, the German literature, is noticed by one of the most learned
+of their own writers: &lsquo;Denn einestheils war zu diesen Gegenständen immer
+die lateinische Sprache gebraucht und die Muttersprache zu wenig
+cultivirt worden, anderntheils wurden diese Schriften auch meistentheils
+nur von Gelehrten, und zwar Universitätsgelehrten, für welche sie auch
+hauptsächlich bestimmt waren, gelesen. Gegen die Mitte des achtzehnten
+Jahrhunderts, als mehrere englische und französische Werke gelesen und
+übersetzt wurden, und durch die Vorliebe des Königs von Preussen
+Friedrichs II., der von Franzosen gebildet worden war, französische
+Gelehrte besonders geehrt und angestellt wurden, entstand ein Wetteifer
+der Deutschen, auch in dem schriftlichen Vortrage nicht zurück zu
+bleiben, und die Sprache hob sich bald zu einem hohen Grade von
+Vollkommenheit.&rsquo; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. xi. pp.
+286, 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> A popular view of the system of national education
+established in Germany will be found in <i>Kay's Social Condition and
+Education of the People of Europe</i>, vol. ii. pp. 1&ndash;344. But Mr. Kay,
+like most literary men, overrates the advantages of literary
+acquirements, and underrates that education of the faculties which
+neither books nor schools can impart to a people who are debarred from
+the exercise of civil and political rights. In the history of the
+protective spirit (chaps. ix. and x. of the present volume), I shall
+return to this subject, in connexion with France; and in the next volume
+I shall examine it in regard to German civilization. In the mean time, I
+must be allowed to protest against the account Mr. Kay has given of the
+results of compulsory education; an agreeable picture, drawn by an
+amiable and intelligent writer, but of the inaccuracy of which I possess
+decisive evidence. Two points only I will now refer to: 1st. The
+notorious fact, that the German people, notwithstanding their so-called
+education, are unfit to take any share in political matters, and have no
+aptitude for the practical and administrative parts of government. 2nd.
+The fact, equally notorious to those who have studied the subject, that
+there are more popular superstitions in Prussia, the most educated part
+of Germany, than there are in England; and that the tenacity with which
+men cling to them is greater in Prussia than in England. For
+illustration of the practical working, in individual cases, of
+compulsory education, and of the hardship it causes, see a scandalous
+occurrence, related in <i>Laing's Notes of a Traveller</i>, 8vo. 1842, p.
+165, first series; and on the physical evils produced by German
+education, see <i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, London, 1846, pp. 253, 254, where
+there is some useful evidence of the consequences of &lsquo;that great German
+sin of over-regulation.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> This is well stated by Mr. Laing, by far the ablest
+traveller who has published observations on European society: &lsquo;German
+authors, both the philosophic and the poetic, address themselves to a
+public far more intellectual, and more highly cultivated, than our
+reading public&hellip;. In our literature, the most obscure and abstruse of
+metaphysical or philosophical writers <i>take the public mind in a far
+lower state</i>, simply cognisant of the meaning of language, and possessed
+of the ordinary reasoning powers&hellip;. The social influence of German
+literature is, consequently, confined within a narrower circle. It has
+no influence on the mind of the lower, or even of the middle classes in
+active life, who have not the opportunity or leisure to screw their
+faculties up to the pitch-note of their great writers. The reading
+public must devote much time to acquire the knowledge, tone of feeling,
+and of imagination, necessary to follow the writing public. The social
+economist finds accordingly in Germany the most extraordinary dulness,
+inertness of mind, and ignorance, below a certain level, with the most
+extraordinary intellectual development, learning, and genius, at or
+above it.&rsquo; <i>Laing's Notes of a Traveller</i>, first series, pp. 266, 267.
+The same acute observer says, in a later work (<i>Notes</i>, third series,
+8vo. 1852, p. 12): &lsquo;The two classes speak and think in different
+languages. The cultivated German language, the language of German
+literature, is not the language of the common man, nor even of the man
+far up in the middle ranks of society,&mdash;the farmer, tradesman,
+shopkeeper.&rsquo; See also pp. 351, 352, 354. It is singular that so clear
+and vigorous a thinker as Mr. Laing evidently is, should have failed in
+detecting the cause of this peculiar phenomenon.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> &lsquo;Je ne pense pas qu'il y ait de pays dans le monde où,
+proportion gardée avec la population, il se trouve aussi peu d'ignorants
+et moins de savants qu'en Amérique.&rsquo; <i>Tocqueville de la
+Démocratie en Amérique</i>, vol. i. p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> The causes of this exception I shall endeavour to trace in
+the next volume; but it is interesting to notice, that, as early as
+1775, Burke was struck by the partiality of the Americans for works on
+law. See <i>Burke's Speech</i>, in <i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. xviii. p.
+495; or in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 188. He says: &lsquo;In no country
+perhaps in the world is the law so general a study. The profession
+itself is numerous and powerful; and in most provinces it takes the
+lead. The greater number of the deputies sent to the Congress were
+lawyers. But all who read&mdash;and most do read&mdash;endeavour to obtain some
+smattering in that science. I have been told by an eminent bookseller,
+that in no branch of his business, after tracts of popular devotion,
+were so many books as those on the law exported to the plantations. The
+colonists have now fallen into the way of printing them for their own
+use. I hear that they have sold nearly as many of Blackstone's
+Commentaries in America as in England.&rsquo; Of this state of society, the
+great works of Kent and Story were, at a later period, the natural
+result. On the respect at present felt for the legal profession, see
+<i>Lyell's Second Visit to the United States</i>, 1849, vol. i. p. 45; and as
+to the judges, <i>Combe's N. America</i>, vol. ii. p. 329.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Particularly Coleridge and Mr. John Mill. But, with the
+greatest possible respect for Mr. Mill's profound work on Logic, I must
+venture to think that he has ascribed too much to the influence of Bacon
+in encouraging the inductive spirit, and too little to those other
+circumstances which gave rise to the Baconian philosophy, and to which
+that philosophy owes its success.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Simson was appointed in 1711; and even before he began to
+lecture, he drew up &lsquo;a translation of the three first books of
+L'Hospital's Conic Sections, in which geometrical demonstrations are
+substituted for the algebraical of the original, according to Mr.
+Simson's early taste on this subject.&rsquo; <i>Trail's Life and Writings of
+Robert Simson</i>, 1812, 4to. p. 4. This was probably the rudiment of his
+work on Conic Sections, published in 1735. <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Histoire des
+Mathématiques</i>, vol. iii. p. 12. On the difference between the ancient
+and modern schemes, there are some ingenious, though perhaps scarcely
+tenable, remarks in Dugald Stewart's <i>Philosophy of the Mind</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 354 seq. and p. 380. See also <i>Comte</i>, <i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 383&ndash;395. Matthew Stewart, the mathematical professor at
+Edinburgh, was the father of Dugald. See, respecting him and his crusade
+against the modern analysis, <i>Bower's History of the University of
+Edinburgh</i>, vol. ii. pp. 357&ndash;360, vol. iii. p. 249; and a strange
+passage in <i>First Report of the British Association</i>, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> One of Simson's great reasons for recommending the old
+analysis, was that it was &lsquo;more elegant&rsquo; than the comparatively modern
+practice of introducing algebraic calculations into geometry. See
+<i>Trail's Simson</i>, 1812, 4to. pp. 27, 67; a valuable work, which Lord
+Brougham, in his hasty life of Simson, calls, &lsquo;a very learned and
+exceedingly ill-written, indeed hardly readable&rsquo; book. <i>Brougham's Men
+of Letters and Science</i>, vol. i. p. 482, 8vo. 1845. Dr. Trail's style is
+clearer, and his sentences are less involved, than Lord Brougham's; and
+he had moreover the great advantage of understanding the subject upon
+which he wrote.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Sir James Mackintosh (<i>Dissertation on Ethical
+Philosophy</i>, p. 208) says of Hutcheson, &lsquo;To him may also be ascribed
+that proneness to multiply ultimate and original principles in human
+nature, which characterized the Scottish school till the second
+extinction of a passion for metaphysical speculation in Scotland.&rsquo; There
+is an able view of Hutcheson's philosophy in <i>Cousin</i>, <i>Histoire de la
+Philosophie</i>, I. série, vol. iv. pp. 31 seq.; written with
+clearness and eloquence, but perhaps overpraising Hutcheson.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> On its influence, see a letter from Mackintosh to Parr, in
+<i>Memoirs of Mackintosh</i>, by his Son, vol. i. p. 334. Compare <i>Letters
+from Warburton to Hurd</i>, pp. 37, 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Which is added to his <i>Theory of Moral Sentiments</i>, edit.
+1822, 2 volumes. Compare a letter which Smith wrote in 1763 on the
+origin of language (in <i>Nichols's Literary Illustrations of the
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516), which exhibits, on a small
+scale, the same treatment, as distinguished from a generalization of the
+facts which are supplied by a comprehensive comparison of different
+languages. Dr. Arnold speaks slightingly of such investigations. He
+says, &lsquo;Attempts to explain the phenomena of language <i>a priori</i> seem to
+me unwise.&rsquo; <i>Arnold's Miscellaneous Works</i>, p. 385. This would lead into
+a discussion too long for a note, but it appears to me that those <i>a
+priori</i> inferences are, to the philologist, what hypotheses are to the
+inductive natural philosopher; and if this be the case, they are
+extremely important, because no really fruitful experiment ever can be
+made unless it is preceded by a judicious hypothesis. In the absence of
+such an hypothesis, men may grope in the dark for centuries,
+accumulating facts without obtaining knowledge.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> See, for instance, his attempt to prove, from general
+reasonings concerning the human mind, that there was a necessary
+relation in regard to the order in which men promulgated the system of
+concentric spheres and that of eccentric spheres and epicycles. <i>History
+of Astronomy</i>, in <i>Smith's Philosophical Essays</i>, 1795, 4to. pp. 31, 36,
+which it may be convenient to compare with <i>Whewell's Philosophy of the
+Inductive Sciences</i>, 1847, vol. ii. pp. 53, 60, 61. This striking
+fragment of Adam Smith's is probably little read now; but it is warmly
+praised by one of the greatest living philosophers, M. A. Comte, in his
+<i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. vi. p. 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> The two writers who have inquired most carefully into the
+method which political economists ought to follow, are Mr. John Mill
+(<i>Essays on Unsettled Questions of Political Economy</i>, 1844, pp.
+120&ndash;164) and Mr. Rae (<i>New Principles of Political Economy</i>, 1834, pp.
+328&ndash;351). Mr. Rae, in his ingenious work, objects to Adam Smith that he
+transgressed the rules of the Baconian philosophy, and thus prevented
+his inferences from being as valuable as they would have been if he had
+treated his subject inductively. But Mr. Mill, with great force of
+reasoning, has proved that the deductive plan is the only one by which
+political economy can be raised to a science. He says, p. 143, political
+economy is &lsquo;essentially an <i>abstract</i> science, and its method is the
+method <i>a priori</i>;&rsquo; and at p. 146, that the <i>a posteriori</i> method is
+&lsquo;altogether inefficacious.&rsquo; To this I may add, that the modern theory of
+rent, which is now the corner-stone of political economy, was got at,
+not by generalizing economical facts, but by reasoning downwards after
+the manner of geometricians. Indeed, those who oppose the theory of
+rent, always do so on the ground that it is contradicted by facts; and
+then, with complete ignorance of the philosophy of method, they infer
+that therefore the theory is wrong. See, for instance, <i>Jones on the
+Distribution of Wealth</i>, 8vo. 1831: a book containing some interesting
+facts, but vitiated by this capital defect of method. See also <i>Journal
+of Statistical Society</i>, vol. i. p. 317, vol. vi. p. 322; where it is
+said that economical theories should be generalized from statistical
+facts. Compare vol. xvii. p. 116, vol. xviii. p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> A striking instance has lately come to light of the
+sagacity with which Hume employed this method. See <i>Burton's Life and
+Correspondence of Hume</i>, vol. ii. p. 486; where we find, that
+immediately Hume had read the <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, he detected Smith's
+error concerning rent being an element of price: so that it now appears
+that Hume was the first to make this great discovery, as far as the idea
+is concerned; though Ricardo has the merit of proving it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> The historical facts he introduces are merely
+illustrations; as any one will see who will read <i>The Natural History of
+Religion</i>, in <i>Hume's Philos. Works</i>, Edinb. 1826, vol. iv. pp. 435&ndash;513.
+I may mention, that there is a considerable similarity between the views
+advocated in this remarkable essay and the religious stages of <i>Comte's
+Philosophie Positive</i>; for Hume's early form of polytheism is evidently
+the same as M. Comte's fetichism, from which both these writers believe
+that monotheism subsequently arose, as a later and more refined
+abstraction. That this was the course adopted by the human mind is
+highly probable, and is confirmed by the learned researches of Mr.
+Grote. See his <i>History of Greece</i>, vol. i. pp. 462, 497, vol. v. p. 22.
+The opposite and more popular opinion, of monotheism preceding idolatry,
+was held by most of the great earlier writers, and is defended by many
+moderns, and among others by Dr. Whewell (<i>Bridgewater Treatise</i>, p.
+256), who expresses himself with considerable confidence: see also
+<i>Letters from Warburton to Hurd</i>, p. 239. Compare <i>Thirlwall's History
+of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 183, Lond. 1835, with the &lsquo;einige Funken des
+Monotheismus&rsquo; of Kant, <i>Kritik der reinen Vernunft</i>, in <i>Kant's Werke</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 455.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> That is to say, he treated historical facts as merely
+illustrative of certain general principles, which he believed could be
+proved without the facts; so that, as M. Schlosser (<i>History of the
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. ii. p. 76) well says, &lsquo;History with Hume was
+only a subordinate pursuit, only a means by which he might introduce his
+philosophy,&rsquo; &amp;c. Considering how little is known of the principles which
+govern social and political changes, there can be no doubt that Hume was
+premature in the application of this method; but it is absurd to call
+the method dishonest, since the object of his History was, not to
+<i>prove</i> conclusions, but to <i>illustrate</i> them: and he therefore thought
+himself justified in selecting the illustrations. I am simply stating
+his views, without at all defending them; indeed, I believe that in this
+respect he was seriously in the wrong.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> A writer of great authority has made some remarks on this,
+which are worth attending to: &lsquo;Ce fut alors que les Jésuites pénétrèrent
+dans la Chine pour y prêcher l'évangile. Ils ne tardèrent pas à
+s'apercevoir qu'un des moyens les plus efficaces pour s'y maintenir, en
+attendant le moment que le ciel avoit marqué pour éclairer ce vaste
+empire, étoit d'étaler des connoissances astronomiques.&rsquo; <i>Montucla</i>,
+<i>Histoire des Mathématiques</i>, vol. i. p. 468; and see vol. ii. pp. 586,
+587. Cuvier delicately hints at the same conclusion. He says of Emery:
+&lsquo;Il se souvenait que l'époque où le christianisme a fait le plus de
+conquêtes, et où ses ministres ont obtenu le plus de respect, est celle
+où ils portaient chez les peuples convertis les lumières des lettres, en
+même temps que les vérités de la religion, et où ils formaient à la fois
+dans les nations l'ordre le plus éminent et le plus éclairé.&rsquo; <i>Cuvier</i>,
+<i>Eloges Historiques</i>, vol. iii. p. 170. Even Southey (<i>History of
+Brazil</i>, vol. ii. p. 378) says: &lsquo;Missionaries have always complained of
+the fickleness of their converts; and they must always complain of it,
+till they discover that some degree of civilization must precede
+conversion, or at least accompany it.&rsquo; And see to the same effect,
+<i>Halkett's Notes on the North American Indians</i>, pp. 352, 353; and
+<i>Combe's North America</i>, vol. i. p. 250, vol. ii. p. 353.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> This is curiously illustrated by the fact, that the 25th
+of March, which is now called Lady-day, in honour of the Virgin Mary,
+was, in Pagan times, called Hilaria, and was dedicated to Cybele, the
+mother of the gods. Compare <i>Blunt's Vestiges of Ancient Manners</i>, 8vo.
+1823, pp. 51&ndash;55, with <i>Hampson's Medii Ævi Kalendarium</i>, 8vo. 1841, vol.
+i. pp. 56, 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> On this interesting subject, the two best English books
+are, <i>Middleton's Letter from Rome</i>, and <i>Priestley's History of the
+Corruption of Christianity</i>; the former work being chiefly valuable for
+ritual corruptions, the latter work for doctrinal ones. <i>Blunt's
+Vestiges of Ancient Manners</i> is also worth reading; but is very inferior
+to the two treatises just named, and is conceived in a much narrower
+spirit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> The large amount of Paganism which still exists in every
+Christian sect, forms an argument against an ingenious distinction which
+M. Bunsen has made between the change of a religion and that of a
+language; alterations in a religion being, as he supposes, always more
+abrupt than those in a language. <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. i. pp. 358,
+359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> It was necessary, says M. Maury, that the church &lsquo;se
+rapprochât davantage de l'esprit grossier, inculte, ignorant du
+barbare.&rsquo; <i>Maury</i>, <i>Légendes Pieuses du Moyen Age</i>, p. 101. An exactly
+similar process has taken place in India, where the Puranas are to the
+Vedas what the works of the Fathers are to the New Testament. Compare
+<i>Elphinstone's History of India</i>, pp. 87, 88, 98; <i>Wilson's Preface to
+the Vishnu Parana</i>, p. 7; and <i>Transactions of Bombay Society</i>, vol. i.
+p. 205. So that as M. Max Müller well expresses it, the Puranas are &lsquo;a
+secondary formation of Indian mythology.&rsquo; <i>Müller on the Languages of
+India</i>, in <i>Reports of British Association for 1847</i>, p. 324.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> The doctrines of Luther were first preached in Sweden in
+1519; and, in 1527, the principles of the Reformation were formally
+adopted in an assembly of the States at Westeraas, which enabled
+Gustavus Vasa to seize the property of the church. <i>Geijer's History of
+the Swedes</i>, part i. pp. 110, 118, 119; <i>Mosheim's Ecclesiastical
+History</i>, vol. ii. p. 22; <i>Crichton and Wheaton's History of
+Scandinavia</i>, vol. i. pp. 399, 400. The apostasy proceeded so
+favourably, that De Thou (<i>Histoire Univ.</i> vol. xiii. p. 312) says, in
+1598, &lsquo;Il y avoit déjà si long-tems que ce culte étoit établi en Suède,
+qu'il étoit comme impossible de trouver, soit parmi le peuple, soit
+parmi les seigneurs, quelqu'un qui se souvînt d'avoir vu dans ce roïaume
+l'exercice public de la religion catholique.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> On the state of things in 1838, see some curious, and
+indeed shameful, details in <i>Laing's Sweden</i>, 8vo. London, 1839. Mr.
+Laing, though himself a Protestant, truly says, that in Protestant
+Sweden there &lsquo;is inquisition law, working in the hands of a Lutheran
+state-church, as strongly as in Spain or Portugal in the hands of a
+Roman Catholic Church.&rsquo; <i>Laing's Sweden</i>, p. 324. In the seventeenth
+century, it was ordered by the Swedish Church, and the order was
+confirmed by government, that &lsquo;if any Swedish subject change his
+religion, he shall be banished the kingdom, and lose all right of
+inheritance, both for himself and his descendants&hellip;. If any bring into
+the country teachers of another religion, he shall be fined and
+banished.&rsquo; <i>Burton's Diary</i>, vol. iii. p. 387, 8vo. 1828. To this may be
+added, that it was not till 1781 that Roman Catholics were allowed to
+exercise their religion in Sweden. See <i>Crichton's History of
+Scandinavia</i>, Edinb. 1838, vol. ii. p. 320. See also, on this intolerant
+spirit, <i>Whitelocke's Journal of the Swedish Embassy</i>, vol. i. pp. 164,
+412, vol. ii. p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> We see a good instance of this in the case of the
+Abyssinians, who have professed Christianity for centuries; but, as no
+pains were taken to cultivate their intellect, they found the religion
+too pure for them: they, therefore, corrupted it, and, down to the
+present moment, they have not made the slightest progress. The accounts
+given by Bruce of them are well known; and a traveller, who visited them
+in 1839, says: &lsquo;Nothing can be more corrupt than the nominal
+Christianity of this unhappy nation. It is mixed up with Judaism,
+Mahommedanism, and idolatry, and is a mass of rites and superstitions
+which cannot mend the heart.&rsquo; <i>Kraff's Journal at Ankobar</i>, in <i>Journal
+of Geographical Society</i>, vol. x. p. 488; see also vol. xiv. p. 13: and
+for a similar state of things in America, see the account of the Quiché
+Indians, in <i>Stephens's Central America</i>, vol. ii. pp. 191, 192. Compare
+<i>Squier's Central America</i>, vol. i. pp. 322, 323, with <i>Halkett's
+North-American Indians</i>, pp. 29, 212, 268. For further confirmation of
+this view, in another part of the world, see <i>Tuckey's Expedition to the
+Zaire</i>, pp. 79, 80, 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> I use the word literature, not as opposed to science, but
+in its larger sense, including everything which is written&mdash;&lsquo;taking the
+term literature in its primary sense, of an application of letters to
+the records of facts or opinions.&rsquo; <i>Mure's History of the Literature of
+Greece</i>, vol. iv. p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Compare <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Démocratie en Amérique</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 130, with some admirable remarks on the Sophists in <i>Grote's History
+of Greece</i>, vol. viii. p. 481. Sir W. Hamilton, whose learning
+respecting the history of opinions is well known, says, &lsquo;Precisely in
+proportion as an author is in advance of his age, is it likely that his
+works will be neglected.&rsquo; <i>Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy</i>, p.
+186. Thus, too, in regard to the line arts, Sir Joshua Reynolds (<i>Fourth
+Discourse</i>, in <i>Works</i>, vol. i. p. 363) says, &lsquo;Present time and future
+may be considered as rivals; and he who solicits the one, must expect to
+be discountenanced by the other.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Hence the intellectually exclusive and, as M. Neander well
+terms it, &lsquo;aristocratic spirit of antiquity.&rsquo; <i>Neander's History of the
+Church</i>, vol. i. pp. 40, 97, vol. ii. p. 31. This is constantly
+overlooked by writers who use the word &lsquo;democracy&rsquo; loosely; forgetting
+that, in the same age, democracies of politics may be very common, while
+democracies of thought are very rare. For proof of the universal
+prevalence formerly of this esoteric and aristocratic spirit, see the
+following passages: <i>Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy</i>, vol. i. p.
+338, vol. iii. pp. 9, 17; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 200, 205, 220; <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Histoire Critique de
+Manichée</i>, vol. ii. p. 41; <i>Matter</i>, <i>Histoire du Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i.
+p. 13, vol. ii. pp. 83, 370; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Histoire de la Médecine</i>, vol.
+i. p. 250; <i>Grote's History of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 561, vol. iv. p. 544;
+<i>Thirlwall's History of Greece</i>, vol. ii. p. 150, vol. vi. p. 95;
+<i>Warburton's Works</i>, vol. vii. pp. 962, 972, 4to. 1788; <i>Sharpe's
+History of Egypt</i>, vol. ii. p. 174; <i>Cudworth's Intellect. System</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 114, 365, 443, vol. iii. p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Locke has noticed this &lsquo;learned ignorance,&rsquo; for which many
+men are remarkable. See a fine passage in the <i>Essay on Human
+Understanding</i>, book iii. chap. x. in <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 27,
+and similar remarks in his <i>Conduct of the Understanding</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+350, 364, 365, and in his <i>Thoughts on Education</i>, vol. viii. pp. 84&ndash;87.
+If this profound writer were now alive what a war he would wage against
+our great universities and public schools, where innumerable things are
+still taught which no one is concerned to understand, and which few will
+take the trouble to remember. Compare <i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Turgot</i>, pp.
+255, 256 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> The statistics of this sort of literature would prove a
+curious subject for inquiry. No one, I believe, has thought it worth
+while to sum them up; but M. Guizot has made an estimate that the
+Bollandist collection contains more than twenty-five thousand lives of
+saints; &lsquo;à en juger par approximation, ils contiennent plus de 25,000
+vies de saints.&rsquo; <i>Guizot</i>, <i>Histoire de la Civilisation en France</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 32. It is said (<i>Ledwich's Antiquities of Ireland</i>, p. 62) that
+of St. Patrick alone, there were sixty-six biographers before Joceline.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> For, as Laplace observes, in his remarks on the sources of
+error in connexion with the doctrine of probabilities, &lsquo;C'est à
+l'influence de l'opinion de ceux que la multitude juge les plus
+instruits, et à qui elle a coutume de donner sa confiance sur les plus
+importants objets de la vie, qu'est due la propagation de ces erreurs
+qui, dans les temps d'ignorance, ont couvert la face du monde.&rsquo;
+<i>Bouillaud</i>, <i>Philosophie Médicale</i>, p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> M. Guizot (<i>Civilisation en France</i>, vol. ii. pp. 171,
+172) thinks that, on the whole, the seventh was even worse than the
+eighth; but it is difficult to choose between them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Some of the results of Latin being colloquially employed
+by the monks are judiciously stated in <i>Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte
+der Menschheit</i>, vol. iv. pp. 202, 203. The remarks on this custom by
+Dugald Stewart refer to a later period. <i>Stewart's Philosophy of the
+Mind</i>, vol. iii. pp. 110, 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> &lsquo;C'est à la contrebande que le commerce doit de n'avoir
+pas péri sous l'influence du régime prohibitif; tandis que ce régime
+condamnait les peuples à s'approvisionner aux sources les plus
+éloignées, la contrebande rapprochait les distances, abaissait les prix,
+et neutralisait l'action funeste des monopoles.&rsquo; <i>Blanqui</i>, <i>Histoire de
+l'Economie, Politique en Europe</i>, Paris, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 25, 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> The 19 Geo. II. c. 34, made &lsquo;all forcible acts of
+smuggling, carried on in defiance of the laws, or <i>even in disguise to
+evade them</i>, felony without benefit of clergy.&rsquo; <i>Blackstone's
+Commentaries</i>, vol. iv. p. 155. Townsend, who travelled through France
+in 1786, says, that when any of the numerous smugglers were taken, &lsquo;some
+of them are hanged, some are broken upon the wheel, and some are burnt
+alive.&rsquo; <i>Townsend's Spain</i>, vol. i. p. 85, edit. 1792. On the general
+operation of the French laws against smugglers in the eighteenth
+century, compare <i>Tucker's Life of Jefferson</i>, vol. i. pp. 213, 214,
+with <i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. ix. p. 1240.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> In a work of considerable ability, the following account
+is given of the state of things in England and France so late as the
+year 1824: &lsquo;While this was going forward on the English coast, the
+smugglers on the opposite shore were engaged, with much more labour,
+risk, and expense, in introducing English woollens, by a vast system of
+fraud and lying, into the towns, past a series of custom-houses. In both
+countries, there was an utter dissoluteness of morals connected with
+these transactions. Cheating and lying were essential to the whole
+system; drunkenness accompanied it; contempt for all law grew up under
+it; honest industry perished beneath it; and it was crowned with
+murder.&rsquo; <i>Martineau's History of England during Thirty Years' Peace</i>,
+vol. i. p. 341, 8vo. 1849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> For evidence of the extraordinary extent to which
+smuggling was formerly carried, and that not secretly, but by powerful
+bodies of armed men, see <i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. ix. pp. 243, 247,
+1290, 1345, vol. x. pp. 394, 405, 530, 532, vol. xi. p. 935. And on the
+number of persons engaged in it, compare <i>Tomline's Life of Pitt</i>, vol.
+i. p. 359: see also <i>Sinclair's History of the Public Revenue</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 232; <i>Otter's Life of Clarke</i>, vol. i. p. 391. In France, the
+evil was equally great. M. Lemontey says, that early in the eighteenth
+century, &lsquo;la contrebande devenait une profession ouverte, et des
+compagnies de cavalerie désertèrent tout entières leurs étendards pour
+suivre contre le fisc cette guerre populaire.&rsquo; <i>Lemontey</i>, <i>Essai sur
+l'Etablissement monarchique de Louis XIV</i>, p. 430. According to
+Townsend, there were, in 1786, &lsquo;more than 1500 smugglers in the
+Pyrenees.&rsquo; <i>Townsend's Journey through Spain</i>, vol. i. p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Archbishop Whately says, what hardly any thinking man will
+now deny, &lsquo;If oaths were abolished&mdash;leaving the penalties for false
+witness (no unimportant part of our security) unaltered&mdash;I am convinced
+that, on the whole, testimony would be more trustworthy than it is.&rsquo;
+<i>Whately's Elements of Rhetoric</i>, 8vo. 1850, p. 47. See also on the
+amount of perjury caused by English legislation, <i>Jeremy Bentham's
+Works</i>, edit. Bowring, vol. ii. p. 210, vol. v. pp. 191&ndash;229, 454&ndash;466,
+vol. vi. pp. 314, 315; <i>Orme's Life of Owen</i>, p. 195; <i>Locke's Works</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 6; <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 196; <i>Whiston's Memoirs</i>,
+pp. 33, 411&ndash;413; <i>Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy and Literature</i>,
+pp. 454, 522, 527, 528. Sir W. Hamilton sums up: &lsquo;But if the perjury of
+England stands pre-eminent in the world, the perjury of the English
+Universities, and of Oxford in particular, stands pre-eminent in
+England,&rsquo; p. 528. Compare <i>Priestley's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 374 and
+<i>Baker's Life of Sir Thomas Bernard</i>, 1819, pp. 188, 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> &lsquo;L'observation rigoureuse de ces loix seroit destructive
+de tout commerce; aussi ne sont-elles pas observées rigoureusement.&rsquo;
+<i>Mémoire sur les Prêts d'Argent</i>, sec. xiv., in <i>&#338;uvres de Turgot</i>,
+vol. v. pp. 278, 279. Compare <i>Ricardo's Works</i>, pp. 178, 179, with
+<i>Condorcet</i>, <i>Vie de Turgot</i>, pp. 53, 54, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> Aided by the church. Ecclesiastical councils contain
+numerous regulations against usury; and, in 1179, Pope Alexander ordered
+that usurers were not to be buried: &lsquo;Quia in omnibus ferè locis crimen
+usurarum invaluit; ut multi negotiis prætermissis quasi licitè usuras
+exerceant; et qualiter utriusque testamenti pagina condemnetur, non
+attendunt: ideò constituimus, ut usurarii manifesti nec ad communionem
+recipiantur altaris, nec Christianam, si in hoc peccato decesserint,
+accipiant sepulturam, sed nec oblationem eorum quisquam accipiat.&rsquo; <i>Rog.
+de Hoved. Annal. in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam</i>, p. 335,
+Lond. 1596, folio. In Spain, the Inquisition took cognizance of usury.
+See <i>Llorente</i>, <i>Histoire de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i. p. 339. Compare
+<i>Ledwich's Antiquities of Ireland</i>, p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> The whole subject of the usury laws has been treated by
+Bentham in so complete and exhaustive a manner, that I cannot do better
+than refer the reader to his admirable &lsquo;Letters.&rsquo; A part only of the
+question is discussed, and that very imperfectly, in <i>Rey's Science
+Sociale</i>, vol. iii. pp. 64, 65. On the necessity of usury to mitigate
+the effects of a commercial panic, see <i>Mill's Principles of Political
+Economy</i>, vol. ii. p. 185.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES.</div>
+
+<p>I have now laid before the reader an examination of
+those conspicuous circumstances to which the progress
+of civilization is commonly ascribed; and I have proved
+that such circumstances, so far from being the cause
+of civilization, are at best only its effects; and that
+although religion, literature, and legislation do, undoubtedly,
+modify the condition of mankind, they are
+still more modified by it. Indeed, as we have clearly
+seen, they, even in their most favourable position, can
+be but secondary agents; because, however beneficial
+their apparent influence may be, they are themselves
+the product of preceding changes, and their results will
+vary according to the variations of the society on which
+they work.</p>
+
+<p>It is thus that, by each successive analysis, the field
+of the present inquiry has been narrowed, until we have
+found reason to believe that the growth of European
+civilization is solely due to the progress of knowledge,
+and that the progress of knowledge depends on the
+number of truths which the human intellect discovers,
+and on the extent to which they are diffused. In support
+of this proposition, I have, as yet, only brought forward
+such general arguments as establish a very strong
+probability; which, to raise to a certainty, will require
+an appeal to history in the widest sense of the term.
+Thus to verify speculative conclusions by an exhaustive
+enumeration of the most important particular facts, is
+the task which I purpose to execute so far as my
+powers will allow; and in the preceding chapter I have
+briefly stated the method according to which the investigation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>
+will be conducted. Besides this, it has
+appeared to me that the principles which I have laid
+down may also be tested by a mode of proceeding
+which I have not yet mentioned, but which is intimately
+connected with the subject now before us. This
+is, to incorporate with an inquiry into the progress of
+the history of Man, another inquiry into the progress of
+History itself. By this means, great light will be
+thrown on the movements of society; since there must
+always be a connexion between the way in which men
+contemplate the past, and the way in which they contemplate
+the present; both views being in fact different
+forms of the same habits of thought, and therefore
+presenting, in each age, a certain sympathy and
+correspondence with each other. It will, moreover, be
+found, that such an inquiry into what I call the history
+of history, will establish two leading facts of considerable
+value. The first fact is, that during the last three
+centuries, historians, taken as a class, have shown a
+constantly increasing respect for the human intellect,
+and an aversion for those innumerable contrivances by
+which it was formerly shackled. The second fact is,
+that during the same period, they have displayed a
+growing tendency to neglect matters once deemed of
+paramount importance, and have been more willing to
+attend to subjects connected with the condition of the
+people and the diffusion of knowledge. These two facts
+will be decisively established in the present Introduction;
+and it must be admitted, that their existence corroborates
+the principles which I have propounded. If
+it can be ascertained, that as society has improved, historical
+literature has constantly tended in one given
+direction, there arises a very strong probability in favour
+of the truth of those views towards which it is manifestly
+approaching. Indeed, it is a probability of this
+sort which makes it so important for the student of any
+particular science to be acquainted with its history;
+because there is always a fair presumption that when
+general knowledge is advancing, any single department
+of it, if studied by competent men, is also advancing,
+even when the results may have been so small as to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
+seem unworthy of attention. Hence it becomes highly
+important to observe the way in which, during successive
+ages, historians have shifted their ground; since
+we shall find that such changes have in the long-run
+always pointed to the same quarter, and are, in reality,
+only part of that vast movement by which the human
+intellect, with infinite difficulty, has vindicated its own
+rights, and slowly emancipated itself from those inveterate
+prejudices which long impeded its action.</p>
+
+<p>With a view to these considerations, it seems advisable
+that, when examining the different civilizations
+into which the great countries of Europe have diverged,
+I should also give an account of the way in which history
+has been commonly written in each country. In
+the employment of this resource, I shall be mainly
+guided by a desire to illustrate the intimate connexion
+between the actual condition of a people and their
+opinions respecting the past; and, in order to keep this
+connexion in sight, I shall treat the state of historical
+literature, not as a separate subject, but as forming part
+of the intellectual history of each nation. The present
+volume will contain a view of the principal characteristics
+of French civilization until the great Revolution;
+and with that there will be incorporated an
+account of the French historians, and of the remarkable
+improvements they introduced into their own departments
+of knowledge. The relation which these improvements
+bore to the state of society from which they
+proceeded, is very striking, and will be examined at
+some length; while, in the next volume, the civilization
+and the historical literature of the other leading
+countries will be treated in a similar manner. Before,
+however, entering into these different subjects, it has
+occurred to me, that a preliminary inquiry into the
+origin of European history would be interesting, as
+supplying information respecting matters which are
+little known, and also as enabling the reader to understand
+the extreme difficulty with which history has
+reached its present advanced, but still very imperfect,
+state. The materials for studying the earliest condition
+of Europe have long since perished; but the extensive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
+information we now possess concerning barbarous nations
+will supply us with a useful resource, because
+they have all much in common; the opinions of extreme
+ignorance being, indeed, every where the same, except
+when modified by the differences which nature presents
+in various countries. I have, therefore, no hesitation
+in employing the evidence which has been collected
+by competent travellers, and drawing inferences
+from it respecting that period of the European mind,
+of which we have no direct knowledge. Such conclusions
+will, of course, be speculative; but, during the
+last thousand years, we are quite independent of them,
+inasmuch as every great country has had chroniclers of
+its own since the ninth century, while the French
+have an uninterrupted series since the sixth century.
+In the present chapter, I intend to give specimens of
+the way in which, until the sixteenth century, history
+was habitually written by the highest European authorities.
+Its subsequent improvement during the seventeenth
+and eighteenth centuries, will be related under
+the separate heads of the countries where the progress
+was made; and as history, previous to the improvement,
+was little else than a tissue of the grossest
+errors, I will, in the first place, examine the leading
+causes of its universal corruption, and indicate the
+steps by which it was so disfigured that, during several
+centuries, Europe did not possess a single man who had
+critically studied the past, or who was even able to
+record with tolerable accuracy the events of his own
+time.</p>
+
+<p>At a very early period in the progress of a people,
+and long before they are acquainted with the use of
+letters, they feel the want of some resource, which in
+peace may amuse their leisure, and in war may stimulate
+their courage. This is supplied to them by the
+invention of ballads; which form the groundwork of
+all historical knowledge, and which, in one shape or
+another, are found among some of the rudest tribes of
+the earth. They are, for the most part, sung by a class
+of men whose particular business it is thus to preserve
+the stock of traditions. Indeed, so natural is this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
+curiosity as to past events, that there are few nations
+to whom these bards or minstrels are unknown. Thus,
+to select a few instances, it is they who have preserved
+the popular traditions, not only of Europe,<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> but
+also of China, Tibet, and Tartary;<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> likewise of India,<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> of
+Scinde,<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> of Belochistan,<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> of Western Asia,<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> of the islands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
+of the Black Sea,<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> of Egypt,<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> of Western Africa,<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> of North
+America,<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> of South America,<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> and of the islands in the
+Pacific.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></p>
+
+<p>In all these countries, letters were long unknown; and,
+as a people in that state have no means of perpetuating
+their history except by oral tradition, they select the
+form best calculated to assist their memory; and it will,
+I believe, be found that the first rudiments of knowledge
+consist always of poetry, and often of rhyme.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> The
+jingle pleases the ear of the barbarian, and affords a
+security that he will hand it down to his children in
+the unimpaired state in which he received it.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
+guarantee against error increases still further the value of
+these ballads; and instead of being considered as a mere
+amusement, they rise to the dignity of judicial authorities.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a>
+The allusions contained in them, are satisfactory
+proofs to decide the merits of rival families, or even to
+fix the limits of those rude estates which such a society
+can possess. We therefore find, that the professed reciters
+and composers of these songs are the recognized
+judges in all disputed matters; and as they are often
+priests, and believed to be inspired, it is probably in this
+way that the notion of the divine origin of poetry first
+arose.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> These ballads will, of course, vary, according to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
+the customs and temperaments of the different nations,
+and according to the climate to which they are accustomed.
+In the south they assume a passionate and voluptuous
+form; in the north they are rather remarkable for
+their tragic and warlike character.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> But, notwithstanding
+these diversities, all such productions have one feature
+in common. They are not only founded on truth, but
+making allowance for the colourings of poetry, they are
+all strictly true. Men who are constantly repeating songs
+which they constantly hear, and who appeal to the authorized
+singers of them as final umpires in disputed questions,
+are not likely to be mistaken on matters, in the
+accuracy of which they have so lively an interest.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a></p>
+
+<p>This is the earliest, and most simple, of the various
+stages through which history is obliged to pass. But,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
+in the course of time, unless unfavourable circumstances
+intervene, society advances, and, among other changes,
+there is one in particular of the greatest importance: I
+mean the introduction of the art of writing, which, before
+many generations are passed, must effect a complete
+alteration in the character of the national traditions.
+The manner in which this occurs has, so far as I am
+aware, never been pointed out; and it will, therefore, be
+interesting to attempt to trace some of its details.</p>
+
+<p>The first, and perhaps the most obvious consideration,
+is that the introduction of the art of writing gives permanence
+to the national knowledge, and thus lessens the
+utility of that oral information, in which all the acquirements
+of an unlettered people must be contained. Hence
+it is, that as a country advances, the influence of tradition
+diminishes, and traditions themselves become less
+trustworthy.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> Besides this, the preservers of these
+traditions lose, in this stage of society, much of their
+former reputation. Among a perfectly unlettered people,
+the singers of ballads are, as we have already seen, the
+sole depositories of those historical facts on which the
+fame, and often the property, of their chieftains principally
+depend. But, when this same nation becomes
+acquainted with the art of writing, it grows unwilling
+to intrust these matters to the memory of itinerant
+singers, and avails itself of its new art to preserve them
+in a fixed and material form. As soon as this is effected,
+the importance of those who repeat the national traditions
+is sensibly diminished. They gradually sink into
+an inferior class, which, having lost its old reputation,
+no longer consists of those superior men to whose abilities
+it owed its former fame.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> Thus we see, that
+although, without letters, there can be no knowledge of
+much importance, it is nevertheless true, that their introduction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
+is injurious to historical traditions in two distinct
+ways: first by weakening the traditions, and secondly
+by weakening the class of men whose occupation it is to
+preserve them.</p>
+
+<p>But this is not all. Not only does the art of writing
+lessen the number of traditionary truths, but it directly
+encourages the propagation of falsehoods. This is
+effected by what may be termed a principle of accumulation,
+to which all systems of belief have been deeply
+indebted. In ancient times, for example, the name of
+Hercules was given to several of those great public
+robbers who scourged mankind, and who, if their
+crimes were successful, as well as enormous, were sure
+after their death to be worshipped as heroes.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> How
+this appellation originated is uncertain; but it was
+probably bestowed at first on a single man, and afterwards
+on those who resembled him in the character of
+their achievements.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> This mode of extending the use
+of a single name is natural to a barbarous people;<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>
+and would cause little or no confusion, as long as the
+traditions of the country remained local and unconnected.
+But as soon as these traditions became fixed
+by a written language, the collectors of them, deceived
+by the similarity of name, assembled the scattered
+facts, and, ascribing to a single man these accumulated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
+exploits, degraded history to the level of a miraculous
+mythology.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> In the same way, soon after the use of
+letters was known in the North of Europe, there was
+drawn up by Saxo Grammaticus the life of the celebrated
+Ragnar Lodbrok. Either from accident or
+design, this great warrior of Scandinavia, who had
+taught England to tremble, had received the same
+name as another Ragnar, who was prince of Jutland
+about a hundred years earlier. This coincidence would
+have caused no confusion, as long as each district preserved
+a distinct and independent account of its own
+Ragnar. But, by possessing the resource of writing,
+men became able to consolidate the separate trains of
+events, and, as it were, fuse two truths into one error.
+And this was what actually happened. The credulous
+Saxo put together the different exploits of both Ragnars,
+and, ascribing the whole of them to his favourite
+hero, has involved in obscurity one of the most interesting
+parts of the early history of Europe.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p>
+
+<p>The annals of the North afford another curious instance
+of this source of error. A tribe of Finns, called
+Quæns, occupied a considerable part of the eastern
+coast of the Gulf of Bothnia. Their country was known
+as Quænland; and this name gave rise to a belief that,
+to the north of the Baltic, there was a nation of Amazons.
+This would easily have been corrected by local
+knowledge; but, by the use of writing, the flying
+rumour was at once fixed; and the existence of such a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
+people is positively affirmed in some of the earliest
+European histories.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> Thus, too, Abo, the ancient
+capital of Finland, was called Turku, which, in the
+Swedish language, means a market-place. Adam of
+Bremen, having occasion to treat of the countries adjoining
+the Baltic,<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> was so misled by the word Turku,
+that this celebrated historian assures his readers that
+there were Turks in Finland.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a></p>
+
+<p>To these illustrations many others might be added,
+showing how mere names deceived the early historians,
+and gave rise to relations which were entirely
+false, and might have been rectified on the spot; but
+which, owing to the art of writing, were carried into
+distant countries, and thus placed beyond the reach of
+contradiction. Of such cases, one more may be mentioned,
+as it concerns the history of England. Richard I.,
+the most barbarous of our princes, was known to his
+contemporaries as the Lion; an appellation conferred
+upon him on account of his fearlessness, and the ferocity
+of his temper.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> Hence it was said that he had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
+the heart of a lion; and the title C&oelig;ur de Lion not
+only became indissolubly connected with his name, but
+actually gave rise to a story, repeated by innumerable
+writers, according to which he slew a lion in single
+combat.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> The name gave rise to the story; the story
+confirmed the name; and another fiction was added to
+that long series of falsehoods of which history mainly
+consisted during the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p>The corruptions of history, thus naturally brought
+about by the mere introduction of letters, were, in
+Europe, aided by an additional cause. With the art
+of writing, there was, in most cases, also communicated
+a knowledge of Christianity; and the new religion
+not only destroyed many of the Pagan traditions, but
+falsified the remainder, by amalgamating them with
+monastic legends. The extent to which this was carried
+would form a curious subject for inquiry; but one
+or two instances of it will perhaps be sufficient to satisfy
+the generality of readers.</p>
+
+<p>Of the earliest state of the great Northern nations
+we have little positive evidence; but several of the lays
+in which the Scandinavian poets related the feats of
+their ancestors, or of their contemporaries, are still
+preserved; and, notwithstanding their subsequent corruption,
+it is admitted by the most competent judges
+that they embody real and historical events. But in
+the ninth and tenth centuries, Christian missionaries
+found their way across the Baltic, and introduced a
+knowledge of their religion among the inhabitants of
+Northern Europe.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> Scarcely was this effected, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
+the sources of history began to be poisoned. At the
+end of the eleventh century, Sæmund Sigfussen, a
+Christian priest, gathered the popular, and hitherto
+unwritten, histories of the North into what is called
+the Elder Edda; and he was satisfied with adding to
+his compilation the corrective of a Christian hymn.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>
+A hundred years later, there was made another collection
+of the native histories; but the principle which I
+have mentioned, having had a longer time to operate,
+now displayed its effects still more clearly. In this
+second collection, which is known by the name of the
+Younger Edda, there is an agreeable mixture of Greek,
+Jewish, and Christian fables; and, for the first time in
+the Scandinavian annals, we meet with the widely
+diffused fiction of a Trojan descent.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p>
+
+<p>If, by way of further illustration, we turn to other
+parts of the world, we shall find a series of facts confirming
+this view. We shall find that, in those countries
+where there has been no change of religion, history is
+more trustworthy and connected than in those countries
+where such a change has taken place. In India, Brahmanism,
+which is still supreme, was established at so
+early a period, that its origin is lost in the remotest
+antiquity.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> The consequence is, that the native annals<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
+have never been corrupted by any new superstition;
+and the Hindus are possessed of historic traditions
+more ancient than can be found among any other Asiatic
+people.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> In the same way, the Chinese have for upwards
+of 2,000 years preserved the religion of Fo, which
+is a form of Buddhism.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> In China, therefore, though
+the civilization has never been equal to that of India,
+there is a history, not, indeed, as old as the natives
+would wish us to believe, but still stretching back to
+several centuries before the Christian era, from whence
+it has been brought down to our own times in an uninterrupted
+succession.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> On the other hand, the Persians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
+whose intellectual development was certainly superior
+to that of the Chinese, are nevertheless without any
+authentic information respecting the early transactions
+of their ancient monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> For this I can see no
+possible reason, except the fact, that Persia, soon after
+the promulgation of the Koran, was conquered by the
+Mohammedans, who completely subverted the Parsee
+religion, and thus interrupted the stream of the national
+traditions.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> Hence it is that, putting aside the myths
+of the Zendavesta, we have no native authorities for
+Persian history of any value, until the appearance, in
+the eleventh century, of the Shah Nameh; in which,
+however, Ferdousi has mingled the miraculous relations
+of those two religions by which his country had been
+successively subjected.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> The result is, that if it were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
+not for the various discoveries which have been made,
+of monuments, inscriptions, and coins, we should be
+compelled to rely on the scanty and inaccurate details
+in the Greek writers for our knowledge of the history
+of one of the most important of the Asiatic monarchies.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></p>
+
+<p>Even among more barbarous nations, we see the same
+principle at work. The Malayo-Polynesian race is well
+known to ethnologists, as covering an immense series of
+islands, extending from Madagascar to within 2,000
+miles of the western coast of America.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> The religion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
+of these widely scattered people was originally Polytheism,
+of which the purest forms were long preserved
+in the Philippine Islands.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> But in the fifteenth century,
+many of the Polynesian nations were converted
+to Mohammedanism;<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> and this was followed by a process
+precisely the same as that which I have pointed
+out in other countries. The new religion, by changing
+the current of the national thoughts, corrupted the
+purity of the national history. Of all the islands in
+the Indian Archipelago, Java was the one which
+reached the highest civilization.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> Now, however, the
+Javanese have not only lost their historical traditions,
+but even those lists of their kings which are extant
+are interpolated with the names of Mohammedan
+saints.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> On the other hand, we find that in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
+adjacent island of Bali, where the old religion is still
+preserved,<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> the legends of Java are remembered and
+cherished by the people.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a></p>
+
+<p>It would be useless to adduce further evidence respecting
+the manner in which, among an imperfectly
+civilized people, the establishment of a new religion will
+always affect the accuracy of their early history. I
+need only observe, that in this way the Christian priests
+have obscured the annals of every European people they
+converted, and have destroyed or corrupted the traditions
+of the Gauls,<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> of the Welsh, of the Irish,<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> of
+the Anglo-Saxons,<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> of the Sclavonic nations,<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> of the
+Finns,<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> and even of the Icelanders.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a></p>
+
+<p>Besides all this, there occurred other circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
+tending in the same direction. Owing to events which
+I shall hereafter explain, the literature of Europe,
+shortly before the final dissolution of the Roman
+Empire, fell entirely into the hands of the clergy, who
+were long venerated as the sole instructors of mankind.
+For several centuries, it was extremely rare to meet
+with a layman who could read or write; and of course
+it was still rarer to meet with one able to compose a
+work. Literature, being thus monopolized by a single
+class, assumed the peculiarities natural to its new
+masters.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> And as the clergy, taken as a body, have
+always looked on it as their business to enforce belief,
+rather than encourage inquiry, it is no wonder if they
+displayed in their writings the spirit incidental to the
+habits of their profession. Hence, as I have already
+observed, literature, during many ages, instead of
+benefiting society, injured it, by increasing credulity,
+and thus stopping the progress of knowledge. Indeed,
+the aptitude for falsehood became so great, that there
+was nothing men were unwilling to believe. Nothing
+came amiss to their greedy and credulous ears. Histories
+of omens, prodigies, apparitions, strange portents,
+monstrous appearances in the heavens, the wildest and
+most incoherent absurdities, were repeated from mouth
+to mouth, and copied from book to book, with as much
+care as if they were the choicest treasures of human
+wisdom.<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> That Europe should ever have emerged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
+from such a state, is the most decisive proof of the
+extraordinary energy of Man, since we cannot even
+conceive a condition of society more unfavourable to
+his progress. But it is evident, that until the emancipation
+was effected, the credulity and looseness of
+thought which were universal, unfitted men for habits
+of investigation, and made it impossible for them to
+engage in a successful study of past affairs, or even
+record with accuracy what was taking place around
+them.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a></p>
+
+<p>If, therefore, we recur to the facts just cited, we may
+say that, omitting several circumstances altogether
+subordinate, there were three leading causes of the
+corruption of the history of Europe in the Middle
+Ages. The first cause was, the sudden introduction
+of the art of writing, and the consequent fusion of
+different local traditions, which, when separate, were
+accurate, but when united were false. The second
+cause was, the change of religion; which acted in two
+ways, producing not merely an interruption of the old
+traditions, but also an interpolation of them. And the
+third cause, probably the most powerful of all, was,
+that history became monopolized by a class of men
+whose professional habits made them quick to believe,
+and who, moreover, had a direct interest in increasing
+the general credulity, since it was the basis upon which
+their own authority was built.</p>
+
+<p>By the operation of these causes, the history of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
+Europe became corrupted to an extent for which we
+can find no parallel in any other period. That there
+was, properly speaking, no history, was the smallest
+part of the inconvenience; but, unhappily, men, not
+satisfied with the absence of truth, supplied its place
+by the invention of falsehood. Among innumerable
+instances of this, there is one species of inventions
+worth noticing, because they evince that love of antiquity,
+which is a marked characteristic of those
+classes by whom history was then written. I allude
+to fictions regarding the origin of different nations, in
+all of which the spirit of the Middle Ages is very discernible.
+During many centuries, it was believed by
+every people that they were directly descended from
+ancestors who had been present at the siege of Troy.
+That was a proposition which no one thought of doubting.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>
+The only question was, as to the details of so illustrious
+a lineage. On this, however, there was a certain
+unanimity of opinion; since, not to mention inferior<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
+countries, it was admitted that the French were descended
+from Francus, whom everybody knew to be
+the son of Hector; and it was also known that the
+Britons came from Brutus, whose father was no other
+than Æneas himself.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></p>
+
+<p>Touching the origin of particular places, the great
+historians of the Middle Ages are equally communicative.
+In the accounts they give of them, as well as
+in the lives they write of eminent men, the history
+usually begins at a very remote period; and the events
+relating to their subject are often traced back, in an
+unbroken series, from the moment when Noah left the
+ark, or even when Adam passed the gates of Paradise.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>
+On other occasions, the antiquity they assign is somewhat
+less; but the range of their information is always
+extraordinary. They say, that the capital of France is
+called after Paris, the son of Priam, because he fled
+there when Troy was overthrown.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> They also mention<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
+that Tours owed its name to being the burial-place of
+Turonus, one of the Trojans;<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> while the city of Troyes
+was actually built by the Trojans, as its etymology
+clearly proves.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> It was well ascertained that Nuremberg
+was called after the Emperor Nero;<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> and Jerusalem
+after King Jebus,<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> a man of vast celebrity in the Middle
+Ages, but whose existence later historians have not
+been able to verify. The river Humber received its
+name because, in ancient times, a king of the Huns
+had been drowned in it.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> The Gauls derived their
+origin, according to some, from Galathia, a female
+descendant of Japhet; according to others, from Gomer,
+the son of Japhet.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> Prussia was called after Prussus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>
+a brother of Augustus.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> This was remarkably modern;
+but Silesia had its name from the prophet Elisha&mdash;from
+whom, indeed, the Silesians descended;<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> while as to
+the city of Zurich, its exact date was a matter of dispute,
+but it was unquestionably built in the time of
+Abraham.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> It was likewise from Abraham and Sarah
+that the gipsies immediately sprung.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> The blood of
+the Saracens was less pure, since they were only
+descended from Sarah&mdash;in what way it is not mentioned;
+but she probably had them by another marriage,
+or, may be, as the fruit of an Egyptian intrigue.<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> At
+all events, the Scotch certainly came from Egypt; for
+they were originally the issue of Scota, who was a
+daughter of Pharaoh, and who bequeathed to them her
+name.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> On sundry similar matters, the Middle Ages<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
+possessed information equally valuable. It was well
+known that the city of Naples was founded on eggs;<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>
+and it was also known, that the order of St. Michael
+was instituted in person by the archangel, who was
+himself the first knight, and to whom, in fact, chivalry
+owes its origin.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> In regard to the Tartars, that people,
+of course, proceeded from Tartarus; which some theologians
+said was an inferior kind of hell, but others
+declared to be hell itself.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> However this might be,
+the fact of their birth-place being from below was
+indisputable, and was proved by many circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
+which showed the fatal and mysterious influence they
+were able to exercise. For the Turks were identical
+with the Tartars; and it was notorious, that since the
+Cross had fallen into Turkish hands, all Christian
+children had ten teeth less than formerly; a universal
+calamity, which there seemed to be no means of repairing.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a></p>
+
+<p>Other points relating to the history of past events
+were cleared up with equal facility. In Europe during
+many centuries, the only animal food in general use
+was pork; beef, veal, and mutton, being comparatively
+unknown.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> It was, therefore, with no small astonishment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
+that the crusaders, on returning from the East,
+told their countrymen that they had been among a
+people who, like the Jews, thought pork unclean, and
+refused to eat it. But the feelings of lively wonder
+which this intelligence excited, were destroyed as soon
+as the cause of the fact was explained. The subject
+was taken up by Mathew Paris, the most eminent historian
+during the thirteenth century, and one of the
+most eminent during the Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> This celebrated
+writer informs us, that the Mohammedans refuse
+to eat pork on account of a singular circumstance which
+happened to their prophet. It appears that Mohammed,
+having, on one occasion, gorged himself with food and
+drink till he was in a state of insensibility, fell asleep
+on a dunghill, and, in this disgraceful condition, was
+seen by a litter of pigs. The pigs attacked the fallen
+prophet, and suffocated him to death; for which reason
+his followers abominate pigs, and refuse to partake of
+their flesh.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> This striking fact explains one great
+peculiarity of the Mohammedans;<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> and another fact,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
+equally striking, explains how it was that their sect
+came into existence. For it was well known, that
+Mohammed was originally a cardinal, and only became
+a heretic because he failed in his design of being elected
+pope.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></p>
+
+<p>In regard to the early history of Christianity, the
+great writers of the Middle Ages were particularly
+inquisitive; and they preserved the memory of events,
+of which otherwise we should have been entirely ignorant.
+After Froissart, the most celebrated historian
+of the fourteenth century, was certainly Mathew of
+Westminster, with whose name, at least, most readers
+are familiar. This eminent man directed his attention,
+among other matters, to the history of Judas, in order
+to discover the circumstances under which the character
+of that arch-apostate was formed. His researches seem
+to have been very extensive; but their principal results
+were, that Judas, when an infant, was deserted by his
+parents, and exposed on an island called Scarioth, from
+whence he received the name of Judas Iscariot. To this
+the historian adds, that after Judas grew up, he, among
+other enormities, slew his own father, and then married
+his own mother.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> The same writer, in another part of
+his history, mentions a fact interesting to those who
+study the antiquities of the Holy See. Some questions
+had been raised as to the propriety of kissing the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
+pope's toe, and even theologians had their doubts
+touching so singular a ceremony. But this difficulty
+also was set at rest by Mathew of Westminster, who
+explains the true origin of the custom. He says, that
+formerly it was usual to kiss the hand of his holiness;
+but that towards the end of the eighth century, a certain
+lewd woman, in making an offering to the pope,
+not only kissed his hand, but also pressed it. The
+pope&mdash;his name was Leo&mdash;seeing the danger, cut off
+his hand, and thus escaped the contamination to which
+he had been exposed. Since that time, the precaution
+has been taken of kissing the pope's toe instead of his
+hand; and lest any one should doubt the accuracy of
+this account, the historian assures us that the hand,
+which had been cut off five or six hundred years before,
+still existed in Rome, and was indeed a standing
+miracle, since it was preserved in the Lateran in its
+original state, free from corruption.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> And as some
+readers might wish to be informed respecting the
+Lateran itself, where the hand was kept, this also is
+considered by the historian, in another part of his
+great work, where he traces it back to the emperor
+Nero. For it is said that this wicked persecutor of
+the faith, on one occasion, vomited a frog covered with
+blood, which he believed to be his own progeny, and
+therefore caused to be shut up in a vault, where it
+remained hidden for some time. Now, in the Latin
+language, <i>latente</i> means hidden, and <i>rana</i> means a
+frog; so that, by putting these two words together,
+we have the origin of the Lateran, which, in fact, was
+built where the frog was found.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></p>
+
+<p>It would be easy to fill volumes with similar notions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
+all of which were devoutly believed in those ages of
+darkness, or, as they have been well called, Ages of
+Faith. Those, indeed, were golden days for the ecclesiastical
+profession, since the credulity of men had
+reached a height which seemed to ensure to the clergy
+a long and universal dominion. How the prospects of
+the church were subsequently darkened, and how the
+human reason began to rebel, will be related in another
+part of this Introduction, where I shall endeavour to
+trace the rise of that secular and sceptical spirit to
+which European civilization owes its origin. But, before
+closing the present chapter, it may be well to give
+a few more illustrations of the opinions held in the
+Middle Ages; and, for this purpose, I will select the
+two historical accounts, which, of all others, were the
+most popular, exercised most influence, and were most
+universally believed.</p>
+
+<p>The histories to which I refer, are those of Arthur
+and Charlemagne; both of which bear the names of
+dignitaries of the church, and were received with the
+respect due to their illustrious authors. That concerning
+Charlemagne is called the Chronicle of Turpin,
+and purports to be written by Turpin, archbishop of
+Rheims, a friend of the emperor and his companion in
+war.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> From some passages it contains, there is reason
+to think that it was really composed at the beginning
+of the twelfth century;<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> but, in the Middle Ages,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
+men were not nice in these matters, and no one was
+likely to dispute its authenticity. Indeed, the name
+of an archbishop of Rheims was sufficient recommendation;
+and we find accordingly, that in the year 1122
+it received the formal approbation of the pope;<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> and
+that Vincent de Beauvais, one of the most celebrated
+writers in the thirteenth century, and tutor to the
+sons of Louis IX., mentions it as a work of value,
+and as being the principal authority for the reign of
+Charlemagne.<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a></p>
+
+<p>A book thus generally read, and sanctioned by such
+competent judges, must be a tolerable standard for
+testing the knowledge and opinions of those times.
+On this account, a short notice of it will be useful for
+our present purpose, as it will enable us to understand
+the extreme slowness with which history has improved,
+and the almost imperceptible steps by which it advanced,
+until fresh life was breathed into it by the
+great thinkers of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>In the Chronicle of Turpin, we are informed that
+the invasion of Spain by Charlemagne took place in
+consequence of the direct instigation of St. James, the
+brother of St. John.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> The apostle, being the cause of
+the attack, adopted measures to secure its success.
+When Charlemagne besieged Pamplona, that city made
+an obstinate resistance; but as soon as prayers were
+offered up by the invaders, the walls suddenly fell to
+the ground.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> After this, the emperor rapidly overran<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
+the whole country, almost annihilated the Mohammedans,
+and built innumerable churches.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> But, the resources
+of Satan are inexhaustible. On the side of the
+enemy, a giant now appeared, whose name was Fenacute,
+and who was descended from Goliath of old.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a>
+This Fenacute was the most formidable opponent the
+Christians had yet encountered. His strength was
+equal to that of forty men;<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> his face measured one
+cubit; his arms and legs four cubits; his total height
+was twenty cubits. Against him Charlemagne sent
+the most eminent warriors; but they were easily discomfited
+by the giant; of whose prodigious force some
+idea may be formed from the fact, that the length even
+of his fingers was three palms.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> The Christians were
+filled with consternation. In vain did more than twenty
+chosen men advance against the giant; not one returned
+from the field; Fenacute took them all under his arms,
+and carried them off into captivity.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> At length the
+celebrated Orlando came forward, and challenged him
+to mortal combat. An obstinate fight ensued; and the
+Christian, not meeting with the success he expected,
+engaged his adversary in a theological discussion.<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a>
+Here the pagan was easily defeated; and Orlando,
+warmed by the controversy, pressed on his enemy,
+smote the giant with his sword, and dealt him a fatal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
+wound. After this, the last hope of the Mohammedans
+was extinct; the Christian arms had finally
+triumphed, and Charlemagne divided Spain among
+those gallant followers who had aided him in effecting
+its conquest.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a></p>
+
+<p>On the history of Arthur, the Middle Ages possessed
+information equally authentic. Different accounts had
+been circulated respecting this celebrated king;<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> but
+their comparative value was still unsettled, when, early
+in the twelfth century, the subject attracted the attention
+of Geoffrey, the well-known Archdeacon of Monmouth.
+This eminent man, in <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1147, published the
+result of his inquiries, in a work which he called
+<i>History of the Britons</i>.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> In this book, he takes a
+comprehensive view of the whole question; and not
+only relates the life of Arthur, but also traces the circumstances
+which prepared the way for the appearance
+of that great conqueror. In regard to the actions of
+Arthur, the historian was singularly fortunate, inasmuch
+as the materials necessary for that part of his
+subject were collected by Walter Archdeacon of Oxford,
+who was a friend of Geoffrey, and who, like him, took
+great interest in the study of history.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> The work is,
+therefore, the joint composition of the two archdeacons;
+and is entitled to respect, not only on this account, but
+also because it was one of the most popular of all the
+productions of the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p>The earlier part of this great history is occupied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
+with the result of those researches which the Archdeacon
+of Monmouth had made into the state of Britain
+before the accession of Arthur. With this we are not
+so much concerned; though it may be mentioned, that
+the archdeacon ascertained that, after the capture of
+Troy, Ascanius fled from the city, and begat a son,
+who became father to Brutus.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> In those days, England
+was peopled by giants, all of whom were slain by
+Brutus; who, having extirpated the entire race, built
+London, settled the affairs of the country, and called
+it, after himself, by the name of Britain.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> The archdeacon
+proceeds to relate the actions of a long line of
+kings who succeeded Brutus, most of whom were remarkable
+for their abilities, and some were famous for
+the prodigies which occurred in their time. Thus,
+during the government of Rivallo, it rained blood for
+three consecutive days;<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> and when Morvidus was on
+the throne, the coasts were infested by a horrid sea-monster,
+which, having devoured innumerable persons,
+at length swallowed the king himself.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a></p>
+
+<p>These and similar matters are related by the Archdeacon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
+of Monmouth as the fruit of his own inquiries;
+but in the subsequent account of Arthur, he was aided
+by his friend the Archdeacon of Oxford. The two
+archdeacons inform their readers, that King Arthur
+owed his existence to a magical contrivance of Merlin,
+the celebrated wizard; the particulars of which they
+relate with a minuteness which, considering the sacred
+character of the historians, is rather remarkable.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> The
+subsequent actions of Arthur did not belie his supernatural
+origin. His might nothing was able to withstand.
+He slew an immense number of Saxons; he
+overran Norway, invaded Gaul, fixed his court at
+Paris, and made preparations to effect the conquest of
+all Europe.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> He engaged two giants in single combat,
+and killed them both. One of these giants, who
+inhabited the Mount of St. Michael, was the terror of
+the whole country, and destroyed all the soldiers sent
+against him, except those he took prisoners, in order to
+eat them while they were yet alive.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> But he fell a
+victim to the prowess of Arthur; as also did another
+giant, named Ritho, who was, if possible, still more
+formidable. For Ritho, not content with warring on
+men of the meaner sort, actually clothed himself in
+furs which were entirely made of the beards of the
+kings he had killed.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the statements which, under the name of
+history, were laid before the world in the twelfth century;
+and that, too, not by obscure writers, but by
+high dignitaries of the church. Nor was anything<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
+wanting by which the success of the work might be
+ensured. Its vouchers were the Archdeacon of Monmouth,
+and the Archdeacon of Oxford; it was dedicated
+to Robert Earl of Gloucester, the son of Henry I.;
+and it was considered so important a contribution to
+the national literature, that its principal author was
+raised to the bishopric of Asaph,&mdash;a preferment which
+he is said to owe to his success in investigating the
+annals of English history.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> A book thus stamped
+with every possible mark of approbation, is surely no
+bad measure of the age in which it was admired. Indeed,
+the feeling was so universal, that, during several
+centuries, there are not more than two or three instances
+of any critic suspecting its accuracy.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> A Latin abridgment
+of it was published by the well-known historian,
+Alfred of Beverley;<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> and, in order that it might be
+more generally known, it was translated into English
+by Layamon,<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> and into Anglo-Norman, first by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
+Gaimar, and afterwards by Wace;<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> zealous men, who
+were anxious that the important truths it contained
+should be diffused as widely as circumstances would
+allow.</p>
+
+<p>It will hardly be necessary that I should adduce further
+evidence of the way in which history was written
+during the Middle Ages; for the preceding specimens
+have not been taken at random, but have been selected
+from the ablest and most celebrated authors; and as
+such present a very favourable type of the knowledge
+and judgment of Europe in those days. In the fourteenth
+and fifteenth centuries, there appeared, for the
+first time, faint signs of an approaching change;<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> but
+this improvement was not very marked until late in the
+sixteenth century, or even early in the seventeenth.
+The principal steps of this interesting movement will
+be traced in another part of the Introduction, when I
+shall show, that although in the seventeenth century
+the progress was unmistakable, there was no attempt
+to take a comprehensive view of history until nearly
+the middle of the eighteenth century; when the subject
+was studied, first by the great French thinkers, then
+by one or two of the Scotch, and, some years later, by
+the Germans. This reformation of history was connected,
+as I shall point out, with other intellectual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
+changes, which corresponded to it, and which affected
+the social relations of all the principal countries of
+Europe. But, without anticipating what will be found
+in another part of this volume, it is sufficient to say,
+that not only was no history written before the end of
+the sixteenth century, but that the state of society was
+such as to make it impossible for one to be written.
+The knowledge of Europe was not yet ripe enough to
+enable it to be successfully applied to the study of past
+events. For we are not to suppose that the deficiencies
+of the early historians were caused by a lack of natural
+abilities. The average intellect of men is probably
+always the same; but the pressure exercised on them
+by society is constantly varying. It was, therefore,
+the general condition of society, which, in former days,
+compelled even the ablest writers to believe the most
+childish absurdities. Until that condition was altered,
+the existence of history was impossible, because it
+was impossible to find any one who knew what was
+most important to relate, what to reject, and what to
+believe.</p>
+
+<p>The consequence was, that even when history was
+studied by men of such eminent abilities as Macchiavelli
+and Bodin, they could turn it to no better account than
+to use it as a vehicle for political speculations; and in
+none of their works do we find the least attempt to
+rise to generalizations large enough to include all
+the social phenomena. The same remark applies to
+Comines, who, though inferior to Macchiavelli and
+Bodin, was an observer of no ordinary acuteness, and
+certainly displays a rare sagacity in his estimation of
+particular characters. But this was due to his own
+intellect; while the age in which he lived made him
+superstitious, and, for the larger purposes of history,
+miserably shortsighted. His shortsightedness is strikingly
+shown in his utter ignorance of that great intellectual
+movement, which, in his own time, was rapidly
+overthrowing the feudal institutions of the Middle
+Ages; but to which he never once alludes, reserving
+his attention for those trivial political intrigues in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
+relation of which he believed history to consist.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> As
+to his superstition, it would be idle to give many instances
+of that; since no man could live in the fifteenth
+century without having his mind enfeebled by the
+universal credulity. It may, however, be observed,
+that though he was personally acquainted with statesmen
+and diplomatists, and had, therefore, the fullest
+opportunity of seeing how enterprises of the fairest
+promise are constantly ruined, merely by the incapacity
+of those who undertake them, he, on all important
+occasions, ascribes such failure, not to the real cause,
+but to the immediate interference of the Deity. So
+marked, and so irresistible, was the tendency of the
+fifteenth century, that this eminent politician, a man of
+the world, and well skilled in the arts of life, deliberately
+asserts that battles are lost, not because the army
+is ill supplied, nor because the campaign is ill conceived,
+nor because the general is incompetent; but because
+the people or their prince are wicked, and Providence
+seeks to punish them. For, says Comines, war is a
+great mystery; and being used by God as the means of
+accomplishing his wishes, He gives victory, sometimes
+to one side, sometimes to the other.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> Hence, too,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
+disturbances occur in the state, solely by divine disposition;
+and they never would happen, except that
+princes or kingdoms, having become prosperous,
+forget the source from which their prosperity proceeded.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such attempts as these, to make politics a mere
+branch of theology,<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> are characteristic of the time;
+and they are the more interesting, as the work of a man
+of great ability, and of one, too, who had grown old in
+the experience of public life. When views of this sort
+were advocated, not by a monk in his cloister, but by a
+distinguished statesman, well versed in public affairs,
+we may easily imagine what was the average intellectual
+condition of those who were every way his inferiors.
+It is but too evident, that from them nothing could be
+expected; and that many steps had yet to be taken,
+before Europe could emerge from the superstition in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
+which it was sunk, and break through those grievous
+impediments which hindered its future progress.</p>
+
+<p>But, though much remained to be done, there can be
+no doubt that the movement onward was uninterrupted,
+and that, even while Comines was writing, there were
+unequivocal symptoms of a great and decisive change.
+Still, they were only indications of what was approaching;
+and about a hundred years elapsed, after his death,
+before the progress was apparent in the whole of its
+results. For, though the Protestant Reformation was
+a consequence of this progress, it was for some time
+unfavourable to it, by encouraging the ablest men in
+the discussion of questions inaccessible to human reason,
+and thus diverting them from subjects in which their
+efforts would have been available for the general purposes
+of civilization. Hence we find, that little was
+really accomplished until the end of the sixteenth century,
+when, as we shall see in the next two chapters,
+the theological fervour began to subside in England
+and France, and the way was prepared for that purely
+secular philosophy, of which Bacon and Descartes were
+the exponents, but by no means the creators.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> This
+epoch belongs to the seventeenth century, and from it
+we may date the intellectual regeneration of Europe;
+just as from the eighteenth century we may date its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
+social regeneration. But during the greater part of the
+sixteenth century, the credulity was still universal,
+since it affected not merely the lowest and most ignorant
+classes, but even those who were best educated. Of
+this innumerable proofs might be given; though, for
+the sake of brevity, I will confine myself to two
+instances, which are particularly striking, from the
+circumstances attending them, and from the influence
+they exercised over men who might be supposed little
+liable to similar delusions.</p>
+
+<p>At the end of the fifteenth, and early in the sixteenth
+century, St&oelig;ffler, the celebrated astronomer, was professor
+of mathematics at Tübingen. This eminent man
+rendered great services to astronomy, and was one of
+the first who pointed out the way of remedying the
+errors in the Julian calendar, according to which time
+was then computed.<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> But neither his abilities nor
+his knowledge could protect him against the spirit of
+his age. In 1524, he published the result of some
+abstruse calculations, in which he had been long engaged,
+and by which he had ascertained the remarkable
+fact, that in that same year the world would again be
+destroyed by a deluge. This announcement, made by a
+man of such eminence, and made, too, with the utmost
+confidence, caused a lively and universal alarm.<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>
+News of the approaching event was rapidly circulated,
+and Europe was filled with consternation. To avoid
+the first shock, those who had houses by the sea, or on
+rivers, abandoned them;<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> while others, perceiving that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
+such measures could only be temporary, adopted more
+active precautions. It was suggested that, as a preliminary
+step, the Emperor Charles V. should appoint
+inspectors to survey the country, and mark those places
+which, being least exposed to the coming flood, would
+be most likely to afford a shelter. That this should be
+done, was the wish of the imperial general, who was
+then stationed at Florence, and by whose desire a work
+was written recommending it.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> But the minds of
+men were too distracted for so deliberate a plan; and
+besides, as the height of the flood was uncertain, it was
+impossible to say whether it would not reach the top of
+the most elevated mountains. In the midst of these
+and similar schemes, the fatal day drew near, and nothing
+had yet been contrived on a scale large enough
+to meet the evil. To enumerate the different proposals
+which were made and rejected, would fill a long chapter.
+One proposal is, however, worth noticing, because it
+was carried into effect with great zeal, and is, moreover,
+very characteristic of the age. An ecclesiastic of the
+name of Auriol, who was then professor of canon law
+at the University of Toulouse, revolved in his own
+mind various expedients by which this universal disaster
+might be mitigated. At length it occurred to him
+that it was practicable to imitate the course which, on
+a similar emergency, Noah had adopted with eminent
+success. Scarcely was the idea conceived, when it was
+put into execution. The inhabitants of Toulouse lent
+their aid; and an ark was built, in the hope that some
+part, at least, of the human species might be preserved,
+to continue their race, and repeople the earth, after the
+waters should have subsided, and the land again become
+dry.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a></p>
+
+<p>About seventy years after this alarm had passed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
+away, there happened another circumstance, which for
+a time afforded occupation to the most celebrated men
+in one of the principal countries of Europe. At the
+end of the sixteenth century, terrible excitement was
+caused by a report that a golden tooth had appeared in
+the jaw of a child born in Silesia. The rumour, on
+being investigated, turned out to be too true. It became
+impossible to conceal it from the public; and the
+miracle was soon known all over Germany, where, being
+looked on as a mysterious omen, universal anxiety was
+felt as to what this new thing might mean. Its real
+import was first unfolded by Dr. Horst. In 1595, this
+eminent physician published the result of his researches,
+by which it appears that, at the birth of the child, the
+sun was in conjunction with Saturn, at the sign Aries.
+The event, therefore, though supernatural, was by no
+means alarming. The golden tooth was the precursor
+of a golden age, in which the emperor would drive the
+Turks from Christendom, and lay the foundations of an
+empire that would last for thousands of years. And
+this, says Horst, is clearly alluded to by Daniel, in his
+well-known second chapter, where the prophet speaks
+of a statue with a golden head.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> For an account of the ancient bards of Gaul, see the
+<i>Benedictine Hist. Lit. de la France</i>, vol. i. part i. pp. 25&ndash;28. Those
+of Scotland are noticed in <i>Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands</i>, p. 89;
+and for a modern instance in the island of Col, near Mull, see <i>Otter's
+Life of Clarke</i>, vol. i. p. 307. As to the Irish bards in the seventh
+century, see <i>Sharon Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 571.
+Spenser's account of them in the sixteenth century (<i>Somers Tracts</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 590, 591) shows that the order was then falling into
+contempt; and in the seventeenth century this is confirmed by Sir
+William Temple; <i>Essay on Poetry</i>, in <i>Temple's Works</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+431, 432. But it was not till the eighteenth century that they became
+extinct; for Mr. Prior (<i>Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. pp. 36, 37) says,
+that Carolan, &lsquo;the last of the ancient Irish bards,&rsquo; died in 1738.
+Without them the memory of many events would have been entirely lost;
+since, even at the end of the seventeenth century, there being no
+registers in Ireland, the ordinary means of recording facts were so
+little known, that parents often took the precaution of having the names
+and ages of children marked on their arms with gunpowder. See <i>Kirkman's
+Memoirs of Charles Macklin</i>, 8vo. 1799, vol. i. pp. 144, 145, a curious
+book. Compare, respecting Carolan, <i>Nichols's Illustrations of the
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. vii. pp. 688&ndash;694.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> On these Toolholos, as they are called, see <i>Huc's Travels
+in Tartary, Thibet, and China</i>, vol. i. pp. 65&ndash;67. Huc says, p. 67,
+&lsquo;These poet-singers, who remind us of the minstrels and rhapsodists of
+Greece, are also very numerous in China; but they are, probably, no
+where so numerous or so popular as in Thibet.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> On the bards of the Deccan, see <i>Wilks's History of the
+South of India</i>, 4to. 1810, vol. i. pp. 20, 21, and <i>Transac. of the
+Bombay Soc.</i> vol. i. p. 162. For those of other parts of India, see
+<i>Heber's Journey</i>, vol. ii. pp. 452&ndash;455; <i>Burnes on the North-west
+Frontier of India</i>, in <i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. iv. pp. 110, 111;
+<i>Prinsep</i>, in <i>Journal of Asiat. Soc.</i> vol. viii. p. 395; <i>Forbes's
+Oriental Memoirs</i>, vol. i. pp. 376, 377, 543; and <i>Asiatic Researches</i>,
+vol. ix. p. 78. They are mentioned in the oldest Veda, which is also the
+oldest of all the Indian books. See <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, vol. i. p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> See <i>Burton's Sindh</i>, p. 56, 8vo. 1851.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> <i>Burton's Sindh</i>, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> <i>Burnes's Travels into Bokhara</i>, 8vo. 1834, vol. ii. pp.
+107, 115, 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> <i>Clarke's Travels</i>, 8vo. 1816, vol. ii. p. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Compare <i>Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians</i>, vol. ii. p. 304,
+with <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol i. p. 96, vol. ii. p. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> I have mislaid my note on the bards of Western Africa, and
+can only refer to a hasty notice in <i>Mungo Park's Travels</i>, vol. i. p.
+70. 8vo. 1817.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> <i>Buchanan's Sketches of the North-American Indians</i>, p.
+337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> <i>Prescott's History of Peru</i>, vol. i. pp. 31, 32, 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> <i>Ellis</i>, <i>Polynesian Researches</i>, vol. i. pp. 85, 199,
+411; <i>Ellis</i>, <i>Tour through Hawaii</i>, p. 91. Compare <i>Cook's Voyages</i>,
+vol. v. p. 237, with <i>Beechey's Voyage to the Pacific</i>, vol. ii. p. 106.
+Some of these ballads have been collected, but, I believe, not
+published. See <i>Cheever's Sandwich Islands</i>, 8vo. 1851, p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> It is a singular proof of the carelessness with which the
+history of barbarous nations has been studied, that authors constantly
+assert rhyme to be a comparatively recent contrivance; and even
+Pinkerton, writing to Laing in 1799, says, &lsquo;Rhyme was not known in
+Europe till about the ninth century.&rsquo; <i>Pinkerton's Literary
+Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 92. The truth is, that rhyme was not only
+known to the ancient Greeks and Romans, but was used, long before the
+date Pinkerton mentions, by the Anglo-Saxons, by the Irish, by the
+Welsh, and, I believe, by the Brétons. See <i>Mure's Hist. of the
+Literature of Greece</i>, vol. ii. p. 113; <i>Hallam's Lit. of Europe</i>, vol.
+i. p. 31; <i>Villemarqué</i>, <i>Chants Populaires de la Bretagne</i>, vol. i. pp.
+lviii. lix. compared with <i>Souvestre</i>, <i>les Derniers Bretons</i>, p. 143;
+<i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii. pp. 383, 643, vol. vii.
+pp. 324, 328, 330. Rhyme is also used by the Fantees (<i>Bowdich</i>,
+<i>Mission to Ashantee</i>, p. 358); by the Persians (<i>Transac. of Bombay
+Soc.</i> vol. ii. p. 82); by the Chinese (<i>Transac. of Asiatic Soc.</i> vol.
+ii. pp. 407, 409, and <i>Davis's Chinese</i>, vol. ii. p. 269); by the Malays
+(<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. x. pp. 176, 196); by the Javanese
+(<i>Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago</i>, vol. ii. pp. 19, 20); and
+by the Siamese (<i>Transac. of Asiatic Soc.</i> vol. iii. p. 299).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> The habit thus acquired, long survives the circumstances
+which made it necessary. During many centuries, the love of
+versification was so widely diffused, that works in rhyme were composed
+on nearly all subjects, even in Europe; and this practice, which marks
+the ascendency of the imagination, is, as I have shown, a characteristic
+of the great Indian civilization, where the understanding was always in
+abeyance. On early French historians who wrote in rhyme, see <i>Monteil</i>,
+<i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. vi. p. 147. Montucla (<i>Hist. des
+Mathémat.</i> vol. i. p. 506) mentions a mathematical treatise, written in
+the thirteenth century, &lsquo;en vers techniques.&rsquo; Compare the remarks of
+Matter (<i>Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie</i>, vol. ii. pp. 179&ndash;183) on the
+scientific poetry of Aratus; and on that of Hygin, p. 250. Thus, too, we
+find an Anglo-Norman writing &lsquo;the Institutes of Justinian in verse;&rsquo;
+<i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. vii. p. 307: and a Polish historian
+composing &lsquo;his numerous works on genealogy and heraldry mostly in
+rhyme.&rsquo; <i>Talvi's Language and Literature of the Slavic Nations</i>, 8vo.
+1850, p. 246. Compare <i>Origines du Droit Français</i>, in
+<i>&#338;uvres de Michelet</i>, vol. ii. p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Mr. Ellis, a missionary in the South-Sea Islands, says of
+the inhabitants, &lsquo;Their traditionary ballads were a kind of standard, or
+classical authority, to which they referred for the purpose of
+determining any disputed fact in their history.&rsquo; And when doubts arose,
+&lsquo;as they had no records to which they could at such times refer, they
+could only oppose one oral tradition to another; which unavoidably
+involved the parties in protracted, and often obstinate debates.&rsquo;
+<i>Ellis</i>, <i>Polynesian Researches</i>, vol. i. pp. 202, 203. Compare
+<i>Elphinstone's Hist. of India</i>, p. 66; <i>Laing's Heimskringla</i>, 8vo.
+1844, vol. i. pp. 50, 51; <i>Twell's Life of Pocock</i>, edit. 1816, p. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> The inspiration of poetry is sometimes explained by its
+spontaneousness (<i>Cousin</i>, <i>Hist. de la Philosophie</i>, II<sup>e</sup> série,
+vol. i. pp. 135, 136); and there can be no doubt that one cause of the
+reverence felt for great poets, is the necessity they seem to experience
+of pouring out their thoughts without reference to their own wishes.
+Still, it will, I believe, be found, that the notion of poetry being a
+divine art is most rife in those states of society in which knowledge is
+monopolised by the bards, and in which the bards are both priests and
+historians. On this combination of pursuits, compare a note in
+<i>Malcolm's Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. i. p. 90, with <i>Mure's Hist. of the
+Lit. of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 148, vol. ii. p. 228, and <i>Petrie's</i> learned
+work, <i>Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland</i>, Dublin, 1845, p. 354.
+For evidence of the great respect paid to bards, see <i>Mallet's Northern
+Antiquities</i>, pp. 234&ndash;236; <i>Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen</i>, pp. 50,
+51; <i>Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit.</i> vol. i. p. 3; <i>Warton's Hist. of English
+Poetry</i>, 1840, vol. i. pp. xxvi. xl.; <i>Grote's Hist. of Greece</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 182, 1st edit.; and on their important duties, see the laws
+of M&oelig;lmund, <i>Villemarqué</i>, <i>Chants Populaires de la Bretagne</i>, 1846,
+vol. i. pp. v. and vi.; <i>Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. i. p. 229;
+and <i>Origines du Droit</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Michelet</i>, vol. ii. p. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> <i>Villemarqué</i>, <i>Chants Populaires</i>, vol. i. p. lv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> As to the general accuracy of the early ballads, which has
+been rashly attacked by several writers, and among others by Sir Walter
+Scott, see <i>Villemarqué</i>, <i>Chants Populaires</i>, vol. i. pp. xxv.&ndash;xxxi.,
+and <i>Talvi's Slavic Nations</i>, p. 150. On the tenacity of oral tradition,
+compare <i>Niebuhr's History of Rome</i>, 1847, vol. i. p. 230, with <i>Laing's
+Denmark</i>, pp. 197, 198, 350; <i>Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen</i>, pp. 38,
+39, 57&ndash;59. Another curious illustration of this is, that several
+barbarous nations continue to repeat the old traditions in the old
+words, for so many generations, that at length the very language becomes
+unintelligible to the majority of those who recite them. See <i>Mariner's
+Account of the Tonga Islands</i>, vol. i. p. 156, vol. ii. p. 217, and
+<i>Catlin's North-American Indians</i>, vol. i. p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> That the invention of letters would at first weaken the
+memory, is noticed in Plato's Phædrus, chap. 135 (<i>Platonis Opera</i>, vol.
+i. p. 187, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826); where, however, the argument is
+pushed rather too far.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> This inevitable decline in the ability of the bards is
+noticed, though, as it appears to me, from a wrong point of view, in
+<i>Mure's Literat. of Greece</i>, vol. ii. p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Varro mentions forty-four of these vagabonds, who were all
+called Hercules. See a learned article in <i>Smith's Biog. and Mythology</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 401, 8vo. 1846. See also <i>Mackay's Religious Development of
+the Greeks and Hebrews</i>, vol. ii. pp. 71&ndash;79. On the relation between
+Hercules and Melcarth, compare <i>Matter</i>, <i>Hist. du Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i.
+p. 257, with <i>Heeren's Asiatic Nations</i>, vol. i. p. 295, 8vo. 1846. And
+as to the Hercules of Egypt, <i>Prichard's Analysis of Egyptian
+Mythology</i>, 1838, pp. 109, 115&ndash;119. As to the confusion of the different
+Hercules by the Dorians, see <i>Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. i. p.
+257; and compare p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> This appears to be the opinion of Frederick Schlegel;
+<i>Schlegel's Lectures on the History of Literature</i>, Edinb. 1818, vol. i.
+p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> The habit of generalizing names precedes that more
+advanced state of society in which men generalize phenomena. If this
+proposition is universally true, which I take it to be, it will throw
+some light on the history of disputes between the nominalists and the
+realists.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> We may form an idea of the fertility of this source of
+error from the fact, that in Egypt there were fifty-three cities bearing
+the same name: &lsquo;L'auteur du Kamous nous apprend qu'il y a en Egypte
+cinquante-trois villes du nom de Schobra: en effet, j'ai retrouvé tous
+ces noms dans les deux dénombremens déjà cités.&rsquo; <i>Quatremère</i>,
+<i>Recherches sur la Langue et la Littérature de l'Egypte</i>, p. 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> On this confusion respecting Ragnar Lodbrok, see <i>Geijer's
+History of Sweden</i>, part i. pp. 13, 14; <i>Lappenberg's Anglo-Saxon
+Kings</i>, vol. ii. p. 31; <i>Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen</i>, p. 150;
+<i>Mallet's Northern Antiquities</i>, p. 383; <i>Crichton's Scandinavia</i>, vol.
+i. p. 116. A comparison of these passages will justify the sarcastic
+remark of Koch on the history of Swedish and Danish heroes; <i>Koch</i>,
+<i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol. i. p. 57 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> <i>Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind</i>, vol. iii. p. 273.
+The Norwegians still give to the Finlanders the name of Quæner. See
+<i>Dillon's Lapland and Iceland</i>, 8vo. 1840, vol. ii. p. 221. Compare
+<i>Laing's Sweden</i>, pp. 45, 47. The Amazon river in South America owes its
+name to a similar fable. <i>Henderson's Hist. of Brazil</i>, p. 453;
+<i>Southey's Hist. of Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 112; <i>M'Culloh's Researches
+concerning America</i>, pp. 407, 408; and <i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. xv.
+p. 65, for an account of the wide diffusion of this error.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Sharon Turner (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. iv. p. 30) calls
+him &lsquo;the Strabo of the Baltic;&rsquo; and it was from him that most of the
+geographers in the Middle Ages derived their knowledge of the North.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> &lsquo;It was called in Finnish <i>Turku</i>, from the Swedish word
+<i>torg</i>, which signifies a market-place. The sound of this name misled
+Adam of Bremen into the belief that there were Turks in Finland.&rsquo;
+<i>Cooley's Hist. of Maritime and Inland Discovery</i>, London, 1830, vol. i.
+p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> The chronicler of his crusade says, that he was called
+Lion on account of his never pardoning an offence: &lsquo;Nihil injuriarum
+reliquit inultum: unde et unus (<i>i.e.</i> the King of France) dictus est
+Agnus a Griffonibus, alter Leonis nomen accepit.&rsquo; <i>Chronicon Ricardi
+Divisiensis de Rebus gestis Ricardi Primi</i>, edit. Stevenson, Lond. 1838,
+p. 18. Some of the Egyptian kings received the name of Lion &lsquo;from their
+heroic exploits.&rsquo; <i>Vyse on the Pyramids</i>, vol. iii. p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> See Price's learned Preface to <i>Warton's History of
+English Poetry</i>, vol. i. p. 21; and on the similar story of Henry the
+Lion, see <i>Maury</i>, <i>Légendes du Moyen Age</i>, p. 160. Compare the account
+of Duke Godfrey's conflict with a bear, in <i>Matthæi Paris Historia
+Major</i>, p. 29, Lond. 1684, folio. I should not be surprised if the story
+of Alexander and the Lion (<i>Thirlwall's History of Greece</i>, vol. vi. p.
+305) were equally fabulous.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> The first missionary was Ebbo, about the year 822. He was
+followed by Anschar, who afterwards pushed his enterprise as far as
+Sweden. The progress was, however, slow; and it was not till the latter
+half of the 11th century that Christianity was established firmly in the
+North. See <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. v. pp. 373, 374, 379,
+380, 400&ndash;402; <i>Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 188, 215, 216;
+<i>Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands</i>, p. 125. It is often supposed that
+some of the Danes in Ireland were Christians as early as the reign of
+Ivar I.; but this is a mistake, into which Ledwich fell by relying on a
+coin, which in reality refers to Ivar II. <i>Petrie's Ecclesiastical
+Architecture of Ireland</i>, p. 225; and <i>Ledwich's Antiquities of
+Ireland</i>, p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Mr. Wheaton (<i>History of Northmen</i>, p. 60) says, that
+Sæmund &lsquo;merely added one song of his own composition, of a moral and
+Christian religious tendency; so as thereby to consecrate and leaven, as
+it were, the whole mass of Paganism.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> <i>Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen</i>, pp. 89, 90; <i>Mallet's
+Northern Antiquities</i>, pp. 377, 378, 485; <i>Schlegel's Lectures on the
+History of Literature</i>, vol. i. p. 265. Indeed, these interpolations are
+so numerous, that the earlier German antiquaries believed the Edda to be
+a forgery by the northern monks,&mdash;a paradox which Müller refuted more
+than forty years ago. <i>Note in Wheaton</i>, p. 61. Compare <i>Palgrave's
+English Commonwealth, Anglo-Saxon Period</i>, vol. i. p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> As is evident from the conflicting statements made by the
+best orientalists, each of whom has some favourite hypothesis of his own
+respecting its origin. It is enough to say, that we have no account of
+India existing without Brahmanism; and as to its real history, nothing
+can be understood, until more steps have been taken towards generalizing
+the laws which regulate the growth of religious opinions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Dr. Prichard (<i>Physical Hist. of Mankind</i>, vol. iv. pp.
+101&ndash;105) thinks that the Hindus have a history beginning B.C. 1391.
+Compare <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. i. pp. 311, 312. Mr. Wilson says,
+that even the genealogies in the Puranas are, &lsquo;in all probability, much
+more authentic than has been sometimes supposed.&rsquo; Wilson's note in
+<i>Mill's Hist. of India</i>, vol. i. pp. 161, 162. See also his preface to
+the <i>Vishnu Purana</i>, p. lxv.; and <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. v. p. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> <i>Journal of Asiatic Soc.</i> vol. vi. p. 251; <i>Herder</i>, <i>Ideen
+zur Geschichte</i>, vol. iv. p. 70; <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. i. p.
+104. I learn from a note in <i>Erman's Siberia</i>, vol. ii. p. 306, that one
+of the missionaries gravely suggests that &lsquo;Buddhism originated in the
+errors of the Manichæans, and is therefore but an imitation of
+Christianity.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> M. Bunsen says, that the Chinese have &lsquo;a regular
+chronology, extending back 3,000 years <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>&rsquo; <i>Bunsen's Egypt</i>, vol. i. p.
+240. See also <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. p. 475, vol. iv. p. 455;
+<i>Renouard</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. i. pp. 47, 48; and the statements
+of Klaproth and Rémusat, in <i>Prichard's Physical Hist.</i> vol. iv. pp.
+476, 477. The superior exactness of the Chinese annals is sometimes
+ascribed to their early knowledge of printing, with which they claim to
+have been acquainted in B.C. 1100. <i>Meidinger's Essay</i>, in <i>Journal of
+Statistical Society</i>, vol. iii. p. 163. But the fact is, that printing
+was unknown in China till the ninth or tenth century after Christ, and
+moveable types were not invented before 1041. <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 623; <i>Transac. of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. i. p. 7; <i>Journal
+Asiatique</i>, vol. i. p. 137, Paris, 1822; <i>Davis's Chinese</i>, vol. i. pp.
+174, 178, vol. iii. p. 1. There are some interesting papers on the early
+history of China in <i>Journal of Asiat. Soc.</i> vol. i. pp. 57&ndash;86, 213&ndash;222,
+vol. ii. pp. 166&ndash;171, 276&ndash;287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> &lsquo;From the death of Alexander (323 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) to the reign of
+Ardeshir Babegan (Artaxerxes), the founder of the Sassanian dynasty (200
+<span class="smcap">a.d.</span>), a period of more than five centuries, is almost a blank in the
+Persian history.&rsquo; <i>Troyer's Preliminary Discourse to the Dabistan</i>, 8vo.
+1843, vol. i. pp. lv. lvi. See to the same effect <i>Erskine on the
+Zend-Avesta</i>, in <i>Transac. of Soc. of Bombay</i>, vol. ii. pp. 303&ndash;305; and
+<i>Malcolm's Hist. of Persia</i>, vol. i. p. 68. The ancient Persian
+traditions are said to have been Pehlvi; <i>Malcolm</i>, vol. i. pp. 501&ndash;505;
+but if so, they have all perished, p. 555: compare Rawlinson's note in
+<i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. x. p. 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> On the antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old
+Persian history, see a note in <i>Grote's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. i. p.
+623. Even at present, or, at all events, during this century, the best
+education in Persia consisted in learning the elements of Arabic
+grammar, &lsquo;logic, jurisprudence, the traditions of their prophet, and the
+commentaries on the Koran.&rsquo; <i>Vans Kennedy on Persian Literature</i>, in
+<i>Transac. of Bombay Society</i>, vol. ii. p. 62. In the same way the
+Mohammedans neglected the old history of India, and would, no doubt,
+have destroyed or corrupted it; but they never had anything like the
+hold of India that they had of Persia, and, above all, they were unable
+to displace the native religion. However, their influence, so far as it
+went, was unfavourable; and Mr. Elphinstone (<i>Hist. of India</i>, p. 468)
+says, that till the sixteenth century there was no instance of a
+Mussulman carefully studying Hindu literature.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> On the Shah Nameh, see <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iv.
+pp. 544, 545, vol. v. p. 594; <i>Mill's Hist. of India</i>, vol. ii. pp. 64,
+65; <i>Journal of Asiatic Society</i>, vol. iv. p. 225. It is supposed by a
+very high authority that the Persian cuneiform inscriptions &lsquo;will enable
+us, in the end, to introduce something like chronological accuracy and
+order into the myths and traditions embodied in the Shah Nameh.&rsquo;
+<i>Rawlinson on the Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia</i>, in <i>Journal of
+Asiat. Soc.</i> vol. xii. p. 446.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> On the ignorance of the Greeks respecting Persian history,
+see Vans Kennedy, in <i>Transac. of Soc. of Bombay</i>, vol. ii. pp. 119,
+127&ndash;129, 136. Indeed, this learned writer says (p. 138) he is &lsquo;inclined
+to suspect that no Greek author ever derived his information from any
+native of Persia Proper, that is, of the country to the east of the
+Euphrates.&rsquo; See also on the perplexities in Persian chronology, <i>Grote's
+Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. vi. p. 496, vol. ix. p. 3, vol. x. p. 405; and
+<i>Donaldson's New Cratylus</i>, 1839, p. 87 note. As to the foolish stories
+which the Greeks relate respecting Achæmenes, compare <i>Malcolm's Hist.
+of Persia</i>, vol. i. p. 18, with <i>Heeren's Asiatic Nations</i>, vol. i. p.
+243. Even Herodotus, who is invaluable in regard to Egypt, is not to be
+relied upon for Persia; as was noticed long ago by Sir W. Jones, in the
+preface to his <i>Nader Shah</i> (<i>Jones's Works</i>, vol. v. p. 540), and is
+partly admitted by Mr. Mure (<i>History of the Literature of Ancient
+Greece</i>, vol. iv. p. 338, 8vo. 1853).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> That is, to Easter Island, which appears to be its
+furthest boundary (<i>Prichard's Phys. Hist.</i> vol. v. p. 6); and of which
+there is a good account in <i>Beechey's Voyage to the Pacific</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 43&ndash;58, and a notice in <i>Jour. of Geog. Society</i>, vol. i. p. 195. The
+language of Easter Island has been long known to be Malayo-Polynesian;
+for it was understood by a native of the Society Islands, who
+accompanied Cook (<i>Cook's Voyages</i>, vol. iii. pp. 294, 308; and
+<i>Prichard</i>, vol. v. p. 147: compare <i>Marsden's History of Sumatra</i>, p.
+164). Ethnologists have not usually paid sufficient honour to this great
+navigator, who was the first to remark the similarity between the
+different languages in Polynesia proper. <i>Cook's Voyages</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+60, 61, vol. iii. pp. 230, 280, 290, vol. iv. p. 305, vol. vi. p. 230,
+vol. vii. p. 115. As to Madagascar being the western limit of this vast
+race of people, see <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. iv. p. 222; <i>Reports on
+Ethnology by Brit. Assoc. for 1847</i>, pp. 154, 216, 250; and <i>Ellis's
+Hist. of Madagascar</i>, vol. i. p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Also the seat of the Tagala language; which, according to
+William Humboldt, is the most perfect of all the forms of the
+Malayo-Polynesian. <i>Prichard's Physical Hist.</i> vol. v. pp. 36, 51, 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> <i>Marsden's History of Sumatra</i>, p. 281. De Thou (<i>Hist.
+Univ.</i> vol. xiii. p. 59) supposes that the Javanese did not become
+Mohammedans till late in the sixteenth century; but it is now known that
+their conversion took place at least a hundred years earlier, the old
+religion being finally abolished in 1478. See <i>Crawfurd's Hist. of the
+Indian Archipelago</i>, vol. ii. p. 312; <i>Low's Sarawak</i>, p. 96; and
+<i>Raffles' Hist. of Java</i>, vol. i. pp. 309, 349, vol. ii. pp. 1, 66, 254.
+The doctrines of Mohammed spread quickly; and the Malay pilgrims enjoy
+the reputation, in modern times, of being among the most scrupulously
+religious of those who go to the Hadj. <i>Burckhardt's Arabia</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 96, 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> The Javanese civilization is examined at great length by
+William Humboldt, in his celebrated work, <i>Ueber die Kawi Sprache</i>,
+Berlin, 1836. From the evidence supplied by some early Chinese writings,
+which have only recently been published, there are good grounds for
+believing that the Indian Colonies were established in Java in the first
+century after Christ. See <i>Wilson on the Foe Kue Ki</i>, in <i>Journal of
+Asiat. Soc.</i> vol. v. p. 137; compare vol. vi. p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> <i>Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago</i>, vol. ii. p.
+297. Compare with this the exactness with which, even in the island of
+Celebes, the dates were preserved &lsquo;before the introduction of
+Mahomedanism.&rsquo; <i>Crawfurd</i>, vol. i. p. 306. For similar Footnote:
+instances of royal genealogies being obscured by the introduction into
+them of the names of gods, see <i>Kemble's Saxons in England</i>, vol. i. pp.
+27, 335.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. x. p. 191, vol. xiii. p. 128.
+In the Appendix to <i>Raffles' Hist. of Java</i>, vol. ii. p. cxlii., it is
+said, that &lsquo;in Bali not more than one in two hundred, if so many, are
+Mahomedans.&rsquo; See also p. 65, and vol. i. p. 530.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Indeed, the Javanese appear to have no other means of
+acquiring the old Kawi traditions than by learning them from natives of
+Bali. See note to an Essay on the Island of Bali, in <i>Asiatic
+Researches</i>, vol. xiii. p. 162, Calcutta, 1820, 4to. Sir Stamford
+Raffles (<i>Hist. of Java</i>, vol. i. p. 400) says, &lsquo;It is chiefly to Bali
+that we must look for illustrations of the ancient state of the Javans.&rsquo;
+See also p. 414.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> Respecting the corruption of Druidical traditions in Gaul
+by Christian priests, see <i>Villemarqué</i>, <i>Chants Populaires de la
+Bretagne</i>, Paris, 1846, vol. i. pp. xviii. xix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> The injury done to the traditions handed down by Welsh and
+Irish bards, is noticed in Dr. Prichard's valuable work, <i>Physical Hist.
+of Mankind</i>, vol. iii. p. 184, 8vo, 1841. See also <i>Warton's Hist. of
+English Poetry</i>, vol. i. p. xxxvii. note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> See the remarks on Beowulf, in <i>Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit.</i>
+vol. i. p. 7, 8vo, 1842. See also pp. 13, 14: and compare <i>Kemble's
+Saxons in England</i>, vol. i. p. 331.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> <i>Talvi's Language and Literature of the Slavic Nations</i>,
+8vo, 1850, p. 231. The Pagan songs of the Slovaks, in the north-west of
+Hungary, were for a time preserved; but even they are now lost. <i>Talvi</i>,
+p. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> The monkish chroniclers neglected the old Finnish
+traditions; and allowing them to perish, preferred the inventions of
+Saxo and Johannes Magnus. <i>Prichard's Physical Hist.</i> vol. iii. pp. 284,
+285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> For an instance in which the monks have falsified the old
+Icelandic traditions, see Mr. Keightley's learned book on <i>Fairy
+Mythology</i>, 8vo, 1850, p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> The Rev. Mr. Dowling, who looks back with great regret to
+this happy period, says, &lsquo;Writers were almost universally ecclesiastics.
+Literature was scarcely anything but a religious exercise; for
+everything that was studied, was studied with a reference to religion.
+The men, therefore, who wrote history, wrote ecclesiastical history.&rsquo;
+<i>Dowling's Introduction to the Critical Study of Ecclesiastical
+History</i>, 8vo, 1838, p. 56; a work of some talent, but chiefly
+interesting as a manifesto by an active party.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> Thus, for instance, a celebrated historian, who wrote at
+the end of the twelfth century says of the reign of William Rufus:
+&lsquo;Ejusdem regis tempore, ut ex parte supradictum est, in sole, luna, et
+stellis multa signa visa sunt, mare quoque littus persæpe egrediebatur,
+et homines et animalia submersit, villas et domos quamplures subvertit.
+In pago qui Barukeshire nominatur, ante occisionem regis sanguis de
+fonte tribus septimanis emanavit. Multis etiam Normannis diabolus in
+horribili specie se frequenter in silvis ostendens, plura cum eis de
+rege et Ranulfo, et quibusdam aliis locutus est. Nec mirum, nam illorum
+tempore ferè omnis legum siluit justitia, causisque justitiæ subpositis,
+sola in principibus imperabat pecunia.&rsquo; <i>Rog. de Hoveden Annal. in
+Scriptores post Bedam</i>, p. 268. See also the same work, pp. 356&ndash;358; and
+compare <i>Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. pp. 266, 289,
+part ii. p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Even the descriptions of natural objects which historians
+attempted in the Middle Ages, were marked by the same carelessness. See
+some good observations by Dr. Arnold, on Bede's account of the Solent
+Sea. <i>Arnold's Lectures on Modern History</i>, pp. 102, 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> In <i>Le Long's Bibliothèque Historique de la France</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 3, it is said, that the descent of the kings of France from the
+Trojans was universally believed before the sixteenth century: &lsquo;Cette
+descendance a été crue véritable près de huit cents ans, et soutenue par
+tous les écrivains de notre histoire; la fausseté n'en a été reconnue
+qu'au commencement du seizième siècle.&rsquo; Polydore Vergil, who died in the
+middle of the sixteenth century, attacked this opinion in regard to
+England, and thereby made his history unpopular. See <i>Ellis's Preface to
+Polydore Vergil</i>, p. xx. 4to, 1844, published by the Camden Society. &lsquo;He
+discarded Brute, as an unreal personage.&rsquo; In 1128, Henry I., king of
+England, inquired from a learned man respecting the early history of
+France. The answer is preserved by an historian of the thirteenth
+century: &lsquo;Regum potentissime, inquiens, sicut pleræque gentes Europæ,
+ita Franci a Trojanis originem duxerunt.&rsquo; <i>Matthæi Paris Hist. Major</i>,
+p. 59. See also <i>Rog. de Hov. in Scriptores post Bedam</i>, p. 274. On the
+descent of the Britons from Priam and Æneas, see <i>Matthæi Westmonast.
+Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. p. 66. Indeed, at the beginning of the
+fourteenth century, their Trojan origin was stated as a notorious fact,
+in a letter written to Pope Boniface by Edward I., and signed by the
+English nobility. See <i>Warton's Hist. of English Poetry</i>, vol. i. pp.
+131, 132; and <i>Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors</i>, vol. i. p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> The general opinion was, that Brutus, or Brute, was the
+son of Æneas; but some historians affirmed that he was the
+great-grandson. See <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. p. 63, vol.
+vii. p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> In the <i>Notes to a Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483</i>,
+pp. 183&ndash;187, edit. 4to, 1827, there is a pedigree, in which the history
+of the bishops of London is traced back, not only to the migration of
+Brutus from Troy, but also to Noah and Adam. Thus, too, Goropius, in his
+history of Antwerp, written in the sixteenth century: &lsquo;Vond
+zoowell de Nederlandsche taal als de Wysbegeerte van Orpheus in de
+ark van Noach.&rsquo; <i>Van Kampen</i>, <i>Geschiedenis der Letteren</i>, 8vo,
+1821, vol. i. p. 91; see also p. 86. In the thirteenth century, Mathew
+Paris (<i>Historia Major</i>, p. 352) says of Alfred, &lsquo;Hujus genealogia in
+Anglorum historiis perducitur usque ad Adam primum parentem.&rsquo; See, to
+the same effect, <i>Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. pp.
+323, 324, 415. In William of Malmesbury's Chronicle (<i>Scriptores post
+Bedam</i>, p. 22 rev.) the genealogy of the Saxon kings is traced back to
+Adam. For other, and similar, instances, see a note in <i>Lingard's
+History of England</i>, vol. i. p. 403. And Mr. Ticknor (<i>History of
+Spanish Literature</i>, vol. i. p. 509) mentions that the Spanish
+chroniclers present &lsquo;an uninterrupted succession of Spanish kings from
+Tubal, a grandson of Noah.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Monteil, in his curious book, <i>Histoire des divers Etats</i>,
+vol. v. p. 70, mentions the old belief &lsquo;que les Parisiens sont du sang
+des rois des anciens Troyens, par Paris, fils de Priam.&rsquo; Even in the
+seventeenth century this idea was not extinct; and Coryat, who travelled
+in France in 1608, gives another version of it. He says, &lsquo;As for her
+name of Paris, she hath it (as some write) from Paris, the eighteenth
+king of Gallia Celtica, whom some write to have been lineally descended
+from Japhet, one of the three sons of Noah, and to have founded this
+city.&rsquo; <i>Coryat's Crudities</i>, 1611, reprinted 1776, vol. i. pp. 27, 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> &lsquo;Erat ibi quidam Tros nomine Turonus Bruti nepos&hellip;. De
+nomine ipsius prædicta civitas Turonis vocabulum nacta est; quia ibidem
+sepultus fuit.&rsquo; <i>Galfredi Monumet. Hist. Briton.</i> lib. i. cap. xv. p.
+19. And Mathew of Westminster, who wrote in the fourteenth century, says
+(<i>Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. p. 17): &lsquo;Tros nomine Turnus&hellip;. De nomine
+verò ipsius Turonorum civitas vocabulum traxit, quia ibidem, ut testatur
+Homerus, sepultus fuit.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> &lsquo;On convient bien que les Troyens de notre Troyes sont du
+sang des anciens Troyens.&rsquo; <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers Etats</i>, vol. v. p. 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Monconys, who was in Nuremberg in 1663, found this opinion
+still held there; and he seems himself half inclined to believe it; for,
+in visiting a castle, he observes, &lsquo;Mais je ne sçai si c'est un ouvrage
+de Néron, comme l'on le dit, et que même le nom de Nuremberg en vient.&rsquo;
+<i>Voyages de Monconys</i>, vol. iv. p. 141, edit. Paris, 1695.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> &lsquo;Deinceps regnante in ea Jebusæo, dicta Jebus, et sic ex
+Jebus et Salem dicta est Jebussalem. Unde post dempta <i>b</i> littera et
+addita <i>r</i>, dicta est Hierusalem.&rsquo; <i>Matthæi Paris Historia Major</i>, p.
+43. This reminds me of another great writer, who was one of the fathers,
+and was moreover a saint, and who, says M. Matter, &lsquo;dérive les
+Samaritains du roi Samarius, fils de Canaan.&rsquo; <i>Matter</i>, <i>Hist. du
+Gnosticisme</i>, vol. i. p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> &lsquo;Humber rex Hunnorum &hellip; ad flumen diffugiens, submersus
+est intra ipsum, et nomen suum flumini reliquit.&rsquo; <i>Matthæi Westmonast.
+Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> These two opinions, which long divided the learned world,
+are stated in <i>Le Long</i>, <i>Bibliothèque Historique de la France</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 5, 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> See a curious allusion to this in <i>De Thou</i>, <i>Hist. Univ.</i>
+vol. viii. p. 160; where, however, it is erroneously supposed to be a
+Russian invention.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> &lsquo;The Silesians are not without voluminous writers upon
+their antiquities; and one of them gravely derives the name and descent
+of his country from the prophet Elisha.&rsquo; <i>Adams's Letters on Silesia</i>,
+p. 267, Lond. 8vo, 1804.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> In 1608, Coryat, when in Zurich, was &lsquo;told by the learned
+Hospinian that their city was founded in the time of Abraham.&rsquo; <i>Coryat's
+Crudities</i>, vol. i. Epistle to the Reader, sig. <span class="smcap">D</span>. I always give the
+most recent instance I have met with, because, in the history of the
+European intellect, it is important to know how long the spirit of the
+Middle Ages survived in different countries.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> They were &lsquo;seuls enfants légitimes&rsquo; of Abraham and Sarah.
+<i>Monteil</i>, <i>Divers Etats</i>, vol. v. p. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Mathew Paris, who is apprehensive lest the reputation of
+Sarah should suffer, says, &lsquo;Saraceni perversé se putant ex Sara dici;
+sed veriùs Agareni dicuntur ab Agar; et Ismaelitæ, ab Ismaele filio
+Abrahæ.&rsquo; <i>Hist. Major</i>, p. 357. Compare a similar passage in <i>Mezeray</i>,
+<i>Histoire de France</i>, vol. i. p. 127: &lsquo;Sarrasins, ou de la ville de
+Sarai, ou de Sara femme d'Abraham, duquel ils se disent faussement
+légitimes héritiers.&rsquo; After this, the idea, or the fear of the idea,
+soon died away; and Beausobre (<i>Histoire Critique de Manichée</i>, vol. i.
+p. 24) says: &lsquo;On dérive vulgairement le nom de Sarrasins du mot arabe
+Sarah, ou Sarak, qui signifie effectivement voleur.&rsquo; A good example of a
+secular turn given to a theological etymology. For a similar case in
+northern history, see <i>Whitelocke's Journal of the Swedish Embassy</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 190, 191.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Early in the fourteenth century, this was stated, in a
+letter to the Pope, as a well-known historical fact. See <i>Lingard's
+Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 187: &lsquo;They are sprung from Scota the
+daughter of Pharaoh, who landed in Ireland, and whose descendants
+wrested, by force of arms, the northern half of Britain from the progeny
+of Brute.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Mr. Wright (<i>Narratives of Sorcery</i>, 8vo, 1851, vol. i. p.
+115) says, &lsquo;The foundation of the city of Naples upon eggs, and the egg
+on which its fate depended, seem to have been legends generally current
+in the Middle Ages;&rsquo; and he refers to <i>Montfaucon</i>, <i>Monumens de la Mon.
+Fr.</i> vol. ii. p. 329, for proof, that by the statutes of the order of
+the Saint Esprit, &lsquo;a chapter of the knights was appointed to be held
+annually in castello ovi incantati in mirabili periculo.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> &lsquo;The order of Saint Michael, in France, pretends to the
+possession of a regular descent from Michael the Archangel, who,
+according to the enlightened judgment of French antiquarians, was the
+premier chevalier in the world; and it was he, they say, who established
+the earliest chivalric order in Paradise itself.&rsquo; <i>Mills's Hist. of
+Chivalry</i>, vol. i. pp. 363, 364.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> The etymology of Tartars from Tartarus is ascribed to the
+piety of Saint Louis in <i>Prichard's Physical History</i>, vol. iv. p. 278;
+but I think that I have met with it before his time, though I cannot now
+recover the passage. The earliest instance I remember is in 1241, when
+the saint was twenty-six years old. See a letter from the emperor
+Frederick, in <i>Matthæi Paris Historia Major</i>, p. 497: &lsquo;Pervenissent
+dicti Tartari (imo Tartarei),&rsquo; &amp;c; and on the expression of Louis, see
+p. 496: &lsquo;Quos vocamus Tartaros ad suas Tartareas sedes.&rsquo; Since the
+thirteenth century, the subject has attracted the attention of English
+divines; and the celebrated theologian Whiston mentions &lsquo;my last famous
+discovery, or rather my revival of Dr. Giles Fletcher's famous
+discovery, that the Tartars are no other than the ten tribes of Israel,
+which have been so long sought for in vain.&rsquo; <i>Memoirs of the Life and
+Writings of William Whiston</i>, p. 575. Compare, on the opinions held
+respecting the Tartars, <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, I<sup>e</sup> série, vol. vi. p. 374,
+Paris, 1825.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Peignot (<i>Dict. des Livres</i>, vol. ii. p. 69, Paris, 1806)
+says, that Rigord, in his history of Philip Augustus, assures his
+readers &lsquo;que depuis que la vraie croix a été prise par les Turcs, les
+enfans n'ont plus que 20 ou 23 dents, au lieu qu'ils en avaient 30 ou 32
+auparavant.&rsquo; Even in the fifteenth century, it was believed that the
+number of teeth had diminished from 32 to 22, or at most 24. See
+<i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. pp. 481, 482, Paris, 1815.
+Compare <i>Hecker on the Black Death</i>, pp. 31, 32, in his learned work,
+<i>Epidemics of the Middle Ages</i>, published by the Sydenham Society.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> In the sacred books of the Scandinavians, pork is
+represented as the principal food, even in heaven. See <i>Mallet's
+Northern Antiquities</i>, p. 105. It was the chief food of the Irish in the
+twelfth century: <i>Ledwich</i>, <i>Antiquities of Ireland</i>, Dublin, 1804, p.
+370; and also of the Anglo-Saxons at an earlier period: <i>Turner's Hist.
+of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 22. In France it was equally common, and
+Charlemagne kept in his forests immense droves of pigs. <i>Note in Esprit
+des Lois</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Montesquieu</i>, p. 513. In Spain those who did
+not like pork were tried by the Inquisition as suspected Jews:
+<i>Llorente</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i. pp. 269, 442, 445. Late in
+the sixteenth century, there was a particular disease, said to be caused
+by the quantity of it eaten in Hungary. <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Médecine</i>, vol. iii. p. 93; and even at present, the barbarous Lettes
+are passionately fond of it. <i>Kohl's Russia</i>, pp. 386, 387. In the
+middle of the sixteenth century, I find that Philip II., when in
+England, generally dined on bacon; of which he ate so much, as
+frequently to make himself very ill. See <i>Ambassades de Messieurs de
+Noailles en Angleterre</i>, vol. v. pp. 240, 241, edit. 1763. The
+ambassador writes, that Philip was &lsquo;grand mangeur oultre mesure,&rsquo; and
+used to consume large quantities &lsquo;de lard, dont il faict le plus souvent
+son principal repas.&rsquo; In the Middle Ages, &lsquo;les Thuringiens payaient leur
+tribut en porcs, la denrée la plus précieuse de leur pays.&rsquo; <i>&#338;uvres
+de Michelet</i>, vol. ii. p. 389.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Sismondi (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. vii. pp. 325, 326)
+passes a high eulogy upon him; and Mosheim (<i>Ecclesiast. History</i>, vol.
+i. p. 313) says: &lsquo;Among the historians (of the thirteenth century), the
+first place is due to Mathew Paris; a writer of the highest merit, both
+in point of knowledge and prudence.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> <i>Matthæi Paris Historia Major</i>, p. 362. He concludes his
+account by saying, &lsquo;Unde adhuc Saraceni sues præ cæteris animalibus
+exosas habent et abominabiles.&rsquo; Mathew Paris obtained his information
+from a clergyman, &lsquo;quendam magni nominis celebrem prædicatorem,&rsquo; p.
+360. According to Mathew of Westminster, the pigs not
+only suffocated Mohammed, but actually ate the greater part of him: &lsquo;In
+maxima parte a porcis corrosum invenerunt.&rsquo; <i>Matthæi Westmonast. Flores
+Historiarum</i>, part i. p. 215.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> By a singular contradiction, the African Mohammedans now
+&lsquo;believe that a great enmity subsists between hogs and Christians.&rsquo;
+<i>Mungo Park's Travels</i>, vol. i. p. 185. Many medical authors have
+supposed that pork is peculiarly unwholesome in hot countries; but this
+requires confirmation: and it is certain, that it is recommended by
+Arabian physicians, and is more generally eaten both in Asia and in
+Africa than is usually believed. Comp. <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la
+Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 323; <i>Volney</i>, <i>Voyage en Syrie</i>, vol. i. p. 449;
+<i>Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore</i>, vol. ii. p. 88, vol. iii. p.
+57; <i>Raffles' Hist. of Java</i>, vol. ii. p. 5; <i>Ellis's Hist. of
+Madagascar</i>, vol. i. pp. 201, 403, 416; <i>Cook's Voyages</i>, vol. ii. p.
+265; <i>Burnes's Travels into Bokhara</i>, vol. iii. p. 141. As facts of this
+sort are important physiologically and socially, it is advisable that
+they should be collected; and I therefore add, that the North-American
+Indians are said to have &lsquo;a disgust for pork.&rsquo; <i>Journal of the Geog.
+Society</i>, vol. xv. p. 30; and that Dobell (<i>Travels</i>, vol. ii. p. 260,
+8vo, 1830) says, &lsquo;I believe there is more pork eaten in China than in
+all the rest of the world put together.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> This idea, which was a favourite one in the Middle Ages,
+is said to have been a Rabbinical invention. See <i>Lettres de Gui Patin</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 127: &lsquo;que Mahomet, le faux prophète, avait été cardinal; et
+que, par dépit de n'avoir été pape, il s'étoit fait hérésiarque.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> See the ample details in <i>Matthæi Westmonast. Flores
+Historiarum</i>, part i. pp. 86, 87; and at p. 88, &lsquo;Judas matrem suam
+uxorem duxerat, et quòd patrem suum occiderat.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> This took place in the year 798. <i>Matthæi Westmonast.
+Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. p. 293. The historian thus concludes his
+relation: &lsquo;Et statutum est nunc quòd numquam extunc manus Papæ ab
+offerentibus deoscularetur, sed pes. Cùm ante fuerat consuetudo quòd
+manus, non pes, deoscularetur. In hujus miraculi memoriam reservatur
+adhuc manus abscissa in thesauro lateranensi, quam dominus custodit
+incorruptam ad laudem matris suæ.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> &lsquo;&hellip; Ita ut Nero se puero gravidum existimaret&hellip;. Tandem
+dolore nimio vexatus, medicis ait: Accelerate tempus partus, quia
+languore vix anhelitum habeo respirandi. Tunc ipsum ad vomitum
+impotionaverunt, et ranam visu terribilem, humoribus infectam, et
+sanguine edidit cruentatam&hellip;. Unde et pars illa civitatis, ut aliqui
+dicunt, ubi rana latuerat, Lateranum, à latente rana, nomen accepit.&rsquo;
+<i>Matthæi Westmonast.</i> part i. p. 98. Compare the account given by Roger
+of Hoveden, of a woman who vomited two toads. <i>Script. post Bedam</i>, p.
+457 rev. In the Middle Ages there were many superstitions respecting
+these animals, and they appear to have been used by heralds as marks of
+degradation. See <i>Lankester's Memorials of Ray</i>, p. 197.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> &lsquo;&hellip; Ego Turpinus in valle Caroli loco præfato, astante
+rege,&rsquo; &amp;c. <i>De Vita Caroli Magni</i>, p. 74, edit. Ciampi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> Turner (<i>History of England</i>, vol. vii. pp. 250&ndash;268) has
+attempted to prove that it was written by Calixtus II.; but his
+arguments, though ingenious and learned, are not decisive. Warton
+(<i>Hist. Eng. Poetry</i>, vol. i. p. 128) says it was composed about 1110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> The pope &lsquo;statuit historiam Sancti Caroli descriptam a
+beato Turpino Remensi Archiepiscopo esse authenticam.&rsquo; <i>Note in Turner</i>,
+vol. vii. p. 250.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> In his famous Speculum, &lsquo;il recommande spécialement les
+études historiques, dont il paraît que la plupart de ses contemporains
+méconnaissaient l'utilité; mais lorsqu'il indique les sources où il
+puisera ce genre d'instruction, c'est Turpin qu'il désigne comme le
+principal historien de Charlemagne.&rsquo; <i>Histoire Littéraire de la France</i>,
+vol. xviii. p. 474, Paris, 1835, 4to; see also p. 517; and on its
+influence in Spain, see <i>Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 222, 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> <i>Caroli Magni Historia</i>, edit. Ciampi, pp. 3&ndash;5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> &lsquo;&hellip; Muri collapsi funditus corruerunt.&rsquo; <i>De Vita Caroli</i>,
+p. 5. On this, Ciampi, in his notes on Turpin, gravely says (pp. 94,
+95): &lsquo;Questo fatto della presa di Pamplona è reso maraviglioso per la
+subitanea caduta delle mura, a somiglianza delle mura di Gerico.&rsquo; This
+reminds me of a circumstance mentioned by Monconys, who, on visiting
+Oxford in 1663, was shown a horn which was preserved in that ancient
+city, because it was said to be made in the same way as that by which
+the walls of Jericho were blown down: &lsquo;Les Juifs tiennent que leurs
+ancêtres se servirent de pareilles pour abbattre les murailles de
+Jérico.&rsquo; <i>Voyages de Monconys</i>, vol. iii. p. 95, edit. Paris, 1695.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> <i>De Vita Caroli</i>, cap. v. pp. 11, 12; is headed &lsquo;De
+ecclesiis quas Carolus fecit.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> &lsquo;Gigas nomine Fenacutus, qui fuit de genere Goliat.&rsquo; <i>De
+Vita Caroli</i>, p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> &lsquo;Vim xl. fortium possidebat.&rsquo; p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> &lsquo;Erat enim statura ejus quasi cubitis xx., facies erat
+longa quasi unius cubiti, et nasus illius unius palmi mensurati, et
+brachia et crura ejus quatuor cubitorum erant, et digiti ejus tribus
+palmis,&rsquo; p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> <i>De Vita Caroli</i>, p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> Ibid. pp. 43&ndash;47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> <i>De Vita Caroli</i>, p. 52. On the twelve peers of
+Charlemagne, in connexion with Turpin, see <i>Sismondi</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Français</i>, vol. v. pp. 246, 537, 538, vol. vi. p. 534.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> The Welsh, however, accused Gildas of having thrown his
+history &lsquo;into the sea.&rsquo; <i>Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth</i>, vol. i.
+p. 453. The industrious Sharon Turner (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. pp.
+282&ndash;295) has collected a great deal of evidence respecting Arthur; of
+whose existence he, of course, entertains no doubt. Indeed, at p. 292,
+he gives us an account of the discovery, in the twelfth century, of
+Arthur's body!</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> In <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. vii. pp. 269, 270,
+it is said to have appeared in 1128; but Mr. Wright (<i>Biog. Brit. Lit.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 144) seems to have proved that the real date is 1147.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Geoffrey says, &lsquo;A Gualtero Oxinefordensi in multis
+historiis peritissimo viro audivit&rsquo; (<i>i.e. ille</i> Geoffrey) &lsquo;vili licet
+stylo, breviter tamen propalabit, quæ pr&oelig;lia inclytus ille rex post
+victoriam istam, in Britanniam reversus, cum nepote suo commiserit.&rsquo;
+<i>Galfredi Monumetensis Historia Britonum</i>, lib. xi. sec. i. p. 200. And
+in the dedication to the Earl of Gloucester, p. 1, he says, &lsquo;Walterus
+Oxinefordensis archidiaconus, vir in oratoria arte atque in exoticis
+historiis eruditus.&rsquo; Compare <i>Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum</i>,
+part i. p. 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> <i>Galfredi Historia Britonum</i>, pp. 3, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> &lsquo;Erat tunc nomen insulæ Albion, quæ a nemine, exceptis
+paucis gigantibus, inhabitabatur&hellip;. Denique Brutus de nomine suo
+insulam Britanniam, sociosque suos Britones appellat.&rsquo; <i>Galf. Hist.
+Britonum</i>, p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> &lsquo;In tempore ejus tribus diebus cecidit pluvia sanguinea,
+et muscarum affluentia; quibus homines moriebantur.&rsquo; <i>Hist. Brit.</i> p.
+36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> &lsquo;Advenerat namque ex partibus Hibernici maris inauditæ
+feritatis bellua, quæ incolas maritimos sine intermissione devorabat.
+Cumque fama aures ejus attigisset, accossit ipse ad illam, et solus cum
+sola congressus est. At cum omnia tela sua in illam in vanum
+consumpsisset, acceleravit monstrum illud, et apertis faucibus ipsum
+velut pisciculum devoravit.&rsquo; <i>Hist. Brit.</i> p. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> The particulars of the intrigue are in <i>Galf. Hist.
+Brit.</i> pp. 151, 152. For information respecting Merlin, see also
+<i>Matthæi Westmonast. Flores Historiarum</i>, part i. pp. 161, 162; and
+<i>Naudé</i>, <i>Apologie pour les Grands Hommes</i>, pp. 308, 309, 318, 319,
+edit. Amsterdam, 1712.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> <i>Hist. Britonum</i>, pp. 167&ndash;170; a brilliant chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> &lsquo;Sed et plures capiebat quos semivivos devorabat.&rsquo; <i>Hist.
+Brit.</i> p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> &lsquo;Hic namque ex barbis regum quos peremerat, fecerat sibi
+pelles, et mandaverat Arturo ut barbam suam diligenter excoriaret, atque
+excoriatam sibi dirigeret: ut quemadmodum ipse ceteris præerat regibus,
+ita quoque in honorem ejus ceteris barbis ipsam superponeret.&rsquo; <i>Galf.
+Hist. Brit.</i> p. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> &lsquo;It was partly, perhaps, the reputation of this book,
+which procured its author the bishopric of St. Asaph.&rsquo; <i>Life of Geoffrey
+of Monmouth</i>, in <i>Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit.</i> vol. ii. p. 144, 8vo, 1846.
+According to the Welsh writers, he was Bishop of Llandaff. See
+<i>Stephens's Literature of the Kymry</i>, 8vo, 1849, p. 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> Mr. Wright (<i>Biog. Brit. Lit.</i> vol. ii. p. 146) says:
+&lsquo;Within a century after its first publication, it was generally adopted
+by writers on English history; and during several centuries, only one or
+two rare instances occur of persons who ventured to speak against its
+veracity.&rsquo; And Sir Henry Ellis says of Polydore Vergil, who wrote early
+in the sixteenth century, &lsquo;For the repudiation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's
+history, Polydore Vergil was considered almost as a man deprived of
+reason. Such were the prejudices of the time.&rsquo; <i>Polydore Vergil's
+English Hist.</i> vol. i. p. x. edit. Ellis, 1846, 4to. See also, on its
+popularity, <i>Lappenberg's Hist. of the Anglo-Saxon Kings</i>, vol. i. p.
+102. In the seventeenth century, which was the first sceptical century
+in Europe, men began to open their eyes on these matters; and Boyle, for
+example, classes together &lsquo;the fabulous labours of Hercules, and
+exploits of Arthur of Britain.&rsquo; <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> <i>Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit.</i> vol. ii. p. 156; <i>Turner's
+Hist. of England</i>, vol. vii. p. 282.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> According to Mr. Wright (<i>Biog. Brit.</i> vol. ii. p. 439),
+it was translated through the medium of Wace. But it would be more
+correct to say, that Layamon made the absurdities of Geoffrey the basis
+of his work, rather than translated them; for he amplifies 15,000 lines
+of Wace's <i>Brut</i> into 32,000 of his own jargon. See <i>Sir F. Madden's
+Preface to Layamon's Brut</i>, 8vo, 1847, vol. i. p. xiii. I cannot refrain
+from bearing testimony to the great philological value of this work of
+Layamon's, by the publication of which its accomplished editor has made
+an important contribution towards the study of the history of the
+English language. So far, however, as Layamon is concerned, we can only
+contemplate with wonder an age of which he was considered an ornament.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> <i>Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit.</i> vol. ii. pp. 151, 207;
+<i>Hallam's Literature of Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> Of which Froissart is the earliest instance; since he is
+the first who took a secular view of affairs, all the preceding
+historians being essentially theological. In Spain, too, we find, late
+in the fourteenth century, a political spirit beginning to appear among
+historians. See the remarks on Ayala, in <i>Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish
+Lit.</i> vol. i. pp. 165, 166; where, however, Mr. Ticknor represents
+Froissart as more unworldly than he really was.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> On this, Arnold says, truly enough, &lsquo;Comines's Memoirs
+are striking from their perfect unconsciousness: the knell of the Middle
+Ages had been already sounded, yet Comines has no other notions than
+such as they had tended to foster; he describes their events, their
+characters, their relations, as if they were to continue for centuries.&rsquo;
+<i>Arnold's Lectures on Modern History</i>, p. 118. To this I may add, that
+whenever Comines has occasion to mention the lower classes, which is
+very rarely the case, he speaks of them with great contempt. See two
+striking instances in <i>Mémoires de Philippe de Comines</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+277, 287, edit. Paris, 1826.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> He says, that a field of battle is &lsquo;un des
+accomplissemens des &oelig;uvres que Dieu a commencées aucunes fois par
+petites mouvetez et occasions, et en donnant la victoire aucunes fois à
+l'un, et aucunes fois à l'autre: et est cecy mystère si grand, que les
+royaumes et grandes seigneuries en prennent aucunes fois fins et
+désolations, et les autres accroissement, et commencement de régner.&rsquo;
+<i>Mém. de Comines</i>, vol. i. pp. 361, 362. Respecting the wanton invasion
+of Italy, he says, that the expedition might have been easily ruined if
+the enemy had thought of poisoning the wells or the food: &lsquo;mais ils n'y
+eussent point failly, s'ils y eussent voulu essayer; mais il est de
+croire que nostre sauveur et rédempteur Jésus-Christ leur ostoit leur
+vouloir.&rsquo; vol iii. p. 154. So, he adds, p. 155, &lsquo;pour conclure
+l'article, semble que nostre seigneur Jésus-Christ ait voulu que toute
+la gloire du voyage ait esté attribuée à luy.&rsquo; Compare the <i>Institutes
+of Timour</i>, p. 7; an instructive combination of superstition and
+ferocity.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> &lsquo;Mais mon advis est que cela ne se fait que par
+disposition divine; car quand les princes ou royaumes out esté en grande
+prospérité ou richesses, et ils ont mesconnoissance dont procède telle
+grâce, Dieu leur dresse un ennemi ou ennemie, dont nul ne se douteroit,
+comme vous pouvez voir par les rois nommez en la Bible, et par ce que
+puis peu d'années en avez veu en cette Angleterre, et en cette maison de
+Bourgogne et autres lieux que avez veu et voyez tous les jours.&rsquo; <i>Mém.
+de Comines</i>, vol. i. pp. 388, 389. See also his remarks on the Duke of
+Burgundy, vol. ii. p. 179; and in particular, his extraordinary
+digression, livre v. chap. xviii. vol. ii. pp. 290&ndash;298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> Dr. Lingard (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. p. 357) says,
+&lsquo;From the doctrine of a superintending providence, the piety of our
+ancestors had drawn a rash but very convenient inference, that success
+is an indication of the Divine will, and that, of course, to resist a
+victorious competitor, is to resist the judgment of heaven:&rsquo; see also p.
+114. The last vestige of this once universal opinion is the expression,
+which is gradually falling into disuse, of &lsquo;appealing to the God of
+Battles.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> See <i>Guizot</i>, <i>Civilisation en Europe</i>, p. 166; the best
+passage in that able, but rather unequal work: &lsquo;Parcourez l'histoire du
+v<sup>e</sup> au xvi<sup>e</sup> siècle; c'est la théologie qui possède et dirige l'esprit
+humain; toutes les opinions sont empreintes de théologie; les questions
+philosophiques, politiques, historiques, sont toujours considérées sous
+un point de vue théologique. L'église est tellement souveraine dans
+l'ordre intellectuel, que même les sciences mathématiques et physiques
+sont tenues de se soumettre à ses doctrines. L'esprit théologique est en
+quelque sort le sang qui a coulé dans les veines du monde européen
+jusqu'à Bacon et Descartes. Pour la première fois, Bacon en Angleterre,
+et Descartes en France, ont jeté l'intelligence hors des voies de la
+théologie.&rsquo; A noble passage, and perfectly true: but what would have
+been the effect produced by Bacon and Descartes, if, instead of living
+in the seventeenth century, they had lived in the seventh? Would their
+philosophy have been equally secular; or, being equally secular, would
+it have been equally successful?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> Compare <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. xliii. p. 577, with
+<i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des Mathématiques</i>, vol. i. p. 678.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> Naudé mentions, that in France it drove many persons
+almost mad: &lsquo;In Gallia parum afuit quin ad insaniam homines non paucos
+periculi metu (diluvium) adegerit.&rsquo; <i>Bayle</i>, in voce <i>Stofflerus</i>, note
+B.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> &lsquo;Nam Petrus Cirvellus Hispanorum omnium sui temporis
+doctissimus, cum theologiæ, in almo Complutensi gymnasio, lectoris
+munere fungeretur, et vero multos, ut ipsemet inquit, fluviis vel mari
+finitimos populos, jam stupido metu perculsos, domicilia ac sedes mutare
+vidisset, ac prædia, supellectilem, bonaque omnia, contra justum valorem
+sub actione distrahere, ac alia loca vel altitudine, vel siccitate magis
+secura requirere, sui officii esse putavit, in publica illa
+consternatione, quam de nihilo excitare persuasum non habebat,&rsquo; &amp;c.
+<i>Bayle</i>, note B.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> Ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> In addition to the account in Bayle, the reader may refer
+to <i>Biog. Univ.</i> vol. iii. p. 88, vol. xxxi. p. 283, vol. xliii. pp.
+577, 578; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. iii. p. 251;
+<i>Delambre</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Astronomie du Moyen Age</i>, Paris, 1819, 4to, p.
+376; <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des Mathématiques</i>, vol. i. p. 622; <i>Dict.
+Philosoph.</i>, article <i>Astrologie</i>, in <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol.
+xxxvii. pp. 148, 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> This history of the golden tooth is partly related by De
+Thou: see his <i>Hist. Univ.</i> vol. xi. pp. 634, 635. And on the
+controversy to which it gave rise, compare <i>Hist. des Oracles</i>, chap.
+iv., in <i>&#338;uvres de Fontenelle</i>, vol. ii. pp. 219, 220, ed. Paris,
+1766; <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. iii. pp. 247&ndash;249; <i>Biog.
+Univ.</i>, vol. xx. p. 579.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE
+MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.</div>
+
+<p>It is difficult for an ordinary reader, living in the
+middle of the nineteenth century, to understand, that
+only three hundred years before he was born, the public
+mind was in the benighted state disclosed in the preceding
+chapter. It is still more difficult for him to
+understand that the darkness was shared not merely
+by men of an average education, but by men of considerable
+ability, men in every respect among the
+foremost of their age. A reader of this sort may
+satisfy himself that the evidence is indisputable; he
+may verify the statements I have brought forward, and
+admit that there is no possible doubt about them; but
+even then he will find it hard to conceive that there
+ever was a state of society in which such miserable
+absurdities were welcomed as sober and important
+truths, and were supposed to form an essential part of
+the general stock of European knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>But a more careful examination will do much to dissipate
+this natural astonishment. In point of fact, so
+far from wondering that such things were believed, the
+wonder would have been if they were rejected. For
+in those times, as in all others, every thing was of a
+piece. Not only in historical literature, but in all kinds
+of literature, on every subject&mdash;in science, in religion,
+in legislation&mdash;the presiding principle was a blind and
+unhesitating credulity. The more the history of Europe
+anterior to the seventeenth century is studied, the more
+completely will this fact be verified. Now and then a
+great man arose, who had his doubts respecting the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
+universal belief; who whispered a suspicion as to the
+existence of giants thirty feet high, of dragons with
+wings, and of armies flying through the air; who
+thought that astrology might be a cheat, and necromancy
+a bubble; and who even went so far as to raise
+a question respecting the propriety of drowning every
+witch and burning every heretic. A few such men
+there undoubtedly were; but they were despised as
+mere theorists, idle visionaries, who, unacquainted with
+the practice of life, arrogantly opposed their own reason
+to the wisdom of their ancestors. In the state of society
+in which they were born, it was impossible that
+they should make any permanent impression. Indeed,
+they had enough to do to look to themselves, and provide
+for their own security; for, until the latter part
+of the sixteenth century, there was no country in
+which a man was not in great personal peril if he
+expressed open doubts respecting the belief of his
+contemporaries.</p>
+
+<p>Yet it is evident, that until doubt began, progress
+was impossible. For, as we have clearly seen, the advance
+of civilization solely depends on the acquisitions
+made by the human intellect, and on the extent to which
+those acquisitions are diffused. But men who are perfectly
+satisfied with their own knowledge, will never
+attempt to increase it. Men who are perfectly convinced
+of the accuracy of their opinions, will never
+take the pains of examining the basis on which they
+are built. They look always with wonder, and often
+with horror, on views contrary to those which they
+inherited from their fathers; and while they are in this
+state of mind, it is impossible that they should receive
+any new truth which interferes with their foregone
+conclusions.</p>
+
+<p>On this account it is, that although the acquisition
+of fresh knowledge is the necessary precursor of every
+step in social progress, such acquisition must itself be
+preceded by a love of inquiry, and therefore by a spirit
+of doubt; because without doubt there will be no inquiry,
+and without inquiry there will be no knowledge.
+For knowledge is not an inert and passive principle,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
+which comes to us whether we will or no; but it must
+be sought before it can be won; it is the product of
+great labour and therefore of great sacrifice. And it
+is absurd to suppose that men will incur the labour,
+and make the sacrifice, for subjects respecting which
+they are already perfectly content. They who do not
+feel the darkness, will never look for the light. If on
+any point we have attained to certainty, we make no
+further inquiry on that point; because inquiry would
+be useless, or perhaps dangerous. The doubt must
+intervene, before the investigation can begin. Here,
+then, we have the act of doubting as the originator, or,
+at all events, the necessary antecedent, of all progress.
+Here we have that scepticism, the very name of which
+is an abomination to the ignorant; because it disturbs
+their lazy and complacent minds; because it troubles
+their cherished superstitions; because it imposes on
+them the fatigue of inquiry; and because it rouses
+even sluggish understandings to ask if things are as
+they are commonly supposed, and if all is really true
+which they from their childhood have been taught to
+believe.</p>
+
+<p>The more we examine this great principle of scepticism,
+the more distinctly shall we see the immense part it
+has played in the progress of European civilization.
+To state in general terms, what in this Introduction
+will be fully proved, it may be said, that to scepticism
+we owe that spirit of inquiry, which, during the last
+two centuries, has gradually encroached on every
+possible subject; has reformed every department of
+practical and speculative knowledge; has weakened
+the authority of the privileged classes, and thus placed
+liberty on a surer foundation; has chastized the despotism
+of princes; has restrained the arrogance of the
+nobles; and has even diminished the prejudices of the
+clergy. In a word, it is this which has remedied the
+three fundamental errors of the olden time: errors
+which made the people, in politics too confiding; in
+science too credulous; in religion too intolerant.</p>
+
+<p>This rapid summary of what has actually been effected,
+may perhaps startle those readers to whom such large<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
+investigations are not familiar. The importance, however,
+of the principle at issue is so great, that I purpose
+in this Introduction to verify it by an examination of all
+the prominent forms of European civilization. Such
+an inquiry will lead to the remarkable conclusion, that
+no single fact has so extensively affected the different
+nations as the duration, the amount, and above all the
+diffusion, of their scepticism. In Spain, the church,
+aided by the Inquisition, has always been strong enough
+to punish sceptical writers, and prevent, not indeed the
+existence, but the promulgation of sceptical opinions.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a>
+By this means the spirit of doubt being quenched,
+knowledge has for several centuries remained almost
+stationary; and civilization, which is the fruit of knowledge,
+has also been stationary. But in England and
+France, which, as we shall presently see, are the countries
+where scepticism first openly appeared, and where
+it has been most diffused, the results are altogether
+different; and the love of inquiry being encouraged,
+there has arisen that constantly-progressive knowledge
+to which these two great nations owe their prosperity.
+In the remaining part of this volume, I shall trace the
+history of this principle in France and England, and
+examine the different forms under which it has appeared,
+and the way in which those forms have affected the
+national interests. In the order of the investigation,
+I shall give the precedence to England; because, for
+the reasons already stated, its civilization must be
+deemed more normal than that of France; and therefore,
+notwithstanding its numerous deficiencies, it approaches
+the natural type more closely than its great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
+neighbour has been able to do. But as the fullest
+details respecting English civilization will be found in
+the body of the present work, I intend in the Introduction
+to devote merely a single chapter to it, and to
+consider our national history simply in reference to the
+immediate consequences of the sceptical movement;
+reserving for a future occasion those subsidiary matters
+which, though less comprehensive, are still of great
+value. And as the growth of religious toleration is
+undoubtedly the most important of all, I will, in the
+first place, state the circumstances under which it appeared
+in England in the sixteenth century; and I will
+then point out how other events, which immediately
+followed, were part of the same progress, and were
+indeed merely the same principles acting in different
+directions.</p>
+
+<p>A careful study of the history of religious toleration
+will prove, that in every Christian country where it has
+been adopted, it has been forced upon the clergy by the
+authority of the secular classes.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> At the present day,
+it is still unknown to those nations among whom the
+ecclesiastical power is stronger than the temporal
+power; and as this, during many centuries, was the
+general condition, it is not wonderful that, in the early
+history of Europe, we should find scarcely a trace of so
+wise and benevolent an opinion. But at the moment
+when Elizabeth mounted the throne of England, our
+country was about equally divided between two hostile<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
+creeds; and the queen, with remarkable ability, contrived
+during some time so to balance the rival powers,
+as to allow to neither a decisive preponderance. This
+was the first instance which had been seen in Europe
+of a government successfully carried on without the
+active participation of the spiritual authority; and the
+consequence was, that for several years the principle of
+toleration, though still most imperfectly understood,
+was pushed to an extent which is truly surprising for
+so barbarous an age.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> Unhappily, after a time, various
+circumstances, which I shall relate in their proper
+place, induced Elizabeth to change a policy which she,
+even with all her wisdom, perhaps considered to be a
+dangerous experiment, and for which the knowledge of
+the country was as yet hardly ripe. But although she
+now allowed the Protestants to gratify their hatred
+against the Catholics, there was, in the midst of the
+sanguinary scenes which followed, one circumstance
+very worthy of remark. Although many persons were
+most unquestionably executed merely for their religion,
+no one ventured to state their religion as the cause of
+their execution.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> The most barbarous punishments
+were inflicted upon them; but they were told that they
+might escape the punishment by renouncing certain
+principles which were said to be injurious to the safety
+of the state.<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> It is true, that many of these principles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
+were such as no Catholic could abandon without at the
+same time abandoning his religion, of which they formed
+an essential part. But the mere fact that the spirit of
+persecution was driven to such a subterfuge, showed
+that a great progress had been made by the age. A
+most important point, indeed, was gained when the
+bigot became a hypocrite; and when the clergy, though
+willing to burn men for the good of their souls, were
+obliged to justify their cruelty by alleging considerations
+of a more temporal, and, as they considered, a
+less important character.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a></p>
+
+<p>A remarkable evidence of the change that was then
+taking place, is found in the two most important theological
+works which appeared in England during the
+reign of Elizabeth. <i>Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity</i> was
+published at the end of the sixteenth century,<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> and is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
+still considered one of the greatest bulwarks of our
+national church. If we compare this work with <i>Jewel's
+Apology for the Church of England</i>, which was written
+thirty years before it,<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> we shall at once be struck by
+the different methods these eminent writers employed.
+Both Hooker and Jewel were men of learning and
+genius. Both of them were familiar with the Bible,
+the Fathers, and the Councils. Both of them wrote
+with the avowed object of defending the Church of
+England; and both of them were well acquainted with
+the ordinary weapons of theological controversy. But
+here the resemblance stops. The men were very
+similar; their works are entirely different. During
+the thirty years which had elapsed, the English intellect
+had made immense progress; and the arguments
+which in the time of Jewel were found perfectly satisfactory,
+would not have been listened to in the time of
+Hooker. The work of Jewel is full of quotations from
+the Fathers and the Councils, whose mere assertions,
+when they are uncontradicted by Scripture, he seems to
+regard as positive proofs. Hooker, though he shows
+much respect to the Councils, lays little stress upon
+the Fathers, and evidently considered that his readers
+would not pay much attention to their unsupported
+opinions. Jewel inculcates the importance of faith;
+Hooker insists upon the exercise of reason.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> The first<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
+employs all his talents in collecting the decisions of
+antiquity, and in deciding upon the meaning which
+they may be supposed to bear. The other quotes the
+ancients, not so much from respect for their authority,
+as with the view of illustrating his own arguments.
+Thus, for instance, both Hooker and Jewel assert the
+undoubted right of the sovereign to interfere in ecclesiastical
+affairs. Jewel, however, fancied that he had
+proved the right, when he had pointed out that it was
+exercised by Moses, by Joshua, by David, and by
+Solomon.<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> On the other hand, Hooker lays down<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
+that this right exists, not because it is ancient, but
+because it is advisable; and because it is unjust to suppose
+that men who are not ecclesiastics will consent to
+be bound by laws which ecclesiastics alone have framed.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a>
+In the same opposite spirit do these great writers conduct
+their defence of their own church. Jewel, like all
+the authors of his time, had exercised his memory more
+than his reason; and he thinks to settle the
+whole dispute by crowding together texts from the
+Bible, with the opinions of the commentators upon
+them.<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> But Hooker, who lived in the age of Shakespeare<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
+and Bacon, found himself constrained to take
+views of a far more comprehensive character. His
+defence rests neither upon tradition nor upon commentators,
+nor ever upon revelation; but he is content that
+the pretensions of the hostile parties shall be decided
+by their applicability to the great exigencies of society,
+and by the ease with which they adapt themselves to
+the general purposes of ordinary life.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></p>
+
+<p>It requires but little penetration to see the immense
+importance of the change which these two great works
+represent. As long as an opinion in theology was
+defended by the old dogmatic method, it was impossible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
+to assail it without incurring the imputation of heresy.
+But when it was chiefly defended by human reasoning,
+its support was seriously weakened. For by this means
+the element of uncertainty was let in. It might be
+alleged, that the arguments of one sect are as good as
+those of another; and that we cannot be sure of the
+truth of our principles, until we have heard what is to
+be said on the opposite side. According to the old
+theological theory, it was easy to justify the most
+barbarous persecution. If a man knew that the only
+true religion was the one which he professed, and if he
+also knew that those who died in a contrary opinion
+were doomed to everlasting perdition&mdash;if he knew
+these things beyond the remotest possibility of a doubt,
+he might fairly argue, that it is merciful to punish the
+body in order to save the soul, and secure to immortal
+beings their future salvation, even though he employed
+so sharp a remedy as the halter or the stake.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> But if
+this same man is taught to think that questions of religion
+are to be settled by reason as well as by faith, he
+can scarcely avoid the reflection, that the reason even
+of the strongest minds is not infallible, since it has led
+the ablest men to the most opposite conclusions. When
+this idea is once diffused among a people, it cannot fail
+to influence their conduct. No one of common sense
+and common honesty will dare to levy upon another, on
+account of his religion, the extreme penalty of the law,
+when he knows it possible that his own opinions may
+be wrong, and that those of the man he has punished
+may be right. From the moment when questions of
+religion begin to evade the jurisdiction of faith, and
+submit to the jurisdiction of reason, persecution becomes
+a crime of the deepest dye. Thus it was in England in
+the seventeenth century. As theology became more
+reasonable, it became less confident, and therefore more
+merciful. Seventeen years after the publication of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
+great work of Hooker, two men were publicly burned
+by the English bishops, for holding heretical opinions.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a>
+But this was the last gasp of expiring bigotry; and
+since that memorable day, the soil of England has
+never been stained by the blood of a man who has
+suffered for his religious creed.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a></p>
+
+<p>We have thus seen the rise of that scepticism which
+in physics must always be the beginning of science,
+and in religion must always be the beginning of toleration.
+There is, indeed, no doubt that in both cases
+individual thinkers may, by a great effort of original
+genius, emancipate themselves from the operation of
+this law. But in the progress of nations no such emancipation
+is possible. As long as men refer the movements
+of the comets to the immediate finger of God,
+and as long as they believe that an eclipse is one of the
+modes by which the Deity expresses his anger, they
+will never be guilty of the blasphemous presumption
+of attempting to predict such supernatural appearances.
+Before they could dare to investigate the causes of
+these mysterious phenomena, it is necessary that they
+should believe, or at all events that they should suspect,
+that the phenomena themselves were capable of being
+explained by the human mind. In the same way, until
+men are content in some degree to bring their religion
+before the bar of their own reason, they never can
+understand how it is that there should be a diversity
+of creeds, or how any one can differ from themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
+without being guilty of the most enormous and unpardonable
+crime.<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a></p>
+
+<p>If we now continue to trace the progress of opinions
+in England, we shall see the full force of these remarks.
+A general spirit of inquiry, of doubt, and even of insubordination,
+began to occupy the minds of men. In
+physics, it enabled them, almost at a blow, to throw
+off the shackles of antiquity, and give birth to sciences
+founded not on notions of old, but on individual observations
+and individual experiments.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> In politics, it
+stimulated them to rise against the government, and
+eventually bring their king to the scaffold. In religion,
+it vented itself in a thousand sects, each of which proclaimed,
+and often exaggerated, the efficiency of private
+judgment.<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> The details of this vast movement form<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
+one of the most interesting parts of the history of
+England: but without anticipating what I must hereafter
+relate, I will at present mention only one instance,
+which, from the circumstances attending it, is very
+characteristic of the age. The celebrated work by
+Chillingworth on the <i>Religion of Protestants</i>, is generally
+admitted to be the best defence which the Reformers
+have been able to make against the Church of
+Rome.<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> It was published in 1637,<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> and the position
+of the author would induce us to look for the fullest
+display of bigotry that was consistent with the spirit
+of his time. Chillingworth had recently abandoned
+the creed which he now came forward to attack; and
+he, therefore, might be expected to have that natural
+inclination to dogmatize with which apostasy is usually
+accompanied. Besides this, he was the godson and the
+intimate friend of Laud,<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> whose memory is still loathed,
+as the meanest, the most cruel, and the most narrowminded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
+man who ever sat on the episcopal bench.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a>
+He was, moreover, a fellow of Oxford, and was a constant
+resident at that ancient university, which has
+always been esteemed as the refuge of superstition, and
+which has preserved to our own day its unenviable
+fame.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> If now we turn to the work that was written
+under these auspices, we can scarcely believe that it
+was produced in the same generation, and in the same
+country, where, only twenty-six years before, two men
+had been publicly burned because they advocated
+opinions different to those of the established church.
+It is, indeed, a most remarkable proof of the prodigious
+energy of that great movement which was now going
+on, that its pressure should be felt under circumstances
+the most hostile to it which can possibly be conceived;
+and that a friend of Laud, and a fellow of Oxford,
+should, in a grave theological treatise, lay down principles
+utterly subversive of that theological spirit which
+for many centuries had enslaved the whole of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>In this great work, all authority in matters of religion
+is openly set at defiance. Hooker, indeed, had
+appealed from the jurisdiction of the Fathers to the
+jurisdiction of reason; he had, however, been careful
+to add, that the reason of individuals ought to bow
+before that of the church, as we find it expressed in
+great Councils, and in the general voice of ecclesiastical
+tradition.<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> But Chillingworth would hear of none of
+these things. He would admit of no reservations which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span>
+tended to limit the sacred right of private judgment.
+He not only went far beyond Hooker in neglecting the
+Fathers,<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> but he even ventured to despise the Councils.
+Although the sole object of his work was to
+decide on the conflicting claims of the two greatest
+sects into which the Christian Church has broken, he
+never quotes as authorities the Councils of that very
+church respecting which the disputes were agitated.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>
+His strong and subtle intellect, penetrating the depths
+of the subject, despised that sort of controversy which
+had long busied the minds of men. In discussing the
+points upon which the Catholics and Protestants were
+at issue, he does not inquire whether the doctrines in
+question met the approval of the early church, but he
+asks if they are in accordance with human reason; and
+he does not hesitate to say that, however true they may
+be, no man is bound to believe them if he finds that
+they are repugnant to the dictates of his own understanding.
+Nor will he consent that faith should supply
+the absence of authority. Even this favourite principle
+of theologians is by Chillingworth made to yield to the
+supremacy of the human reason.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> Reason, he says,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
+gives us knowledge; while faith only gives us belief,
+which is a part of knowledge, and is, therefore, inferior
+to it. It is by reason, and not by faith, that we must
+discriminate in religious matters; and it is by reason
+alone that we can distinguish truth from falsehood. Finally,
+he solemnly reminds his readers, that in religious
+matters no one ought to be expected to draw strong
+conclusions from imperfect premises, or to credit improbable
+statements upon scanty evidence; still less,
+he says, was it ever intended that men should so prostitute
+their reason, as to believe with infallible faith
+that which they are unable to prove with infallible
+arguments.<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a></p>
+
+<p>No one of ordinary reflection can fail to perceive the
+manifest tendency of these opinions. But what is more
+important to observe is, the process through which, in
+the march of civilization, the human mind had been
+obliged to pass before it could reach such elevated views.
+The Reformation, by destroying the dogma of an infallible
+church, had of course weakened the reverence
+which was paid to ecclesiastical antiquity. Still, such
+was the force of old associations, that our countrymen
+long continued to respect what they had ceased to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
+venerate. Thus it was, that Jewel, though recognizing
+the supreme authority of the Bible, had, in cases where
+it was silent or ambiguous, anxiously appealed to the
+early church, by whose decision he supposed all difficulties
+could be easily cleared. He, therefore, only
+used his reason to ascertain the discrepancies which
+existed between Scripture and tradition; but when
+they did not clash, he paid what is now considered a
+superstitious deference to antiquity. Thirty years after
+him came Hooker;<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> who made a step in advance, and
+laying down principles from which Jewel would have
+shrunk with fear, did much to weaken that which it
+was reserved for Chillingworth utterly to destroy.
+Thus it is, that these three great men represent the
+three distinct epochs of the three successive generations
+in which they respectively lived. In Jewel, reason is,
+if I may so say, the superstructure of the system; but
+authority is the basis upon which the superstructure is
+built. In Hooker, authority is only the superstructure,
+and reason is the basis.<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> But in Chillingworth, whose
+writings were harbingers of the coming storm, authority
+entirely disappears, and the whole fabric of religion is
+made to rest upon the way in which the unaided
+reason of man shall interpret the decrees of an omnipotent
+God.</p>
+
+<p>The immense success of this great work of Chillingworth,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
+must have aided that movement of which it is
+itself an evidence.<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> It formed a decisive vindication
+of religious dissent;<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> and thus justified the breaking
+up of the Anglican church, which the same generation
+lived to witness. Its fundamental principle was adopted
+by the most influential writers of the seventeenth century,&mdash;such
+as Hales, Owen, Taylor, Burnet, Tillotson,
+Locke, and even the cautious and time-serving Temple;
+all of whom insisted upon the authority of private judgment,
+as forming a tribunal from which no one had the
+power of appeal. The inference to be drawn from this
+seems obvious.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> If the ultimate test of truth is individual
+judgment, and if no one can affirm that the judgments
+of men, which are often contradictory, can ever be
+infallible, it follows of necessity that there is no decisive
+criterion of religious truth. This is a melancholy, and,
+as I firmly believe, a most inaccurate conclusion; but
+it is one which every nation must entertain, before it
+can achieve that great work of toleration, which, even
+in our own country, and in our own time, is not yet
+consummated. It is necessary that men should learn
+to doubt, before they begin to tolerate; and that they
+should recognize the fallibility of their own opinions,
+before they respect the opinions of their opponents.<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
+This great process is far from being yet completed in
+any country; and the European mind, barely emerged
+from its early credulity, and from an overweening confidence
+in its own belief, is still in a middle, and, so to
+say, a probationary stage. When that stage shall be
+finally passed, when we shall have learned to estimate
+men solely by their character and their acts, and not
+at all by their theological dogmas, we shall then be
+able to form our religious opinions by that purely
+transcendental process, of which in every age glimpses
+have been granted to a few gifted minds. That this is
+the direction in which things are now hastening, must
+be clear to every one who has studied the progress of
+modern civilization. Within the short space of three
+centuries, the old theological spirit has been compelled,
+not only to descend from its long-established supremacy,
+but to abandon those strongholds to which, in
+the face of advancing knowledge, it has vainly attempted
+to secure a retreat. All its most cherished
+pretensions it has been forced gradually to relinquish.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a>
+And although in England a temporary prominence has
+recently been given to certain religious controversies,
+still the circumstances attending them show the alteration
+in the character of the age. Disputes which, a
+century ago, would have set the whole kingdom in a
+flame, are now regarded with indifference by the vast<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
+majority of educated men. The complications of modern
+society, and the immense variety of interests into which
+it is divided, have done much to distract the intellect,
+and to prevent it from dwelling upon subjects which a
+less-occupied people would deem of paramount importance.
+Besides this, the accumulations of science are
+far superior to those of any former age, and offer suggestions
+of such surpassing interest, that nearly all our
+greatest thinkers devote to them the whole of their
+time, and refuse to busy themselves with matters of
+mere speculative belief. The consequence is, that what
+used to be considered the most important of all questions,
+is now abandoned to inferior men, who mimic
+the zeal, without possessing the influence of those really
+great divines whose works are among the glories of our
+early literature. These turbulent polemics have, indeed,
+distracted the church by their clamour, but they
+have not made the slightest impression upon the great
+body of English intellect; and an overwhelming majority
+of the nation is notoriously opposed to that monastic
+and ascetic religion which it is now vainly attempted
+to reconstruct. The truth is, that the time for these
+things has gone by. Theological interests have long
+ceased to be supreme; and the affairs of nations are no
+longer regulated according to ecclesiastical views.<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
+England, where the march has been more rapid than
+elsewhere, this change is very observable. In every
+other department we have had a series of great
+and powerful thinkers, who have done honour to their
+country, and have won the admiration of mankind.
+But for more than a century, we have not produced a
+single original work in the whole field of controversial
+theology. For more than a century, the apathy on this
+subject has been so marked, that there has been made
+no addition of value to that immense mass of divinity
+which, among thinking men, is in every successive
+generation losing something of its former interest.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a></p>
+
+<p>These are only some of the innumerable signs, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
+must be discerned by every man who is not blinded by
+the prejudices of an imperfect education. An immense
+majority of the clergy,&mdash;some from ambitious feelings,
+but the greater part, I believe, from conscientious
+motives,&mdash;are striving to check the progress of that
+scepticism which is now gathering in upon us from
+every quarter.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> It is time that these well-intentioned,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
+though mistaken, men should see the delusion under
+which they labour. That by which they are so much
+alarmed, is the intermediate step which leads from
+superstition to toleration. The higher order of minds
+have passed through this stage, and are approaching
+what is probably the ultimate form of the religious
+history of the human race. But the people at large,
+and even some of those who are commonly called
+educated men, are only now entering that earlier epoch
+in which scepticism<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> is the leading feature of the
+mind. So far, therefore, from our apprehensions being
+excited by this rapidly-increasing spirit, we ought
+rather to do everything in our power to encourage that
+which, though painful to some, is salutary to all;
+because by it alone can religious bigotry be effectually
+destroyed. Nor ought we to be surprised that, before
+this can be done, a certain degree of suffering must
+first intervene.<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> If one age believes too much, it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
+but a natural reaction that another age should believe
+too little. Such are the imperfections of our nature,
+that we are compelled, by the very laws of its progress,
+to pass through those crises of scepticism and of
+mental distress, which to a vulgar eye are states of
+national decline and national shame; but which are
+only as the fire by which the gold must be purged
+before it can leave its dross in the pot of the refiner.
+To apply the imagery of the great allegorist, it is
+necessary that the poor pilgrim, laden with the weight
+of accumulated superstitions, should struggle through
+the Slough of Despond and the Valley of Death, before
+he can reach that glorious city, glittering with gold
+and with jewels, of which the first sight is sufficient
+recompense for his toils and his fears.</p>
+
+<p>During the whole of the seventeenth century, this
+double movement of scepticism and of toleration continued
+to advance; though its progress was constantly
+checked by the two successors of Elizabeth, who in
+every thing reversed the enlightened policy of the great
+queen. These princes exhausted their strength in
+struggling against the tendencies of an age they were
+unable to understand; but, happily, the spirit which
+they wished to quench had reached a height that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
+mocked their control. At the same time, the march of
+the English mind was still farther aided by the nature
+of those disputes which, during half a century, divided
+the country. In the reign of Elizabeth, the great
+contest had been between the church and its opponents;
+between those who were orthodox, and those who were
+heretical. But in the reigns of James and Charles,
+theology was for the first time merged in politics. It
+was no longer a struggle of creeds and dogmas; but
+it was a struggle between those who favoured the
+crown, and those who supported the parliament. The
+minds of men, thus fixed upon matters of real importance,
+neglected those inferior pursuits that had engrossed
+the attention of their fathers.<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> When, at
+length, public affairs had reached their crisis, the hard
+fate of the king, which eventually advanced the interests
+of the throne, was most injurious to those of the
+church. There can, indeed, be no doubt that the
+circumstances connected with the execution of Charles,
+inflicted a blow upon the whole system of ecclesiastical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
+authority, from which, in this country, it has never
+been able to recover. The violent death of the king
+excited the sympathies of the people; and by thus
+strengthening the hands of the royalists, hastened
+the restoration of the monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> But the mere
+name of that great party which had risen to power,
+was suggestive of the change that, in a religious point
+of view, was taking place in the national mind. It
+was, indeed, no light thing, that England should be
+ruled by men who called themselves Independents;
+and who, under that title, not only beat back the pretensions
+of the clergy, but professed an unbounded
+contempt for all those rites and dogmas which the
+clergy had, during many centuries, continued to amass.<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
+True it is, that the Independents did not always
+push to their full extent the consequences of their own
+doctrines.<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> Still, it was a great matter to have those
+doctrines recognized by the constituted authorities of
+the state. Besides this, it is important to remark, that
+the Puritans were more fanatical than superstitious.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>
+They were so ignorant of the real principles of government,
+as to direct penal laws against private vices;
+and to suppose that immorality could be stemmed by
+legislation.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> But, notwithstanding this serious error,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
+they always resisted the aggressions even of their own
+clergy; and the destruction of the old episcopal hierarchy,
+though perhaps too hastily effected, must have
+produced many beneficial results. When the great
+party by whom these things were accomplished, was at
+length overthrown, the progress of events still continued
+to tend in the same direction. After the Restoration,
+the church, though reinstated in her ancient pomp, had
+evidently lost her ancient power.<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> At the same time,
+the new king, from levity, rather than from reason,
+despised the disputes of theologians, and treated questions
+of religion with what he considered a philosophic
+indifference.<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> The courtiers followed his example, and
+thought they could not err in imitating him, whom they
+regarded as the Lord's anointed. The results were
+such as must be familiar even to the most superficial
+readers of English literature. That grave and measured
+scepticism, by which the Independents had been characterized,
+lost all its decorum when it was transplanted
+into the ungenial atmosphere of a court. The
+men by whom the king was surrounded, were unequal
+to the difficulties of suspense; and they attempted to
+fortify their doubts by the blasphemous expression of a
+wild and desperate infidelity. With scarcely an exception,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span>
+all those writers who were most favoured by
+Charles, exhausted the devices of their ribald spirit, in
+mocking a religion, of the nature of which they were
+profoundly ignorant. These impious buffooneries
+would, by themselves, have left no permanent impression
+on the age; but they deserve attention, because
+they were the corrupt and exaggerated representatives
+of a more general tendency. They were the unwholesome
+offspring of that spirit of disbelief, and of that
+daring revolt against authority, which characterized the
+most eminent Englishmen during the seventeenth century.
+It was this which caused Locke to be an innovator
+in his philosophy, and an Unitarian in his creed. It
+was this which made Newton a Socinian; which forced
+Milton to be the great enemy of the church, and which
+not only turned the poet into a rebel, but tainted with
+Arianism the <i>Paradise Lost</i>. In a word, it was the
+same contempt for tradition, and the same resolution
+to spurn the yoke, which, being first carried into philosophy
+by Bacon, was afterwards carried into politics by
+Cromwell; and which, during that very generation,
+was enforced in theology by Chillingworth, Owen, and
+Hales; in metaphysics by Hobbes and Glanvil; and in
+the theory of government by Harrington, Sydney, and
+Locke.</p>
+
+<p>The progress which the English intellect was now
+making towards shaking off ancient superstitions,<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
+still further aided by the extraordinary zeal displayed
+in the cultivation of the physical sciences. This, like
+all great social movements, is clearly traceable to the
+events by which it was preceded. It was partly cause,
+and partly effect, of the increasing incredulity of the
+age. The scepticism of the educated classes made
+them dissatisfied with those long-established opinions,
+which only rested on unsupported authority; and this
+gave rise to a desire to ascertain how far such notions
+might be verified or refuted by the real condition of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
+things. A curious instance of the rapid progress of
+this spirit may be found in the works of an author who
+was one of the most eminent among the mere literary
+men of his time. While the Civil War was barely
+decided, and three years before the execution of the
+king, Sir Thomas Browne published his celebrated
+work, called <i>Inquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors</i>.<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a>
+This able and learned production has the merit of
+anticipating some of those results which more modern
+inquirers have obtained;<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> but it is chiefly remarkable,
+as being the first systematic and deliberate onslaught
+ever made in England upon those superstitious fancies
+which were then prevalent respecting the external
+world. And what is still more interesting is, that the
+circumstances under which it appeared make it evident,
+that while the learning and genius of the author
+belonged to himself, the scepticism which he displayed
+respecting popular belief was forced on him by the
+pressure of the age.</p>
+
+<p>In or about 1633, when the throne was still occupied
+by a superstitious prince; when the Church of England
+was at the height of her apparent power; and when
+men were incessantly persecuted for their religious
+opinions&mdash;this same Sir Thomas Browne wrote his
+<i>Religio Medici</i>,<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> in which we find all the qualities of
+his later work, except the scepticism. Indeed, in the
+<i>Religio Medici</i>, there is shown a credulity that must
+have secured the sympathy of those classes which were
+then dominant. Of all the prejudices which at that
+time were deemed an essential part of the popular
+creed, there was not one which Browne ventured to
+deny. He announces his belief in the philosopher's
+stone;<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> in spirits, and tutelary angels;<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
+palmistry.<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> He not only peremptorily affirms the reality
+of witches, but he says that those who deny their existence
+are not merely infidels, but atheists.<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> He carefully
+tells us that he reckons his nativity, not from his
+birth, but from his baptism; for before he was baptized,
+he could not be said to exist.<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> To these touches of
+wisdom, he moreover adds, that the more improbable
+any proposition is, the greater his willingness to assent
+to it; but that when a thing is actually impossible, he
+is on that very account prepared to believe it.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were the opinions put forth by Sir Thomas
+Browne in the first of the two great works he presented
+to the world. But in his <i>Inquiries into Vulgar Errors</i>,
+there is displayed a spirit so entirely different, that if
+it were not for the most decisive evidence, we could
+hardly believe it to be written by the same man. The
+truth, however, is, that during the twelve years which
+elapsed between the two works, there was completed
+that vast social and intellectual revolution, of which
+the overthrow of the church and the execution of the
+king were but minor incidents. We know from the
+literature, from the private correspondence, and from
+the public acts of that time, how impossible it was,
+even for the strongest minds, to escape the effects of
+the general intoxication. No wonder, then, that
+Browne, who certainly was inferior to several of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
+contemporaries, should have been affected by a movement
+which they were unable to resist. It would have
+been strange, indeed, if he alone had remained uninfluenced
+by that sceptical spirit, which, because it had
+been arbitrarily repressed, had now broken all bounds,
+and in the reaction soon swept away those institutions
+which vainly attempted to stop its course.</p>
+
+<p>It is in this point of view that a comparison of the
+two works becomes highly interesting, and, indeed,
+very important. In this, his later production, we hear
+no more about believing things because they are impossible;
+but we are told of &lsquo;the two great pillars of
+truth, experience and solid reason.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> We are also
+reminded that one main cause of error is &lsquo;adherence
+unto authority;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> that another is, &lsquo;neglect of inquiry;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a>
+and, strange to say, that a third is &lsquo;credulity.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a>
+All this was not very consistent with the old
+theological spirit; and we need not, therefore, be surprised
+that Browne not only exposes some of the innumerable
+blunders of the Fathers,<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> but, after speaking
+of errors in general, curtly adds: &lsquo;Many others there
+are, which we resign unto divinity, and perhaps deserve
+not controversy.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a></p>
+
+<p>The difference between these two works is no bad
+measure of the rapidity of that vast movement which,
+in the middle of the seventeenth century, was seen in
+every branch of practical and speculative life. After
+the death of Bacon, one of the most distinguished
+Englishmen was certainly Boyle, who, if compared
+with his contemporaries, may be said to rank immediately
+below Newton, though, of course, very inferior to
+him as an original thinker.<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> With the additions he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
+made to our knowledge we are not immediately concerned;
+but it may be mentioned, that he was the first
+who instituted exact experiments into the relation between
+colour and heat;<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> and by this means, not only
+ascertained some very important facts, but laid a foundation
+for that union between optics and thermotics, which,
+though not yet completed, now merely waits for some
+great philosopher to strike out a generalization large
+enough to cover both, and thus fuse the two sciences
+into a single study. It is also to Boyle, more than to any
+other Englishman, that we owe the science of hydrostatics,
+in the state in which we now possess it.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a> He
+is the original discoverer of that beautiful law, so fertile
+in valuable results, according to which the elasticity of
+air varies as its density.<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> And, in the opinion of one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
+of the most eminent modern naturalists, it was Boyle
+who opened up those chemical inquiries, which went
+on accumulating until, a century later, they supplied
+the means by which Lavoisier and his contemporaries
+fixed the real basis of chemistry, and enabled it for the
+first time to take its proper stand among those sciences
+that deal with the external world.<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a></p>
+
+<p>The application of these discoveries to the happiness
+of Man, and particularly to what may be called the
+material interests of civilization, will be traced in
+another part of this work; but what I now wish to
+observe, is the way in which such investigations harmonized
+with the movement I am attempting to describe.
+In the whole of his physical inquiries, Boyle constantly
+insists upon two fundamental principles: namely, the
+importance of individual experiments, and the comparative
+unimportance of the facts which, on these subjects,
+antiquity has handed down.<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> These are the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
+two great keys to his method: they are the views
+which he inherited from Bacon, and they are also the
+views which have been held by every man who, during
+the last two centuries, has added anything of moment
+to the stock of human knowledge. First to doubt,<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a>
+then to inquire, and then to discover, has been the
+process universally followed by our great teachers. So
+strongly did Boyle feel this, that though he was an
+eminently religious man,<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> he gave to the most popular
+of his scientific works the title of <i>The Sceptical Chemist</i>;
+meaning to intimate, that until men were sceptical concerning
+the chemistry of their own time, it would be
+impossible that they should advance far in the career
+which lay before them. Nor can we fail to observe
+that this remarkable work, in which such havoc was
+made with old notions, was published in 1661,<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> the
+year after the accession of Charles II., in whose reign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
+the spread of incredulity was indeed rapid, since it was
+seen not only among the intellectual classes, but even
+among the nobles and personal friends of the king. It
+is true, that in that rank of society, it assumed an
+offensive and degenerate form. But the movement
+must have been one of no common energy which, in
+so early a stage, could thus penetrate the recesses of
+the palace, and excite the minds of the courtiers; a lazy
+and feeble race, who from the frivolity of their habits
+are, under ordinary circumstances, predisposed to superstition,
+and prepared to believe whatever the wisdom
+of their fathers has bequeathed to them.</p>
+
+<p>In everything this tendency was now seen. Everything
+marked a growing determination to subordinate
+old notions to new inquiries. At the very moment
+when Boyle was prosecuting his labours, Charles II.
+incorporated the Royal Society, which was formed with
+the avowed object of increasing knowledge by direct
+experiment.<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> And it is well worthy of remark, that
+the charter now first granted to this celebrated institution
+declares that its object is the extension of natural
+knowledge, as opposed to that which is supernatural.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is easy to imagine with what terror and disgust<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
+these things were viewed by those inordinate admirers
+of antiquity who, solely occupied in venerating past
+ages, are unable either to respect the present or hope
+for the future. These great obstructors of mankind
+played, in the seventeenth century, the same part as
+they play in our own day, rejecting every novelty, and
+therefore opposing every improvement. The angry
+contest which arose between the two parties, and the
+hostility directed against the Royal Society, as the first
+institution in which the idea of progress was distinctly
+embodied, are among the most instructive parts of our
+history, and on another occasion I shall relate them at
+considerable length. At present it is enough to say,
+that the reactionary party, though led by an overwhelming
+majority of the clergy, was entirely defeated;
+as, indeed, was to be expected, seeing that their opponents
+had on their side nearly all the intellect of the
+country, and were moreover reinforced by such aid as
+the court could bestow. The progress was, in truth,
+so rapid as to carry away with it some of the ablest
+members even of the ecclesiastical profession; their love
+of knowledge proving too strong for the old traditions
+in which they had been bred. But these were exceptional
+cases, and, speaking generally, there is no doubt
+that in the reign of Charles II. the antagonism between
+physical science and the theological spirit was such as
+to induce nearly the whole of the clergy to array themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
+against the science, and seek to bring it into
+discredit. Nor ought we to be surprised that they
+should have adopted this course. That inquisitive and
+experimental spirit which they wished to check was
+not only offensive to their prejudices, but it was also
+detrimental to their power. For, in the first place, the
+mere habit of cultivating physical science taught men
+to require a severity of proof which it was soon found
+that the clergy were, in their own department, unable
+to supply. And, in the second place, the additions made
+to physical knowledge opened new fields of thought,
+and thus tended still further to divert attention from
+ecclesiastical topics. Both these effects would of
+course be limited to the comparatively few persons
+who were interested in scientific inquiries: it is, however,
+to be observed, that the ultimate results of such
+inquiries must have been extended over a far wider
+surface. This may be called their secondary influence;
+and the way in which it operated is well worth our
+attention, because an acquaintance with it will go far
+to explain the reason of that marked opposition which
+has always existed between superstition and knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident, that a nation perfectly ignorant of
+physical laws will refer to supernatural causes all the
+phenomena by which it is surrounded.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> But so soon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
+as natural science begins to do its work, there are
+introduced the elements of a great change. Each successive
+discovery, by ascertaining the law that governs
+certain events, deprives them of that apparent mystery
+in which they were formerly involved.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> The love of
+the marvellous becomes proportionably diminished;
+and when any science has made such progress as to
+enable those who are acquainted with it to foretell the
+events with which it deals, it is clear that the whole of
+those events are at once withdrawn from the jurisdiction
+of supernatural, and brought under the authority<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
+of natural powers.<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> The business of physical philosophy
+is, to explain external phenomena with a view to
+their prediction; and every successful prediction which
+is recognised by the people causes a disruption of one
+of those links which, as it were, bind the imagination
+to the occult and invisible world. Hence it is that,
+supposing other things equal, the superstition of a
+nation must always bear an exact proportion to the
+extent of its physical knowledge. This may be in some
+degree verified by the ordinary experience of mankind.
+For if we compare the different classes of society, we
+shall find that they are superstitious in proportion as
+the phenomena with which they are brought in contact
+have or have not been explained by natural laws. The
+credulity of sailors is notorious, and every literature
+contains evidence of the multiplicity of their superstitions,
+and of the tenacity with which they cling to
+them.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> This is perfectly explicable by the principle I
+have laid down. Meteorology has not yet been raised
+to a science; and the laws which regulate winds and
+storms being in consequence still unknown, it naturally
+follows, that the class of men most exposed to their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
+dangers should be precisely the class which is most
+superstitious.<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> On the other hand, soldiers live upon
+an element much more obedient to man, and they are
+less liable than sailors to those risks which defy the
+calculations of science. Soldiers, therefore, have fewer
+inducements to appeal to supernatural interference;
+and it is universally observed, that as a body they are
+less superstitious than sailors. If, again, we compare
+agriculturists with manufacturers, we shall see the
+operation of the same principle. To the cultivators of
+land, one of the most important circumstances is the
+weather, which, if it turn out unfavourable, may at once
+defeat all their calculations. But science not having yet
+succeeded in discovering the laws of rain, men are at
+present unable to foretell it for any considerable period;
+the inhabitant of the country is, therefore, driven to believe
+that it is the result of supernatural agency, and we
+still see the extraordinary spectacle of prayers offered up
+in our churches for dry weather or for wet weather; a
+superstition which to future ages will appear as childish
+as the feelings of pious awe with which our fathers
+regarded the presence of a comet, or the approach of
+an eclipse. We are now acquainted with the laws
+which determine the movements of comets and eclipses;
+and as we are able to predict their appearance, we have
+ceased to pray that we may be preserved from them.<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
+But because our researches into the phenomena of rain
+happen to have been less successful,<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> we resort to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span>
+impious contrivance of calling in the aid of the Deity
+to supply those deficiencies in science which are the
+result of our own sloth; and we are not ashamed, in
+our public churches, to prostitute the rites of religion
+by using them as a cloak to conceal an ignorance we
+ought frankly to confess.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> The agriculturist is thus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
+taught to ascribe to supernatural agency the most important
+phenomena with which he is concerned;<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> and
+there can be no doubt that this is one of the causes of
+those superstitious feelings by which the inhabitants of
+the country are unfavourably contrasted with those of
+the town.<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> But the manufacturer, and, indeed, nearly
+every one engaged in the business of cities, has employments,
+the success of which being regulated by his
+own abilities, has no connexion with those unexplained
+events that perplex the imagination of the cultivators
+of the earth. He who, by his ingenuity, works up the
+raw material, is evidently less affected by uncontrollable
+occurrences, than he by whom the raw material
+is originally grown. Whether it is fair, or whether it
+is wet, he pursues his labours with equal success, and
+learns to rely solely upon his own energy, and the
+cunning of his own arm. As the sailor is naturally
+more superstitious than the soldier, because he has to
+deal with a more unstable element; just in the same
+way is the agriculturist more superstitious than the
+mechanic, because he is more frequently and more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span>
+seriously affected by events which the ignorance of some
+men makes them call capricious, and the ignorance of
+other men makes them call supernatural.</p>
+
+<p>It would be easy, by an extension of these remarks,
+to show how the progress of manufactures, besides
+increasing the national wealth, has done immense
+service to civilization, by inspiring Man with a confidence
+in his own resources;<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> and how, by giving rise
+to a new class of employments, it has, if I may so say,
+shifted the scene in which superstition is most likely
+to dwell. But to trace this would carry me beyond
+my present limits; and the illustrations already given
+are sufficient to explain how the theological spirit must
+have been diminished by that love of experimental
+science, which forms one of the principal features in
+the reign of Charles II.<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a></p>
+
+<p>I have now laid before the reader what I conceive to
+be the point of view from which we ought to estimate
+a period whose true nature seems to me to have been
+grievously misunderstood. Those political writers who
+judge events without regard to that intellectual development
+of which they are but a part, will find much to
+condemn, and scarcely anything to approve, in the
+reign of Charles II. By such authors, I shall be censured
+for having travelled out of that narrow path in
+which history has been too often confined. And yet I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span>
+am at a loss to perceive how it is possible, except by
+the adoption of such a course, to understand a period
+which, on a superficial view, is full of the grossest
+inconsistencies. This difficulty will be rendered very
+obvious, if we compare for a moment the nature of the
+government of Charles with the great things which,
+under that government, were peaceably effected. Never
+before was there such a want of apparent connexion
+between the means and the end. If we look only at
+the characters of the rulers, and at their foreign policy,
+we must pronounce the reign of Charles II. to be the
+worst that has ever been seen in England. If, on the
+other hand, we confine our observations to the laws
+which were passed, and to the principles which were
+established, we shall be obliged to confess that this
+same reign forms one of the brightest epochs in our
+national annals. Politically and morally, there were to
+be found in the government all the elements of confusion,
+of weakness, and of crime. The king himself
+was a mean and spiritless voluptuary, without the
+morals of a Christian, and almost without the feelings
+of a man.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> His ministers, with the exception of
+Clarendon, whom he hated for his virtues, had not one
+of the attributes of statesmen, and nearly all of them
+were pensioned by the crown of France.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> The weight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
+of taxation was increased,<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> while the security of the
+kingdom was diminished.<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> By the forced surrender
+of the charters of the towns, our municipal rights were
+endangered.<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> By shutting the exchequer, our national
+credit was destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> Though immense sums were
+spent in maintaining our naval and military power, we
+were left so defenceless, that when a war broke out,
+which had long been preparing, we seemed suddenly to
+be taken by surprise. Such was the miserable incapacity
+of the government, that the fleets of Holland were
+able, not only to ride triumphant round our coasts, but
+to sail up the Thames, attack our arsenals, burn our
+ships, and insult the metropolis of England.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> Yet,
+notwithstanding all these things, it is an undoubted
+fact, that in this same reign of Charles II. more steps
+were taken in the right direction than had been taken,
+in any period of equal length, during the twelve centuries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
+we had occupied the soil of Britain. By the
+mere force of that intellectual movement, which was
+unwittingly supported by the crown, there were effected,
+in the course of a few years, reforms which changed
+the face of society.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> The two great obstacles by
+which the nation had long been embarrassed, consisted
+of a spiritual tyranny and a territorial tyranny: the
+tyranny of the church and the tyranny of the nobles.
+An attempt was now made to remedy these evils; not
+by palliatives, but by striking at the power of the classes
+who did the mischief. For now it was that a law was
+placed on the statute-book, taking away that celebrated
+writ, which enabled the bishops or their delegates to
+cause those men to be burned whose religion was different
+to their own.<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> Now it was that the clergy were
+deprived of the privilege of taxing themselves, and
+were forced to submit to an assessment made by the
+ordinary legislature.<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> Now, too, there was enacted a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
+law forbidding any bishop, or any ecclesiastical court,
+to tender the <i>ex-officio</i> oath, by which the church had
+hitherto enjoyed the power of compelling a suspected
+person to criminate himself.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> In regard to the nobles,
+it was also during the reign of Charles II. that the
+House of Lords, after a sharp struggle, was obliged to
+abandon its pretensions to an original jurisdiction in
+civil suits; and thus lost for ever an important resource
+for extending its own influence.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> It was in the same
+reign that there was settled the right of the people to
+be taxed entirely by their representatives; the House
+of Commons having ever since retained the sole power
+of proposing money bills, and regulating the amount of
+imposts, merely leaving to the Peers the form of consenting
+to what has been already determined.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> These
+were the attempts which were made to bridle the
+clergy and the nobles. But there were also effected<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
+other things of equal importance. By the destruction
+of the scandalous prerogatives of Purveyance and Preemption,
+a limit was set to the power of the sovereign
+to vex his refractory subjects.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> By the Habeas
+Corpus Act, the liberty of every Englishman was made
+as certain as law could make it; it being guaranteed
+to him, that if accused of crime, he, instead of languishing
+in prison, as had often been the case, should
+be brought to a fair and speedy trial.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> By the Statute
+of Frauds and Perjuries, a security hitherto unknown
+was conferred upon private property.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> By the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
+abolition of general impeachments, an end was put to a
+great engine of tyranny, with which powerful and unscrupulous
+men had frequently ruined their political
+adversaries.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> By the cessation of those laws which
+restricted the liberty of printing, there was laid the
+foundation of that great Public Press, which, more
+than any other single cause, has diffused among the
+people a knowledge of their own power, and has thus,
+to an almost incredible extent, aided the progress of
+English civilization.<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> And, to complete this noble
+picture, there were finally destroyed those feudal incidents,
+which our Norman conquerors had imposed,&mdash;the
+military tenures; the court of wards; the fines for
+alienation; the right of forfeiture for marriage by reason
+of tenure; the aids, the homages, the escuages, the
+primer seisins; and all those mischievous subtleties, of
+which the mere names sound in modern ears as a wild
+and barbarous jargon, but which pressed upon our ancestors
+as real and serious evils.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a></p>
+
+<p>These were the things which were done in the reign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
+of Charles II.; and if we consider the miserable incompetence
+of the king, the idle profligacy of his court,
+the unblushing venality of his ministers, the constant
+conspiracies to which the country was exposed from
+within, and the unprecedented insults to which it was
+subjected from without; if we, moreover, consider that
+to all this there were added two natural calamities of
+the most grievous description,&mdash;a Great Plague, which
+thinned society in all its ranks, and scattered confusion
+through the kingdom, and a Great Fire, which, besides
+increasing the mortality from the pestilence, destroyed
+in a moment those accumulations of industry by which
+industry itself is nourished;&mdash;if we put all these
+things together, how can we reconcile inconsistencies
+apparently so gross? How could so wonderful a progress
+be made in the face of these unparalleled disasters?
+How could such men, under such circumstances,
+effect such improvements? These are questions which
+our political compilers are unable to answer; because
+they look too much at the peculiarities of individuals,
+and too little at the temper of the age in which those
+individuals live. Such writers do not perceive that
+the history of every civilized country is the history of
+its intellectual development, which kings, statesmen,
+and legislators are more likely to retard than to hasten;
+because, however great their power may be, they are
+at best the accidental and insufficient representatives
+of the spirit of their time; and because, so far from
+being able to regulate the movements of the national
+mind, they themselves form the smallest part of it,
+and, in a general view of the progress of Man, are only
+to be regarded as the puppets who strut and fret their
+hour upon a little stage; while, beyond them, and on
+every side of them, are forming opinions and principles
+which they can scarcely perceive, but by which alone
+the whole course of human affairs is ultimately
+governed.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that the vast legislative reforms, for
+which the reign of Charles II. is so remarkable, merely
+form a part of that movement, which, though traceable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span>
+to a much earlier period, had only for three generations
+been in undisguised operation. These important
+improvements were the result of that bold, sceptical,
+inquiring, and reforming spirit, which had now seized
+the three great departments of Theology, of Science,
+and of Politics. The old principles of tradition, of
+authority, and of dogma, were gradually becoming
+weaker; and of course, in the same proportion, there
+was diminished the influence of the classes by whom
+those principles were chiefly upheld. As the power of
+particular sections of society thus declined, the power
+of the people at large increased. The real interests of
+the nation began to be perceived, so soon as the superstitions
+were dispersed by which those interests had
+long been obscured. This, I believe, is the real solution
+of what at first seems a curious problem,&mdash;namely,
+how it was that such comprehensive reforms should
+have been accomplished in so bad, and in many
+respects so infamous, a reign. It is, no doubt, true,
+that those reforms were essentially the result of the
+intellectual march of the age; but, so far from being
+made in spite of the vices of the sovereign, they were
+actually aided by them. With the exception of the
+needy profligates who thronged his court, all classes of
+men soon learned to despise a king who was a drunkard,
+a libertine, and a hypocrite; who had neither
+shame nor sensibility; and who, in point of honour,
+was unworthy to enter the presence of the meanest of
+his subjects. To have the throne filled for a quarter
+of a century by such a man as this, was the surest way
+of weakening that ignorant and indiscriminate loyalty,
+to which the people have often sacrificed their dearest
+rights. Thus, the character of the king, merely considered
+from this point of view, was eminently favourable
+to the growth of national liberty.<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> But the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
+advantage did not stop there. The reckless debaucheries
+of Charles made him abhor everything approaching to
+restraint; and this gave him a dislike to a class, whose
+profession, at least, pre-supposes a conduct of more
+than ordinary purity. The consequence was, that he,
+not from views of enlightened policy, but merely from
+a love of vicious indulgence, always had a distaste for
+the clergy; and, so far from advancing their power,
+frequently expressed for them an open contempt.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a>
+His most intimate friends directed against them those
+coarse and profligate jokes which are preserved in the
+literature of the time; and which, in the opinion of
+the courtiers, were to be ranked among the noblest
+specimens of human wit. From men of this sort the
+church had, indeed, little to apprehend; but their language,
+and the favour with which it was received, are
+part of the symptoms by which we may study the temper
+of that age. Many other illustrations will occur to most
+readers; I may, however, mention one, which is interesting
+on account of the eminence of the philosopher<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
+concerned in it. The most dangerous opponent of
+the clergy in the seventeenth century, was certainly
+Hobbes, the subtlest dialectician of his time; a writer,
+too, of singular clearness, and, among British metaphysicians,
+inferior only to Berkeley. This profound
+thinker published several speculations very unfavourable
+to the church, and directly opposed to principles
+which are essential to ecclesiastical authority. As a
+natural consequence, he was hated by the clergy; his
+doctrines were declared to be highly pernicious; and
+he was accused of wishing to subvert the national
+religion, and corrupt the national morals.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> So far did
+this proceed, that, during his life, and for several years
+after his death, every man who ventured to think for
+himself was stigmatized as a Hobbist, or, as it was
+sometimes called, a Hobbian.<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> This marked hostility
+on the part of the clergy was a sufficient recommendation
+to the favour of Charles. The king, even before
+his accession, had imbibed many of his principles;<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
+and, after the Restoration, he treated the author with
+what was deemed a scandalous respect. He protected
+him from his enemies; he somewhat ostentatiously
+hung up his portrait in his own private room
+at Whitehall;<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> and he even conferred a pension on
+this, the most formidable opponent who had yet appeared
+against the spiritual hierarchy.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a></p>
+
+<p>If we look for a moment at the ecclesiastical appointments
+of Charles, we shall find evidence of the same
+tendency. In his reign, the highest dignities in the
+church were invariably conferred upon men who were
+deficient either in ability or in honesty. It would perhaps
+be an over-refinement to ascribe to the king a
+deliberate plan for lowering the reputation of the episcopal
+bench; but it is certain, that if he had such a
+plan, he followed the course most likely to effect his
+purpose. For it is no exaggeration to say, that, during
+his life, the leading English prelates were, without
+exception, either incapable or insincere; they were
+unable to defend what they really believed, or else they
+did not believe what they openly professed. Never before
+were the interests of the Anglican church so feebly
+guarded. The first Archbishop of Canterbury appointed
+by Charles was Juxon, whose deficiencies were
+notorious; and of whom his friends could only say,
+that his want of ability was compensated by the goodness
+of his intentions.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> When he died, the king raised
+up as his successor Sheldon, whom he had previously
+made Bishop of London; and who not only brought
+discredit on his order by acts of gross intolerance,<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
+but who was so regardless of the common decencies
+of his station, that he used to amuse his associates, by
+having exhibitions in his own house, imitating the way
+in which the Presbyterians delivered their sermons.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a>
+After the death of Sheldon, Charles appointed to the archbishopric
+Sancroft; whose superstitious fancies exposed
+him to the contempt even of his own profession, and
+who was as much despised as Sheldon had been hated.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a>
+In the rank immediately below this, we find the same
+principle at work. The three Archbishops of York,
+during the reign of Charles II., were Frewen, Stearn,
+and Dolben; who were so utterly devoid of ability, that
+notwithstanding their elevated position, they are altogether
+forgotten, not one reader out of a thousand
+having ever heard their names.<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such appointments as these are indeed striking; and
+what makes them more so, is, that they were by no
+means necessary; they were not forced on the king by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>
+court intrigue, nor was there a lack of more competent
+men. The truth seems to be, that Charles was unwilling
+to confer ecclesiastical promotion upon any one who
+had ability enough to increase the authority of the
+church, and restore it to its former pre-eminence. At
+his accession, the two ablest of the clergy were undoubtedly
+Jeremy Taylor and Isaac Barrow. Both of
+them were notorious for their loyalty; both of them
+were men of unspotted virtue; and both of them have
+left a reputation which will hardly perish while the
+English language is remembered. But Taylor, though
+he had married the king's sister,<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> was treated with
+marked neglect; and, being exiled to an Irish bishopric,
+had to pass the remainder of his life in what, at that
+time, was truly called a barbarous country.<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> As to
+Barrow, who, in point of genius, was probably superior
+to Taylor,<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> he had the mortification of seeing the
+most incapable men raised to the highest posts in the
+church, while he himself was unnoticed; and, notwithstanding
+that his family had greatly suffered in the
+royal cause,<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> he received no sort of preferment until
+five years before his death, when the king conferred on
+him the mastership of Trinity College, Cambridge.<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is hardly necessary to point out how all this must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
+have tended to weaken the church, and accelerate that
+great movement for which the reign of Charles II. is
+remarkable.<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> At the same time, there were many
+other circumstances which, in this preliminary sketch,
+it is impossible to notice, but which were stamped with
+the general character of revolt against ancient authority.
+In a subsequent volume, this will be placed in a still
+clearer light, because I shall have an opportunity of
+bringing forward evidence which, from the abundance
+of its details, would be unsuited to the present Introduction.
+Enough, however, has been stated, to indicate
+the general march of the English mind, and supply the
+reader with a clue by which he may understand those
+still more complicated events, which, as the seventeenth
+century advanced, began to thicken upon us.</p>
+
+<p>A few years before the death of Charles II., the
+clergy made a great effort to recover their former
+power by reviving those doctrines of Passive Obedience
+and Divine Right, which are obviously favourable to
+the progress of superstition.<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> But as the English intellect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
+was now sufficiently advanced to reject such
+dogmas, this futile attempt only increased the opposition
+between the interests of the people as a body, and
+the interests of the clergy as a class. Scarcely had
+this scheme been defeated, when the sudden death of
+Charles placed on the throne a prince whose most earnest
+desire was to restore the Catholic church, and reinstate
+among us that mischievous system which openly
+boasts of subjugating the reason of Man. This change
+in affairs was, if we consider it in its ultimate results,
+the most fortunate circumstance which could have
+happened to our country. In spite of the difference of
+their religion, the English clergy had always displayed
+an affection towards James, whose reverence for the
+priesthood they greatly admired; though they were
+anxious that the warmth of his affections should be
+lavished on the Church of England and not on the Church
+of Rome. They were sensible of the advantages which
+would accrue to their own order, if his piety could be
+turned into a new channel.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a> They saw that it was for
+his interest to abandon his religion; and they thought
+that to a man so cruel and so vicious, his own interest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
+would be the sole consideration.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> The consequence
+was, that in one of the most critical moments of his
+life, they made in his favour a great and successful
+effort; and they not only used all their strength to
+defeat the bill by which it was proposed to exclude him
+from the succession, but when the measure was rejected,
+they presented an address to Charles, congratulating
+him on the result.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> When James actually
+mounted the throne, they continued to display the
+same spirit. Whether they still hoped for his conversion,
+or whether, in their eagerness to persecute the
+dissenters, they overlooked the danger to their own
+church, is uncertain; but it is one of the most singular
+and unquestionable facts in our history, that for some
+time there existed a strict alliance between a Protestant
+hierarchy and a Popish king.<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> The terrible crimes
+which were the result of this compact are but too
+notorious. But what is more worthy of attention is,
+the circumstance that caused the dissolution of this
+conspiracy between the crown and the church. The
+ground of the quarrel was an attempt made by the king
+to effect, in some degree, a religious toleration. By
+the celebrated Test and Corporation Acts, it had been
+ordered, that all persons who were employed by government
+should be compelled, under a heavy penalty, to
+receive the sacrament according to the rites of the
+English church. The offence of James was, that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span>
+now issued what was called a Declaration of Indulgence,
+in which he announced his intention of suspending the
+execution of these laws.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> From this moment, the position
+of the two great parties was entirely changed.
+The bishops clearly perceived that the statutes which
+it was thus attempted to abrogate, were highly favourable
+to their own power; and hence, in their opinion,
+formed an essential part of the constitution of a Christian
+country. They had willingly combined with
+James, while he assisted them in persecuting men who
+worshipped God in a manner different from themselves.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a>
+So long as this compact held good, they were
+indifferent as to matters which they considered to be
+of minor importance. They looked on in silence, while
+the king was amassing the materials with which he
+hoped to turn a free government into an absolute monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a>
+They saw Jeffreys and Kirke torturing their
+fellow-subjects; they saw the gaols crowded with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
+prisoners, and the scaffold streaming with blood.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a>
+They were well pleased that some of the best and ablest
+men in the kingdom should be barbarously persecuted;
+that Baxter should be thrown into prison, and that
+Howe should be forced into exile. They witnessed
+with composure the most revolting cruelties, because
+the victims of them were the opponents of the English
+church. Although the minds of men were filled with
+terror and with loathing, the bishops made no complaint.
+They preserved their loyalty unimpaired, and
+insisted on the necessity of humble submission to the
+Lord's anointed.<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> But the moment James proposed
+to protect against persecution those who were hostile
+to the church; the moment he announced his intention
+of breaking down that monopoly of offices and of
+honours which the bishops had long secured for their
+own party;&mdash;the moment this took place, the hierarchy
+became alive to the dangers with which the country
+was threatened from the violence of so arbitrary a
+prince.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> The king had laid his hand on the ark, and
+the guardians of the temple flew to arms. How could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span>
+they tolerate a prince who would not allow them to
+persecute their enemies? How could they support a
+sovereign who sought to favour those who differed from
+the national church? They soon determined on the
+line of conduct it behoved them to take. With an
+almost unanimous voice, they refused to obey the order
+by which the king commanded them to read in their
+churches the edict for religious toleration.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> Nor did
+they stop there. So great was their enmity against
+him they had recently cherished, that they actually
+applied for aid to those very dissenters whom, only a
+few weeks before, they had hotly persecuted; seeking
+by magnificent promises to win over to their
+side men they had hitherto hunted even to the
+death.<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> The most eminent of the Nonconformists<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
+were far from being duped by this sudden affection.<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a>
+But their hatred of Popery, and their fear of the ulterior
+designs of the king, prevailed over every other
+consideration; and there arose that singular combination
+between churchmen and dissenters, which has
+never since been repeated. This coalition, backed by
+the general voice of the people, soon overturned the
+throne, and gave rise to what is justly deemed one of
+the most important events in the history of England.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that the proximate cause of that great
+revolution which cost James his crown, was the publication
+by the king of an edict of religious toleration, and
+the consequent indignation of the clergy at seeing so
+audacious an act performed by a Christian prince. It
+is true, that if other things had not conspired, this
+alone could never have effected so great a change. But
+it was the immediate cause of it, because it was the
+cause of the schism between the church and the throne,
+and of the alliance between the church and the dissenters.
+This is a fact never to be forgotten. We
+ought never to forget, that the first and only time the
+Church of England has made war upon the crown, was
+when the crown had declared its intention of tolerating,
+and in some degree protecting, the rival religions of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
+country.<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a> There is no doubt that the Declaration
+which was then issued was illegal, and that it was conceived
+in an insidious spirit. But declarations equally
+illegal, equally insidious, and much more tyrannical, had
+on other occasions been made by the sovereign, without
+exciting the anger of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> These are things
+which it is good for us to ponder. These are lessons
+of inestimable value for those to whom it is given, not,
+indeed, to direct, but in some degree to modify, the
+march of public opinion. As to the people in general,
+it is impossible for them to exaggerate the obligations
+which they and all of us owe to the Revolution of 1688.
+But let them take heed that superstition does not
+mingle with their gratitude. Let them admire that
+majestic edifice of national liberty, which stands alone
+in Europe like a beacon in the midst of the waters; but
+let them not think that they owe anything to men
+who, in contributing to its erection, sought the gratification
+of their own selfishness, and the consolidation
+of that spiritual power which by it they fondly hoped
+to secure.</p>
+
+<p>It is, indeed, difficult to conceive the full amount of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
+the impetus given to English civilization by the expulsion
+of the House of Stuart. Among the most immediate results,
+may be mentioned the limits that were set to the
+royal prerogative;<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> the important steps that were
+taken towards religious toleration;<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> the remarkable
+and permanent improvement in the administration of
+justice;<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> the final abolition of a censorship over the
+press;<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> and, what has not excited sufficient attention,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
+the rapid growth, of those great monetary interests by
+which, as we shall hereafter see, the prejudices of the
+superstitious classes have in no small degree been
+counterbalanced.<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> These are the main characteristics
+of the reign of William III.; a reign often aspersed,
+and little understood,<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> but of which it may be truly
+said, that, taking its difficulties into due consideration,
+it is the most successful and the most splendid recorded
+in the history of any country. But these topics rather
+belong to the subsequent volumes of this work; and at
+present we are only concerned in tracing the effects of
+the Revolution upon that ecclesiastical power by which
+it was immediately brought about.</p>
+
+<p>Scarcely had the clergy succeeded in expelling
+James, when the greater number of them repented of
+their own act.<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> Indeed, even before he was driven<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
+from the country, several things had occurred to make
+them doubt the policy of the course they were pursuing.
+During the last few weeks that he was allowed to reign,
+he had shown symptoms of increasing respect for the
+English hierarchy. The archbishopric of York had
+so long been vacant, as to cause a belief that it was the
+intention of the crown either to appoint to it a Catholic,
+or else to seize its revenues.<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> But James, to the
+delight of the church, now filled up this important office
+by nominating Lamplugh, who was well known to be a
+stanch churchman and a zealous defender of episcopal
+privileges.<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> Just before this, the king also rescinded
+the order by which the Bishop of London had been
+suspended from the exercise of his functions.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> To
+the bishops in general he made great promises of future
+favour;<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> some of them, it was said, were to be called<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
+to his privy council; and, in the meantime, he cancelled
+that ecclesiastical commission which, by limiting their
+power, had excited their anger.<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> Besides this, there
+occurred some other circumstances which the clergy now
+had to consider. It was rumoured, and it was generally
+believed, that William was no great admirer of ecclesiastical
+establishments; and that, being a friend to
+toleration, he was more likely to diminish the power
+than increase the privileges of the English hierarchy.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a>
+It was also known that he favoured the Presbyterians,
+whom the Church not unreasonably regarded as her
+bitterest enemies.<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> And when, in addition to all this,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
+William, on mere grounds of expediency, actually
+abolished episcopacy in Scotland, it became evident
+that, by thus repudiating the doctrine of divine right,
+he had directed a great blow against those opinions
+on which, in England, ecclesiastical authority was
+based.<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a></p>
+
+<p>While these things were agitating the public mind,
+the eyes of men were naturally turned upon the bishops,
+who, though they had lost much of their former power,
+were still respected by a large majority of the people
+as the guardians of the national religion. But at this
+critical moment they were so blinded, either by their
+ambition or by their prejudices, that they adopted a
+course which of all others was the most injurious to their
+reputation. They made a sudden attempt to reverse that
+political movement of which they were themselves the
+principal originators. Their conduct on this occasion
+amply confirms that account of their motives which I
+have already given. If, in aiding those preliminary
+measures by which the Revolution was effected, they had
+been moved by a desire of relieving the nation from
+despotism, they would have eagerly welcomed that great
+man at whose approach the despot took to flight. This
+is what the clergy would have done, if they had loved
+their country better than they loved their order. But
+they pursued a precisely opposite course; because they
+preferred the petty interests of their own class to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
+welfare of the great body of the people, and because
+they would rather that the country should be oppressed
+than that the church should be humbled. Nearly
+the whole of the bishops and clergy had, only a
+few weeks before, braved the anger of their sovereign
+sooner than read in their churches an edict for religious
+toleration, and seven of the most influential of the episcopal
+order had, in the same cause, willingly submitted
+to the risk of a public trial before the ordinary tribunals
+of the land. This bold course they professed to have
+adopted, not because they disliked toleration, but
+because they hated tyranny. And yet when William
+arrived in England, and when James stole away from
+the kingdom like a thief in the night, this same ecclesiastical
+profession pressed forward to reject that great
+man, who, without striking a blow, had by his mere
+presence saved the country from the slavery with which
+it was threatened. We shall not easily find in modern
+history another instance of such gross inconsistency, or
+rather, let us say, of such selfish and reckless ambition.
+For this change of plan, far from being concealed, was
+so openly displayed, and the causes of it were so obvious,
+that the scandal was laid bare before the whole country.
+Within the space of a few weeks the apostasy was consummated.
+The first in the field was the Archbishop
+of Canterbury, who, anxious to retain his office, had
+promised to wait upon William. But when he saw the
+direction things were likely to take, he withdrew his
+promise, and would not recognize a prince who showed
+such indifference to the sacred order.<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> Indeed, so
+great was his anger, that he sharply rebuked his
+chaplain for presuming to pray for William and Mary,
+although they had been proclaimed with the full consent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span>
+of the nation, and although the crown had been delivered
+to them by the solemn and deliberate act of a public
+convention of the estates of the realm.<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> While such
+was the conduct of the primate of England, his brethren
+were not wanting to him in this great emergency of
+their common fate. The oath of allegiance was refused
+not only by the Archbishop of Canterbury, but also by
+the Bishop of Bath and Wells, by the Bishop of Chester,
+by the Bishop of Chichester, by the Bishop of Ely, by the
+Bishop of Gloucester, by the Bishop of Norwich, by the
+Bishop of Peterborough, and by the Bishop of Worcester.<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a>
+As to the inferior clergy, our information is
+less precise; but it is said that about six hundred of
+them imitated their superiors in declining to recognize
+for their king him whom the country had elected.<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a>
+The other members of this turbulent faction were
+unwilling, by so bold a measure, to incur that deprivation
+of their livings with which William would probably
+have visited them. They, therefore, preferred a safer
+and more inglorious opposition, by which they could
+embarrass the government without injuring themselves,
+and could gain the reputation of orthodoxy without
+incurring the pains of martyrdom.</p>
+
+<p>The effect which all this produced on the temper of
+the nation may be easily imagined. The question was
+now narrowed to an issue which every plain man could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span>
+at once understand. On the one side, there was an
+overwhelming majority of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> On the other
+side there was all the intellect of England, and all her
+dearest interests. The mere fact that such an opposition
+could exist without kindling a civil war, showed
+how the growing intelligence of the people had weakened
+the authority of the ecclesiastical profession. Besides
+this, the opposition was not only futile, but it was
+also injurious to the class that made it.<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> For it was
+now seen that the clergy only cared for the people as
+long as the people cared for them. The violence with
+which these angry men<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> set themselves against the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
+interests of the nation clearly proved the selfishness of
+that zeal against James, of which they had formerly
+made so great a merit. They continued to hope for his
+return, to intrigue for him, and in some instances to
+correspond with him; although they well knew that
+his presence would cause a civil war, and that he was
+so generally hated that he dared not show his face in
+England unless protected by the troops of a foreign and
+hostile power.<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a></p>
+
+<p>But this was not the whole of the damage which, in
+those anxious times, the church inflicted upon herself.
+When the bishops refused to take the oaths to the new
+government, measures were adopted to remove them
+from their sees; and William did not hesitate to eject
+by force of law the Archbishop of Canterbury and five
+of his brethren.<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> The prelates, smarting under the
+insult, were goaded into measures of unusual activity.
+They loudly proclaimed that the powers of the church,
+which had long been waning, were now extinct.<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a>
+They denied the right of the legislature to pass a law
+against them. They denied the right of the sovereign
+to put that law into execution.<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> They not only continued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span>
+to give themselves the title of bishops, but they
+made arrangements to perpetuate the schism which
+their own violence had created. The Archbishop of
+Canterbury, as he insisted upon being called, made a
+formal renunciation of his imaginary right into the
+hands of Lloyd,<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> who still supposed himself to be
+Bishop of Norwich, although William had recently
+expelled him from his see. The scheme of these turbulent
+priests was then communicated to James, who
+willingly supported their plan for establishing a permanent
+feud in the English church.<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> The result of
+this conspiracy between the rebellious prelates and the
+pretended king, was the appointment of a series of men
+who gave themselves out as forming the real episcopacy,
+and who received the homage of every one who
+preferred the claims of the church to the authority of
+the state.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> This mock succession of imaginary bishops<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
+continued for more than a century;<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> and, by dividing
+the allegiance of churchmen, lessened the power of the
+church.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> In several instances, the unseemly spectacle
+was exhibited of two bishops for the same place; one
+nominated by the spiritual power, the other nominated
+by the temporal power. Those who considered the
+church as superior to the state, of course attached
+themselves to the spurious bishops; while the appointments
+of William were acknowledged by that rapidly
+increasing party, who preferred secular advantages to
+ecclesiastical theories.<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were some of the events which, at the end of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span>
+the seventeenth century, widened the breach that had
+long existed between the interests of the nation and
+the interests of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> There was also another
+circumstance which considerably increased this alienation.
+Many of the English clergy, though they retained
+their affection for James, did not choose to brave the
+anger of the government, or risk the loss of their
+livings. To avoid this, and to reconcile their conscience
+with their interest, they availed themselves of
+a supposed distinction between a king by right and a
+king in possession.<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a> The consequence was, that while
+with their lips they took an oath of allegiance to
+William, they in their hearts paid homage to James;
+and, while they prayed for one king in their churches,
+they were bound to pray for another in their closets.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span>
+By this wretched subterfuge, a large body of the clergy
+were at once turned into concealed rebels; and we
+have it on the authority of a contemporary bishop, that
+the prevarication of which these men were notoriously
+guilty was a still further aid to that scepticism, the
+progress of which he bitterly deplores.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a></p>
+
+<p>As the eighteenth century advanced, the great movement
+of liberation rapidly proceeded. One of the most
+important of the ecclesiastical resources had formerly
+been Convocation; in which the clergy, by meeting in
+a body, were able to discountenance in an imposing
+manner whatever might be hostile to the church; and
+had, moreover, an opportunity, which they sedulously
+employed, of devising schemes favourable to the spiritual
+authority.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> But, in the progress of the age,
+this weapon also was taken from them. Within a very
+few years after the Revolution, Convocation fell into
+general contempt;<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a> and, in 1717, this celebrated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
+assembly was finally prorogued by an act of the crown,
+it being justly considered that the country had no further
+occasion for its services.<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> Since that period,
+this great council of the English church has never been
+allowed to meet for the purpose of deliberating on
+its own affairs, until a few years ago, when, by the
+connivance of a feeble government, it was permitted to
+reassemble. So marked, however, has been the change
+in the temper of the nation, that this once formidable
+body does not now retain even a semblance of its
+ancient influence; its resolutions are no longer feared,
+its discussions are no longer studied; and the business
+of the country continues to be conducted without regard
+to those interests which, only a few generations ago,
+were considered by every statesman to be of supreme
+importance.<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a></p>
+
+<p>Indeed, immediately after the Revolution, the tendency
+of things became too obvious to be mistaken, even
+by the most superficial observers. The ablest men in
+the country no longer flocked into the church, but preferred
+those secular professions in which ability was
+more likely to be rewarded.<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> At the same time, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span>
+as a natural part of the great movement, the clergy
+saw all the offices of power and emolument, which they
+had been used to hold, gradually falling out of their
+hands. Not only in the dark ages, but even so late as
+the fifteenth century, they were still strong enough to
+monopolize the most honourable and lucrative posts in
+the empire.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> In the sixteenth century, the tide began
+to turn against them, and advanced with such steadiness,
+that, since the seventeenth century, there has
+been no instance of any ecclesiastic being made lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
+chancellor;<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> and, since the beginning of the eighteenth
+century, there has been no instance of one receiving
+any diplomatic appointment, or, indeed, holding any
+important office in the state.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> Nor has this increasing
+ascendency of laymen been confined to the executive
+government. On the contrary, we find in both Houses
+of Parliament the same principle at work. In the early
+and barbarous periods of our history, one half of the
+House of Lords consisted of temporal peers; the other
+half of spiritual ones.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> By the beginning of the
+eighteenth century, the spiritual peers, instead of forming
+one-half of the upper house, had dwindled away to
+one-eighth;<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> and, in the middle of the nineteenth
+century, they have still further shrunk to one-fourteenth:<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a>
+thus supplying a striking numerical instance
+of that diminution of ecclesiastical power which is an
+essential requisite of modern civilization. Precisely in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
+the same way, more than fifty years have elapsed since
+any clergyman has been able to take his seat as a representative
+of the people; the House of Commons
+having, in 1801, formally closed their doors against a
+profession which, in the olden time, would have been
+gladly admitted, even by the proudest and most exclusive
+assembly.<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a> In the House of Lords, the bishops
+still retain their seats; but their precarious tenure is
+everywhere remarked, and the progress of public
+opinion is constantly pointing to a period, which cannot
+now be far distant, when the Peers will imitate the
+example set by the Commons, and will induce the
+legislature to relieve the upper house of its spiritual
+members; since they, by their habits, their tastes, and
+their traditions, are evidently unfitted for the profane
+exigencies of political life.<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a></p>
+
+<p>While the fabric of superstition was thus tottering
+from internal decay, and while that ecclesiastical authority
+which had formerly played so great a part was
+gradually yielding to the advance of knowledge, there
+suddenly occurred an event which, though it might
+naturally have been expected, evidently took by surprise
+even those whom it most interested. I allude, of
+course, to that great religious revolution, which was a
+fitting supplement to the political revolution which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
+preceded it. The dissenters, who were strengthened
+by the expulsion of James, had by no means forgotten
+those cruel punishments which the Church of England,
+in the days of her power, had constantly inflicted upon
+them; and they felt that the moment had now come
+when they could assume towards her a bolder front
+than that on which they had hitherto ventured.<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a>
+Besides this, they had in the mean time received fresh
+causes of provocation. After the death of our great
+king William III., the throne was occupied by a foolish
+and ignorant woman, whose love for the clergy would,
+in a more superstitious age, have led to dangerous
+results.<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> Even as it was, a temporary reaction took
+place, and during her reign the church was treated with
+a deference which William had disdained to show.<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
+natural consequence immediately followed. New measures
+of persecution were devised, and fresh laws were
+passed against those Protestants who did not conform
+to the doctrines and discipline of the English church.<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a>
+But after the death of Anne the dissenters quickly
+rallied; their hopes revived,<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> their numbers continued
+to increase, and in spite of the opposition of the clergy,
+the laws against them were repealed.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> As by these
+means they were placed more on a level with their
+opponents, and as their temper was soured by the injuries
+they had recently received, it was clear that a
+great struggle between the two parties was inevitable.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
+For by this time the protracted tyranny of the English
+clergy had totally destroyed those feelings of respect
+which, even in the midst of hostility, often linger in
+the mind; and by the influence of which, if they had
+still existed, the contest might perhaps have been
+averted. But such motives of restraint were now despised;
+and the dissenters, exasperated by incessant
+persecution,<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> determined to avail themselves of the
+declining power of the church. They had resisted her
+when she was strong; it was hardly to be expected
+that they would spare her when she was feeble. Under
+two of the most remarkable men of the eighteenth century,
+Whitefield, the first of theological orators,<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> and
+Wesley, the first of theological statesmen,<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span>
+organized a great system of religion, which bore the
+same relation to the Church of England that the Church
+of England bore to the Church of Rome. Thus, after
+an interval of two hundred years, a second spiritual
+Reformation was effected in our country. In the
+eighteenth century the Wesleyans were to the Bishops
+what, in the sixteenth century, the Reformers were to
+the Popes.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> It is indeed true, that the dissenters from
+the Church of England, unlike the dissenters from the
+Church of Rome, soon lost that intellectual vigour for
+which at first they were remarkable. Since the death
+of their great leaders, they have not produced one man
+of original genius; and since the time of Adam Clarke,
+they have not had among them even a single scholar
+who has enjoyed an European reputation. This mental
+penury is perhaps owing, not to any circumstances
+peculiar to their sect, but merely to that general decline
+of the theological spirit, by which their adversaries have
+been weakened as well as themselves.<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> Be this as it
+may, it is at all events certain, that the injury they have
+inflicted on the English church is far greater than is
+generally supposed, and, I am inclined to think, is
+hardly inferior to that which in the sixteenth century
+Protestantism inflicted upon Popery. Setting aside the
+actual loss in the number of its members,<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> there can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span>
+be no doubt that the mere formation of a Protestant
+faction, unopposed by the government, was a dangerous
+precedent; and we know from contemporary history
+that it was so considered by those who were most interested
+in the result.<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> Besides this, the Wesleyans<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span>
+displayed an organization so superior to that of their
+predecessors the Puritans, that they soon became a
+centre round which the enemies of the church could
+conveniently rally. And, what is perhaps still more
+important, the order, regularity, and publicity, by which
+their proceedings have usually been marked, distinguished
+them from other sects; and by raising them
+as it were to the dignity of a rival establishment, have
+encouraged the diminution of that exclusive and superstitious
+respect which was once paid to the Anglican
+hierarchy.<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a></p>
+
+<p>But these things, interesting as they are, only formed
+a single step of that vast process by which the ecclesiastical
+power was weakened, and our countrymen thus
+enabled to secure a religious liberty, imperfect indeed,
+but far superior to that possessed by any other people.
+Among the innumerable symptoms of this great movement,
+there were two of peculiar importance. These
+were, the separation of theology, first from morals, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span>
+then from politics. The separation from morals was
+effected late in the seventeenth century; the separation
+from politics before the middle of the eighteenth century.
+And it is a striking instance of the decline of
+the old ecclesiastical spirit, that both of these great
+changes were begun by the clergy themselves. Cumberland,
+bishop of Peterborough, was the first who
+endeavoured to construct a system of morals without
+the aid of theology.<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> Warburton, bishop of Gloucester,
+was the first who laid down that the state must consider
+religion in reference, not to revelation, but to
+expediency; and that it should favour any particular
+creed, not in proportion to its truth, but solely with a
+view to its general utility.<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> Nor were these mere<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span>
+barren principles, which subsequent inquirers were
+unable to apply. The opinions of Cumberland, pushed
+to their furthest extent by Hume,<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> were shortly
+afterwards applied to practical conduct by Paley,<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a> and
+to speculative jurisprudence by Bentham and Mill;<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a>
+while the opinions of Warburton, spreading with still
+greater rapidity, have influenced our legislative policy,
+and are now professed, not only by advanced thinkers,
+but even by those ordinary men, who, if they had
+lived fifty years earlier, would have shrunk from them
+with unassembled fear.<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it was that, in England, theology was finally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span>
+severed from the two great departments of ethics and
+of government. As, however, this important change
+was at first not of a practical, but solely of an intellectual
+character, its operation was, for many years,
+confined to a small class, and has not yet produced the
+whole of those results which we have every reason to
+anticipate. But there were other circumstances which
+tended in the same direction, and which, being known
+to all men of tolerable education, produced effects more
+immediate, though perhaps less permanent. To trace
+their details, and point out the connexion between them,
+will be the business of part of the future volumes of this
+work: at present, I can only glance at the leading
+features. Of these, the most prominent were: The
+great Arian controversy, which, rashly instigated by
+Whiston, Clarke, and Waterland, disseminated doubts
+among nearly all classes;<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> the Bangorian controversy,
+which, involving matters of ecclesiastical discipline
+hitherto untouched, led to discussions dangerous to
+the power of the church;<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> the great work of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span>
+Blackburne on the Confessional, which at one moment
+almost caused a schism in the Establishment itself;<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a>
+the celebrated dispute respecting miracles between
+Middleton, Church, and Dodwell, continued, with still
+larger views, by Hume, Campbell, and Douglas; <a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> the
+exposure of the gross absurdities of the Fathers, which,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span>
+already begun by Daillé and Barbeyrac, was followed
+up by Cave, Middleton, and Jortin; the important and
+unrefuted statements of Gibbon, in his fifteenth and
+sixteenth chapters; the additional strength conferred
+on those chapters by the lame attacks of Davis, Chelsum,
+Whitaker, and Watson;<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> while, not to mention
+inferior matters, the century was closed amid the confusion
+caused by that decisive controversy between
+Porson and Travis, respecting the text of the Heavenly
+Witnesses, which excited immense attention,<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> and was
+immediately accompanied by the discoveries of geologists,
+in which, not only was the fidelity of the Mosaic
+cosmogony impugned, but its accuracy was shown to
+be impossible.<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> These things, following each other in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span>
+rapid and startling succession, perplexed the faith of
+men, disturbed their easy credulity, and produced effects
+on the public mind, which can only be estimated by
+those who have studied the history of that time in its
+original sources. Indeed, they cannot be understood,
+even in their general bearings, except by taking into
+consideration some other circumstances with which the
+great progress was intimately connected.</p>
+
+<p>For, in the mean time, an immense change had begun,
+not only among speculative minds, but also among the
+people themselves. The increase of scepticism stimulated
+their curiosity; and the diffusion of education
+supplied the means of gratifying it. Hence, we find
+that one of the leading characteristics of the eighteenth
+century, and one which pre-eminently distinguished it
+from all that preceded, was a craving after knowledge
+on the part of those classes from whom knowledge had
+hitherto been shut out. It was in that great age, that
+there were first established schools for the lower orders
+on the only day they had time to attend them,<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span>
+newspapers on the only day they had time to read
+them.<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> It was then that there were first seen, in our
+country, circulating libraries;<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> and it was then, too,
+that the art of printing, instead of being almost confined
+to London, began to be generally practised in
+country-towns.<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a> It was also in the eighteenth century,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span>
+that the earliest systematic efforts were made to
+popularize the sciences, and facilitate the acquisition of
+their general principles, by writing treatises on them in
+an easy and untechnical style:<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> while, at the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span>
+time, the invention of Encyclopædias enabled their
+results to be brought together, and digested in a form
+more accessible than any hitherto employed.<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a> Then,
+too, we first meet with literary periodical reviews; by
+means of which large bodies of practical men acquired
+information, scanty indeed, but every way superior to
+their former ignorance.<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> The formation of societies
+for purchasing books now became general;<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> and,
+before the close of the century, we hear of clubs instituted
+by reading men among the industrious classes.<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a>
+In every department, the same eager curiosity was
+shown. In the middle of the eighteenth century, debating
+societies sprung up among tradesmen;<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span>
+this was followed by a still bolder innovation, for, in
+1769, there was held the first public meeting ever
+assembled in England, the first in which it was attempted
+to enlighten Englishmen respecting their political
+rights.<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a> About the same time, the proceedings
+in our courts of law began to be studied by the people,
+and communicated to them through the medium of the
+daily press.<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> Shortly before this, political newspapers
+arose,<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> and a sharp struggle broke out between them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span>
+and the two Houses of Parliament touching the right
+of publishing the debates; the end of which was, that
+both houses, though aided by the crown, were totally
+defeated; and, for the first time, the people were able
+to study the proceedings of the national legislature, and
+thus gain some acquaintance with the national affairs.<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a>
+Scarcely was this triumph completed, when fresh stimulus
+was given by the promulgation of that great
+political doctrine of personal representation,<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a> which
+must eventually carry all before it; and the germ of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span>
+which may be traced late in the seventeenth century,
+when the true idea of personal independence began to
+take root and flourish.<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> Finally, it was reserved for
+the eighteenth century to set the first example of
+calling on the people to adjudicate upon those solemn
+questions of religion in which hitherto they had never
+been consulted, although it is now universally admitted
+that to their growing intelligence these, and all other
+matters, must ultimately be referred.<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a></p>
+
+<p>In connexion with all this, there was a corresponding
+change in the very form and make of our literature.
+The harsh and pedantic method, which our great writers
+had long been accustomed to employ, was ill suited to
+an impetuous and inquisitive generation, thirsting after
+knowledge, and therefore intolerant of obscurities formerly
+unheeded. Hence it was that, early in the
+eighteenth century, the powerful, but cumbrous, language,
+and the long, involved sentences, so natural to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span>
+our ancient authors, were, notwithstanding their beauty,
+suddenly discarded, and were succeeded by a lighter
+and simpler style, which, being more rapidly understood,
+was better suited to the exigencies of the age.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a></p>
+
+<p>The extension of knowledge being thus accompanied
+by an increased simplicity in the manner of its communication,
+naturally gave rise to a greater independence
+in literary men, and a greater boldness in literary
+inquiries. As long as books, either from the difficulty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span>
+of their style, or from the general incuriosity of the
+people, found but few readers, it was evident that
+authors must rely upon the patronage of public bodies,
+or of rich and titled individuals. And, as men are
+always inclined to flatter those upon whom they are
+dependent, it too often happened that even our greatest
+writers prostituted their abilities by fawning upon the
+prejudices of their patrons. The consequence was
+that literature, so far from disturbing ancient superstitions,
+and stirring up the mind to new inquiries,
+frequently assumed a timid and subservient air, natural
+to its subordinate position. But now all this was
+changed. Those servile and shameful dedications;<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a>
+that mean and crouching spirit; that incessant homage
+to mere rank and birth; that constant confusion between
+power and right; that ignorant admiration for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span>
+everything which is old, and that still more ignorant
+contempt for everything which, is new:&mdash;all these features
+became gradually fainter: and authors, relying
+upon the patronage of the people, began to advocate
+the claims of their new allies with a boldness upon
+which they could not have ventured in any previous
+age.<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a></p>
+
+<p>From all these things there resulted consequences of
+vast importance. From this simplification, independence,
+and diffusion<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> of knowledge, it necessarily
+happened, that the issue of those great disputes to
+which I have alluded became, in the eighteenth century,
+more generally known than would have been possible
+in any preceding century. It was now known
+that theological and political questions were being constantly
+agitated, in which genius and learning were on
+one side, and orthodoxy and tradition on the other.
+It became known that the points which were mooted
+were not only as to the credibility of particular facts,
+but also as to the truth of general principles, with which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span>
+the interests and happiness of Man were intimately concerned.
+Disputes which had hitherto been confined to
+a very small part of society began to spread far and
+wide, and suggest doubts that served as materials for
+national thought. The consequence was, that the spirit
+of inquiry became every year more active, and more
+general; the desire for reform constantly increased;
+and if affairs had been allowed to run on in their natural
+course, the eighteenth century could not have passed
+away without decisive and salutary changes both in the
+church and the state. But soon after the middle of
+this period, there unfortunately arose a series of political
+combinations which disturbed the march of events,
+and eventually produced a crisis so full of danger, that,
+among any other people, it would certainly have ended
+either in a loss of liberty or in a dissolution of government.
+This disastrous reaction, from the effects of which
+England has, perhaps, barely recovered, has never been
+studied with anything like the care its importance
+demands; indeed, it is so little understood, that no historian
+has traced the opposition between it and that
+great intellectual movement of which I have just
+sketched an outline. On this account, as also with the
+view of giving more completeness to the present chapter,
+I intend to examine its most important epochs, and
+point out, so far as I am able, the way in which they
+are connected with each other. According to the
+scheme of this Introduction, such an inquiry must, of
+course, be very cursory, as its sole object is to lay a
+foundation for those general principles, without which
+history is a mere assemblage of empirical observations,
+unconnected, and therefore unimportant. It must likewise
+be remembered, that as the circumstances about
+to be considered were not social, but political, we are
+the more liable to err in our conclusions respecting
+them; and this partly because the materials for the
+history of a people are more extensive, more indirect,
+and therefore less liable to be garbled, than are those
+for the history of a government; and partly because the
+conduct of small bodies of men, such as ministers and
+kings, is always more capricious, that is to say, less<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span>
+regulated by known laws, than is the conduct of those
+large bodies collectively called society, or a nation.<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a>
+With this precautionary remark, I will now endeavour
+to trace what, in a mere political point of view, is the
+reactionary and retrogressive period of English history.</p>
+
+<p>It must be considered as a most fortunate circumstance,
+that after the death of Anne,<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> the throne should
+be occupied for nearly fifty years by two princes, aliens
+in manners and in country, of whom one spoke our language
+but indifferently, and the other knew it not at
+all.<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> The immediate predecessors of George III. were,
+indeed, of so sluggish a disposition, and were so profoundly
+ignorant of the people they undertook to
+govern,<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> that, notwithstanding their arbitrary temper,
+there was no danger of their organizing a party to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span>
+extend the boundaries of the royal prerogative.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a> And
+as they were foreigners, they never had sufficient sympathy
+with the English church to induce them to aid
+the clergy in their natural desire to recover their former
+power.<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> Besides this, the fractious and disloyal
+conduct of many of the hierarchy must have tended to
+alienate the regard of the sovereign, as it had already
+cost them the affection of the people.<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a></p>
+
+<p>These circumstances, though in themselves they may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span>
+be considered trifling, were in reality of great importance,
+because they secured to the nation the progress
+of that spirit of inquiry, which, if there had been
+a coalition between the crown and the church, it would
+have been attempted to stifle. Even as it was, some
+attempts were occasionally made; but they were comparatively
+speaking rare, and they lacked the vigour
+which they would have possessed, if there had been an
+intimate alliance between the temporal and spiritual
+authorities. Indeed, the state of affairs was so favourable,
+that the old Tory faction, pressed by the people
+and abandoned by the crown, was unable for more than
+forty years to take any share in the government.<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a>
+At the same time, considerable progress, as we shall
+hereafter see, was made in legislation; and our statute-book,
+during that period, contains ample evidence of
+the decline of the powerful party by which England
+had once been entirely ruled.</p>
+
+<p>But by the death of George II. the political aspect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span>
+was suddenly changed, and the wishes of the sovereign
+became once more antagonistic to the interests of the
+people. What made this the more dangerous was, that,
+to a superficial observer, the accession of George III.
+was one of the most fortunate events that could have
+occurred. The new king was born in England, spoke
+English as his mother tongue,<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> and was said to look
+upon Hanover as a foreign country, whose interests
+were to be considered of subordinate importance.<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> At
+the same time, the last hopes of the House of Stuart
+were now destroyed;<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> the Pretender himself was
+languishing in Italy, where he shortly after died; and
+his son, a slave to vices which seemed hereditary in that
+family, was consuming his life in an unpitied and
+ignominious obscurity.<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a></p>
+
+<p>And yet these circumstances, which appeared so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span>
+favourable, did of necessity involve the most disastrous
+consequences. The fear of a disputed succession being
+removed, the sovereign was emboldened to a course on
+which he otherwise would not have ventured.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> All
+those monstrous doctrines respecting the rights of
+kings, which the Revolution was supposed to have
+destroyed, were suddenly revived.<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> The clergy, abandoning
+the now hopeless cause of the Pretender, displayed
+the same zeal for the House of Hanover which
+they had formerly displayed for the House of Stuart.
+The pulpits resounded with praises of the new king, of
+his domestic virtues, of his piety, but above all of his
+dutiful attachment to the English church. The result
+was, the establishment of an alliance between the two
+parties more intimate than any that had been seen in
+England since the time of Charles I.<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> Under their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span>
+auspices, the old Tory faction rapidly rallied, and were
+soon able to dispossess their rivals of the management
+of the government. This reactionary movement was
+greatly aided by the personal character of George III.;
+for he, being despotic as well as superstitious, was
+equally anxious to extend the prerogative, and strengthen
+the church. Every liberal sentiment, everything approaching
+to reform, nay, even the mere mention of
+inquiry, was an abomination in the eyes of that narrow
+and ignorant prince. Without knowledge, without
+taste, without even a glimpse of one of the sciences, or
+a feeling for one of the fine arts, education had done
+nothing to enlarge a mind which nature had more than
+usually contracted.<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> Totally ignorant of the history
+and resources of foreign countries, and barely knowing
+their geographical position, his information was scarcely
+more extensive respecting the people over whom he was
+called to rule. In that immense mass of evidence now
+extant, and which consists of every description of private
+correspondence, records of private conversation
+and of public acts, there is not to be found the slightest
+proof that he knew any one of those numerous things
+which the governor of a country ought to know; or,
+indeed, that he was acquainted with a single duty of
+his position, except that mere mechanical routine of
+ordinary business, which might have been effected by
+the lowest clerk in the meanest office in his kingdom.</p>
+
+<p>The course of proceeding which such a king as this
+was likely to follow could be easily foreseen. He
+gathered round his throne that great party, who, clinging
+to the tradition of the past, have always made it
+their boast to check the progress of their age. During
+the sixty years of his reign, he, with the sole exception
+of Pitt, never willingly admitted to his councils a single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span>
+man of great ability;<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> not one whose name is associated
+with any measure of value either in domestic or
+in foreign policy. Even Pitt only maintained his position
+in the state by forgetting the lessons of his illustrious
+father, and abandoning those liberal principles in
+which he had been educated, and with which he entered
+public life. Because George III. hated the idea of
+reform, Pitt not only relinquished what he had before
+declared to be absolutely necessary,<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> but did not hesitate
+to persecute to the death the party with whom he
+had once associated in order to obtain it.<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> Because
+George III. looked upon slavery as one of those good
+old customs which the wisdom of his ancestors had
+consecrated, Pitt did not dare to use his power for procuring
+its abolition, but left to his successors the glory
+of destroying that infamous trade, on the preservation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span>
+of which his royal master had set his heart.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> Because
+George III. detested the French, of whom he knew as
+much as he knew of the inhabitants of Kamtchatka or
+of Tibet, Pitt, contrary to his own judgment, engaged
+in a war with France by which England was seriously
+imperilled, and the English people burdened with a
+debt that their remotest posterity will be unable to
+pay.<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> But, notwithstanding all this, when Pitt, only
+a few years before his death, showed a determination to
+concede to the Irish some small share of their undoubted
+rights, the king dismissed him from office; and the
+king's friends, as they were called,<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a> expressed their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span>
+indignation at the presumption of a minister who could
+oppose the wishes of so benign and gracious a master.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a>
+And when, unhappily for his own fame, this great man
+determined to return to power, he could only recover
+office by conceding that very point for which he had
+relinquished it; thus setting the mischievous example
+of the minister of a free country sacrificing his own
+judgment to the personal prejudices of the reigning
+sovereign.</p>
+
+<p>As it was hardly possible to find other ministers, who
+to equal abilities would add equal subservience, it is not
+surprising that the highest offices were constantly filled
+by men of notorious incapacity.<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> Indeed, the king
+seemed to have an instinctive antipathy to everything
+great and noble. During the reign of George II. the
+elder Pitt had won for himself a reputation which
+covered the world, and had carried to an unprecedented
+height the glories of the English name.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a> He, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span>
+as the avowed friend of popular rights, strenuously
+opposed the despotic principles of the court; and for
+this reason he was hated by George III. with a hatred
+that seemed barely compatible with a sane mind.<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a>
+Fox was one of the greatest statesmen of the eighteenth
+century, and was better acquainted than any other with
+the character and resources of those foreign nations
+with which our own interests were intimately connected.<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a>
+To this rare and important knowledge he
+added a sweetness and an amenity of temper which
+extorted the praises even of his political opponents.<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a>
+But he, too, was the steady supporter of civil and
+religious liberty; and he, too, was so detested by
+George III., that the king, with his own hand, struck
+his name out of the list of privy councillors,<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span>
+declared that he would rather abdicate the throne than
+admit him to a share in the government.<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a></p>
+
+<p>While this unfavourable change was taking place in
+the sovereign and ministers of the country, a change
+equally unfavourable was being effected in the second
+branch of the imperial legislature. Until the reign of
+George III., the House of Lords was decidedly superior
+to the House of Commons in the liberality and general
+accomplishments of its members. It is true, that in
+both houses there prevailed a spirit which must be
+called narrow and superstitious, if tried by the larger
+standard of the present age. But among the peers
+such feelings were tempered by an education that raised
+them far above those country gentlemen and ignorant
+fox-hunting squires of whom the lower house was then
+chiefly composed. From this superiority in their
+knowledge, there naturally followed a larger and more
+liberal turn of thought than was possessed by those
+who were called the representatives of the people. The
+result was, that the old Tory spirit, becoming gradually
+weaker in the upper house, took refuge in the lower;
+where, for about sixty years after the Revolution, the
+high-church party and the friends of the Stuarts formed
+a dangerous faction.<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> Thus, for instance, the two
+men who rendered the most eminent services to the
+Hanoverian dynasty, and therefore to the liberties of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span>
+England, were undoubtedly Somers and Walpole.
+Both of them were remarkable for their principles of
+toleration, and both of them owed their safety to the
+interference of the House of Lords. Somers, early in
+the eighteenth century, was protected by the peers from
+the scandalous prosecution instituted against him by
+the other house of parliament.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> Forty years after
+this, the Commons, who wished to hunt Walpole to
+the death, carried up a bill encouraging witnesses to
+appear against him by remitting to them the penalties
+to which they might be liable.<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> This barbarous measure
+had been passed through the lower house without
+the least difficulty; but in the Lords it was rejected by
+a preponderance of nearly two to one.<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a> In the same
+way the Schism Act, by which the friends of the church
+subjected the dissenters to a cruel persecution,<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> was
+hurried through the Commons by a large and eager
+majority.<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a> In the Lords, however, the votes were
+nearly balanced; and although the bill was passed,
+amendments were added by which the violence of its
+provisions was in some degree softened.<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a></p>
+
+<p>This superiority of the upper house over the lower<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span>
+was, on the whole, steadily maintained during the reign
+of George II.;<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> the ministers not being anxious to
+strengthen the high-church party in the Lords, and the
+king himself so rarely suggesting fresh creations as to
+cause a belief that he particularly disliked increasing
+their numbers.<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was reserved for George III., by an unsparing use
+of his prerogative, entirely to change the character of
+the upper house, and thus lay the foundation for that
+disrepute into which since then the peers have been
+constantly falling. The creations he made were numerous
+beyond all precedent; their object evidently being
+to neutralize the liberal spirit hitherto prevailing, and
+thus turn the House of Lords into an engine for resisting
+the popular wishes, and stopping the progress
+of reform.<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a> How completely this plan succeeded, is
+well known to the readers of our history; indeed, it
+was sure to be successful, considering the character of
+the men who were promoted. They consisted almost
+entirely of two classes: of country gentlemen, remarkable
+for nothing but their wealth, and the number
+of votes their wealth enabled them to control;<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a>
+and of mere lawyers, who had risen to judicial appointments
+partly from their professional learning, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span>
+chiefly from the zeal with which they repressed the
+popular liberties, and favoured the royal prerogative.<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a></p>
+
+<p>That this is no exaggerated description, may be ascertained
+by any one who will consult the lists of the new
+peers made by George III. Here and there we find an
+eminent man, whose public services were so notorious
+that it was impossible to avoid rewarding them;
+but, putting aside those who were in a manner forced
+upon the sovereign, it would be idle to deny that the
+remainder, and of course the overwhelming majority,
+were marked by a narrowness and illiberality of sentiment
+which, more than anything else, brought the
+whole order into contempt.<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> No great thinkers; no
+great writers; no great orators; no great statesmen;
+none of the true nobility of the land,&mdash;were to be found
+among the spurious nobles created by George III. Nor
+were the material interests of the country better represented
+in this strange composition. Among the most
+important men in England, those engaged in banking
+and commerce held a high place: since the end of the
+seventeenth century their influence had rapidly increased;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span>
+while their intelligence, their clear, methodical
+habits, and their general knowledge of affairs, made
+them every way superior to those classes from whom
+the upper house was now recruited. But in the reign
+of George III. claims of this sort were little heeded;
+and we are assured by Burke, whose authority on such
+a subject no one will dispute, that there never had been
+a time in which so few persons connected with commerce
+were raised to the peerage.<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a></p>
+
+<p>It would be endless to collect all the symptoms which
+mark the political degeneracy of England during this
+period; a degeneracy the more striking, because it was
+opposed to the spirit of the time, and because it took
+place in spite of a great progress, both social and intellectual.
+How that progress eventually stopped the
+political reaction, and even forced it to retrace its own
+steps, will appear in another part of this work; but
+there is one circumstance which I cannot refrain from
+noticing at some length, since it affords a most interesting
+illustration of the tendency of public affairs, while at
+the same time it exhibits the character of one of the
+greatest men, and, Bacon alone excepted, the greatest
+thinker, who has ever devoted himself to the practice of
+English politics.</p>
+
+<p>The slightest sketch of the reign of George III. would
+indeed be miserably imperfect if it were to omit the
+name of Edmund Burke. The studies of this extraordinary
+man not only covered the whole field of political
+inquiry,<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> but extended to an immense variety of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span>
+subjects, which, though apparently unconnected with
+politics, do in reality bear upon them as important
+adjuncts; since, to a philosophic mind, every branch of
+knowledge lights up even those that seem most remote
+from it. The eulogy passed upon him by one who was
+no mean judge of men,<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a> might be justified, and more
+than justified, by passages from his works, as well as
+by the opinions of the most eminent of his contemporaries.<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a>
+Thus it is, that while his insight into the
+philosophy of jurisprudence has gained the applause of
+lawyers,<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> his acquaintance with the whole range and
+theory of the fine arts has won the admiration of artists;<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a>
+a striking combination of two pursuits, often,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span>
+though erroneously, held to be incompatible with each
+other. At the same time, and notwithstanding the occupations
+of political life, we know on good authority, that
+he had paid great attention to the history and filiation
+of languages;<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> a vast subject, which within the last
+thirty years has become an important resource for the
+study of the human mind, but the very idea of which
+had, in its large sense, only begun to dawn upon a
+few solitary thinkers. And, what is even more remarkable,
+when Adam Smith came to London full of those
+discoveries which have immortalized his name, he found
+to his amazement that Burke had anticipated conclusions
+the maturing of which cost Smith himself many
+years of anxious and unremitting labour.<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a></p>
+
+<p>To these great inquiries, which touch the basis of
+social philosophy, Burke added a considerable acquaintance
+with physical science, and even with the practice
+and routine of mechanical trades. All this was so
+digested and worked into his mind, that it was ready
+on every occasion; not, like the knowledge of ordinary
+politicians, broken and wasted in fragments, but blended
+into a complete whole, fused by a genius that gave life
+even to the dullest pursuits. This, indeed, was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span>
+characteristic of Burke, that in his hands nothing was
+barren. Such was the strength and exuberance of his
+intellect, that it bore fruit in all directions, and could
+confer dignity upon the meanest subjects, by showing
+their connexion with general principles and the part
+they have to play in the great scheme of human affairs.</p>
+
+<p>But what has always appeared to me still more
+remarkable in the character of Burke, is the singular
+sobriety with which he employed his extraordinary
+acquirements. During the best part of his life, his
+political principles, so far from being speculative, were
+altogether practical. This is particularly striking, because
+he had every temptation to adopt an opposite
+course. He possessed materials for generalization far
+more ample than any politician of his time, and he had
+a mind eminently prone to take large views. On many
+occasions, and indeed whenever an opportunity occurred,
+he showed his capacity as an original and speculative
+thinker. But the moment he set foot on political
+ground, he changed his method. In questions connected
+with the accumulation and distribution of wealth
+he saw that it was possible, by proceeding from a few
+simple principles, to construct a deductive science
+available for the commercial and financial interests of
+the country. Further than this he refused to advance,
+because he knew that, with this single exception, every
+department of politics was purely empirical, and was
+likely long to remain so. Hence it was, that he recognized
+in all its bearings that great doctrine, which even
+in our own days is too often forgotten, that the aim
+of the legislator should be, not truth, but expediency.
+Looking at the actual state of knowledge, he was forced
+to admit, that all political principles have been raised
+by hasty induction from limited facts; and that, therefore,
+it is the part of a wise man, when he adds to the
+facts, to revise the induction, and, instead of sacrificing
+practice to principles, modify the principles that he may
+change the practice. Or, to put this in another way,
+he lays it down that political principles are at the best
+but the product of human reason; while political practice
+has to do with human nature and human passions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span>
+of which reason forms but a part;<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a> and that, on this
+account, the proper business of a statesman is, to contrive
+the means by which certain ends may be effected, leaving
+it to the general voice of the country to determine what
+those ends shall be, and shaping his own conduct, not
+according to his own principles, but according to the
+wishes of the people for whom he legislates, and whom
+he is bound to obey.<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is these views, and the extraordinary ability with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span>
+which they were advocated, which make the appearance
+of Burke a memorable epoch in our political history.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a>
+We had, no doubt, other statesmen before him, who
+denied the validity of general principles in politics;
+but their denial was only the happy guess of ignorance,
+and they rejected theories which they had never taken
+the pains to study. Burke rejected them because he
+knew them. It was his rare merit that, notwithstanding
+every inducement to rely upon his own generalizations,
+he resisted the temptation; that, though rich in
+all the varieties of political knowledge, he made his
+opinions subservient to the march of events; that he
+recognized as the object of government, not the preservation
+of particular institutions, nor the propagation
+of particular tenets, but the happiness of the people at
+large; and, above all, that he insisted upon an obedience
+to the popular wishes, which no statesman before him
+had paid, and which too many statesmen since him
+have forgotten. Our country, indeed, is still full of
+those vulgar politicians, against whom Burke raised
+his voice; feeble and shallow men, who, having spent
+their little force in resisting the progress of reform,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span>
+find themselves at length, compelled to yield; and
+then, so soon as they have exhausted the artifices of
+their petty schemes, and, by their tardy and ungraceful
+concessions, have sown the seed of future disaffection,
+they turn upon the age by which they have been
+baffled; they mourn over the degeneracy of mankind;
+they lament the decay of public spirit; and they weep
+for the fate of a people, who have been so regardless of
+the wisdom of their ancestors, as to tamper with a
+constitution already hoary with the prescription of
+centuries.</p>
+
+<p>Those who have studied the reign of George III. will
+easily understand the immense advantage of having a
+man like Burke to oppose these miserable delusions;
+delusions which have been fatal to many countries, and
+have more than once almost ruined our own.<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> They
+will also understand that, in the opinion of the king,
+this great statesman was, at best, but an eloquent declaimer,
+to be classed in the same category with Fox
+and Chatham; all three ingenious men, but unsafe,
+unsteady, quite unfit for weighty concerns, and by no
+means calculated for so exalted an honour as admission
+into the royal councils. In point of fact, during the
+thirty years Burke was engaged in public life, he
+never once held an office in the cabinet;<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a> and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span>
+only occasions on which he occupied even a subordinate
+post, were in those very short intervals when the
+fluctuations of politics compelled the appointment of
+a liberal ministry.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed the part taken by Burke in public affairs must
+have been very galling to a king who thought everything
+good that was old, and everything right that was
+established.<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> For, so far was this remarkable man in
+advance of his contemporaries, that there are few of
+the great measures of the present generation which he
+did not anticipate, and zealously defend. Not only
+did he attack the absurd laws against forestalling and
+regrating,<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> but, by advocating the freedom of trade,
+he struck at the root of all similar prohibitions.<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a> He
+supported those just claims of the Catholics,<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> which,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span>
+during his lifetime, were obstinately refused; but which
+were conceded, many years after his death, as the only
+means of preserving the integrity of the empire. He
+supported the petition of the Dissenters, that they
+might be relieved from the restrictions to which, for
+the benefit of the Church of England, they were subjected.<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a>
+Into other departments of politics he carried
+the same spirit. He opposed the cruel laws against
+insolvents,<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a> by which, in the time of George III., our
+statute-book was still defaced; and he vainly attempted
+to soften the penal code,<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a> the increasing severity of
+which was one of the worst features of that bad
+reign.<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> He wished to abolish the old plan of enlisting
+soldiers for life;<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a> a barbarous and impolitic practice,
+as the English legislature began to perceive several
+years later.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> He attacked the slave-trade;<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> which,
+being an ancient usage, the king wished to preserve, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span>
+part of the British constitution.<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a> He refuted,<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> but,
+owing to the prejudices of the age, was unable to subvert,
+the dangerous power exercised by the judges,
+who, in criminal prosecutions for libel, confined the
+jury to the mere question of publication; thus
+taking the real issue into their own hands, and
+making themselves the arbiters of the fate of those who
+were so unfortunate as to be placed at their bar.<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a>
+And, what many will think not the least of his merits,
+he was the first in that long line of financial reformers
+to whom we are deeply indebted.<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> Notwithstanding
+the difficulties thrown in his way, he carried through
+Parliament a series of bills, by which several useless
+places were entirely abolished, and, in the single office
+of paymaster-general, a saving effected to the country
+of 25,000<i>l.</i> a year.<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a></p>
+
+<p>These things alone are sufficient to explain the animosity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span>
+of a prince whose boast it was, that he would
+bequeath the government to his successor in the same
+state as that in which he had received it. There was,
+however, another circumstance by which the royal
+feelings were still further wounded. The determination
+of the king to oppress the Americans was so
+notorious that, when the war actually broke out, it was
+called the &lsquo;king's war,&rsquo; and those who opposed it were
+regarded as the personal enemies of their sovereign.<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a>
+In this, however, as in all other questions, the conduct
+of Burke was governed, not by traditions and principles,
+such as George III. cherished, but by large views
+of general expediency. Burke, in forming his opinions
+respecting this disgraceful contest, refused to be guided
+by arguments respecting the right of either party.<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a>
+He would not enter into any discussion as to whether
+a mother country has the right to tax her colonies, or
+whether the colonies have a right to tax themselves.
+Such points he left to be mooted by those politicians<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span>
+who, pretending to be guided by principles, are, in
+reality, subjugated by prejudice.<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> For his own part
+he was content to compare the cost with the gain.
+It was enough for Burke that, considering the power
+of our American colonies, considering their distance
+from us, and considering the probability of their being
+aided by France, it was not advisable to exercise the
+power; and it was, therefore, idle to talk of the right.
+Hence he opposed the taxation of America, not because
+it was unprecedented, but because it was inexpedient.
+As a natural consequence he likewise opposed the
+Boston-Port Bill, and that shameful bill, to forbid all
+intercourse with America, which was not inaptly called
+the starvation plan; violent measures, by which the
+king hoped to curb the colonies, and break the spirit of
+those noble men, whom he hated even more than he
+feared.<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is certainly no faint characteristic of those times,
+that a man like Burke, who dedicated to politics abilities
+equal to far nobler things, should, during thirty years,
+have received from his prince neither favour nor reward.
+But George III. was a king whose delight it
+was to raise the humble and exalt the meek. His reign,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span>
+indeed, was the golden age of successful mediocrity;
+an age in which little men were favoured, and great
+men depressed; when Addington was cherished as a
+statesman, and Beattie pensioned as a philosopher; and
+when, in all the walks of public life, the first conditions
+of promotion were, to fawn upon ancient prejudices,
+and support established abuses.</p>
+
+<p>This neglect of the most eminent of English politicians
+is highly instructive; but the circumstances which
+followed, though extremely painful, have a still deeper
+interest, and are well worth the attention of those
+whose habits of mind lead them to study the intellectual
+peculiarities of great men.</p>
+
+<p>For, at this distance of time, when his nearest relations
+are no more, it would be affectation to deny that
+Burke, during the last few years of his life, fell into a
+state of complete hallucination. When the French
+Revolution broke out, his mind, already fainting under
+the weight of incessant labour, could not support the
+contemplation of an event so unprecedented, so appalling,
+and threatening results of such frightful magnitude.
+And, when the crimes of that great revolution,
+instead of diminishing, continued to increase, then it
+was that the feelings of Burke finally mastered his
+reason; the balance tottered; the proportions of that
+gigantic intellect were disturbed. From this moment,
+his sympathy with present suffering was so intense,
+that he lost all memory of the tyranny by which the
+sufferings were provoked. His mind, once so steady,
+so little swayed by prejudice and passion, reeled under
+the pressure of events which turned the brains of thousands.<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a>
+And whoever will compare the spirit of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span>
+latest works with the dates of their publication, will
+see how this melancholy change was aggravated by
+that bitter bereavement, from which he never rallied,
+and which alone was sufficient to prostrate the understanding
+of one in whom the severity of the reason
+was so tempered, so nicely poised, by the warmth of the
+affections. Never, indeed, can there be forgotten those
+touching, those exquisite allusions to the death of that
+only son, who was the joy of his soul, and the pride of
+his heart, and to whom he fondly hoped to bequeath
+the inheritance of his imperishable name. Never can
+we forget that image of desolation under which the
+noble old man figured his immeasurable grief &lsquo;I live
+in an inverted order. They who ought to have succeeded
+me, have gone before me. They who should
+have been to me as posterity, are in the place of ancestors&hellip;. The storm has gone over me, and I lie
+like one of those old oaks which the late hurricane has
+scattered about me. I am stripped of all my honours;
+I am torn up by the roots, and lie prostrate on the
+earth.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a></p>
+
+<p>It would, perhaps, be displaying a morbid curiosity,
+to attempt to raise the veil, and trace the decay of so
+mighty a mind.<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> Indeed, in all such cases, most of
+the evidence perishes; for those who have the best<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span>
+opportunities of witnessing the infirmities of a great
+man, are not those who most love to relate them. But
+it is certain, that the change was first clearly seen
+immediately after the breaking out of the French Revolution;
+that it was aggravated by the death of his son;
+and that it became progressively worse till death closed
+the scene.<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a> In his <i>Reflections on the French Revolution</i>;
+in his <i>Remarks on the Policy of the Allies</i>: in his
+<i>Letter to Elliot</i>; in his <i>Letter to a Noble Lord</i>; and in his
+<i>Letters on a Regicide Peace</i>, we may note the consecutive
+steps of an increasing, and at length an uncontrollable,
+violence. To the single principle of hatred of the
+French Revolution, he sacrificed his oldest associations
+and his dearest friends. Fox, as is well known, always
+looked up to Burke as to a master, from whose lips he
+had gathered the lessons of political wisdom.<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> Burke,
+on his side, fully recognized the vast abilities of his
+friend, and loved him for that affectionate disposition,
+and for those winning manners, which, it has often
+been said, none who saw them could ever resist. But
+now, without the slightest pretence of a personal
+quarrel, this long intimacy<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> was rudely severed.
+Because Fox would not abandon that love of popular
+liberty which they had long cherished in common,
+Burke, publicly, and in his place in parliament, declared
+that their friendship was at an end; for that he
+would never more hold communion with a man who
+lent his support to the French people.<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a> At the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span>
+time, and indeed the very evening on which this
+occurred, Burke, who had hitherto been remarkable for
+the courtesy of his manners,<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a> deliberately insulted
+another of his friends, who was taking him home in his
+carriage; and, in a state of frantic excitement, insisted
+on being immediately set down, in the middle of the
+night, in a pouring rain, because he could not, he said,
+remain seated by &lsquo;a friend to the revolutionary doctrines
+of the French.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor is it true, as some have supposed, that this
+mania of hostility was solely directed against the
+criminal part of the French people. It would be
+difficult, in that or in any other age, to find two men of
+more active, or indeed enthusiastic benevolence, than
+Condorcet and La Fayette. Besides this, Condorcet
+was one of the most profound thinkers of his time, and
+will be remembered as long as genius is honoured
+among us.<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a> La Fayette was no doubt inferior to
+Condorcet in point of ability; but he was the intimate
+friend of Washington, on whose conduct he modelled
+his own,<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a> and by whose side he had fought for the
+liberties of America: his integrity was, and still is,
+unsullied: and his character had a chivalrous and noble<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span>
+turn, which Burke, in his better days, would have been
+the first to admire.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> Both, however, were natives of
+that hated country whose liberties they vainly attempted
+to achieve. On this account, Burke declared Condorcet
+to be guilty of &lsquo;impious sophistry;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a> to be a &lsquo;fanatic
+atheist, and furious democratic republican;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> and to
+be capable of &lsquo;the lowest, as well as the highest and
+most determined villainies.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> As to La Fayette, when
+an attempt was made to mitigate the cruel treatment he
+was receiving from the Prussian government, Burke
+not only opposed the motion made for that purpose in
+the House of Commons, but took the opportunity of
+grossly insulting the unfortunate captive, who was then
+languishing in a dungeon.<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> So dead had he become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span>
+on this subject, even to the common instincts of our
+nature, that, in his place in parliament, he could find no
+better way of speaking of this injured and high-souled
+man, than by calling him a ruffian: &lsquo;I would not,&rsquo; says
+Burke,&mdash;&lsquo;I would not debase my humanity by supporting
+an application in behalf of such a horrid ruffian.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a></p>
+
+<p>As to France itself, it is &lsquo;Cannibal Castle;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> it is
+&lsquo;the republic of assassins;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> it is &lsquo;a hell;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a> its
+government is composed of &lsquo;the dirtiest, lowest, most
+fraudulent, most knavish, of chicaners;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> its National
+Assembly are &lsquo;miscreants;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a> its people are &lsquo;an allied
+army of Amazonian and male cannibal Parisians;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a>
+they are &lsquo;a nation of murderers;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> they are &lsquo;the
+basest of mankind;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> they are &lsquo;murderous atheists;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a>
+they are &lsquo;a gang of robbers;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> they are &lsquo;the prostitute
+outcasts of mankind;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> they are &lsquo;a desperate gang of
+plunderers, murderers, tyrants, and atheists.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a> To
+make the slightest concessions to such a country in order
+to preserve peace, is offering victims &lsquo;on the altars of
+blasphemed regicide;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> even to enter into negotiations
+is &lsquo;exposing our lazar sores at the door of every proud
+servitor of the French republic, where the court-dogs
+will not deign to lick them.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> When our ambassador<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span>
+was actually in Paris, he &lsquo;had the honour of passing his
+mornings in respectful attendance at the office of a
+regicide pettifogger;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> and we were taunted with
+having sent a &lsquo;peer of the realm to the scum of the
+earth.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a> &lsquo;France has no longer a place in Europe; it
+is expunged from the map; its very name should be forgotten.<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a>
+Why, then, need men travel in it? Why
+need our children learn its language? and why are we to
+endanger the morals of our ambassadors? who can
+hardly fail to return from such a land with their principles
+corrupted, and with a wish to conspire against their
+own country.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a></p>
+
+<p>This is sad, indeed, from such a man as Burke once
+was; but what remains, shows still more clearly how
+the associations and composition of his mind had been
+altered. He who, with humanity not less than with
+wisdom, had strenuously laboured to prevent the
+American war, devoted the last few years of his life to
+kindle a new war, compared to which that with America<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span>
+was a light and trivial episode. In his calmer moments,
+no one would have more willingly recognized that the
+opinions prevalent in any country are the inevitable
+results of the circumstances in which that country had
+been placed. But now he sought to alter those opinions
+by force. From the beginning of the French Revolution,
+he insisted upon the right, and indeed upon the
+necessity, of compelling France to change her principles;<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a>
+and, at a later period, he blamed the allied sovereigns
+for not dictating to a great people the government
+they ought to adopt.<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> Such was the havoc circumstances
+had made in his well-ordered intellect, that to this
+one principle he sacrificed every consideration of justice,
+of mercy, and of expediency. As if war, even in its mildest
+form, were not sufficiently hateful, he sought to give to
+it that character of a crusade<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a> which increasing knowledge
+had long since banished: and loudly proclaiming
+that the contest was religious rather than temporal, he
+revived old prejudices in order to cause fresh crimes.<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a>
+He also declared that the war should be carried on for
+revenge as well as for defence, and that we must never
+lay down our arms until we had utterly destroyed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span>
+men by whom the Revolution was brought about.<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a>
+And, as if these things were not enough, he insisted
+that this, the most awful of all wars, being begun, was
+not to be hurried over; although it was to be carried
+on for revenge as well as for religion, and the resources
+of civilized men were to be quickened by the ferocious
+passions of crusaders, still it was not to be soon ended;
+it was to be durable; it must have permanence; it
+must, says Burke, in the spirit of a burning hatred, be
+protracted in a long war: &lsquo;I speak it emphatically, and
+with a desire that it should be marked, in a <i>long</i> war.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was to be a war to force a great people to change
+their government. It was to be a war carried on for the
+purpose of punishment. It was also to be a religious
+war. Finally, it was to be a long war. Was there ever
+any other man who wished to afflict the human race with
+such extensive, searching, and protracted calamities?
+Such cruel, such reckless, and yet such deliberate
+opinions, if they issued from a sane mind, would immortalize
+even the most obscure statesman, because they
+would load his name with imperishable infamy. For
+where can we find, even among the most ignorant or
+most sanguinary politicians, sentiments like these?
+Yet they proceed from one who, a very few years
+before, was the most eminent political philosopher England
+has ever possessed. To us it is only given to
+mourn over so noble a wreck. More than this no one
+should do. We may contemplate with reverence the
+mighty ruin; but the mysteries of its decay let no man
+presume to invade, unless, to use the language of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span>
+greatest of our masters, he can tell how to minister to
+a diseased mind, pluck the sorrows which are rooted in
+the memory, and raze out the troubles that are written
+in the brain.</p>
+
+<p>It is a relief to turn from so painful a subject, even
+though we descend to the petty, huckstering politics of
+the English court. And truly, the history of the treatment
+experienced by the most illustrious of our politicians,
+is highly characteristic of the prince under
+whom he lived. While Burke was consuming his life
+in great public services, labouring to reform our finances,
+improve our laws, and enlighten our commercial
+policy,&mdash;while he was occupied with these things, the
+king regarded him with coldness and aversion.<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> But
+when the great statesman degenerated into an angry
+brawler; when, irritated by disease, he made it the
+sole aim of his declining years to kindle a deadly war
+between the two first countries of Europe, and declared
+that to this barbarous object he would sacrifice all
+other questions of policy, however important they
+might be;<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a>&mdash;then it was that a perception of his vast
+abilities began to dawn upon the mind of the king.
+Before this, no one had been bold enough to circulate
+in the palace even a whisper of his merits. Now,
+however, in the successive, and eventually the rapid
+decline of his powers, he had fallen almost to the level
+of the royal intellect; and now he was first warmed by
+the beams of the royal favour. Now he was a man
+after the king's own heart.<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a> Less than two years<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span>
+before his death, there was settled upon him, at the
+express desire of George III., two considerable pensions;<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a>
+and the king even wished to raise him to the
+peerage, in order that the House of Lords might benefit
+by the services of so great a counsellor.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a></p>
+
+<p>This digression respecting the character of Burke
+has been longer than I had anticipated; but it will not,
+I hope, be considered unimportant; for, in addition to
+the intrinsic interest of the subject, it illustrates the
+feelings of George III. towards great men, and it shows
+what the opinions were which in his reign it was
+thought necessary to hold. In the sequel of this
+work, I shall trace the effect of such opinions upon the
+interests of the country, considered as a whole; but
+for the object of the present Introduction, it will be
+sufficient to point out the connexion in one or two more
+of those prominent instances, the character of which is
+too notorious to admit of discussion.</p>
+
+<p>Of these leading and conspicuous events, the American
+war was the earliest, and for several years it almost
+entirely absorbed the attention of English politicians.
+In the reign of George II. a proposal had been made to
+increase the revenue by taxing the colonies; which, as
+the Americans were totally unrepresented in parliament,
+was simply a proposition to tax an entire people
+without even the form of asking their consent. This
+scheme of public robbery was rejected by that able and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span>
+moderate man who was then at the head of affairs; and
+the suggestion, being generally deemed impracticable,
+fell to the ground, and seems, indeed, hardly to have
+excited attention.<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a> But what was deemed by the
+government of George II. to be a dangerous stretch
+of arbitrary power, was eagerly welcomed by the
+government of George III. For the new king, having
+the most exalted notion of his own authority, and being,
+from his miserable education, entirely ignorant of public
+affairs, thought that to tax the Americans for the
+benefit of the English, would be a masterpiece of policy.
+When, therefore, the old idea was revived, it met with
+his cordial acquiescence; and when the Americans
+showed their intention of resisting this monstrous injustice,
+he was only the more confirmed in his opinion
+that it was necessary to curb their unruly will. Nor
+need we be surprised at the rapidity with which such
+angry feelings broke out. Indeed, looking, on the one
+hand, at the despotic principles which, for the first
+time since the Revolution, were now revived at the
+English court; and looking, on the other hand, at the
+independent spirit of the colonists,&mdash;it was impossible to
+avoid a struggle between the two parties; and the only
+questions were, as to what form the contest would take,
+and towards which side victory was most likely to
+incline.<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a></p>
+
+<p>On the part of the English government, no time was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span>
+lost. Five years after the accession of George III., a
+bill was brought into parliament to tax the Americans;<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a>
+and so complete had been the change in
+political affairs, that not the least difficulty was found
+in passing a measure which, in the reign of George II.,
+no minister had dared to propose. Formerly, such a
+proposal, if made, would certainly have been rejected;
+now the most powerful parties in the state were united
+in its favour. The king, on every occasion, paid a
+court to the clergy, to which, since the death of Anne,
+they had been unaccustomed; he was, therefore, sure
+of their support, and they zealously aided him in every
+attempt to oppress the colonies.<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a> The aristocracy, a
+few leading Whigs alone excepted, were on the same
+side, and looked to the taxation of America as a means
+of lessening their own contributions.<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> As to George
+III., his feelings on the subject were notorious;<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span>
+the more liberal party not having yet recovered from
+the loss of power consequent on the death of George II.,
+there was little fear of difficulties from the cabinet; it
+being well known that the throne was occupied by a
+prince whose first object was to keep ministers in strict
+dependence on himself, and who, whenever it was
+practicable, called into office such weak and flexible
+men as would yield unhesitating submission to his
+wishes.<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a></p>
+
+<p>Everything being thus prepared, there followed those
+events which were to be expected from such a combination.
+Without stopping to relate details which are
+known to every reader, it may be briefly mentioned
+that, in this new state of things, the wise and forbearing
+policy of the preceding reign was set at naught,
+and the national councils guided by rash and ignorant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span>
+men, who soon brought the greatest disasters upon the
+country, and within a few years actually dismembered
+the empire. In order to enforce the monstrous claim
+of taxing a whole people without their consent, there
+was waged against America a war ill-conducted, unsuccessful,
+and, what is far worse, accompanied by
+cruelties disgraceful to a civilized nation.<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a> To this
+may be added, that an immense trade was nearly annihilated;
+every branch of commerce was thrown into
+confusion;<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> we were disgraced in the eyes of Europe;<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a>
+we incurred an expense of 140,000,000<i>l.</i>;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a>
+and we lost by far the most valuable colonies any nation
+has ever possessed.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the first fruits of the policy of George III.
+But the mischief did not stop there. The opinions
+which it was necessary to advocate in order to justify
+this barbarous war, recoiled upon ourselves. In order
+to defend the attempt to destroy the liberties of America,
+principles were laid down which, if carried into effect,
+would have subverted the liberties of England. Not
+only in the court, but in both houses of parliament,
+from the episcopal bench, and from the pulpits of the
+church-party, there were promulgated doctrines of the
+most dangerous kind&mdash;doctrines unsuited to a limited
+monarchy, and, indeed, incompatible with it. The
+extent to which this reaction proceeded is known to
+very few readers, because the evidence of it is chiefly
+to be found in the parliamentary debates, and in the
+theological literature, particularly the sermons of that
+time, none of which are now much studied. But, not
+to anticipate matters belonging to another part of this
+work, it is enough to say that the danger was so imminent
+as to make the ablest defenders of popular liberty
+believe that everything was at stake; and that if the
+Americans were vanquished, the next step would be to
+attack the liberties of England, and endeavour to
+extend to the mother-country the same arbitrary
+government which by that time would have been
+established in the colonies.<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a></p>
+
+<p>Whether or not these fears were exaggerated, is a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span>
+question of considerable difficulty; but after a careful
+study of that time, and a study too from sources not
+much used by historians, I feel satisfied that they who
+are best acquainted with the period will be the most
+willing to admit that, though the danger may have
+been overrated, it was far more serious than men are
+now inclined to believe. At all events, it is certain
+that the general aspect of political affairs was calculated
+to excite great alarm. It is certain, that during
+many years, the authority of the crown continued to
+increase, until it reached a height of which no example
+had been seen in England for several generations. It
+is certain that the Church of England exerted all
+her influence in favour of those despotic principles
+which the king wished to enforce. It is also certain
+that, by the constant creation of new peers, all holding
+the same views, the character of the House of Lords
+was undergoing a slow but decisive change; and that,
+whenever a favourable opportunity arose, high judicial
+appointments and high ecclesiastical appointments
+were conferred upon men notorious for their leaning
+towards the royal prerogative. These are facts which
+cannot be denied; and, putting them together, there
+remains, I think, no doubt, that the American war was
+a great crisis in the history of England, and that if the
+colonists had been defeated, our liberties would have
+been for a time in considerable jeopardy. From that
+risk we were saved by the Americans, who with heroic
+spirit resisted the royal armies, defeated them at every
+point, and at length, separating themselves from the
+mother-country, began that wonderful career, which,
+in less than eighty years, has raised them to an unexampled
+prosperity, and which to us ought to be
+deeply interesting, as showing what may be effected
+by the unaided resources of a free people.</p>
+
+<p>Seven years after this great contest had been
+brought to a successful close, and the Americans,
+happily for the interests of mankind, had finally
+secured their independence, another nation rose up
+and turned against its rulers. The history of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span>
+causes of the French Revolution will be found in
+another part of this volume; at present we have only
+to glance at the effects it produced upon the policy of
+the English government. In France, as is well known,
+the movement was extremely rapid; the old institutions,
+which were so corrupted as to be utterly unfit
+for use, were quickly destroyed; and the people,
+frenzied by centuries of oppression, practised the most
+revolting cruelties, saddening the hour of their triumph
+by crimes that disgraced the noble cause for which
+they struggled.</p>
+
+<p>All this, frightful as it was, did nevertheless form a
+part of the natural course of affairs; it was the old
+story of tyranny exciting revenge, and revenge blinding
+men to every consequence except the pleasure of
+glutting their own passions. If, under these circumstances,
+France had been left to herself, the Revolution,
+like all other revolutions, would soon have subsided,
+and a form of government have arisen suited to the
+actual condition of things. What the form would
+have been, it is impossible now to say; that, however,
+was a question with which no foreign country had the
+slightest concern. Whether it should be an oligarchy,
+or a despotic monarchy, or a republic, it was for
+France to decide; but it was evidently not the
+business of any other nation to decide for her. Still
+less was it likely that, on so delicate a point, France
+would submit to dictation from a country which had
+always been her rival, and which not unfrequently
+had been her bitter and successful enemy.</p>
+
+<p>But these considerations, obvious as they are, were
+lost upon George III., and upon those classes which
+were then in the ascendant. The fact that a great
+people had risen against their oppressors disquieted
+the consciences of men in high places. The same evil
+passions, and indeed the same evil language, which a
+few years before were directed against the Americans,
+were now turned against the French; and it was but
+too clear that the same results would follow.<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span>
+defiance of every maxim of sound policy, the English
+ambassador was recalled from France simply because
+that country chose to do away with the monarchy, and
+substitute a republic in its place. This was the first
+decisive step towards an open rupture, and it was
+taken, not because France had injured England, but
+because France had changed her government.<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a> A
+few months later, the French, copying the example of
+the English in the preceding century,<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a> brought their
+king to a public trial, sentenced him to die, and struck
+off his head in the midst of his own capital. It must
+be allowed that this act was needless, that it was cruel,
+and that it was grossly impolitic. But it is palpably
+evident that they who consented to the execution were
+responsible only to God and their country; and that
+any notice of it from abroad, which bore the appearance
+of a threat, would rouse the spirit of France, would
+unite all parties into one, and would induce the nation
+to adopt as its own a crime of which it might otherwise
+have repented, but which it could not now abjure
+without incurring the shame of having yielded to the
+dictation of a foreign power.</p>
+
+<p>In England, however, as soon as the fate of the
+king was known, the government, without waiting for
+explanation, and without asking for any guarantee as
+to the future, treated the death of Louis as an offence
+against itself, and imperiously ordered the French
+residents to quit the country:<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a> thus wantonly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span>
+originating a war which lasted twenty years, cost the
+lives of millions, plunged all Europe into confusion, and,
+more than any other circumstance, stopped the march
+of civilization, by postponing for a whole generation
+those reforms, which, late in the eighteenth century,
+the progress of affairs rendered indispensable.</p>
+
+<p>The European results of this, the most hateful, the
+most unjust, and the most atrocious war, England has
+ever waged against any country, will be hereafter
+considered;<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a> at present I confine myself to a short
+summary of its leading effects on English society.</p>
+
+<p>What distinguishes this sanguinary contest from all
+preceding ones, and what gives to it its worst feature,
+is, that it was eminently a war of opinions,&mdash;a war
+which we carried on, not with a view to territorial
+acquisitions, but with the object of repressing that
+desire for reforms of every kind, which had now become
+the marked characteristic of the leading countries of
+Europe.<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> As soon, therefore, as hostilities began the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span>
+English government had a twofold duty to perform
+it had to destroy a republic abroad, and it had to prevent
+improvement at home. The first of these duties
+it fulfilled by squandering the blood and the treasure
+of England, till it had thrown nearly every family
+into mourning, and reduced the country to the verge
+of national bankruptcy. The other duty it attempted
+to execute by enacting a series of laws intended to put
+an end to the free discussion of political questions, and
+stifle that spirit of inquiry which was every year
+becoming more active. These laws were so comprehensive,
+and so well calculated to effect their purpose,
+that if the energy of the nation had not prevented
+their being properly enforced, they would either have
+destroyed every vestige of popular liberty, or else
+have provoked a general rebellion. Indeed, during
+several years the danger was so imminent, that, in the
+opinion of some high authorities, nothing could have
+averted it, but the bold spirit with which our English
+juries, by their hostile verdicts, resisted the proceedings
+of government, and refused to sanction laws
+which the crown had proposed, and to which a timid
+and servile legislature had willingly consented.<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a></p>
+
+<p>We may form some idea of the magnitude of the
+crisis by considering the steps which were actually
+taken against the two most important of all our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span>
+institutions, namely, the freedom of the public press,
+and the right of assembling in meetings for the purpose
+of public discussion. These are, in a political point
+of view, the two most striking peculiarities which
+distinguish us from every other European people. As
+long as they are preserved intact, and as long as they
+are fearlessly and frequently employed, there will
+always be ample protection against those encroachments
+on the part of government which cannot be
+too jealously watched, and to which even the freest
+country is liable. To this may be added, that these
+institutions possess other advantages of the highest
+order. By encouraging political discussion, they
+increase the amount of intellect brought to bear
+upon the political business of the country. They also
+increase the total strength of the nation, by causing
+large classes of men to exercise faculties which would
+otherwise lie dormant, but which by these means are
+quickened into activity, and become available for other
+purposes of social interest.</p>
+
+<p>But in the period we are now considering, it was
+deemed advisable that the influence of the people
+should be lessened; it was, therefore, thought improper
+that they should strengthen their abilities by exercising
+them. To relate the details of that bitter war,
+which, late in the eighteenth century, the English
+government carried on against every kind of free discussion,
+would lead me far beyond the limits of this
+Introduction; and I can only hastily refer to the
+vindictive prosecutions, and, whenever a verdict was
+obtained, the vindictive punishments, of men like
+Adams, Bonney, Crossfield, Frost, Gerald, Hardy,
+Holt, Hodson, Holcroft, Joyce, Kidd, Lambert,
+Margarot, Martin, Muir, Palmer, Perry, Skirving,
+Stannard, Thelwall, Tooke, Wakefield, Wardie,
+Winterbotham: all of whom were indicted, and many
+of whom were fined, imprisoned, or transported, because
+they expressed their sentiments with freedom, and
+because they used language such as in our time is
+employed with perfect impunity, by speakers at public
+meetings, and by writers in the public press.</p>
+
+<p>As, however, juries in several cases refused to convict<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span>
+men who were prosecuted for these offences, it was
+determined to recur to measures still more decisive.
+In 1795, a law was passed, by which it was manifestly
+intended to put an end for ever to all popular discussions
+either on political or religious matters. For by
+it every public meeting was forbidden, unless notice of
+it were inserted in a newspaper five days beforehand;<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a>
+such notice to contain a statement of the objects of
+the meeting, and of the time and place where it
+was to assemble. And, to bring the whole arrangement
+completely under the supervision of government,
+it was ordered, that not only should the notice, thus
+published, be signed by householders, but that the
+original manuscript should be preserved, for the information
+of the justices of the peace, who might require
+a copy of it: a significant threat, which, in those days,
+was easily understood.<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a> It was also enacted that,
+even after these precautions had been taken, any single
+justice might compel the meeting to disperse, if, in his
+opinion, the language held by the speakers was calculated
+to bring the sovereign or the government into
+contempt; while, at the same time, he was authorized
+to arrest those whom he considered to be the offenders.<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a>
+The power of dissolving a public meeting, and
+of seizing its leaders, was thus conferred upon a
+common magistrate, and conferred too without the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span>
+slightest provision against its abuse. In other words,
+the right of putting an end to all public discussions on
+the most important subjects, was lodged in the hands
+of a man appointed by the crown, and removable by
+the crown at its own pleasure. To this it was added,
+that if the meeting should consist of twelve, or upwards
+of twelve persons, and should remain together for one
+hour after being ordered to separate,&mdash;in such case, the
+penalty of death was to be inflicted, even if only twelve
+disobeyed this the arbitrary command of a single and
+irresponsible magistrate.<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1799, another law was passed, forbidding any
+open field, or place of any kind, to be used for lecturing,
+or for debating, unless a specific license for such
+place had been obtained from the magistrates. It was
+likewise enacted, that all circulating-libraries, and all
+reading-rooms, should be subject to the same provision;
+no person, without leave from the constituted authorities,
+being permitted to lend on hire in his own house,
+newspapers, pamphlets, or even books of any kind.<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a>
+Before shops of this sort could be opened, a license
+must first be obtained from two justices of the peace;
+which, however, was to be renewed at least once a year,
+and might be revoked at any intermediate period.<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a> If
+a man lent books without the permission of the magistrates,
+or if he allowed lectures or debates, &lsquo;on any
+subject whatever,&rsquo; to be held under his roof, then, for
+such grievous crime, he was to be fined 100<i>l.</i> a-day;
+and every person who aided him, either by presiding
+over the discussion, or by supplying a book, was for
+each offence to be fined 20<i>l.</i> The proprietor of so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span>
+pernicious an establishment was not only to suffer
+from these ruinous fines, but was declared liable to still
+further punishment as the keeper of a disorderly
+house.<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a></p>
+
+<p>To modern ears it sounds somewhat strange, that
+the owner of a public reading-room should not only
+incur extravagant fines, but should also be punished as
+the keeper of a disorderly house; and that all this
+should happen to him, simply because he opened his
+shop without asking permission from the local magistrates.
+Strange, however, as this appears, it was, at
+all events, consistent, since it formed part of a regular
+plan for bringing, not only the actions of men, but
+even their opinions, under the direct control of the
+executive government. Thus it was that the laws, now
+for the first time passed, against newspapers, were so
+stringent, and the prosecution of authors so unrelenting,
+that there was an evident intention to ruin every
+public writer who expressed independent sentiments.<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span>
+These measures, and others of a similar character,
+which will hereafter be noticed, excited such alarm,
+that, in the opinion of some of the ablest observers,
+the state of public affairs was becoming desperate,
+perhaps irretrievable. The extreme despondency with
+which, late in the eighteenth century, the best friends
+of liberty looked to the future, is very observable, and
+forms a striking feature in their private correspondence.<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a>
+And although comparatively few men venture
+to express such sentiments in public, Fox, whose fearless
+temper made him heedless of risk, openly stated
+what would have checked the government, if anything
+could have done so. For this eminent statesman,
+who had been minister more than once, and was
+afterwards minister again, did not hesitate to say, from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span>
+his place in parliament, in 1795, that if these, and
+other shameful laws which were proposed, should be
+actually passed, forcible resistance to the government
+would be merely a question of prudence; and that the
+people, if they felt themselves equal to the conflict,
+would be justified in withstanding the arbitrary
+measures by which their rulers sought to extinguish
+their liberties.<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a></p>
+
+<p>Nothing, however, could stop the government in its
+headlong career. The ministers, secure of a majority
+in both houses of parliament, were able to carry their
+measures in defiance of the people, who opposed them
+by every mode short of actual violence.<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a> And as the
+object of these new laws was, to check the spirit of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span>
+inquiry, and prevent reforms, which the progress of
+society rendered indispensable, there were also brought
+into play other means subservient to the same end. It
+is no exaggeration to say, that for some years England
+was ruled by a system of absolute terror.<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> The ministers
+of the day, turning a struggle of party into a war
+of proscription, filled the prisons with their political
+opponents, and allowed them, when in confinement, to
+be treated with shameful severity.<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> If a man was
+known to be a reformer, he was constantly in danger
+of being arrested; and if he escaped that, he was
+watched at every turn, and his private letters were
+opened as they passed through the post-office.<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> In such
+cases, no scruples were allowed. Even the confidence
+of domestic life was violated. No opponent of government
+was safe under his own roof, against the tales of
+eavesdroppers and the gossip of servants. Discord was
+introduced into the bosom of families, and schisms
+caused between parents and their children.<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a> Not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span>
+only were the most strenuous attempts made to silence
+the press, but the booksellers were so constantly prosecuted
+that they did not dare to publish a work if
+its author were obnoxious to the court.<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> Indeed,
+whoever opposed the government was proclaimed an
+enemy to his country.<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a> Political associations and
+public meetings were strictly forbidden. Every popular
+leader was in personal danger; and every popular
+assemblage was dispersed, either by threats or by military
+execution. That hateful machinery, familiar to
+the worst days of the seventeenth century, was put into
+motion. Spies were paid; witnesses were suborned;
+juries were packed.<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a> The coffee-houses, the inns,
+and the clubs, were filled with emissaries of the government,
+who reported the most hasty expressions of
+common conversation.<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a> If, by these means, no sort<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span>
+of evidence could be collected, there was another
+resource, which was unsparingly used. For, the habeas-corpus
+act being constantly suspended, the crown had
+the power of imprisoning without inquiry, and without
+limitation, any person offensive to the ministry, but of
+whose crime no proof was attempted to be brought.<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the way in which, at the end of the eighteenth
+century, the rulers of England, under pretence
+of protecting the institutions of the country, oppressed
+the people, for whose benefit alone those institutions
+ought to exist. Nor was even this the whole of the
+injury they actually inflicted. Their attempts to stop
+the progress of opinions were intimately connected
+with that monstrous system of foreign policy, by which
+there has been entailed upon us a debt of unexampled
+magnitude. To pay the interest of this, and to meet
+the current expenses of a profuse and reckless administration,
+taxes were laid upon nearly every product of
+industry and of nature. In the vast majority of cases,
+these taxes fell upon the great body of the people,<a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a>
+who were thus placed in a position of singular hardship<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span>
+For the upper classes not only refused to the rest of the
+nation the reforms which were urgently required, but
+compelled the country to pay for the precautions which,
+in consequence of the refusal, it was thought necessary
+to take. Thus it was that the government diminished
+the liberties of the people, and wasted the fruit of their
+industry, in order to protect that very people against
+opinions which the growth of their knowledge had
+irresistibly forced upon them.</p>
+
+<p>It is not surprising that, in the face of these circumstances,
+some of the ablest observers should have
+despaired of the liberties of England, and should have
+believed that, in the course of a few years, a despotic
+government would be firmly established. Even we,
+who, looking at these things half a century after they
+occurred, are able to take a calmer view, and who moreover
+possess the advantages of a larger knowledge, and
+a riper experience, must nevertheless allow that, so far
+as political events were concerned, the danger was more
+imminent than at any moment since the reign of
+Charles I. But what was forgotten then, and what is
+too often forgotten now, is, that political events form
+only one of the many parts which compose the history
+of a great country. In the period we have been considering,
+the political movement was, no doubt, more
+threatening than it had been for several generations.
+On the other hand, the intellectual movement was, as
+we have seen, highly favourable, and its influence
+was rapidly spreading. Hence it was that, while the
+government of the country tended in one direction, the
+knowledge of the country tended in another; and
+while political events kept us back, intellectual events
+urged us forward. In this way, the despotic principles
+that were enforced were, in some degree, neutralized;
+and although it was impossible to prevent them from
+causing great suffering, still the effect of that suffering
+was to increase the determination of the people to
+reform a system under which such evils could be inflicted.
+For while they felt the evils, the knowledge
+which they had obtained made them see the remedy.
+They saw that the men who were at the head of affairs<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span>
+were despotic; but they saw, too, that the system must
+be wrong, which could secure to such men such authority.
+This confirmed their dissatisfaction, and justified
+their resolution to effect some fresh arrangement, which
+should allow their voices to be heard in the councils of
+the state.<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a> And that resolution, I need hardly add,
+grew stronger and stronger, until it eventually produced
+those great legislative reforms which have already
+signalized the present century, have given a new tone
+to the character of public men, and changed the structure
+of the English parliament.</p>
+
+<p>It is thus that, in the latter part of the eighteenth
+century, the increase and diffusion of knowledge were
+in England, directly antagonistic to the political events
+which occurred during the same period. The extent
+and the nature of that antagonism I have endeavoured
+to explain, as clearly as the complexity of the subject,
+and the limits of this Introduction, enable me to do.
+We have seen that, looking at our country as a whole,
+the obvious tendency of affairs was to abridge the
+authority of the church, the nobles, and the crown, and
+thus give greater play to the power of the people.
+Looking, however, at the country, not as a whole, but
+looking merely at its political history, we find that the
+personal peculiarities of George III., and the circumstances
+under which he came to the throne, enabled
+him to stop the great progress, and eventually cause a
+dangerous reaction. Happily for the fortunes of England,
+those principles of liberty which he and his
+supporters wished to destroy, had before his reign
+become so powerful, and so widely diffused, that they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span>
+not only resisted this political reaction, but seemed to
+gain fresh strength from the contest. That the struggle
+was arduous, and at one time extremely critical, it is
+impossible to deny. Such, however, is the force of
+liberal opinions, when they have once taken root in
+the popular mind, that notwithstanding the ordeal to
+which they were exposed, and notwithstanding the
+punishments inflicted on their advocates, it was found
+impossible to stifle them; it was found impossible
+even to prevent their increase. Doctrines subversive
+of every principle of freedom were personally
+favoured by the sovereign, openly avowed by the
+government, and zealously defended by the most
+powerful classes; and laws in accordance with these
+doctrines were placed on our statute-book, and enforced
+in our courts. All, however, was in vain. In a few
+years that generation began to pass away; a better one
+succeeded in its place; and the system of tyranny fell
+to the ground. And thus it is, that in all countries
+which are even tolerably free, every system must fall
+if it opposes the march of opinions, and gives
+shelter to maxims and institutions repugnant to the
+spirit of the age. In this sort of contest, the ultimate
+result is never doubtful. For the vigour of an arbitrary
+government depends merely on a few individuals,
+who, whatever their abilities may be, are liable, after
+their death, to be replaced by timid and incompetent
+successors. But the vigour of public opinion is not
+exposed to these casualties; it is unaffected by the laws
+of mortality; it does not flourish to-day and decline
+to-morrow; and so far from depending on the lives of
+individual men, it is governed by large general causes,
+which, from their very comprehensiveness, are in short
+periods scarcely seen, but on a comparison of long
+periods, are found to outweigh all other considerations,
+and reduce to insignificance those little stratagems by
+which princes and statesmen think to disturb the order
+of events, and mould to their will the destinies of a
+great and civilized people.</p>
+
+<p>These are broad and general truths, which will
+hardly be questioned by any man who, with a competent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span>
+knowledge of history, has reflected much on the nature
+and conditions of modern society. But during
+the period we have been considering, they were utterly
+neglected by our political rulers, who not only thought
+themselves able to check the growth of opinions, but
+entirely mistook the very end and object of government.
+In those days, it was believed that government
+is made for the minority, to whose wishes the majority
+are bound humbly to submit. It was believed that the
+power of making laws must always be lodged in the
+hands of a few privileged classes; that the nation at
+large has no concern with those laws, except to obey
+them;<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> and that it is the duty of a wise government
+to secure the obedience of the people by preventing
+them from being enlightened by the spread of knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a>
+We may surely deem it a remarkable circumstance,
+that these notions, and the schemes of
+legislation founded upon them, should, within half a
+century, have died away so completely, that they are
+no longer advocated, even by men of the most ordinary
+abilities. What is still more remarkable is, that this
+great change should have been effected, not by any
+external event, nor by a sudden insurrection of the
+people, but by the unaided action of moral force,&mdash;the
+silent, though overwhelming pressure of public opinion.
+This has always seemed to me a decisive proof of the
+natural, and, if I may so say, the healthy march of
+English civilization. It is a proof of an elasticity, and
+yet a sobriety of spirit, such as no other nation has ever<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span>
+displayed. No other nation could have escaped from
+such a crisis, except by passing through a revolution,
+of which the cost might well have exceeded the gain.
+The truth, however, is, that in England the course of
+affairs, which I have endeavoured to trace since the
+sixteenth century, had diffused among the people a
+knowledge of their own resources, and a skill and
+independence in the use of them, imperfect, indeed,
+but still far superior to that possessed by any other of
+the great European countries. Besides this, other circumstances,
+which will be hereafter related,<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a> had, so
+early as the eleventh century, begun to affect our
+national character, and had assisted in imparting to it
+that sturdy boldness, and, at the same time, those
+habits of foresight, and of cautious reserve, to which
+the English mind owes its leading peculiarities. With
+us, therefore, the love of liberty has been tempered by
+a spirit of prudence, which has softened its violence,
+without impairing its strength. It is this which, more
+than once, has taught our countrymen to bear even
+considerable oppression rather than run the risk of
+rising against their oppressors. It has taught them to
+stay their hands; it has taught them to husband their
+force until they can use it with irresistible effect. To
+this great and valuable habit we owe the safety of
+England late in the eighteenth century. If the people
+had risen, they would have staked their all; and what
+the result of that desperate game would have been, no
+man can say. Happily for them, and for their posterity,
+they were content to wait yet a little; they were willing
+to bide their time, and watch the issue of things.
+Of this noble conduct their descendants reap the reward.
+After the lapse of a few years, the political crisis began
+to subside, and the people re-entered on their former
+rights. For although their rights had been in abeyance,
+they were not destroyed, simply because the spirit still
+existed by which they were originally won. Nor can
+any one doubt that, if those evil days had been prolonged,
+that same spirit which had animated their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span>
+fathers in the reign of Charles I. would have again
+broken forth, and society have been convulsed by a
+revolution, the bare idea of which is frightful to contemplate.
+In the mean time, all this was avoided; and
+although popular tumults did arise in different parts of
+the country, and although the measures of government
+caused a disaffection of the most serious kind,<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a> still
+the people, taken as a whole, remained firm, and
+patiently reserved their force till a better time, when,
+for their benefit, a new party was organized in the state,
+by whom their interests were successfully advocated
+even within the walls of parliament.</p>
+
+<p>This great and salutary reaction began early in the
+present century; but the circumstances which accompanied
+it are so extremely complicated, and have been
+so little studied, that I cannot pretend in this Introduction
+to offer even a sketch of them. It is sufficient to
+say, what must be generally known, that for nearly
+fifty years the movement has continued with unabated
+speed. Everything which has been done, has increased
+the influence of the people. Blow after blow has been
+directed against those classes which were once the sole
+depositaries of power. The Reform Bill, the Emancipation
+of the Catholics, and the Repeal of the Corn-laws,
+are admitted to be the three greatest political
+achievements of the present generation. Each of these
+vast measures has depressed a powerful party. The
+extension of the suffrage has lessened the influence of
+hereditary rank, and has broken up that great oligarchy
+of landowners, by which the House of Commons had
+long been ruled. The abolition of Protection has still
+further enfeebled the territorial aristocracy; while
+those superstitious feelings by which the ecclesiastical
+order is mainly upheld, received a severe shock, first
+by the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and
+afterwards by the admission of Catholics into the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span>
+legislature; steps which are with reason regarded as
+supplying precedents of mischievous import for the interests
+of the Established Church.<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a> These measures,
+and others which are now obviously inevitable, have
+taken, and will continue to take, power from particular
+sections of society, in order to confer it upon the people
+at large. Indeed, the rapid progress of democratic
+opinions is a fact which no one in the present day ventures
+to deny. Timid and ignorant men are alarmed at
+the movement; but that there is such a movement is
+notorious to all the world. No one now dares to talk
+of bridling the people, or of resisting their united
+wishes. The utmost that is said is, that efforts should
+be made to inform them as to their real interests, and
+enlighten public opinion; but every one allows that, so
+soon as public opinion is formed, it can no longer be
+withstood. On this point all are agreed; and this new
+power, which is gradually superseding every other, is
+now obeyed by those very statesmen who, had they
+lived sixty years ago, would have been the first to deny
+its authority, ridicule its pretensions, and, if possible,
+extinguish its liberty.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the great gap which separates the public
+men of our time from those who nourished under that
+bad system which George III. sought to perpetuate.
+And it is evident, that this vast progress was brought
+about rather by destroying the system, than by improving
+the men. It is also evident, that the system<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span>
+perished because it was unsuited to the age; in other
+words, because a progressive people will never tolerate
+an unprogressive government. But it is a mere matter
+of history, that our legislators, even to the last moment,
+were so terrified by the idea of innovation, that they
+refused every reform until the voice of the people rose
+high enough to awe them into submission, and forced
+them to grant what, without such pressure, they would
+by no means have conceded.</p>
+
+<p>These things ought to serve as a lesson to our political
+rulers. They ought also to moderate the presumption
+of legislators, and teach them that their best
+measures are but temporary expedients, which it will
+be the business of a later and riper age to efface. It
+would be well if such considerations were to check the
+confidence, and silence the loquacity, of those superficial
+men, who, raised to temporary power, think themselves
+bound to guarantee certain institutions, and
+uphold certain opinions. They ought clearly to understand,
+that it does not lie within their function thus to
+anticipate the march of affairs, and provide for distant
+contingencies. In trifling matters, indeed, this may be
+done without danger; though, as the constant changes
+in the laws of every country abundantly prove, it is also
+done without benefit. But in reference to those large
+and fundamental measures which bear upon the destiny
+of a people, such anticipation is worse than useless,&mdash;it
+is highly injurious. In the present state of knowledge,
+politics, so far from being a science, is one of the
+most backward of all the arts; and the only safe course
+for the legislator is, to look upon his craft as consisting
+in the adaptation of temporary contrivances to temporary
+emergencies.<a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a> His business is to follow the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span>
+age, and not at all to attempt to lead it. He should be
+satisfied with studying what is passing around him;
+and should modify his schemes, not according to the
+notions he has inherited from his fathers, but according
+to the actual exigencies of his own time. For he may
+rely upon it, that the movements of society have now
+become so rapid, that the wants of one generation are
+no measure of the wants of another; and that men,
+urged by a sense of their own progress, are growing weary
+of idle talk about the wisdom of their ancestors, and are
+fast discarding those trite and sleepy maxims which
+have hitherto imposed upon them, but by which they
+will not consent to be much longer troubled.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<p class="noindent">Footnotes:</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> On the influence of the French literature, which, late in
+the eighteenth century, crept into Spain in spite of the church, and
+diffused a considerable amount of scepticism among the most educated
+classes, compare <i>Llorente</i>, <i>Hist. de l'Inquisition</i>, vol. i. p. 322,
+vol. ii. p. 543, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99, 102, 148; <i>Doblado's Letters from
+Spain</i>, pp. 115, 119, 120, 133, 231, 232; <i>Lord Holland's Foreign
+Reminiscences</i>, edit. 1850, p. 76; <i>Southey's Hist. of Brazil</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 607; and an imperfect statement of the same fact in <i>Alison's
+Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. x. p. 8. In regard to the Spanish colonies,
+compare <i>Humboldt</i>, <i>Nouv. Espagne</i>, vol. ii. p. 818, with <i>Ward's
+Mexico</i>, vol. i. p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> Nearly two hundred years ago, Sir William Temple observed
+that in Holland the clergy possessed less power than in other countries;
+and that, therefore, there existed an unusual amount of toleration.
+<i>Observations upon the United Provinces</i>, in <i>Temple's Works</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 157&ndash;162. About seventy years later, the same inference was drawn by
+another acute observer, Le Blanc, who, after mentioning the liberality
+which the different sects displayed towards each other in Holland, adds,
+&lsquo;La grande raison d'une harmonie si parfaite est que tout s'y régle par
+les séculiers de chacune de ces religions, et qu'on n'y souffriroit pas
+des ministres, dont le zèle imprudent pourroit détruire cette heureuse
+correspondance.&rsquo; <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres d'un Français</i>, vol. i. p. 73. I
+merely give these as illustrations of an important principle, which I
+shall hereafter prove.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> &lsquo;In the first eleven years of her reign, not one Roman
+Catholic was prosecuted capitally for religion.&rsquo; <i>Neal's Hist. of the
+Puritans</i>, vol. i. p. 444; and the same remark in <i>Collier's Eccles.
+Hist.</i> vol. vii. p. 252, edit. 1840.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> Without quoting the impudent defence which Chief-Justice
+Popham made, in 1606, for the barbarous treatment of the Catholics
+(<i>Campbell's Chief Justices</i>, vol. i. p. 225), I will give the words of
+the two immediate successors of Elizabeth. James I. says: &lsquo;The trewth
+is, according to my owne knowledge, the late queene of famous memory
+never punished any Papist for religion.&rsquo; <i>Works of King James</i>, London,
+1616, folio, p. 252. And Charles I. says: &lsquo;I am informed, neither Queen
+Elizabeth nor my father did ever avow that any priest in their times was
+executed merely for religion.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 713.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> This was the defence set up in 1583, in a work called <i>The
+Execution of Justice in England</i>, and ascribed to Burleigh. See
+<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 146, 147; and <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 189&ndash;208: &lsquo;a number of persons whom they term as martyrs,&rsquo; p. 195;
+and at p. 202, the writer attacks those who have &lsquo;entitled certain that
+have suffered for treason to be martyrs for religion.&rsquo; In the same way,
+the opponents of Catholic Emancipation in our time, found themselves
+compelled to abandon the old theological ground, and to defend the
+persecution of the Catholics rather by political arguments than by
+religious ones. Lord Eldon, who was by far the most influential leader
+of the intolerant party, said, in a speech in the House of Lords, in
+1810, that &lsquo;the enactments against the Catholics were meant to guard,
+not against the abstract opinions of their religion, but against the
+political dangers of a faith which acknowledged a foreign supremacy.&rsquo;
+<i>Twiss's Life of Eldon</i>, vol. i. p. 435; see also pp. 483, 501, 577&ndash;580.
+Compare <i>Alison's Hist.</i> vol. vi. pp. 379 seq., a summary of the debate
+in 1805.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> Mr. Sewell seems to have this change in view in his
+<i>Christian Politics</i>, 8vo, 1844, p. 277. Compare <i>Coleridge's note</i> in
+<i>Southey's Life of Wesley</i>, vol. i. p. 270. An able writer says of the
+persecutions which, in the seventeenth century, the Church of England
+directed against her opponents: &lsquo;This is the stale pretence of the
+clergy in all countries, after they have solicited the government to
+make penal laws against those they call heretics or schismaticks, and
+prompted the magistrates to a vigorous execution, then they lay all the
+odium on the civil power for whom they have no excuse to allege, but
+that such men suffered, not for religion, but for disobedience to the
+laws.&rsquo; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 534. See also <i>Butler's Mem. of the
+Catholics</i>, vol. i. p. 389, and vol. ii. pp. 44&ndash;46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> The first four books, which are in every point of view the
+most important, were published in 1594. <i>Walton's Life of Hooker</i>, in
+<i>Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog.</i> vol. iii. p. 509. The sixth book is
+said not to be authentic; and doubts have been thrown upon the seventh
+and eighth books; but Mr. Hallam thinks that they are certainly genuine.
+<i>Literature of Europe</i>, vol. ii. pp. 24, 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> <i>Jewel's Apology</i> was written in 1561 or 1562. See
+<i>Wordsworth's Eccles. Biog.</i> vol. iii. p. 313. This work, the Bible, and
+<i>Fox's Martyrs</i>, were ordered, in the reign of Elizabeth, &lsquo;to be fixed
+in all parish churches, to be read by the people.&rsquo; <i>Aubrey's Letters</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 42. The order, in regard to Jewel's <i>Defence</i>, was repeated
+by James I. and Charles I. <i>Butler's Mem. of the Catholics</i>, vol. iv. p.
+413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> &lsquo;Wherefore the natural measure whereby to judge our doings
+is, the sentence of Reason determining and setting down what is good to
+be done.&rsquo; <i>Eccl. Polity</i>, book i. sec. viii. in <i>Hooker's Works</i>, vol.
+i. p. 99. He requires of his opponents, &lsquo;not to exact at our hands for
+every action the knowledge of some place of Scripture out of which we
+stand bound to deduce it, as by divers testimonies they seek to enforce;
+but rather, as the truth is, so to acknowledge, that <i>it sufficeth if
+such actions be framed according to the law of reason</i>.&rsquo; Book ii. sec.
+i. <i>Works</i>, vol. i. p. 151. &lsquo;For men to be tied and led by authority, as
+it were with a kind of captivity of judgment, and, though there be
+reason to the contrary, not to listen unto it, but to follow, like
+beasts, the first in the herd, they know not nor care not whither: this
+were brutish. Again, that authority of men should prevail with men,
+either against or above Reason, is no part of our belief. Companies of
+learned men, be they never so great and reverend, are to yield unto
+Reason.&rsquo; Book ii. sec. vii. vol. i. pp. 182, 183. In book v. sec. viii.
+vol. ii. p. 23, he says, that even &lsquo;the voice of the church&rsquo; is to be
+held inferior to reason. See also a long passage in book vii. sec. xi.
+vol. iii. p. 152; and on the application of reason to the general theory
+of religion, see vol. i. pp. 220&ndash;223, book iii. sec. viii. Again, at p.
+226: &lsquo;Theology, what is it, but the science of things divine? What
+science can be attained unto, without the help of natural discourse and
+Reason?&rsquo; And he indignantly asks those who insist on the supremacy of
+faith, &lsquo;May we cause our faith without Reason to appear reasonable in
+the eyes of men?&rsquo; vol. i. p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> After referring to Isaiah, he adds: &lsquo;Præter, inquam, hæc
+omnia, ex historiis et optimorum temporum exemplis videmus pios
+principes procurationem ecclesiarum ab officio suo nunquam putasse
+alienam.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Moses civilis magistratus, ac ductor populi, omnem religionis, et
+sacrorum rationem, et accepit a Deo, et populo tradidit, et Aaronem
+episcopum de aureo vitulo, et de violata religione, vehementer et
+graviter castigavit. Josue, etsi non aliud erat, quàm magistratus
+civilis, tamen cùm primùm inauguraretur et præficeretur populo, accepit
+mandata nominatim de religione, deque colendo Deo.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;David rex, cùm omnis jam religio, ab impio rege Saule prorsus esset
+dissipata, reduxit arcam Dei, hoc est, religionem restituit: nec tantùm
+adfuit ut admonitor aut hortator operis, sed etiam psalmos et hymnos
+dedit, et classes disposuit, et pompam instituit, et quodammodo præfuit
+sacerdotibus.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Salomon rex ædificavit templum Domino, quod ejus pater David animo
+tantùm destinaverat: et postremò orationem egregiam habuit ad populum de
+religione, et cultu Dei; et Abiatharum episcopum postea summovit, et in
+ejus locum Sadocum surrogavit.&rsquo; <i>Apolog. Eccles. Anglic.</i> pp. 161, 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> He says that, although the clergy may be supposed more
+competent than laymen to regulate ecclesiastical matters, this will
+practically avail them nothing: &lsquo;It were unnatural not to think the
+pastors and bishops of our souls a great deal more fit than men of
+secular trades and callings; howbeit, when all which the wisdom of all
+sorts can do is done, for the devising of laws in the church, it is the
+general consent of all that giveth them the form and vigour of laws;
+without which they could be no more unto us than the counsels of
+physicians to the sick.&rsquo; <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i>, book viii. sec. vi.
+vol. iii. p. 303. He adds, p. 326: &lsquo;Till it be proved that some special
+law of Christ hath for ever annexed unto the clergy alone the power to
+make ecclesiastical laws, we are to hold it a thing most <i>consonant with
+equity and reason</i>, that no ecclesiastical laws be made in a Christian
+commonwealth, without consent as well of the laity as of the clergy, but
+least of all without consent of the highest power.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> &lsquo;Quòd si docemus sacrosanctum Dei evangelium, et veteres
+episcopos, atque ecclesiam primitivam nobiscum facere.&rsquo; If this be so,
+then, indeed, &lsquo;speramus, neminem illorum&rsquo; (his opponents) &lsquo;ita
+negligentem fore salutis suæ, quin ut velit aliquando cogitationem
+suscipere, ad utros potiùs se adjungat.&rsquo; <i>Apolog. Eccles. Anglic.</i> p.
+17. At p. 53, he indignantly asks if any one will dare to impeach the
+Fathers: &lsquo;Ergo Origenes, Ambrosius, Augustinus, Chrysostomus, Gelasius,
+Theodoretus erant desertores fidei catholicæ? Ergo tot veterum
+episcoporum et doctorum virorum tanta consensio nihil aliud erat quàm
+conspiratio hæreticorum? Aut quod tum laudabatur in illis, id nunc
+damnatur in nobis? Quodque in illis erat catholicum, id nunc mutatis
+tantùm hominum voluntatibus, repentè factum est schismaticum? Aut quod
+olim erat verum, nunc statim, quia istis non placet, erit falsum?&rsquo; His
+work is full of this sort of eloquent, but, as it appears to our age,
+pointless declamation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> This large view underlies the whole of the <i>Ecclesiastical
+Polity</i>. I can only afford room for a few extracts, which will be
+illustrations rather than proofs: the proof will be obvious to every
+competent reader of the work itself. &lsquo;True it is, the ancienter the
+better ceremonies of religion are; howbeit not absolutely true and
+without exception; <i>but true only so far forth as those different ages
+do agree</i> in the state of those things for which, at the first, those
+rites, orders, and ceremonies were instituted.&rsquo; vol. i. p. 36. &lsquo;We count
+those things perfect which want nothing requisite for the end whereto
+they were instituted.&rsquo; vol. i. p. 191. &lsquo;Because when a thing doth cease
+to be available unto the end which gave it being, the continuance of it
+must then of necessity appear superfluous.&rsquo; And even of the laws of God,
+he boldly adds: &lsquo;Notwithstanding the authority of their Maker, the
+mutability of that end for which they are made doth also make them
+changeable.&rsquo; vol. i. p. 236. &lsquo;And therefore laws, though both ordained of
+God himself, and the end for which they were ordained continuing, may
+notwithstanding cease, if by alteration of persons or times they be
+found unsufficient to attain unto that end.&rsquo; vol. i. p. 238. At p. 240:
+&lsquo;I therefore conclude, that neither God's being Author of laws for
+government of his church, nor his committing them unto Scripture, is any
+reason sufficient wherefore all churches should for ever be bound to
+keep them without change.&rsquo; See, too, vol. iii. p. 169, on &lsquo;the exigence
+of necessity.&rsquo; Compare pp. 182, 183, and vol. i. p. 323, vol. ii. pp.
+273, 424. Not a vestige of such arguments can be found in Jewel; who, on
+the contrary, says (<i>Apologia</i>, p. 114), &lsquo;Certè in religionem Dei nihil
+gravius dici potest, quàm si ea accusetur novitatis. Ut enim in Deo
+ipso, ita in ejus cultu nihil oportet esse novum.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> Archbishop Whately has made some very good remarks on
+this. See his <i>Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human
+Nature</i>, pp. 237, 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> Their names were Legat and Wightman, and they suffered in
+1611: see the contemporary account in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+400&ndash;408. Compare <i>Blackstone's Comment.</i> vol. iv. p. 49; <i>Harris's Lives
+of the Stuarts</i>, vol. i. pp. 143, 144; and note in <i>Burton's Diary</i>,
+vol. i. p. 118. Of these martyrs to their opinions, Mr. Hallam says:
+&lsquo;The first was burned by King, bishop of London; the second by Neyle, of
+Litchfield.&rsquo; <i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 611, 612.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> It should be mentioned, to the honour of the Court of
+Chancery, that late in the sixteenth, and early in the seventeenth
+century, its powers were exerted against the execution of those cruel
+laws, by which the Church of England was allowed to persecute men who
+differed from its own views. See <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+135, 176, 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> &lsquo;To tax any one, therefore, with want of reverence,
+because he pays no respect to what we venerate, is either irrelevant, or
+is a mere confusion. The fact, so far as it is true, is no reproach, but
+an honour; because to reverence all persons and all things is absolutely
+wrong: reverence shown to that which does not deserve it, is no virtue;
+no, nor even an amiable weakness, but a plain folly and sin. But if it
+be meant that he is wanting in proper reverence, not respecting what is
+really to be respected, that is assuming the whole question at issue,
+because what we call divine, he calls an idol; and as, supposing that we
+are in the right, we are bound to fall down and worship, so, supposing
+him to be in the right, he is no less bound to pull it to the ground and
+destroy it.&rsquo; <i>Arnold's Lectures on Modern History</i>, pp. 210, 211.
+Considering the ability of Dr. Arnold, considering his great influence,
+and considering his profession, his antecedents, and the character of
+the university in which he was speaking, it must be allowed that this is
+a remarkable passage, and one well worthy the notice of those who wish
+to study the tendencies of the English mind during the present
+generation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> On the connexion between the rise of the Baconian
+philosophy and the change in the spirit of theologians, compare <i>Comte</i>,
+<i>Philosophie Positive</i>, vol. v. p. 701, with <i>Whately on Dangers to
+Christian Faith</i>, pp. 148, 149. It favoured, as Tennemann (<i>Gesch. der
+Philos.</i> vol. x. p. 14) says, the &lsquo;Belebung der selbstthätigen Kraft des
+menschlichen Geistes;&rsquo; and hence the attack on the inductive philosophy
+in <i>Newman's Development of Christian Doctrine</i>, pp. 179&ndash;183. But Mr.
+Newman does not seem to be aware how irrevocably we are now pledged to
+the movement which he seeks to reverse.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> The rapid increase of heresy in the middle of the
+seventeenth century is very remarkable, and it greatly aided
+civilization in England by encouraging habits of independent thought. In
+Feb. 1646&ndash;7, Boyle writes from London, &lsquo;There are few days pass here,
+that may not justly be accused of the brewing or broaching of some new
+opinion. Nay, some are so studiously changling in that particular, they
+esteem an opinion as a diurnal, after a day or two scarce worth the
+keeping. If any man have lost his religion, let him repair to London,
+and I'll warrant him he shall find it: I had almost said too, and if any
+man has a religion, let him but come hither now, and he shall go near to
+lose it.&rsquo; <i>Birch's Life of Boyle</i>, in <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 20,
+21. See also <i>Bates's Account of the late Troubles</i>, edit. 1685, part
+ii. p. 219, on &lsquo;that unbridled licentiousness of hereticks which grew
+greater and greater daily.&rsquo; Compare to the same effect <i>Carlyle's
+Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. 289; <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 608; and
+<i>Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 203:
+&lsquo;sectaries began to swarm.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Not to quote the opinions of inferior men respecting
+Chillingworth, it is enough to mention, that Lord Mansfield said he was
+&lsquo;a perfect model of argumentation.&rsquo; <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p.
+126. Compare a letter from Warburton, in <i>Nichols's Illustrations of the
+Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iv. p. 849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> <i>Des Maizeaux</i>, <i>Life of Chillingworth</i>, p. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> <i>Aubrey's Letters and Lives</i>, vol. ii. p. 285; <i>Des
+Maizeaux</i>, <i>Life of Chillingworth</i>, pp. 2, 9. The correspondence between
+Laud and Chillingworth is supposed to be lost. <i>Des Maizeaux</i>, p. 12.
+Carwithen (<i>Hist. of the Church of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 214) says,
+&lsquo;Laud was the godfather of Chillingworth.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> The character of Laud is now well understood and generally
+known. His odious cruelties made him so hated by his contemporaries,
+that after his condemnation, many persons shut up their shops, and
+refused to open them till he was executed. This is mentioned by Walton,
+an eye-witness. See <i>Walton's Life of Sanderson</i>, in <i>Wordsworth's
+Eccles. Biog.</i> vol. iv. p. 429.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> A modern writer suggests, with exquisite simplicity, that
+Chillingworth derived his liberal principles <i>from</i> Oxford: &lsquo;the very
+same college which nursed the high intellect and tolerant principles of
+Chillingworth.&rsquo; <i>Bowles's Life of Bishop Ken</i>, vol. i. p. xxi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> Hooker's undue respect for the Councils of the Church is
+noticed by Mr. Hallam, <i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 213. Compare the
+hesitating remarks in <i>Coleridge's Literary Remains</i>, vol. iii. pp. 35,
+36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Reading the Fathers he contemptuously calls travelling on
+a &lsquo;north-west discovery.&rsquo; <i>Chillingworth's Religion of Protestants</i>, p.
+366. Even to Augustine, who was probably the ablest of them,
+Chillingworth pays no deference. See what he says at pp. 196, 333, 376;
+and as to the authority of the Fathers in general, see pp. 252, 346.
+Chillingworth observed, happily enough, that churchmen &lsquo;account them
+fathers when they are for them, and children when they are against
+them.&rsquo; <i>Calamy's Life</i>, vol. i. p. 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> As to the supposed authority of Councils, see <i>Religion of
+Protestants</i>, pp. 132, 463. It affords curious evidence of the slow
+progress of theologians to observe the different spirit in which some of
+our clergy consider these matters. See, for instance, <i>Palmer on the
+Church</i>, 1839, vol. ii. pp. 150&ndash;171. In no other branch of inquiry do we
+find this obstinate determination to adhere to theories which all
+thinking men have rejected for the last two centuries.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> Indeed, he attempts to fasten the same doctrine upon the
+Catholics; which, if he could have done, would of course have ended the
+controversy. He says, rather unfairly, &lsquo;Your church you admit, because
+you think you have reason to do so; so that by you, as well as
+Protestants, all is finally resolved into your own reason.&rsquo; <i>Relig. of
+Protest.</i> p. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> &lsquo;God desires only that we believe the conclusion, as much
+as the premises deserve; that the strength of our faith be equal or
+proportionable to the credibility of the motives to it.&rsquo; <i>Relig. of
+Protest.</i> p. 66. &lsquo;For my part, I am certain that God hath given us our
+reason to discern between truth and falsehood; and he that makes not
+this use of it, but believes things he knows not why, I say it is by
+chance that he believes the truth, and not by choice; and I cannot but
+fear that God will not accept of this sacrifice of fools.&rsquo; p. 133.
+&lsquo;God's spirit, if he please, may work more,&mdash;a certainty of adherence
+beyond a certainty of evidence; but neither God doth, nor man may,
+require of us, as our duty, to give a greater assent to the conclusion
+than the premises deserve; to build an infallible faith upon motives
+that are only highly credible and not infallible; as it were a great and
+heavy building upon a foundation that hath not strength proportionate.&rsquo;
+p. 149. &lsquo;For faith is not knowledge, no more than three is four, but
+eminently contained in it; so that he that knows, believes, and
+something more; but he that believes many times does not know&mdash;nay, if
+he doth barely and merely believe, he doth never know.&rsquo; p. 412. See also
+p. 417.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> On the connexion between the Reformation and the views
+advocated in the <i>Ecclesiastical Polity</i>, compare <i>Newman's Development
+of Christian Doctrine</i>, p. 47, with some able remarks by Locke, in
+<i>King's Life of Locke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 99&ndash;101. Locke, who was anything but
+a friend to the church, was a great admirer of Hooker, and in one place
+calls him &lsquo;the arch-philosopher.&rsquo; <i>Essay on Government</i>, in <i>Locke's
+Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> The opposition between Jewel and Hooker was so marked,
+that some of the opponents of Hooker quoted against him Jewel's Apology.
+See <i>Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog.</i> vol. iii. p. 513. Dr. Wordsworth calls
+this &lsquo;curious;&rsquo; but it would be much more curious if it had not
+happened. Compare the remarks made by the Bishop of Limerick (<i>Parr's
+Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 470, <i>Notes on the Spital Sermon</i>), who says, that
+Hooker &lsquo;opened that fountain of reason,&rsquo; &amp;c.; language which will hardly
+be considered too strong by those who have compared the <i>Ecclesiastical
+Polity</i> with the theological works previously produced by the English
+church.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> Des Maizeaux (<i>Life of Chillingworth</i>, pp. 220, 221) says:
+&lsquo;His book was received with a general applause; and, what perhaps never
+happened to any other controversial work of that bulk, two editions of
+it were published within less than five months&hellip;. The quick sale of a
+book, and especially of a book of controversy, in folio, is a good proof
+that the author hit the taste of his time.&rsquo; See also <i>Biographia
+Britannica</i>, edit. Kippis, vol. iii. pp. 511, 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> Or, as Calamy cautiously puts it, Chillingworth's work
+&lsquo;appeared to me to go a great way towards the justifying of moderate
+conformity.&rsquo; <i>Calamy's Life</i>, vol. i. p. 234. Compare <i>Palmer on the
+Church</i>, vol. i. pp. 267, 268; and what is probably an allusion to
+Chillingworth in <i>Doddridge's Correspond. and Diary</i>, vol. ii. p. 81.
+See also the opinion of Hobbes, in <i>Aubrey's Letters and Lives</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 288, 629.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> A short but able view of the aspect which the English mind
+now began to assume, will be found in <i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Geschichte der
+theologischen Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. pp. 95 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> In <i>Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith</i>, pp. 188&ndash;198,
+there is a perspicuous statement of the arguments now commonly received
+against coercing men for their religious opinions. But the most powerful
+of these arguments are based entirely upon expediency, which would have
+insured their rejection in an age of strong religious convictions. Some,
+and only some, of the theological difficulties respecting toleration,
+are noticed in <i>Coleridge's Lit. Remains</i>, vol. i. pp. 312&ndash;315; and in
+another work (<i>The Friend</i>, vol. i. p. 73), he mentions, what is the
+real fact &lsquo;that same indifference which makes
+toleration so easy a virtue with us.&rsquo; See also <i>Archdeacon Hare's
+Guesses at Truth</i>, 2nd series, 1848, p. 278; and <i>Nichols's
+Illustrations of Lit. Hist.</i> vol. v. p. 817: &lsquo;a spirit of mutual
+toleration and forbearance has appeared (at least one good consequence
+of religious indifference).&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> It would be idle to offer proofs of so notorious a fact;
+but the reader will be interested by some striking remarks in
+<i>Capefigue</i>, <i>Hist. de la Réforme</i>, vol. i. pp. 228, 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> A writer intimately acquainted with the social condition
+of the great European countries, says: &lsquo;Ecclesiastical power is almost
+extinct as an active element in the political or social affairs of
+nations or of individuals, in the cabinet or in the family circle; and a
+new element, literary power, is taking its place in the government of
+the world.&rsquo; <i>Laing's Denmark</i>, 1852, p. 82. On this natural tendency in
+regard to legislation, see <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Esprit des Institut. Judiciaires</i>,
+vol. i. p. 267 note; and a good summary in <i>Stäudlin</i>, <i>Gesch. der
+theolog. Wissenschaften</i>, vol. ii. pp. 304, 305. It is not surprising to
+find that many of the clergy complain of a movement so subversive of
+their own power. Compare <i>Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church</i>, pp. 40,
+108&ndash;111, 388; <i>Sewell's Christian Politics</i>, pp. 276, 277, 279;
+<i>Palmer's Treatise on the Church</i>, vol. ii. p. 361. It is thus that
+everything is tending to confirm the remarkable prediction of Sir James
+Mackintosh, that &lsquo;church-power (unless some revolution, auspicious to
+priestcraft, should replunge Europe in ignorance) will certainly not
+survive the nineteenth century.&rsquo; <i>Mem. of Mackintosh</i>, vol. i. p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> &lsquo;The &ldquo;divines&rdquo; in England at the present day, her bishops,
+professors, and prebendaries, are not theologians. They are logicians,
+chemists, skilled in the mathematics, historians, poor commentators upon
+Greek poets.&rsquo; <i>Theodore Parker's Critical and Miscellaneous Writings</i>,
+1848, p. 302. At p. 33, the same high authority says: &lsquo;But, within the
+present century, what has been written in the English tongue, in any
+department of theological scholarship, which is of value and makes a
+mark on the age? The <i>Bridgewater Treatises</i>, and the new edition of
+<i>Paley</i>,&mdash;we blush to confess it,&mdash;are the best things.&rsquo; Sir William
+Hamilton (<i>Discussions on Philosophy</i>, 1852, p. 699) notices the decline
+of &lsquo;British theology,&rsquo; though he appears ignorant of the cause of it.
+The Rev. Mr. Ward (<i>Ideal of a Christian Church</i>, p. 405) remarks, that
+&lsquo;we cannot wonder, however keenly we may mourn, at the decline and fall
+of dogmatic theology.&rsquo; See also <i>Lord Jeffrey's Essays</i>, vol. iv. p.
+337: &lsquo;Warburton, we think, was the last of our great divines&hellip;. The
+days of the Cudworths and Barrows, the Hookers and Taylors, are long
+gone by.&rsquo; Dr. Parr was the only English theologian since Warburton who
+possessed sufficient learning to retrieve this position; but he always
+refused to do so, being, unconsciously to himself, held back by the
+spirit of his age. Thus, we find him writing to Archbishop Magee, in
+1823: &lsquo;As to myself, I long ago determined not to take any active part
+in polemical theology.&rsquo; <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. vii. p. 11.</p>
+
+<p>In the same way, since the early part of the eighteenth century, hardly
+any one has carefully read the Fathers, except for mere historical and
+secular purposes. The first step was taken about the middle of the
+seventeenth century, when the custom of quoting them in sermons began to
+be abandoned. <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. i. pp. 329, 330; <i>Orme's Life of
+Owen</i>, p. 184. After this they rapidly fell into contempt; and the Rev.
+Mr. Dowling (<i>Study of Ecclesiast. History</i>, p. 195) asserts, that
+&lsquo;Waterland, who died in 1740, was the last of our great patristical
+scholars.&rsquo; To this I may add, that nine years subsequent to the death of
+Waterland, the obvious decay of professional learning struck Warburton,
+afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, so much, that he wrote to Jortin,
+somewhat roughly, &lsquo;anything makes a divine among our parsons.&rsquo; See his
+<i>Letter</i>, written in 1749, in <i>Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. Hist.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 173; and for other evidence of the neglect by the clergy of
+their ancient studies, see <i>Jones's Memoirs of Horne, Bishop of
+Norwich</i>, pp. 68, 184; and the complaint of Dr. Knowler, in 1766, in
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. ii. p. 130. Since then, attempts have been
+made at Oxford to remedy this tendency; but such attempts, being opposed
+by the general march of affairs, have been, and must be, futile. Indeed,
+so manifest is the inferiority of these recent efforts, that one of the
+most active cultivators in that field frankly admits, that, in point of
+knowledge, his own party has effected nothing; and he even asserts, with
+great bitterness, that &lsquo;it is melancholy to say it, but the chief,
+perhaps the only, English writer who has any claim to be considered an
+ecclesiastical historian, is the infidel Gibbon.&rsquo; <i>Newman on the
+Develop. of Christ. Doct.</i> p. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> As some writers, moved by their wishes rather than by
+their knowledge, seek to deny this, it may be well to observe, that the
+increase of scepticism since the latter part of the eighteenth century
+is attested by an immense mass of evidence, as will appear to whoever
+will compare the following authorities: <i>Whately's Dangers to Christian
+Faith</i>, p. 87; <i>Kay's Social Condition of the People</i>, vol. ii. p. 506;
+<i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>de la Démocratie</i>, vol. iii. p. 72; <i>J. H. Newman on
+Development</i>, pp. 28, 29; <i>F. W. Newman's Natural History of the Soul</i>,
+p. 197; <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 5, vol. iii. pp. 688, 689; <i>Felkin's
+Moral Statistics</i>, in <i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol. i. p. 541;
+<i>Watson's Observations on the Life of Wesley</i>, pp. 155, 194; <i>Matter</i>,
+<i>Hist. du Gnosticisme</i>, vol. ii. p. 485; <i>Ward's Ideal of a Christian
+Church</i>, pp. 266, 267, 404; <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+129, 142, vol. iii. p. 509; <i>Priestley's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. pp. 127, 128,
+446, vol. ii. p. 751; <i>Cappe's Memoirs</i>, p. 367; <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.
+of Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iv. p. 671, vol. viii. p. 473; <i>Nichols's
+Illust. of Lit. Hist.</i> vol. v. p. 640; <i>Combe's Notes on the United
+States</i>, vol. ii. pp. 171, 172, 183.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> It has been suggested to me by an able friend, that there
+is a class of persons who will misunderstand this expression; and that
+there is another class who, without misunderstanding it, will
+intentionally misrepresent its meaning. Hence, it may be well to state
+distinctly what I wish to convey by the word &lsquo;scepticism.&rsquo; By scepticism
+I merely mean hardness of belief; so that an increased scepticism is an
+increased perception of the difficulty of proving assertions; or, in
+other words, it is an increased application, and an increased diffusion,
+of the rules of reasoning, and of the laws of evidence. This feeling of
+hesitation and of suspended judgment has, in every department of
+thought, been the invariable preliminary to all the intellectual
+revolutions through which the human mind has passed; and without it,
+there could be no progress, no change, no civilization. In physics, it
+is the necessary precursor of science; in politics, of liberty; in
+theology, of toleration. These are the three leading forms of
+scepticism; it is, therefore, clear, that in religion the sceptic steers
+a middle course between atheism and orthodoxy, rejecting both extremes,
+because he sees that both are incapable of proof.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> What a learned historian has said of the effect which the
+method of Socrates produced on a very few Greek minds, is applicable to
+that state through which a great part of Europe is now passing: &lsquo;The
+Socratic dialectics, clearing away from the mind its mist of fancied
+knowledge, and laying bare the real ignorance, produced an immediate
+effect, like the touch of the torpedo. The newly-created consciousness
+of ignorance was alike unexpected, painful, and humiliating,&mdash;a season
+of doubt and discomfort, yet combined with an internal working and
+yearning after truth, never before experienced. Such intellectual
+quickening, which could never commence until the mind had been disabused
+of its original illusion of false knowledge, was considered by Socrates
+not merely as the index and precursor, but as the indispensable
+condition of future progress.&rsquo; <i>Grote's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. viii. pp.
+614, 615, 8vo, 1851. Compare <i>Kritik der reinen Vernunft</i>, in <i>Kant's
+Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 572, 577. &lsquo;So ist der Skeptizismus ein
+Ruheplatz für die menschliche Vernunft, da sie sich über ihre
+dogmatische Wanderung besinnen und den Entwurf von der Gegend machen
+kann, wo sie sich befindet, um ihren Weg fernerhin mit mehrerer
+Sicherheit wählen zu können, aber nicht ein Wohnplatz zum beständigen
+Aufenthalte&hellip;. So ist das skeptische Verfahren zwar an sich selbst für
+die Vernunftfragen nicht befriedigend, aber doch vorübend, um ihre
+Vorsichtigkeit zu erwecken und auf gründliche Mittel zu weisen, die sie
+in ihren rechtmässigen Besitzen sichern können.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> Dr. Arnold, whose keen eye noted this change, says
+(<i>Lectures on Modern History</i>, p. 232), &lsquo;What strikes us predominantly,
+is, that what, in Elizabeth's time, was a controversy between divines,
+was now a great political contest between the crown and the parliament.&rsquo;
+The ordinary compilers, such as Sir A. Alison (<i>Hist. of Europe</i>, vol.
+i. p. 51), and others, have entirely misrepresented this movement; an
+error the more singular, because the eminently political character of
+the struggle was recognized by several contemporaries. Even Cromwell,
+notwithstanding the difficult game he had to play, distinctly stated, in
+1655, that the origin of the war was not religious. See <i>Carlyle's
+Cromwell</i>, vol. iii. p. 103; and corroborative evidence in <i>Walker's
+History of Independency</i>, part i. p. 132. James I. also saw that the
+Puritans were more dangerous to the state than to the church: &lsquo;do not so
+far differ from us in points of religion, as in their confused form of
+policy and parity; being ever discontented with the present government,
+and impatient to suffer any superiority; which maketh their sects
+insufferable in any well-governed commonwealth.&rsquo; <i>Speech of James I.</i>,
+in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. i. p. 982. See also the observations ascribed to
+De Foe, in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. p. 572: &lsquo;The king and parliament
+fell out about matters of civil right; &hellip; the first difference between
+the king and the English parliament did not respect religion, but civil
+property.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> See <i>Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion</i>, p. 716. Sir W.
+Temple, in his <i>Memoirs</i>, observes, that the throne of Charles II. was
+strengthened by &lsquo;what had passed in the last reign.&rsquo; <i>Temple's Works</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 344. This may be illustrated by the remarks of M. Lamartine
+on the execution of Louis XVI. <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. v. pp. 86&ndash;7:
+&lsquo;Sa mort, au contraire, aliénait de la cause française cette partie
+immense des populations qui ne juge les événements humains que par le
+c&oelig;ur. La nature humaine est pathétique; la république l'oublia, elle
+donna à la royauté quelque chose du martyre, à la liberté quelque chose
+de la vengeance. Elle prépara ainsi une réaction contre la cause
+républicaine, et mit du côté de la royauté la sensibilité, l'intérêt,
+les larmes d'une partie des peuples.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> The energy with which the House of Commons, in 1646,
+repelled the pretensions of &lsquo;the Assembly of Divines,&rsquo; is one of many
+proofs of the determination of the predominant party not to allow
+ecclesiastical encroachments. See the remarkable details in <i>Parl.
+Hist.</i> vol. iii. pp. 459&ndash;463; see also p. 1305. As a natural
+consequence, the Independents were the first sect which, when possessed
+of power, advocated toleration. Compare <i>Orme's Life of Owen</i>, pp.
+63&ndash;75, 102&ndash;111; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 542; <i>Walker's Hist. of
+Independency</i>, part ii. pp. 50, 157, part iii. p. 22; <i>Clarendon's Hist.
+of the Rebellion</i>, pp. 610, 640. Some writers ascribe great merit to
+Jeremy Taylor for his advocacy of toleration (<i>Heber's Life of Taylor</i>,
+p. xxvii.; and <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 417); but the truth is that
+when he wrote the famous <i>Liberty of Prophesying</i>, his enemies were in
+power; so that he was pleading for his own interests. When, however, the
+Church of England again obtained the upper hand, Taylor withdrew the
+concessions which he had made in the season of adversity. See the
+indignant remarks of Coleridge (<i>Lit. Remains</i>, vol. iii. p. 250), who,
+though a great admirer of Taylor, expresses himself strongly on this
+dereliction: see also a recently published <i>Letter to Percy, Bishop of
+Dromore</i>, in <i>Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. History</i>, vol. vii. p.
+464.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> However, Bishop Short (<i>History of the Church of England</i>,
+8vo, 1847, pp. 452, 458) says, what is undoubtedly true, that the
+hostility of Cromwell to the church was not theological, but political.
+The same remark is made by Bishop Kennet. <i>Note</i> in <i>Burton's Diary</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 479. See also <i>Vaughan's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. p. xcvii.; and
+on the generally tolerant spirit of this great man, see <i>Hallam's Const.
+Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 14; and the evidence in <i>Harris's Lives of the
+Stuarts</i>, vol. iii. pp. 37&ndash;47. But the most distinct recognition of the
+principle, is in a <i>Letter from Cromwell to Major-General Crawford</i>,
+recently printed in <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. i. pp. 201, 202, 8vo,
+1846. In it Cromwell writes, &lsquo;Sir, the state, in choosing men to serve
+it, takes no notice of their opinions; if they be willing faithfully to
+serve it&mdash;that satisfies.&rsquo; See additional proof in <i>Carwithen's Hist. of
+the Church of Engl.</i> vol. ii. pp. 245, 249.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> No one can understand the real history of the Puritans,
+who does not take this into consideration. In the present Introduction,
+it is impossible to discuss so large a subject; and I must reserve it
+for the future part of this work, in which the history of England will
+be specially treated. In the mean time, I may mention, that the
+distinction between fanaticism and superstition is clearly indicated,
+but not analyzed, by Archbishop Whately, in his <i>Errors of Romanism
+traced to their Origin in Human Nature</i>, p. 49. This should be compared
+with <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iii. pp. 81&ndash;89, Edinb. 1826, on
+the difference between enthusiasm and superstition; a difference which
+is noticed, but, as it appears to me, misunderstood, by Maclaine, in his
+<i>Additions to Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> Compare <i>Barrington's Observations on the Statutes</i>, p.
+143, with <i>Burton's Diary of the Parliaments of Cromwell</i>, vol. i. pp.
+xcviii. 145, 392, vol. ii. pp. 35, 229. In 1650, a second conviction of
+fornication was made felony, without benefit of clergy; but, after the
+Restoration, Charles II. and his friends found this law rather
+inconvenient; so it was repealed. See <i>Blackstone's Commentaries</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> See <i>Life of Ken, by a Layman</i>, edit. 1854, vol. i. p. 51.
+At p. 129, the same writer says, with sorrow, &lsquo;The church recovered much
+of her temporal possessions, but not her spiritual rule.&rsquo; The power of
+the bishops was abridged &lsquo;by the destruction of the court of
+high-commission.&rsquo; <i>Short's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, p. 595. See
+also, on the diminished influence of the Church-of-England clergy after
+the Restoration, <i>Southey's Life of Wesley</i>, vol. i. pp. 278, 279; and
+<i>Watson's Observations on the Life of Wesley</i>, pp. 129&ndash;131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> Buckingham and Halifax, the two men who were perhaps best
+acquainted with Charles II., both declared that he was a deist. Compare
+<i>Lingard's Hist. of Engl.</i> vol. viii. p. 127, with <i>Harris's Lives of
+the Stuarts</i>, vol. v. p. 55. His subsequent conversion to Catholicism is
+exactly analogous to the increased devotion of Louis XIV. during the
+later years of his life. In both cases, superstition was the natural
+refuge of a worn-out and discontented libertine, who had exhausted all
+the resources of the lowest and most grovelling pleasures.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> One of the most curious instances of this may be seen in
+the destruction of the old notions respecting witchcraft. This important
+revolution in our opinions was effected, so far as the educated classes
+are concerned, between the Restoration and the Revolution; that is to
+say, in 1660, the majority of educated men still believed in witchcraft;
+while in 1688, the majority disbelieved it. In 1665, the old orthodox
+view was stated by Chief-Baron Hale, who, on a trial of two women for
+witchcraft, said to the jury: &lsquo;That there are such creatures as witches,
+I make no doubt at all; for, first, the Scriptures have affirmed so
+much; secondly, the wisdom of all nations hath provided laws against
+such persons, which is an argument of their confidence of such a crime.&rsquo;
+<i>Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices</i>, vol. i. pp. 565, 566. This
+reasoning was irresistible, and the witches were hung; but the change in
+public opinion began to affect even the judges, and after this
+melancholy exhibition of the Chief-Baron, such scenes became gradually
+rarer; though Lord Campbell is mistaken in supposing (p. 563) that this
+was &lsquo;the last capital conviction in England for the crime of
+bewitching.&rsquo; So far from this, three persons were executed at Exeter for
+witchcraft in 1682. See <i>Hutchinson's Historical Essay concerning
+Witchcraft</i>, 1720, pp. 56, 57. Hutchinson says: &lsquo;I suppose these are the
+last three that have been hanged in England.&rsquo; If, however, one may rely
+upon a statement made by Dr. Parr, two witches were hung at Northampton
+in 1705; and in &lsquo;1712, five other witches suffered the same fate at the
+same place.&rsquo; <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 182, 8vo, 1828. This is the
+more shameful, because, as I shall hereafter prove, from the literature
+of that time, a disbelief in the existence of witches had become almost
+universal among educated men; though the old superstition was still
+defended on the judgment-seat and in the pulpit. As to the opinions of
+the clergy, compare <i>Cudworth's Intellect. Syst.</i> vol. iii. pp. 345,
+348; <i>Vernon Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 302, 303; <i>Burt's Letters from
+the North of Scotland</i>, vol. i. pp. 220, 221; <i>Wesley's Journals</i>, pp.
+602, 713. Wesley, who had more influence than all the bishops put
+together, says: &lsquo;It is true, likewise, that the English in general, and,
+indeed, most of the men of learning in Europe, have given up all
+accounts of witches and apparitions as mere old wives' fables. I am
+sorry for it&hellip;. The giving up witchcraft is, in effect, giving up the
+Bible&hellip;. But I cannot give up, to all the Deists in Great Britain, the
+existence of witchcraft, till I give up the credit of all history,
+sacred and profane.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>However, all was in vain. Every year diminished the old belief; and in
+1736, a generation before Wesley had recorded these opinions, the laws
+against witchcraft were repealed, and another vestige of superstition
+effaced from the English statute-book. See <i>Barrington on the Statutes</i>,
+p. 407; <i>Note</i> in <i>Burton's Diary</i>, vol. i. p. 26; <i>Harris's Life of
+Hardwicke</i>, vol. i. p. 307.</p>
+
+<p>To this it may be interesting to add, that in Spain a witch was burned
+so late as 1781. <i>Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish Literature</i>, vol. iii. p.
+238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> The first edition was published in 1646. <i>Works of Sir
+Thomas Browne</i>, vol. ii. p. 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> See the notes in Mr. Wilkin's edition of <i>Browne's Works</i>,
+Lond. 1836, vol. ii. pp. 284, 360, 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> The precise date is unknown; but Mr. Wilkin supposes that
+it was written &lsquo;between the years 1633 and 1635.&rsquo; Preface to <i>Religio
+Medici</i>, in <i>Browne's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> Ibid. vol. ii. p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> Ibid. vol. ii. p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> Or, as he calls it, &lsquo;chiromancy.&rsquo; <i>Religio Medici</i>, in
+<i>Browne's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> &lsquo;For my part, I have ever believed, and do now know, that
+there are witches. They that doubt of these, do not only deny them, but
+spirits; and are obliquely, and upon consequence, a sort, not of
+infidels, but atheists.&rsquo; Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 43, 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> &lsquo;From this I do compute or calculate my nativity.&rsquo; Ibid.
+vol. ii. p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> <i>Religio Medici</i>, sec. ix. in <i>Browne's Works</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 13, 14: unfortunately too long to extract. This is the &lsquo;credo quia
+impossibile est,&rsquo; originally one of Tertullian's absurdities, and once
+quoted in the House of Lords by the Duke of Argyle, as &lsquo;the ancient
+religious maxim.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xi. p. 802. Compare the sarcastic
+remark on this maxim in the <i>Essay concerning Human Understanding</i>, book
+iv. chap. xviii. <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 271. It was the spirit
+embodied in this sentence which supplied Celsus with some formidable
+arguments against the Fathers. <i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 227, 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> <i>Inquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors</i>, book iii. chap.
+xxviii. in <i>Browne's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 534.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> Ibid. book i. chap. vii. vol. ii. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> &lsquo;A supinity, or neglect of inquiry.&rsquo; Ibid. book i. chap.
+v. vol. ii. p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> &lsquo;A third cause of common errors is the credulity of men.&rsquo;
+Book i. chap. v. vol. ii. p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> See two amusing instances in vol. ii. pp. 267, 438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> <i>Vulgar and Common Errors</i>, book vii. chap. xi., in
+<i>Browne's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 326.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> Monk (<i>Life of Bentley</i>, vol. i. p. 37) says, that Boyle's
+discoveries &lsquo;have placed his name in a rank second only to that of
+Newton;&rsquo; and this, I believe, is true, notwithstanding the immense
+superiority of Newton.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Compare <i>Powell on Radiant Heat</i> (<i>Brit. Assoc.</i> vol. i.
+p. 287), with <i>Lloyd's Report on Physical Optics</i>, 1834, p. 338. For the
+remarks on colours, see <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. ii. pp. 1&ndash;40; and for the
+account of his experiments, pp. 41&ndash;80; and a slight notice in
+<i>Brewster's Life of Newton</i>, vol. i. pp. 155, 156, 236. It is, I think,
+not generally known, that Power is said to be indebted to Boyle for
+originating some of his experiments on colours. See a letter from Hooke,
+in <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. v. p. 533.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> Dr. Whewell (<i>Bridgewater Treatise</i>, p. 266) well
+observes, that Boyle and Pascal are to hydrostatics what Galileo is to
+mechanics, and Copernicus, Kepler, and Newton to astronomy. See also on
+Boyle, as the founder of hydrostatics, <i>Thomson's Hist. of the Royal
+Society</i>, pp. 397, 398; and his <i>Hist. of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> This was discovered by Boyle about 1650, and confirmed by
+Mariotte in 1676. See <i>Whewell's Hist. of the Inductive Sciences</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 557, 588; <i>Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry</i>, vol. i. p. 215;
+<i>Turner's Chemistry</i>, vol. i. pp. 41, 200; <i>Brande's Chemistry</i>, vol. i.
+p. 363. This law has been empirically verified by the French Institute,
+and found to hold good for a pressure even of twenty-seven atmospheres.
+See <i>Challis on the Mathematical Theory of Fluids</i>, in <i>Sixth Report of
+Brit. Assoc.</i> p. 226; and <i>Herschel's Nat. Philos.</i> p. 231. Although
+Boyle preceded Mariotte by a quarter of a century, the discovery is
+rather unfairly called the law of Boyle and Mariotte; while foreign
+writers, refining on this, frequently omit the name of Boyle altogether,
+and term it the law of Mariotte! See, for instance, <i>Liebig's Letters on
+Chemistry</i>, p. 126; <i>Monteil Divers Etats</i>, vol. viii. p. 122; <i>Kaemtz's
+Meteorology</i>, p. 236; <i>Comte</i>, <i>Philos. Pos.</i> vol. i. pp. 583, 645, vol.
+ii. pp. 484, 615; <i>Pouillet</i>, <i>Elémens de Physique</i>, vol. i. p. 339,
+vol. ii. pp. 58, 183.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> &lsquo;L'un des créateurs de la physique expérimentale,
+l'illustre Robert Boyle, avait aussi reconnu, dès le milieu du
+dix-septième siècle, une grande partie des faits qui servent aujourd'hui
+de base à cette chimie nouvelle.&rsquo; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol.
+i. p. 30. The &lsquo;aussi&rsquo; refers to Rey. See also <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Sciences Naturelles</i>, part ii. pp. 322, 346&ndash;349. A still more recent
+writer says, that Boyle &lsquo;stood, in fact, on the very brink of the
+pneumatic chemistry of Priestley; he had in his hand the key to the
+great discovery of Lavoisier.&rsquo; <i>Johnston on Dimorphous Bodies</i>, in
+<i>Reports of Brit. Assoc.</i> vol. vi. p. 163. See further respecting Boyle,
+<i>Robin et Verdeil</i>, <i>Chimie Anatomique</i>, Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 576,
+577, 579, vol. ii. p. 24; and <i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol.
+iv. p. 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> This disregard of ancient authority appears so constantly
+in his works, that it is difficult to choose among innumerable passages
+which might be quoted. I will select one which strikes me as well
+expressed, and is certainly very characteristic. In his <i>Free Inquiry
+into the vulgarly received Notion of Nature</i>, he says (<i>Boyle's Works</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 359), &lsquo;For I am wont to judge of opinions as of coins: I
+consider much less, in any one that I am to receive, whose inscription
+it bears, than what metal it is made of. It is indifferent enough to me
+whether it was stamped many years or ages since, or came but yesterday
+from the mint.&rsquo; In other places he speaks of the &lsquo;schoolmen&rsquo; and
+&lsquo;gownmen&rsquo; with a contempt not much inferior to that expressed by Locke
+himself.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> In his <i>Considerations touching Experimental Essays</i>, he
+says (<i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 197), &lsquo;Perhaps you will wonder,
+Pyrophilus, that in almost every one of the following essays I should
+speak so doubtingly, and use so often <i>perhaps</i>, <i>it seems</i>, <i>it is not
+improbable</i>, and such other expressions as argue a diffidence of the
+truth of the opinions I incline to,&rsquo; &amp;c. Indeed, this spirit is seen at
+every turn. Thus his <i>Essay on Crystals</i>, which, considering the then
+state of knowledge, is a remarkable production, is entitled &lsquo;Doubts and
+Experiments touching the curious Figures of Salts.&rsquo; <i>Works</i>, vol. ii. p.
+488. It is, therefore, with good reason that M. Humboldt terms him &lsquo;the
+cautious and doubting Robert Boyle.&rsquo; <i>Humboldt's Cosmos</i>, vol. ii. p.
+730.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> On the sincere Christianity of Boyle, compare <i>Burnet's
+Lives and Characters</i>, edit. Jebb, 1833, pp. 351&ndash;360; <i>Life of Ken, by a
+Layman</i>, vol. i. pp. 32, 33; <i>Whewell's Bridgewater Treatise</i>, p. 273.
+He made several attempts to reconcile the scientific method with the
+defence of established religious opinions. See one of the best instances
+of this, in <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. v. pp. 38, 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> <i>The Sceptical Chemist</i> is in <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. i. pp.
+290&ndash;371. It went through two editions in the author's lifetime, an
+unusual success for a book of that kind. <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. i. p.
+375, vol. iv. p. 89, vol. v. p. 345. I find from a letter written in
+1696 (<i>Fairfax Correspondence</i>, vol. iv, p. 344), that Boyle's works
+were then becoming scarce, and that there was an intention of reprinting
+the whole of them. In regard to the <i>Sceptical Chemist</i>, it was so
+popular, that it attracted the attention of Monconys, a French
+traveller, who visited London in 1663, and from whom we learn that it
+was to be bought for four shillings, &lsquo;pour quatre chelins.&rsquo; <i>Voyages de
+Monconys</i>, vol. iii. p. 67, edit. 1695; a book containing some very
+curious facts respecting London in the reign of Charles II.; but, so far
+as I am aware, not quoted by any English historian. In <i>Sprengel's Hist.
+de la Médecine</i>, vol. v. pp. 78&ndash;9, there is a summary of the views
+advocated in the <i>Sceptical Chemist</i>, respecting which Sprengel says,
+&lsquo;Ce fut cependant aussi en Angleterre que s'élevèrent les premiers
+doutes sur l'exactitude des explications chimiques.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> &lsquo;From the nature and constitution of the Royal Society,
+the objects of their attention were necessarily unlimited. The physical
+sciences, however, or those which are promoted by experiment, were their
+declared objects; and experiment was the method which they professed to
+follow in accomplishing their purpose.&rsquo; <i>Thomson's Hist. of the Royal
+Society</i>, p. 6. When the society was first instituted, experiments were
+so unusual, that there was a difficulty of finding the necessary workmen
+in London. See a curious passage in <i>Weld's Hist. of the Royal Society</i>,
+1848, vol. ii. p. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Dr. Paris (<i>Life of Sir H. Davy</i>, 1831, vol. ii. p. 178)
+says, &lsquo;The charter of the Royal Society states, that it was established
+for the improvement of <i>natural</i> science. This epithet <i>natural</i> was
+originally intended to imply a meaning, of which very few persons, I
+believe, are aware. At the period of the establishment of the society,
+the arts of witchcraft and divination were very extensively encouraged;
+and the word <i>natural</i> was therefore introduced in contradistinction to
+<i>supernatural</i>.&rsquo; The charters granted by Charles II. are printed in
+<i>Weld's History of the Royal Society</i>, vol. ii. pp. 481&ndash;521. Evelyn
+(<i>Diary,</i> 13 <i>Aug.</i> 1662, vol. ii. p. 195) mentions, that the object of
+the Royal Society was &lsquo;natural knowledge.&rsquo; See also <i>Aubrey's Letters
+and Lives</i>, vol. ii. p. 358; <i>Pulteney's Hist. of Botany</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+97, 98; and on the distinction thus established in the popular mind
+between natural and supernatural, compare <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. ii. p.
+455, vol. iv. pp. 288, 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> The speculative view of this tendency has been recently
+illustrated in the most comprehensive manner by M. Auguste Comte, in his
+<i>Philosophie Positive</i>; and his conclusions in regard to the earliest
+stage of the human mind are confirmed by everything we know of barbarous
+nations; and they are also confirmed, as he has decisively proved, by
+the history of physical science. In addition to the facts he has
+adduced, I may mention, that the history of geology supplies evidence
+analogous to that which he has collected from other departments.</p>
+
+<p>A popular notion of the working of this belief in supernatural causation
+may be seen in a circumstance related by Combe. He says, that in the
+middle of the eighteenth century the country west of Edinburgh was so
+unhealthy, &lsquo;that every spring the farmers and their servants were seized
+with fever and ague.&rsquo; As long as the cause of this was unknown, &lsquo;these
+visitations were believed to be sent by Providence;&rsquo; but after a time
+the land was drained, the ague disappeared, and the inhabitants
+perceived that what they had believed to be supernatural was perfectly
+natural, and that the cause was the state of the land, not the
+intervention of the Deity. <i>Combe's Constitution of Man</i>, Edinb. 1847,
+p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> I say apparent mystery, because it does not at all lessen
+the real mystery. But this does not affect the accuracy of my remark,
+inasmuch as the people at large never enter into such subtleties as the
+difference between Law and Cause; a difference, indeed, which is so
+neglected, that it is often lost sight of even in scientific books. All
+that the people know is, that events which they once believed to be
+directly controlled by the Deity, and modified by Him, are not only
+foretold by the human mind, but are altered by human interference. The
+attempts which Paley and others have made to solve this mystery by
+rising from the laws to the cause, are evidently futile, because to the
+eye of reason the solution is as incomprehensible as the problem; and
+the arguments of the natural theologians, in so far as they are
+arguments, must depend on reason. As Mr. Newman truly says, &lsquo;A God
+uncaused and existing from eternity, is to the full as incomprehensible
+as a world uncaused and existing from eternity. We must not reject the
+latter theory as incomprehensible; for so is every other possible
+theory.&rsquo; <i>Newman's Natural History of the Soul</i>, 1849, p. 36. The truth
+of this conclusion is unintentionally confirmed by the defence of the
+old method, which is set up by Dr. Whewell in his <i>Bridgewater
+Treatise</i>, pp. 262&ndash;5; because the remarks made by that able writer refer
+to men who, from their vast powers, were most likely to rise to that
+transcendental view of religion which is slowly but steadily gaining
+ground among us. Kant, probably the deepest thinker of the eighteenth
+century, clearly saw that no arguments drawn from the external world
+could prove the existence of a First Cause. See, among other passages,
+two particularly remarkable in <i>Kritik der reinen Vernunft</i>, <i>Kant's
+Werke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 478, 481, on &lsquo;der physikotheologische Beweis.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> This is tersely expressed by M. Lamennais: &lsquo;Pourquoi les
+corps gravitent-ils les uns vers les autres? Parceque Dieu l'a voulu,
+disaient les anciens. Parceque les corps s'attirent, dit la science.&rsquo;
+<i>Maury</i>, <i>Légendes du Moyen Age</i>, p. 33. See to the same effect
+<i>Mackay's Religious Development</i>, 1850, vol. i. pp. 5, 30, 31, and
+elsewhere. See also a partial statement of the antithesis in
+<i>Copleston's Inquiry into Necessity and Predestination</i>, p. 49; an
+ingenious but overrated book.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> I much regret that I did not collect proof of this at an
+earlier period of my reading. But having omitted taking the requisite
+notes, I can only refer, on the superstition of sailors to <i>Heber's
+Journey through India</i>, vol. i. p. 423; <i>Richardson's Travels in the
+Sahara</i>, vol. i. p. 11; <i>Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia</i>, vol. ii. p.
+347; <i>Davis's Chinese</i>, vol. iii. pp. 16, 17; <i>Travels of Ibn Batuta in
+the Fourteenth Century</i>, p. 43; <i>Journal of Asiat. Soc.</i> vol. i. p. 9;
+<i>Works of Sir Thomas Browne</i>, vol. i. p. 130; <i>Alison's Hist. of
+Europe</i>, vol. iv. p. 566; <i>Burnes's Travels into Bokhara</i>, vol. iii. p.
+53; <i>Leigh Hunt's Autobiography</i>, 1850, vol. ii. p. 255; <i>Cumberland's
+Memoirs</i>, 1807, vol. i. pp. 422&ndash;425; <i>Walsh's Brazil</i>, vol. i. pp. 96,
+97; <i>Richardson's Arctic Expedition</i>, vol. i. p. 93; <i>Holcroft's
+Memoirs</i>, vol. i. p. 207, vol. iii. p. 197.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> Andokides, when accused before the dikastery at Athens,
+said, &lsquo;No, dikasts; the dangers of accusation and trial are human, but
+the dangers encountered at sea are divine.&rsquo; <i>Grote's Hist. of Greece</i>,
+vol. xi. p. 252. Thus, too, it has been observed, that the dangers of
+the whale-fishery stimulated the superstition of the Anglo-Saxons. See
+<i>Kemble's Saxons in England</i>, vol. i. pp. 390, 391. Erman, who mentions
+the dangerous navigation of the Lake of Baikal, says, &lsquo;There is a saying
+at Irkutsk, that it is only upon the Baikal, in the autumn, that a man
+learns to pray from his heart.&rsquo; <i>Erman's Travels in Siberia</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> In Europe, in the tenth century, an entire army fled
+before one of those appearances, which would now scarcely terrify a
+child: &lsquo;Toute l'armée d'Othon se dispersa subitement à l'apparition
+d'une éclipse de soleil, qui la remplit de terreur, et qui fut regardée
+comme l'annonce du malheur qu'on attendait depuis longtemps.&rsquo;
+<i>Sprengel</i>, <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. ii. p. 368. The terror
+inspired by eclipses was not finally destroyed before the eighteenth
+century; and in the latter half of the seventeenth century they still
+caused great fear both in France and in England. See <i>Evelyn's Diary</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 52, vol. iii. p. 372; <i>Carlyle's Cromwell</i>, vol. ii. p. 366;
+<i>Lettres de Patin</i>, vol. iii. p. 36. Compare <i>Voyages de Monconys</i>, vol.
+v. p. 104, with <i>Hare's Guesses at Truth</i>, 2nd series, pp. 194, 195.
+There probably never has been an ignorant nation whose superstition has
+not been excited by eclipses. For evidence of the universality of this
+feeling, see <i>Symes's Embassy to Ava</i>, vol. ii. p. 296; <i>Raffles' Hist.
+of Java</i>, vol. i. p. 530; <i>Southey's Hist. of Brazil</i>, vol. i. p. 354,
+vol. ii. p. 371; <i>Marsden's Hist. of Sumatra</i>, p. 159; <i>Niebuhr</i>,
+<i>Description de l'Arabie</i>, p. 105; <i>Moffat's Southern Africa</i>, p. 337;
+<i>Mungo Park's Travels</i>, vol. i. p. 414; <i>Moorcroft's Travels in the
+Himalayan Provinces</i>, vol. ii. p. 4; <i>Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian
+Archipelago</i>, vol. i. p. 305; <i>Ellis's Polynesian Researches</i>, vol. i.
+p. 331; <i>Mackay's Religious Development</i>, vol. i. p. 425; <i>Works of Sir
+W. Jones</i>, vol. iii. p. 176, vol. vi. p. 16; <i>Wilson's Note</i> in the
+<i>Vishnu Purana</i>, p. 140; <i>Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus</i>, vol. i. part
+ii. p. 90; <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des Mathématiques</i>, vol. i. p. 444;
+<i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. xii. p. 484; <i>Ward's View of the Hindoos</i>,
+vol. i. p. 101; <i>Prescott's Hist. of Peru</i>, vol. i. p. 123; <i>Kohl's
+Russia</i>, p. 374; <i>Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. iii. p. 440, vol.
+vi. p. 216; <i>Murray's Life of Bruce</i>, p. 103; <i>Turner's Embassy to
+Tibet</i>, p. 289; <i>Grote's Hist. of Greece</i>, vol. vii. p. 432, vol. xii.
+pp. 205, 557; <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, I<sup>e</sup> série, vol. iii. p. 202, Paris,
+1823; <i>Clot-Bey</i>, <i>de la Peste</i>, Paris, 1840, p. 224.</p>
+
+<p>In regard to the feelings inspired by comets, and the influence of Bayle
+in removing those superstitions late in the seventeenth century, compare
+<i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philosoph.</i>, vol. xi. p. 252; <i>Le Vassor</i>,
+<i>Hist. de Louis XIII</i>, vol. iii. p. 415; <i>Lettres de Sevigné</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 336; <i>Autobiography of Sir S. D'Ewes</i>, edit. Halliwell, vol. i. pp.
+122, 123, 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> On the peculiar complications which have retarded
+meteorology, and thus prevented us from accurately predicting the
+weather, compare <i>Forbes on Meteorology</i>, in <i>Second Report of British
+Association</i>, pp. 249&ndash;251; <i>Cuvier</i>, <i>Progrès des Sciences</i>, vol. i. pp.
+69, 248; <i>Kaemtz's Meteorology</i>, pp. 2&ndash;4; <i>Prout's Bridgewater
+Treatise</i>, pp. 290&ndash;295; <i>Somerville's Physical Geog.</i> vol. ii. pp. 18,
+19. But all the best authorities are agreed that this ignorance cannot
+last long; and that the constant advance which we are now making in
+physical science will eventually enable us to explain even these
+phenomena. Thus, for instance, Sir John Leslie says, &lsquo;It cannot be
+disputed, however, that all the changes which happen in the mass of our
+atmosphere, involved, capricious, and irregular as they may appear, are
+yet the necessary results of principles as fixed, and perhaps as simple,
+as those which direct the revolutions of the solar system. Could we
+unravel the intricate maze, we might trace the action of each distinct
+cause, and hence deduce the ultimate effects arising from their combined
+operation. With the possession of such data, we might safely predict the
+state of the weather at any future period, as we now calculate an
+eclipse of the sun or moon, or foretell a conjunction of the planets.&rsquo;
+<i>Leslie's Natural Philosophy</i>, p. 405: see also p. 185, and the remarks
+of Mr. Snow Harris (<i>Brit. Assoc. for 1844</i>, p. 241), and of Mr.
+Hamilton (<i>Journal of Geog. Soc.</i> vol. xix. p. xci.) Thus, too, Dr.
+Whewell (<i>Bridgewater Treatise</i>, p. 3) says, that &lsquo;the changes of winds
+and skies are produced by causes, of whose rules &ldquo;no philosophical mind&rdquo;
+will doubt the fixity.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> This connexion between ignorance and devotion is so
+clearly marked, that many nations have a separate god for the weather,
+to whom they say their prayers. In countries where men stop short of
+this, they ascribe the changes to witchcraft, or to some other
+supernatural power. See <i>Mariner's Tonga Islands</i>, vol. ii. pp. 7, 108;
+<i>Tuckey's Expedit. to the Zaire</i>, pp. 214, 215; <i>Ellis's Hist. of
+Madagascar</i>, vol. ii. p. 354; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. vi. pp. 193,
+194, 297, vol. xvi. pp. 223, 342; <i>Southey's Hist. of Brazil</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 187; <i>Davis's Chinese</i>, vol. ii. p. 154; <i>Beausobre</i>, <i>Hist. de
+Manichée</i>, vol. ii. p. 394; <i>Cudworth's Intellect. Syst.</i> vol. ii. p.
+539. The Hindus refer rain to supernatural causes in the <i>Rig Veda</i>,
+which is the oldest of their religious books; and they have held similar
+notions ever since. <i>Rig Veda Sanhita</i>, vol. i. pp. xxx. 10, 19, 26,
+145, 175, 205, 224, 225, 265, 266, vol. ii. pp. 28, 41, 62, 110, 153,
+158, 164, 166, 192, 199, 231, 258, 268, 293, 329; <i>Journal of Asiatic
+Soc.</i> vol. iii. p. 91; <i>Coleman's Mythol. of the Hindus</i>, p. 111;
+<i>Ward's View of the Hindoos</i>, vol. i. p. 38. See further two curious
+passages in the <i>Dabistan</i>, vol. i. p. 115, vol. ii. p. 337; and on the
+&lsquo;Rain-makers,&rsquo; compare <i>Catlin's North-American Indians</i>, vol. i. pp.
+134&ndash;140, with <i>Buchanan's North-American Indians</i>, pp. 258, 260: also a
+precisely similar class in Africa (<i>Moffat's Southern Africa</i>, pp.
+305&ndash;325), and in Arabia (<i>Niebuhr</i>, <i>Desc. de l'Arabie</i>, pp. 237, 238).</p>
+
+<p>Coming to a state of society nearer our own, we find that in the ninth
+century it was taken for granted in Christian countries that wind and
+hail were the work of wizards (<i>Neander's Hist. of the Church</i>, vol. vi.
+pp. 118, 139); that similar views passed on to the sixteenth century,
+and were sanctioned by Luther (<i>Maury</i>, <i>Légendes
+Pieuses</i>, pp. 18, 19); and finally, that when Swinburne was in Spain,
+only eighty years ago, he found the clergy on the point of putting an
+end to the opera, because they &lsquo;attributed the want of rain to the
+influence of that ungodly entertainment.&rsquo; <i>Swinburne's Travels through
+Spain in 1775 and 1776</i>, vol. i. p. 177, 2nd edit. London, 1787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> See some remarks by the Rev. Mr. Ward, which strike me as
+rather incautious, and which certainly are dangerous to his own
+profession, as increasing the hostility between it and science, in
+<i>Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church</i>, p. 278. What Coleridge has said,
+is worth attending to: see <i>The Friend</i>, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> M. Kohl, whose acuteness as a traveller is well known, has
+found that the agricultural classes are the &lsquo;most blindly ignorant and
+prejudiced&rsquo; of all. <i>Kohl's Russia</i>, p. 365. And Sir R. Murchison, who
+has enjoyed extensive means of observation, familiarly mentions the
+&lsquo;credulous farmers.&rsquo; <i>Murchison's Siluria</i>, p. 61. In Asia, exactly the
+same tendency has been noticed: see <i>Marsden's Hist. of Sumatra</i>, p. 63.
+Some curious evidence of agricultural superstitions respecting the
+weather may be seen in <i>Monteil</i>, <i>Hist. des divers Etats</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 31, 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> In this point of view, the opposite tendencies of
+agriculture and manufactures are judiciously contrasted by Mr. Porter,
+at the end of his essay on the <i>Statistics of Agriculture</i>, <i>Journal of
+the Statist. Soc.</i> vol. ii. pp. 295, 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> Indeed, there never has been a period in England in which
+physical experiments were so fashionable. This is merely worth observing
+as a symptom of the age, since Charles II. and the nobles were not
+likely to add, and did not add, anything to our knowledge; and their
+patronage of science, such as it was, degraded it rather than advanced
+it. Still, the prevalence of the taste is curious; and in addition to
+the picture drawn by Mr. Macaulay (<i>Hist. of England</i>, 1st edit. vol. i.
+pp. 408&ndash;412), I may refer the reader to <i>Monconys' Voyages</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 31; <i>Sorbiere's Voyage to England</i>, pp. 32, 33; <i>Evelyn's
+Diary</i>, vol. ii. pp. 199, 286; <i>Pepys' Diary</i>, vol. i. p. 375, vol. ii.
+p. 34, vol. iii. p. 85, vol. iv. p. 229; <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 171, 322, vol. ii. p. 275; <i>Burnet's Lives</i>, p. 144; <i>Campbell's
+Chief-Justices</i>, vol. i. p. 582.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> His treatment of his young wife immediately after marriage
+is perhaps the worst thing recorded of this base and contemptible
+prince. <i>Lister's Life of Clarendon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 145&ndash;153. This is
+matter of proof; but Burnet (<i>Own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 522, and vol. ii. p.
+467) whispers a horrible suspicion, which I cannot believe to be true,
+even of Charles II., and which Harris, who has collected some evidence
+of his astounding profligacy, does not mention, though he quotes one of
+the passages in Burnet. <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. v. pp.
+36&ndash;43. However, as Dr. Parr says, in reference to another accusation
+against him, &lsquo;There is little occasion to blacken the memory of that
+wicked monarch, Charles II., by the aid of invidious conjectures.&rsquo;
+<i>Notes on James II.</i> in <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iv. p. 477. Compare <i>Fox's
+History of James II.</i> p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> Even Clarendon has been charged with receiving bribes from
+Louis XIV.; but for this there appears to be no good authority. Compare
+<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 66, 67 note, with <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, vol. iii, p. 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> <i>Lister's Life of Clarendon</i>, vol. ii. p. 377; <i>Harris's
+Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. iv. pp. 340&ndash;344.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> Immediately after the Restoration, the custom began of
+appointing to naval commands incompetent youths of birth, to the
+discouragement of those able officers who had been employed under
+Cromwell. Compare <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 290, with <i>Pepys'
+Diary</i>, vol. ii. p. 413, vol. iii. pp. 68, 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. v. pp. 323&ndash;328. The
+court was so bent on abrogating the charter of the city of London, that
+Saunders was made chief-justice for the express purpose. See <i>Campbell's
+Chief-Justices</i>, vol. ii. p. 59. Roger North says (<i>Lives of the
+Norths</i>, vol. ii. p. 67), &lsquo;Nothing was accounted at court so meritorious
+as the procuring of charters, as the language then was.&rsquo; Compare
+<i>Bulstrode's Memoirs</i>, pp. 379, 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> The panic caused by this scandalous robbery is described
+by De Foe; <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>, vol. i. p. 52. See also <i>Calamy's
+Life of Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 78; <i>Parker's Hist. of his Own Time</i>, pp.
+141&ndash;143. The amount stolen by the king is estimated at 1,328,526<i>l.</i>
+<i>Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. i. p. 315. According to Lord
+Campbell, &lsquo;nearly a million and a half.&rsquo; <i>Lives of the Chancellors</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> There is a very curious account in <i>Pepys' Diary</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 242&ndash;264, of the terror felt by the Londoners on this occasion.
+Pepys himself buried his gold (p. 261 and pp. 376&ndash;379). Evelyn (<i>Diary</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 287) says: &lsquo;The alarme was so greate, that it put both
+country and citty into a paniq, feare, and consternation, such as I hope
+I shall never see more; every body was flying, none knew why or
+whither.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> The most important of these reforms were carried, as is
+nearly always the case, in opposition to the real wishes of the ruling
+classes. Charles II. and James II. often said of the Habeas Corpus Act,
+&lsquo;that a government could not subsist with such a law.&rsquo; <i>Dalrymple's
+Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 104. Lord-Keeper Guilford was even opposed to the
+abolition of military tenures. &lsquo;He thought,&rsquo; says his brother, &lsquo;the
+taking away of the tenures a desperate wound to the liberties of the
+people of England.&rsquo; <i>Lives of the Norths</i>, vol. ii. p. 82. These are the
+sort of men by whom great nations are governed. A passage in <i>Life of
+James, by Himself</i>, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 621, confirms the
+statement in Dalrymple, so far as James is concerned. This should be
+compared with a letter from Louis XIV., in the Barillon correspondence.
+Appendix to <i>Fox's James II.</i> p. cxxiv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> <i>Blackstone's Commentaries</i>, vol. iv. p. 48; <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, vol. iii. p. 431. This destruction of the writ <i>De
+Hæretico comburendo</i> was in 1677. It is noticed in <i>Palmer's Treatise on
+the Church</i>, vol. i. p. 500; and in <i>Collier's Ecclesiast. Hist.</i> vol.
+viii. p. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> This was in 1664. See the account of it in <i>Collier's
+Ecclesiast. Hist.</i> vol. viii. pp. 463&ndash;466. Collier, who is evidently
+displeased by the change, says: &lsquo;The consenting, therefore, to be taxed
+by the temporal Commons, makes the clergy more dependent on a foreign
+body, takes away the right of disposing of their own money, and lays
+their estates in some measure at discretion.&rsquo; See also, on the injury
+this has inflicted on the church, <i>Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation</i>, pp.
+259, 260. And Coleridge (<i>Literary Remains</i>, vol. iv. pp. 152, 153)
+points this out as characterizing one of the three &lsquo;grand evil epochs of
+our present church.&rsquo; So marked, however, was the tendency of that time,
+that this most important measure was peaceably effected by an
+arrangement between Sheldon and Clarendon. See the notes by Onslow in
+<i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 340, vol. iv. pp. 508, 509. Compare Lord
+Camden's statement (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvi. p. 169) with the speech of
+Lord Bathurst (vol. xxii. p. 77); and of Lord Temple on Tooke's case
+(vol. xxxv. p. 1357). Mr. Carwithen (<i>Hist. of the Church of England</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 354, Oxford, 1849) grieves over &lsquo;this deprivation of the
+liberties of the English clergy.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> 13 Car. II. c. 12. Compare <i>Stephens's Life of Tooke</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 169, 170, with <i>Blackstone's Commentaries</i>, vol. iii. p.
+101. Mr. Hallam (<i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 197, 198) has adduced
+evidence of the way in which the clergy were accustomed to injure their
+opponents by the <i>ex-officio</i> oath.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> This was the issue of the famous controversy respecting
+Skinner, in 1669; and &lsquo;from this time,&rsquo; says Mr. Hallam, &lsquo;the Lords have
+tacitly abandoned all pretensions to an original jurisdiction in civil
+suits.&rsquo; <i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 184. There is an account of this case
+of Skinner, which was connected with the East-India Company, in <i>Mill's
+Hist. of India</i>, vol. i. pp. 102, 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 189&ndash;192; and
+<i>Eccleston's English Antiquities</i>, p. 326. The disputes between the two
+houses respecting taxation, are noticed very briefly in <i>Parker's Hist.
+of his Own Time</i>, pp. 135, 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> The &lsquo;famous rights of purveyance and preemption&rsquo; were
+abolished by 12 Car. II. c. 24. <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 11.
+Burke, in his magnificent speech on Economical Reform, describes the
+abuses of the old system of purveyance. <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 239.
+See also <i>Kemble's Saxons in England</i>, vol. ii. p. 88, note; <i>Barrington
+on the Statutes</i>, pp. 183&ndash;185, 237; <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol.
+ii. pp. 338, 339; <i>Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. i. p. 232;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iii. p. 1299. These passages will give an idea of the
+iniquities practised under this &lsquo;right,&rsquo; which, like most gross
+injustices, was one of the good old customs of the British constitution,
+being at least as ancient as Canute. See <i>Allen on the Royal
+Prerogative</i>, p. 152. Indeed, a recent writer of considerable learning
+(<i>Spence</i>, <i>Origin of the Laws of Europe</i>, p. 319) derives it from the
+Roman law. A bill had been brought in to take it away in 1656. See
+<i>Burton's Cromwellian Diary</i>, vol. i. p. 81. When Adam Smith wrote, it
+still existed in France and Germany. <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, book iii.
+chap. ii. p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> On the Habeas Corpus Act, which became law in 1679, see
+<i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iii. pp. 345&ndash;347; <i>Mackintosh</i>,
+<i>Revolution of 1688</i>, p. 49; and <i>Lingard's Hist. of England</i>, vol.
+viii. p. 17. The peculiarities of this law, as compared with the
+imitations of it in other countries, are clearly stated in <i>Meyer</i>,
+<i>Esprit des Institutions Judiciaires</i>, vol. ii. p. 283. Mr. Lister
+(<i>Life of Clarendon</i>, vol. ii. p. 454) says: &lsquo;Imprisonment in gaols
+beyond the seas was not prevented by law till the passing of the Habeas
+Corpus Act, in 1679.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> Blackstone (<i>Commentaries</i>, vol. iv. p. 439) calls this
+&lsquo;a great and necessary security to private property;&rsquo; and Lord Campbell
+(<i>Chancellors</i>, vol. iii. p. 423) terms it &lsquo;the most important and most
+beneficial piece of juridical legislation of which we can boast.&rsquo; On its
+effects, compare Jones's valuable <i>Commentary on Isæus</i> (<i>Works
+of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. iv. p. 239) with <i>Story's Conflict of Laws</i>, pp.
+521, 522, 627, 884; and <i>Tayler on Statute Law</i>, in <i>Journal of
+Statistical Society</i>, vol. xvii. p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> Lord Campbell (<i>Lives of the Chancellors</i>, vol. iii. p.
+247) says, that the struggle in 1667 &lsquo;put an end to general
+impeachments.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> Printing at first was regulated by royal proclamations;
+then by the Star-chamber; and afterwards by the Long Parliament. The
+decrees of the Star-chamber were taken as the basis of 13 and 14 Car.
+II. c. 33; but this act expired in 1679, and was not renewed during the
+reign of Charles II. Compare <i>Blackstone's Comment.</i> vol. iv. p. 152,
+with <i>Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers</i>, vol. i. p. 154, and <i>Fox's Hist. of
+James II.</i> p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> The fullest account I have seen in any history, of this
+great Revolution, which swept away the traditions and the language of
+feudalism, is that given in <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>, vol. iv.
+pp. 369&ndash;378. But Harris, though an industrious collector, was a man of
+slender ability, and not at all aware of the real nature of a change, of
+which the obvious and immediately practical results formed the smallest
+part. The true point of view is, that it was a formal recognition by the
+legislature that the Middle Ages were extinct, and that it was necessary
+to inaugurate a more modern and innovating policy. Hereafter I shall
+have occasion to examine this in detail, and show how it was merely a
+symptom of a revolutionary movement. In the meantime the reader may
+refer to the very short notices in <i>Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal
+Property</i>, p. 89; <i>Blackstone's Comment.</i> vol. ii. pp. 76, 77; <i>Hallam's
+Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 11; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iv. pp. 53, 167, 168;
+<i>Meyer</i>, <i>Institutions Judiciaires</i>, vol. ii. p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> Mr. Hallam has a noble passage on the services rendered
+to English civilization by the vices of the English court: &lsquo;We are,
+however, much indebted to the memory of Barbara Duchess of Cleveland,
+Louisa Duchess of Portsmouth, and Mrs. Eleanor Gwyn. We owe a tribute of
+gratitude to the Mays, the Killigrews, the Chiffinches, and the
+Grammonts. They played a serviceable part in ridding the kingdom of its
+besotted loyalty. They saved our forefathers from the Star-chamber and
+the High-commission court; they laboured in their vocation against
+standing armies and corruption; they pressed forward the great ultimate
+security of English freedom&mdash;the expulsion of the House of Stuart.&rsquo;
+<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> Burnet (<i>Own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 448) tells us that, in
+1667, the king, even at the council-board, expressed himself against the
+bishops, and said, that the clergy &lsquo;thought of nothing but to get good
+benefices, and to keep a good table.&rsquo; See also, on his dislike to the
+bishops, vol. ii. p. 22; and <i>Pepys' Diary</i>, vol. iv. p. 2. In another
+place, vol. iv. p. 42, Pepys writes: &lsquo;And I believe the hierarchy will in
+a little time be shaken, whether they will or no; the king being
+offended with them, and set upon it, as I hear.&rsquo; Evelyn, in a
+conversation with Pepys, noticed with regret such conduct of Charles,
+&lsquo;that a bishop shall never be seen about him, as the king of France hath
+always.&rsquo; <i>Pepys</i>, vol. iii. p. 201. Evelyn, in his benevolent way,
+ascribes this to &lsquo;the negligence of the clergy;&rsquo; but history teaches us
+that the clergy have never neglected kings, except when the king has
+first neglected them. Sir John Reresby gives a curious account of a
+conversation Charles II. held with him respecting &lsquo;mitred heads,&rsquo; in
+which the feeling of the king is very apparent. <i>Reresby's Travels and
+Memoirs</i>, p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> On the animosity of the clergy against Hobbes, and on the
+extent to which he reciprocated it, compare <i>Aubrey's Letters and
+Lives</i>, vol. ii. pp. 532, 631; <i>Tennemann</i>, <i>Gesch. der Philos.</i> vol. x.
+p. 111; with the angry language of Burnet (<i>Own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 322),
+and of Whiston (<i>Memoirs</i>, p. 251). See also <i>Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses</i>,
+edit. Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1211. Monconys, who was in London in 1663,
+says of Hobbes, &lsquo;Il me dit l'aversion que tous les gens d'église tant
+catholiques que protestans avoient pour lui.&rsquo; <i>Monconys' Voyages</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 43; and p. 115, &lsquo;M. Hobbes, que je trouvai toujours fort ennemi
+des prêtres catholiques et des protestans.&rsquo; About the same time,
+Sorbiere was in London; and he writes respecting Hobbes: &lsquo;I know not how
+it comes to pass, the clergy are afraid of him, and so are the Oxford
+mathematicians and their adherents; wherefore his majesty (Charles II.)
+was pleased to make a very good comparison when he told me, he was like
+a bear, whom they baited with dogs to try him.&rsquo; <i>Sorbiere's Voyage to
+England</i>, p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> This was a common expression for whoever attacked
+established opinions late in the seventeenth, and even early in the
+eighteenth century. For instances of it, see <i>Baxter's Life of Himself</i>,
+folio, 1696, part iii. p. 48; <i>Boyle's Works</i>, vol. v. pp. 505, 510;
+<i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>, vol. i. p. 41; <i>Vernon Correspond.</i> vol. iii.
+p. 13; <i>King's Life of Locke</i>, vol. i. p. 191; <i>Brewster's Life of
+Newton</i>, vol. ii. p. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> Burnet says, they &lsquo;made deep and lasting impressions on
+the king's mind.&rsquo; <i>Own Time</i>, vol. i. p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> A likeness, by Cooper. See <i>Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses</i>,
+edit. Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> <i>Sorbiere's Voyage to England</i>, p. 39; <i>Wood's Athenæ
+Oxonienses</i>, vol. iii. p. 1208. On the popularity of the works of Hobbes
+in the reign of Charles II. compare <i>Pepys' Diary</i>, vol. iv. p. 164,
+with <i>Lives of the Norths</i>, vol. iii. p. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> Bishop Burnet says of him, at his appointment: &lsquo;As he was
+never a great divine, so he was now superannuated.&rsquo; <i>Own Time</i>, vol. i.
+p. 303.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> Of which his own friend, Bishop Parker, gives a specimen.
+See <i>Parker's History of his own Time</i>, pp. 31&ndash;33. Compare <i>Neal's Hist.
+of the Puritans</i>, vol. iv. p. 429; <i>Wilson's Mem. of De Foe</i>, vol. i. p.
+46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> In 1669, Pepys was at one of these entertainments, which
+took place not only at the house, but in the presence of the archbishop.
+See the scandalous details in <i>Pepys' Diary</i>, vol. iv. pp. 321, 322; or
+in <i>Wilson's De Foe</i>, vol. i. pp. 44, 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> Burnet, who knew Sancroft, calls him &lsquo;a poor-spirited and
+fearful man&rsquo; (<i>Own Time</i>, vol. iii. p. 354); and mentions (vol. iii. p.
+138) an instance of his superstition, which will be easily believed by
+whoever has read his ridiculous sermons, which D'Oyly has wickedly
+published. See Appendix to <i>D'Oyly's Sancroft</i>, pp. 339&ndash;420. Dr. Lake
+says that everybody was amazed when it was known that Sancroft was to be
+archbishop. <i>Lake's Diary</i>, 30th Dec. 1677, p. 18, in vol. i. of the
+<i>Camden Miscellany</i>, 1847, 4to. His character, so far as he had one, is
+fairly drawn by Dr. Birch: &lsquo;slow, timorous, and narrow-spirited, but at
+the same time a good, honest, and well-meaning man.&rsquo; <i>Birch's Life of
+Tillotson</i>, p. 151. See also respecting him, <i>Macaulay's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. ii. p. 616, vol. iii. p. 77, vol. iv. pp. 40&ndash;42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> Frewen was so obscure a man, that there is no life of him
+either in <i>Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary</i>, or in Rose's more recent,
+but inferior work. The little that is known of Stearn, or Sterne, is
+unfavourable. Compare <i>Burnet</i>, vol. ii. p. 427, with <i>Baxter's Life of
+Himself</i>, folio, 1696, part ii. p. 338. And of Dolben I have been unable
+to collect anything of interest, except that he had a good library. See
+the traditionary account in <i>Jones's Memoirs of Bishop Horne</i>, p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> His wife was Joanna Bridges, a bastard of Charles I.
+Compare <i>Notes and Queries</i>, vol. vii. p. 305, with <i>Heber's Life of
+Jeremy Taylor</i>, in <i>Taylor's Works</i>, vol. i. p. xxxiv. Bishop Heber, p.
+xxxv. adds, &lsquo;But, notwithstanding the splendour of such an alliance,
+there is no reason to believe that it added materially to Taylor's
+income.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> Coleridge (<i>Lit. Remains</i>, vol. iii. p. 208) says, that
+this neglect of Jeremy Taylor by Charles &lsquo;is a problem of which perhaps
+his virtues present the most probable solution.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> Superior, certainly, in comprehensiveness, and in the
+range of his studies; so that it is aptly said by a respectable
+authority, that he was at once &lsquo;the great precursor of Sir Isaac Newton,
+and the pride of the English pulpit.&rsquo; <i>Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog.</i>
+vol. iv. p. 344. See also, respecting Barrow, <i>Montucla</i>, <i>Hist. des
+Mathémat.</i> vol. ii. pp. 88, 89, 359, 360, 504, 505, vol. iii. pp.
+436&ndash;438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> &lsquo;His father having suffered greatly in his estate by his
+attachment to the royal cause.&rsquo; <i>Chalmers's Biog. Dict.</i> vol. iv. p. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> Barrow, displeased at not receiving preferment after the
+Restoration, wrote the lines:</p>
+
+<div class="poem-container">
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&lsquo;Te magis optavit rediturum Carole nemo;</span><br />
+<span class="i2">Et sensit nemo te rediisse minus.&rsquo;</span><br />
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p><i>Hamilton's Life of Barrow</i>, in <i>Barrow's Works</i>, Edinb. 1845, vol. i.
+p. xxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> Everything Mr. Macaulay has said on the contempt into
+which the clergy fell in the reign of Charles II. is perfectly accurate;
+and from evidence which I have collected, I know that this very able
+writer, of whose immense research few people are competent judges, has
+rather understated the case than overstated it. On several subjects I
+should venture to differ from Mr. Macaulay; but I cannot refrain from
+expressing my admiration of his unwearied diligence, of the consummate
+skill with which he has arranged his materials, and of the noble love of
+liberty which animates his entire work. These are qualities which will
+long survive the aspersions of his puny detractors,&mdash;men who, in point
+of knowledge and ability, are unworthy to loosen the shoe-latchet of him
+they foolishly attack.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 142, 143, 153&ndash;156;
+from which it appears that this movement began about 1681. The clergy,
+as a body, are naturally favourable to this doctrine; and the following
+passage, published only twelve years ago, will give the reader an idea
+of the views that some of them entertain. The Rev. Mr. Sewell
+(<i>Christian Politics</i>, Lond. 1844, p. 157) says, that the reigning
+prince is &lsquo;a being armed with supreme physical power by the hand and
+permission of Providence; as such, the lord of our property, the master
+of our lives, the fountain of honour, the dispenser of law, before whom
+each subject must surrender his will and conform his actions&hellip;. Who,
+when he errs, errs as a man, and not as a king, and is responsible, not
+to man, but to God.&rsquo; And at p. 111, the same writer informs us that the
+church, &lsquo;with one uniform, unhesitating voice, has proclaimed the duty
+of &ldquo;passive obedience.&rdquo;&rsquo; See also on this slavish tenet, as upheld by
+the church, <i>Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog.</i> vol. iv. p. 668; <i>Life of
+Ken, by a Layman</i>, vol. ii. p. 523; <i>Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation</i>,
+p. 228; <i>Lathbury's Nonjurors</i>, pp. 50, 135, 197; and a letter from
+Nelson, author of the <i>Fasts and Festivals</i>, in <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i>
+vol. iv. p. 216. With good reason, therefore, did Fox tell the House of
+Commons, that &lsquo;by being a good churchman, a person might become a bad
+citizen.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxix. p. 1377.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> The Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1678, was engaged in an
+attempt to convert James; and in a letter to the Bishop of Winchester,
+he notices the &lsquo;happy consequences&rsquo; which would result from his success.
+See this characteristic letter in <i>Clarendon Corresp.</i> vol. ii. pp. 465,
+466. See also the motives of the bishops, candidly but broadly stated,
+in Mr. Wilson's valuable work, <i>Life of De Foe</i>, vol. i. p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> In a high-church pamphlet, published in 1682, against the
+Bill of Exclusion, the cause of James is advocated; but the
+inconvenience he would suffer by remaining a Catholic is strongly
+insisted upon. See the wily remarks in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. viii. pp.
+258, 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> <i>Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog.</i> vol. iv. p. 665. On
+their eagerness against the bill, see <i>Harris's Lives of the Stuarts</i>,
+vol. v. p. 181; <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. ii. p. 246; <i>Somers Tracts</i>,
+vol. x. pp. 216, 253; <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iii. p. 353;
+<i>Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 431.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> At the accession of James II. &lsquo;the pulpits throughout
+England resounded with thanksgivings; and a numerous set of addresses
+flattered his Majesty, in the strongest expressions, with assurances of
+unshaken loyalty and obedience, without limitation or reserve.&rsquo; <i>Neal's
+Hist. of the Puritans</i>, vol. v. p. 2. See also <i>Calamy's Life</i>, vol. i.
+p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> On the 18th March, 1687, the king announced to the Privy
+Council that he had determined &lsquo;to grant, by his own authority, entire
+liberty of conscience to all his subjects. On the 4th April appeared the
+memorable Declaration of Indulgence.&rsquo; <i>Macaulay's Hist. of England</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 211; and see <i>Life of James II.</i>, edited by Clarke, vol. ii,
+p. 112. There is a summary of the Declaration in <i>Neal's Hist. of the
+Puritans</i>, vol. v. pp. 30, 31. As to the second Declaration, see
+<i>Macaulay</i>, vol. ii. pp. 344, 345; <i>Clarendon Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p.
+170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> It was in the autumn of 1685, that the clergy and the
+government persecuted the dissenters with the greatest virulence. See
+<i>Macaulay's Hist.</i> vol. i. pp. 667, 668. Compare <i>Neal's Hist. of the
+Puritans</i>, vol. v. pp. 4&ndash;12, with a letter from Lord Clarendon, dated
+21st December 1685, in <i>Clarendon Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 192. It is
+said (<i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iii. pp. 175, 176), that on many
+occasions the church party made use of the ecclesiastical courts to
+extort money from the Nonconformists; and for confirmation of this, see
+<i>Mackintosh's Revolution of 1688</i>, pp. 173, 640.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> It appears from the accounts in the War Office, that
+James, even in the first year of his reign, had a standing army of
+nearly 20,000 men. <i>Mackintosh's Revolution</i>, pp. 3, 77, 688: &lsquo;A
+disciplined army of about 20,000 men was, for the first time,
+established during peace in this island.&rsquo; As this naturally inspired
+great alarm, the king gave out that the number did not exceed 15,000.
+<i>Life of James II.</i>, edited by Clarke, vol. ii. pp. 52, 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> Compare <i>Burnet</i>, vol. iii. pp. 55&ndash;62, with <i>Dalrymple's
+Memoirs</i>, vol. i. part i. book ii. pp. 198&ndash;203. Ken, so far as I
+remember, was the only one who set his face against these atrocities. He
+was a very humane man, and did what he could to mitigate the sufferings
+of the prisoners in Monmouth's rebellion; but it is not mentioned that
+he attempted to stop the persecutions directed against the innocent
+Nonconformists, who were barbarously punished, not because they
+rebelled, but because they dissented. <i>Life of Ken, by a Layman</i>, vol.
+i. p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> &lsquo;From the conduct of the clergy in this and the former
+reign, it is quite clear, that if the king had been a Protestant, of the
+profession of the Church of England, or even a quiet, submissive
+Catholic, without any zeal for his religion,&mdash;confining himself solely
+to matters of state, and having a proper respect for church
+property,&mdash;he might have plundered other Protestants at his pleasure,
+and have trampled upon the liberties of his country, without the danger
+of resistance.&rsquo; <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>, vol. i. p. 136. Or, as Fox
+says, &lsquo;Thus, as long as James contented himself with absolute power in
+civil matters, and did not make use of his authority against the church,
+everything went smooth and easy.&rsquo; <i>Fox's Hist. of James II.</i>, p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> Compare <i>Neal's Hist. of the Puritans</i>, vol. v. p. 58,
+with <i>Life of James II.</i>, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 70; where it is well
+said, that the clergy of the Church of England &lsquo;had preached prerogative
+and the sovereign power to the highest pitch, while it was favourable to
+them; but when they apprehended the least danger from it, they cried out
+as soon as the shoe pinched, though it was of their own putting on.&rsquo; See
+also pp. 113, 164. What their servility was to the crown, while they
+thought that the crown was with them, may be estimated from the
+statement of De Foe: &lsquo;I have heard it publicly preached, that if the
+king commanded my head, and sent his messengers to fetch it, I was bound
+to submit, and stand while it was cut off.&rsquo; <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>,
+vol. i. p. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> D'Oyly (<i>Life of Sancroft</i>, p. 164) says, &lsquo;On the whole,
+it is supposed that not more than 200 out of the whole body of clergy,
+estimated at 10,000, complied with the king's requisition.&rsquo; &lsquo;Only seven
+obeyed in the city of London, and not above 200 all England over.&rsquo;
+<i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iii. p. 218. On Sunday, 20th May 1688, Lord
+Clarendon writes: &lsquo;I was at St. James's church; in the evening I had an
+account that the Declaration was read only in four churches in the city
+and liberties.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon Corresp.</i> vol. ii. pp. 172, 173. When this
+conduct became known, it was observed that the church &lsquo;supported the
+crown only so long as she dictated to it; and became rebellious at the
+moment when she was forbidden to be intolerant.&rsquo; <i>Mackintosh's
+Revolution of 1688</i>, p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> The first advances were made when the Declaration of the
+king in favour of &lsquo;liberty of conscience&rsquo; was on the point of being
+issued, and immediately after the proceedings at Oxford had shown his
+determination to break down the monopoly of offices possessed by the
+church. &lsquo;The clergy at the same time prayed and entreated the dissenters
+to appear on their side, and stand by the Establishment, making large
+promises of favour and brotherly affection if ever they came into
+power.&rsquo; <i>Neal's Hist. of the Puritans</i>, vol. v. p. 29. See also, at pp.
+58, 59, the conciliating letter from the Archbishop of Canterbury after
+the Declaration. &lsquo;Such,&rsquo; says Neal, &lsquo;such was the language of the church
+in distress!&rsquo; Compare <i>Birch's Life of Tillotson</i>, p. 153; <i>Ellis's
+Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 63; <i>Ellis's Orig. Letters</i>, 2nd series, vol.
+iv. p. 117; <i>Mackintosh's Revolution</i>, p. 286; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix.
+p. 132; <i>Macaulay's Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. pp. 218, 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> See the indignant language of De Foe <i>Wilson's Life of
+De Foe</i>, vol. i. pp. 130, 131, 133, 134; and a <i>Letter from a Dissenter
+to the Petitioning Bishops</i>, in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. pp. 117, 118.
+The writer says: &lsquo;Pray, my lords, let me ask you a question. Suppose the
+king, instead of his Declaration, had issued out a proclamation,
+commanding justices of the peace, constables, informers, and all other
+persons, to be more rigorous, if possible, against dissenters, and do
+their utmost to the perfect quelling and destroying them; and had
+ordered this to be read in your churches in the time of divine
+service,&mdash;would you have made any scruple of that?&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> That this was the immediate cause, so far as the head of
+the church-party was concerned, is unblushingly avowed by the biographer
+and defender of the then Archbishop of Canterbury. &lsquo;The order published
+from the king in council, May 4th, 1688, directing the archbishops and
+bishops to send to the clergy in their respective dioceses the
+Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, to be publicly read in all the
+churches of the kingdom, made it impossible for the Archbishop of
+Canterbury to abstain any longer from engaging in an open and declared
+opposition to the counsels under which the king was now unhappily
+acting.&rsquo; <i>D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft</i>, p. 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> Some writers have attempted to defend the clergy, on the
+ground that they thought it illegal to publish a declaration of this
+kind. But such a defence is incompatible with their doctrine of passive
+obedience; and besides this, it was contradicted by precedents and
+decisions of their own. Jeremy Taylor, in his <i>Ductor Dubitantium</i>,
+their great work of authority, asserts that &lsquo;the unlawful proclamations
+and edicts of a true prince may be published by the clergy in their
+several charges.&rsquo; <i>Heber's Life of Taylor</i>, p. cclxxxvi. Heber adds: &lsquo;I
+wish I had not found this in Taylor; and I thank Heaven that the
+principle was not adopted by the English clergy in 1687.&rsquo; But why was it
+not adopted in 1687? Simply because in 1687 the king attacked the
+monopoly enjoyed by the clergy; and therefore the clergy forgot their
+principle, that they might smite their enemy. And what makes the motives
+of this change still more palpable is, that as late as 1681, the
+Archbishop of Canterbury caused the clergy to read a Declaration issued
+by Charles II.; and that in a revised copy of the Liturgy he had also
+added to the rubric to the same effect. See <i>Neal's Hist. of the
+Puritans</i>, vol. v. p. 56. Compare <i>Calamy's Own Life</i>, vol. i. pp. 199,
+200; <i>Mackintosh's Revolution</i>, pp. 242, 243; <i>D'Oyly's Life of
+Sancroft</i>, p. 152; <i>King's Life of Locke</i>, vol. i. p. 259; <i>Life of
+James II.</i>, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> They are summed up in a popular pamphlet ascribed to Lord
+Somers, and printed in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. x. pp. 263, 264. The
+diminished respect felt for the crown after 1688 is judiciously noticed
+in <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> The Toleration Act was passed in 1689. A copy of it is
+given by the historians of the dissenters, who call it their Magna
+Charta. See <i>Bogue and Bennett's History of the Dissenters</i>, vol. i. pp.
+187&ndash;198. The historian of the Catholics equally allows that the reign of
+William III. is &lsquo;the era from which their enjoyment of religious
+toleration may be dated.&rsquo; <i>Butler's Memoirs of the Catholics</i>, vol. iii.
+pp. 122, 139. This is said by Mr. Butler in regard, not to the
+Protestant dissenters, but to the Catholics; so that we have the
+admission of both parties as to the importance of this epoch. Even the
+shameful act forced upon William in 1700 was, as Mr. Hallam truly says,
+evaded in its worst provisions. <i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 332, 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iv. pp. 102, 355, and his
+<i>Chief-Justices</i>, vol. ii. pp. 95, 116, 118, 136, 142, 143. See also
+<i>Barrington's Observations on the Statutes</i>, pp. 23, 102, 558; and even
+<i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. i. p. 236, vol. ix. p. 243; an unwary
+concession from such an enemy to popular liberty.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> This was effected before the end of the seventeenth
+century. See <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iv. pp. 121, 122. Compare
+Lord Camden on Literary Property, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvii. p. 994;
+<i>Hunt's History of Newspapers</i>, vol. i. pp. 161, 162; <i>Somers Tracts</i>,
+vol. xiii. p. 555; and a more detailed account in <i>Macaulay's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. iv. pp. 348 seq. 540 seq.; though Mr. Macaulay in
+ascribing, p. 353, so much to the influence of Blount, has not, I think,
+sufficiently dwelt on the operation of larger and more general causes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> Mr. Cooke (<i>Hist. of Party</i>, vol. ii. pp. 5, 148) notices
+this remarkable rise of the monied classes early in the eighteenth
+century; but he merely observes, that the consequence was to strengthen
+the Whig party. Though this is undoubtedly true, the ultimate results,
+as I shall hereafter point out, were far more important than any
+political or even economical consequences. It was not till 1694 that the
+Bank of England was established; and this great institution at first met
+with the warmest opposition from the admirers of old times, who thought
+it must be useless because their ancestors did without it. See the
+curious details in <i>Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. iii. pp. 6&ndash;9;
+and on the connexion between it and the Whigs, see <i>Macaulay's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. iv. p. 502. There is a short account of its origin and
+progress in <i>Smith's Wealth of Nations</i>, book ii. chap. ii. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> Frequently misunderstood, even by those who praise it.
+Thus, for instance, a living writer informs us that, &lsquo;great as have been
+the obligations which England owes, in many different views, to the
+Revolution, it is beyond all question the greatest, that it brought in a
+sovereign instructed in the art of overcoming the ignorant impatience of
+taxation which is the invariable characteristic of free communities; and
+thus gave it a government capable of turning to the best account the
+activity and energy of its inhabitants, at the same time that it had the
+means given it of maintaining their independence.&rsquo; <i>Alison's Hist. of
+Europe</i>, vol. vii. p. 5. This, I should suppose, is the most eccentric
+eulogy ever passed on William III.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> On their sudden repentance, and on the causes of it, see
+<i>Neal's Hist. of the Puritans</i>, vol. v. p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> <i>Mackintosh's Revolution of 1688</i>, pp. 81, 191. After the
+death of Archbishop Dolben, &lsquo;the see was kept vacant for more than two
+years,&rsquo; and Cartwright hoped to obtain it. See <i>Cartwright's Diary</i>, by
+Hunter, 4to, 1843, p. 45. In the same way, we find from a letter to the
+Archbishop of Canterbury (<i>Clarendon Corresp.</i> vol. i. p. 409) that in
+May 1686 uneasiness was felt because the Irish bishoprics were not
+filled up. Compare <i>Burnet</i>, vol. iii. p. 103. Carwithen (<i>Hist. of the
+Ch. of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 492) says, that James had intended to raise
+the Jesuit Petre to the archbishopric.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> Lamplugh was translated from the bishopric of Exeter to
+the archbishopric of York in November 1688. See the contemporary account
+in the <i>Ellis Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 303, and <i>Ellis's Original
+Letters</i>, second series, vol. iv. p. 151. He was a most orthodox man;
+and not only hated the dissenters, but showed his zeal by persecuting
+them. <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>, vol. i. pp. 94, 95. Compare an anecdote
+of him in <i>Baxter's Life of Himself</i>, folio, 1696, part iii. pp. 178,
+179.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> In a letter, dated London, 29th September 1688 (<i>Ellis</i>,
+<i>Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. p. 224, and <i>Ellis's Orig. Letters</i>, second
+series, vol. iv. p. 128), it is stated, that the Bishop of London's
+&lsquo;suspension is taken off.&rsquo; See also <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. p. 215.
+This is the more observable, because, according to Johnstone, there was
+an intention, in December 1687, of depriving him. <i>Mackintosh's
+Revolution</i>, pp. 211, 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> This disposition on the part of the king again to favour
+the bishops and the church became a matter of common remark in September
+1688. See <i>Ellis Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 201, 202, 209, 219, 224, 225,
+226, 227; <i>Clarendon Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 188, 192. Sir John
+Reresby, who was then in London, writes, in October 1688, that James
+&lsquo;begins again to court the Church of England.&rsquo; <i>Reresby's Memoirs</i>, p.
+357. Indeed, the difficulties of James were now becoming so great, that
+he had hardly any choice.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> <i>Ellis Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 211; <i>Life of James II.</i>,
+edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> In November 1687, it was said that he wished the
+dissenters to have &lsquo;entire liberty for the full exercise of their
+religion,&rsquo; and to be freed &lsquo;from the severity of the penal laws.&rsquo;
+<i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. p. 184. This is the earliest distinct notice I
+have seen of William's desire to deprive the church of the power of
+punishing nonconformists; but after he arrived in England his intentions
+became obvious. In January 1688&ndash;9 the friends of the church complained
+&lsquo;that the countenance he gave the dissenters gave too much cause of
+jealousy to the Church of England.&rsquo; <i>Clarendon Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p.
+238. Compare <i>Neal's Hist. of the Puritans</i>, vol. v. p. 81; <i>Bogue and
+Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters</i>, vol. ii. p. 318; <i>Birch's Life of
+Tillotson</i>, pp. 156, 157; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. x. p. 341, vol. xi. p.
+108. Burnet, in his summary of the character of William, observes that,
+&lsquo;his indifference as to the forms of church-government, and his being
+zealous for toleration, together with his cold behaviour towards the
+clergy, gave them generally very ill impressions of him.&rsquo; <i>Own Time</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 550. At p. 192 the bishop says, &lsquo;He took no notice of the
+clergy, and seemed to have little concern in the matters of the church
+or of religion.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> Sir John Reresby, who was an attentive observer of what
+was going on, says, &lsquo;The prince, upon his arrival, seemed more inclined
+to the Presbyterians than to the members of the church; which startled
+the clergy.&rsquo; <i>Reresby's Memoirs</i>, p. 375: see also pp. 399, 405: &lsquo;the
+church-people hated the Dutch, and had rather turn Papists than receive
+the Presbyterians among them.&rsquo; Compare <i>Evelyn's Diary</i>, vol. iii. p.
+281: &lsquo;the Presbyterians, our new governors.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> Burnet (<i>Own Time</i>, vol. iv. p. 50) says of the clergy in
+1689: &lsquo;The king was suspected by them, by reason of the favour showed to
+dissenters; but chiefly for his abolishing episcopacy in Scotland, and
+his consenting to the setting up presbytery there.&rsquo; On this great
+change, compare <i>Bogue and Bennett's History of Dissenters</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 379&ndash;384; <i>Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands</i>, p. 257; <i>Neal's
+Hist. of the Puritans</i>, vol. v. pp. 85, 86: and on the indignation felt
+by the Anglican clergy at the abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, see a
+contemporary pamphlet in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. pp. 510, 516, where
+fears are expressed lest William should effect a similar measure in
+England. The writer very fairly observes, p. 522, &lsquo;For if we give up the
+<i>jus divinum</i> of episcopacy in Scotland, we must yield it also as to
+England. And then we are wholly precarious.&rsquo; See also vol. x. pp. 341,
+503; <i>Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation</i>, pp. 277, 278; and <i>Macpherson's
+Original Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 509.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iii. p. 340. Burnet, who had
+the best means of information, says, &lsquo;Though he had once agreed to it,
+yet would not come.&rsquo; Lord Clarendon, in his <i>Diary</i>, 3rd January 1688&ndash;9,
+writes, that the archbishop expressed to him on that day his
+determination neither to call on William nor even to send to him
+(<i>Clarendon Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 240); and this resolution appears
+to have been taken deliberately: &lsquo;he was careful not to do it, for the
+reasons he formerly gave me.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a> See the account given by his chaplain Wharton, in
+<i>D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft</i>, p. 259, where it is stated that the
+archbishop was very irate (&lsquo;vehementer excandescens&rsquo;), and told him,
+&lsquo;that he must thenceforward desist from offering prayers for the new
+king and queen, or else from performing the duties of his chapel.&rsquo; See
+also <i>Birch's Life of Tillotson</i>, p. 144. Thus too the Bishop of Norwich
+declared &lsquo;that he would not pray for King William and Queen Mary.&rsquo;
+<i>Clarendon Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 263. The same spirit was universal
+among the high-church clergy; and when public prayers were offered up
+for the king and queen, they were called by the nonjurors &lsquo;the immoral
+prayers,&rsquo; and this became a technical and recognized expression. <i>Life
+of Ken, by a Layman</i>, vol. ii. pp. 648, 650.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a> <i>Lathbury's Hist. of the Nonjurors</i>, p. 45; <i>D'Oyly's
+Sancroft</i>, p. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a> Nairne's Papers mention, in 1693, &lsquo;six hundred ministers
+who have not taken the oaths.&rsquo; <i>Macpherson's Orig. Papers</i>, vol. i. p.
+459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a> The only friends William possessed among the clergy were
+the low-churchmen, as they were afterwards called; and it is supposed
+that they formed barely a tenth of the entire body in 1689: &lsquo;We should
+probably overrate their numerical strength, if we were to estimate them
+at a tenth part of the priesthood.&rsquo; <i>Macaulay's Hist. of England</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> The earliest allusion I have seen to the injury the
+clergy were inflicting on the church, by their conduct after the arrival
+of William, is in <i>Evelyn's Diary</i>, vol. iii. p. 273,&mdash;a curious
+passage, gently hinting at the &lsquo;wonder of many,&rsquo; at the behaviour of
+&lsquo;the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some of the rest.&rsquo; With Evelyn, who
+loved the church, this was an unpleasant subject; but others were less
+scrupulous; and in parliament, in particular, men did not refrain from
+expressing what must have been the sentiments of every impartial
+observer. In the celebrated debate, in January 1688&ndash;9, when the throne
+was declared vacant, Pollexfen said: &lsquo;Some of the clergy are for one
+thing, some for another; I think they scarce know what they would have.&rsquo;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. v. p. 55. In February, Maynard, one of the most
+influential members, indignantly said: &lsquo;I think the clergy are out of
+their wits; and I believe, if the clergy should have their wills, few or
+none of us should be here again.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i> vol. v. p. 129. The clergy
+were themselves bitterly sensible of the general hostility; and one of
+them writes, in 1694: &lsquo;The people of England, who were so excessively
+enamoured of us when the bishops were in the tower, that they hardly
+forbore to worship us, are now, I wish I could say but cool and very
+indifferent towards us.&rsquo; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. p. 525. The growing
+indignation against the clergy, caused by their obvious desire to
+sacrifice the country to the interests of the church, is strikingly
+displayed in a letter from Sir Roland Gwyne, written in 1710, and
+printed in <i>Macpherson's Orig. Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> They are so called by Burnet: &lsquo;these angry men, that had
+raised this flame in the church.&rsquo; <i>Own Time</i>, vol. v. p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> Indeed, the high-church party, in their publications,
+distinctly intimated, that if James were not recalled, he should be
+reinstated by a foreign army. <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. x. pp. 377, 405,
+457, 462. Compare <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 138. Burnet
+(<i>Own Time</i>, vol. iv. pp. 361, 362) says, they were &lsquo;confounded&rsquo; when
+they heard of the peace of 1697; and Calamy (<i>Life of Himself</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 322) makes the same remark on the death of Louis XIV.: &lsquo;It very much
+puzzled the counsels of the Jacobites, and spoiled their projects.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a> <i>D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft</i>, p. 266; <i>Wordsworth's Eccl.
+Biog.</i> iv. p. 683.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a> Sancroft, on his death-bed, in 1693, prayed for the &lsquo;poor
+suffering church, which, by this revolution, is almost destroyed.&rsquo;
+<i>D'Oyly's Sancroft</i>, p. 311; and <i>Macpherson's Original Papers</i>, vol. i.
+p. 280. See also <i>Remarks</i>, published in 1693 (<i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. x.
+p. 504) where it is said, that William had, &lsquo;as far as possible he
+could, dissolved the true old Church of England;&rsquo; and that, &lsquo;in a moment
+of time, her face was so altered, as scarce to be known again.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a> &lsquo;Ken, though deprived, never admitted in the secular
+power the right of deprivation; and it is well known that he studiously
+retained his title.&rsquo; <i>Bowles's Life of Ken</i>, vol. ii. p. 225. Thus, too,
+Lloyd, so late as 1703, signs himself, &lsquo;Wm. Nor.&rsquo; (<i>Life of Ken, by a
+Layman</i>, vol. ii. p. 720); though, having been legally deprived, he was
+no more bishop of Norwich than he was emperor of China. And Sancroft, in
+the last of his letters, published by D'Oyly (<i>Life</i>, p. 303), signs &lsquo;W.
+C.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a> The strange document, by which he appointed Dr. Lloyd his
+vicar-general, is printed in Latin, in <i>D'Oyly's Sancroft</i>, p. 295, and
+in English, in <i>Life of Ken, by a Layman</i>, vol. ii. p. 640.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a> <i>Lathbury's Hist. of the Nonjurors</i>, p. 96; <i>Life of Ken,
+by a Layman</i>, vol. ii. pp. 641, 642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a> The struggle between James and William was essentially a
+struggle between ecclesiastical interests and secular interests; and
+this was seen as early as 1689, when, as we learn from Burnet, who was
+much more a politician than a priest, &lsquo;the church was as the word given
+out by the Jacobite party, under which they might more safely shelter
+themselves,&rsquo; <i>Own Time</i>, vol. iv. p. 57. See also, on this
+identification of the Jacobites with the church, <i>Birch's Life of
+Tillotson</i>, p. 222; and the argument of Dodwell, pp. 246, 247, in 1691.
+Dodwell justly observed, that the successors of the deprived bishops
+were schismatical, in a spiritual point of view; and that, &lsquo;if they
+should pretend to lay authority as sufficient, they would overthrow the
+being of a church as a society.&rsquo; The bishops appointed by William were
+evidently intruders, according to church principles; and as their
+intrusion could only be justified according to lay principles, it
+followed that the success of the intrusion was the triumph of lay
+principles over church ones. Hence it is, that the fundamental idea of
+the rebellion of 1688, is the elevation of the state above the church;
+just as the fundamental idea of the rebellion of 1642, is the elevation
+of the commons above the crown.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> According to Dr. D'Oyly (<i>Life of Sancroft</i>, p. 297), Dr.
+Gordon &lsquo;died in London, November 1779, and is supposed to have been the
+last nonjuring bishop.&rsquo; In <i>Short's Hist. of the Church of England</i>, p.
+583, Lond. 1847, it is also stated, that &lsquo;this schism continued till
+1779.&rsquo; But Mr. Hallam (<i>Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 404) has pointed out a
+passage in the <i>State Trials</i>, which proves that another of the bishops,
+named Cartwright, was still living at Shrewsbury in 1793; and Mr.
+Lathbury (<i>Hist. of the Nonjurors</i>, Lond. 1845, p. 412) says, that he
+died in 1799.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> Calamy (<i>Own Life</i>, vol. i. pp.
+328&ndash;330, vol. ii. pp. 338, 357, 358) gives an interesting account of
+these feuds within the church, consequent upon the revolution. Indeed,
+their bitterness was such, that it was necessary to coin names for the
+two parties; and, between 1700 and 1702, we, for the first time, hear
+the expressions, high-church and low-church. See <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>,
+vol. iv. p. 447, vol. v. p. 70. Compare <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 26; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vi. pp. 162, 498. On the difference
+between them, as it was understood in the reign of Anne, see <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 532, and <i>Macpherson's Orig. Papers</i>, vol. ii. p.
+166. On the dawning schism in the church, see the speech of Sir T.
+Littleton, in 1690, <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. v. p. 593. Hence many complained
+that they could not tell which was the real church. See curious evidence
+of this perplexity in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. pp. 477&ndash;481.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> The alternative is fairly stated in a letter written in
+1691 (<i>Life of Ken, by a Layman</i>, vol. ii. p. 599): &lsquo;If the deprived
+bishop be the only lawful bishop, then the people and clergy of his
+diocese are bound to own him, and no other; then all the bishops who own
+the authority of a new archbishop, and live in communion with him, are
+schismatics; and the clergy who live in communion with schismatical
+bishops are schismatics themselves; and the whole Church of England now
+established by law is schismatical.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a> Lord Mahon (<i>Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. p. 245) notices,
+what he terms, the &lsquo;unnatural alienation between the church and state,&rsquo;
+consequent upon the Revolution of 1688: and on the diminished power of
+the church caused by the same event, see <i>Phillimore's Mem. of
+Lyttleton</i>, vol. i. p. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a> The old absurdity of <i>de facto</i> and <i>de jure</i>; as if any
+man could retain a right to a throne which the people would not allow
+him to occupy!</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a> In 1715, Leslie, by far the ablest of them, thus states
+their position: &lsquo;You are now driven to this dilemma,&mdash;swear, or swear
+not; if you swear, you kill the soul; and if you swear not, you kill the
+body, in the loss of your bread.&rsquo; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xiii. p. 686.
+The result of the dilemma was what might have been expected; and a
+high-church writer, in the reign of William III., boasts (<i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. x. p. 344) that the oaths taken by the clergy were no
+protection to the government: &lsquo;not that the government receives any
+security from oaths.&rsquo; Whiston, too, says in his <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 30: &lsquo;Yet
+do I too well remember that the far greatest part of those of the
+university and clergy that then took the oaths to the government, seemed
+to me to take them with a doubtful conscience, if not against its
+dictates.&rsquo; This was in 1693; and, in 1710, we find: &rsquo;There are now
+circumstances to make us believe that the Jacobite clergy have the like
+instructions to take any oaths, to get possession of a pulpit for the
+service of the cause, to bellow out the hereditary right, the pretended
+title of the Pretender.&rsquo; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 641. A knowledge
+of this fact, or, at all events, a belief of it, was soon diffused; and,
+eight years later, the celebrated Lord. Cowper, then lord chancellor,
+said, in the House of Lords, &lsquo;that his majesty had also the best part of
+the landed, and all the trading interest; <i>that as to the clergy, he
+would say nothing&mdash;but that it was notorious that the majority of the
+populace had been poisoned, and that the poison was not yet quite
+expelled</i>.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vii. p. 541; also given, but not quite
+<i>verbatim</i>, in <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iv. p. 365.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a> &lsquo;The prevarication of too many in so sacred a matter
+contributed not a little to fortify the growing atheism of the present
+age.&rsquo; <i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iii. p. 381. See also, to the same
+effect, vol. iv. pp. 176, 177; and a remarkable passage in <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 573. I need hardly add, that it was then usual to
+confuse scepticism with atheism; though the two things are not only
+different, but incompatible. In regard to the quibble respecting <i>de
+facto</i> and <i>de jure</i>, and the use made of it by the clergy, the reader
+should compare <i>Wilson's Mem. of De Foe</i>, vol. i. pp. 171, 172; <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. ix. p. 531; <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iv. p. 409; and
+a letter from the Rev. Francis Jessop, written in 1717, in <i>Nichols's
+Lit. Illustrations</i>, vol. iv. pp. 120&ndash;123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a> Among which must be particularly mentioned the practice
+of censuring all books that encouraged free inquiry. In this respect,
+the clergy were extremely mischievous. See <i>Lathbury's Hist. of
+Convocation</i>, pp. 124, 286, 338, 351; and <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a> In 1704, Burnet (<i>Own Time</i>, vol. v. p. 138) says of
+Convocation, &lsquo;but little opposition was made to them, as very little
+regard was had to them.&rsquo; In 1700, there was a squabble between the upper
+and lower house of Convocation for Canterbury; which, no doubt, aided
+these feelings. See <i>Life of Archbishop Sharp</i>, edited by Newcome, vol.
+i. p. 348, where this wretched feud is related with great gravity.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a> Charles Butler (<i>Reminiscences</i>, vol. ii. p. 95) says,
+that the final prorogation was in 1720; but, according to all the other
+authorities I have met with, it was in 1717. See <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 395; <i>Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation</i>, p. 385; <i>Mahon's
+Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. p. 302; <i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>, vol. ii. p.
+350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a> A letter, written by the Rev. Thomas Clayton in 1727, is
+worth reading, as illustrating the feelings of the clergy on this
+subject. He asserts, that one of the causes of the obvious degeneracy of
+the age is, that, owing to Convocation not being allowed to meet, &lsquo;bold
+and impious books appear barefaced to the world without any public
+censure.&rsquo; See this letter in <i>Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth
+Century</i>, vol. iv. pp. 414&ndash;416; and compare with it, <i>Letters between
+Warburton and Hurd</i>, pp. 310&ndash;312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a> On the decline of ability in ecclesiastical literature,
+see note 38 in this chapter. In 1685, a complaint was made that secular
+professions were becoming more sought after than ecclesiastical ones.
+See <i>England's Wants</i>, sec. lvi. in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. ix. p. 231,
+where the writer mournfully states, that in his time &lsquo;physic and law,
+professions ever acknowledged in all nations to be inferior to divinity,
+are generally embraced by gentlemen, and sometimes by persons nobly
+descended, and <i>preferred much above the divine's profession</i>.&rsquo; This
+preference was, of course, most displayed by young men of intellect; and
+a large amount of energy being thus drawn off from the church, gave rise
+to that decay of spirit and of general power which has been already
+noticed; and which is also indicated by Coleridge, in his remarks on the
+&lsquo;apologising theology&rsquo; which succeeded the Revolution. <i>Coleridge's Lit.
+Remains</i>, vol. iii. pp. 51, 52, 116, 117, 119. Compare <i>Stephen's Essays
+on Ecclesiast. Biog.</i> 2d edit. 1850, vol. ii. p. 66, on &lsquo;this depression
+of theology;&rsquo; and <i>Hare's Mission of the Comforter</i>, 1850, p. 264, on
+the &lsquo;intellectually feebler age.&rsquo; Evelyn, in 1691, laments the
+diminished energy then beginning to be observed among &lsquo;young preachers.&rsquo;
+<i>Evelyn's Diary</i>, vol. iii. p. 309; and for another notice, in 1696, of
+this &lsquo;dead and lifeless way of preaching,&rsquo; see <i>Life of Cudworth</i>, p.
+35, in vol. i. of <i>Cudworth's Intellect Syst.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a> Sharon Turner, describing the state of things in England
+in the fifteenth century, says, &lsquo;Clergymen were secretaries of
+government, the privy seals, cabinet councillors, treasurers of the
+crown, ambassadors, commissioners to open parliament, and to Scotland;
+presidents of the king's council, supervisors of the royal works,
+chancellors, keepers of the records, the masters of the rolls, and even
+the physicians, both to the king and to the duke of Gloucester, during
+the reign of Henry VI. and afterwards.&rsquo; <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>,
+vol. vi. p. 132. On their enormous wealth, see <i>Eccleston's English
+Antiquities</i>, p. 146: &lsquo;In the early part of the fourteenth century, it
+is calculated that very nearly one-half of the soil of the kingdom was
+in the hands of the clergy.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a> In 1625, Williams bishop of Lincoln was dismissed from
+his office of lord-keeper; and Lord Campbell observes (<i>Lives of the
+Chancellors</i>, vol. ii. p. 492): &lsquo;This is the last time that an
+ecclesiastic has held the great seal of England; and, notwithstanding
+the admiration in some quarters of mediæval usages, I presume the
+experiment is not likely to be soon repeated.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a> Monk (<i>Life of Bentley</i>, vol. i. p. 222) says, that Dr.
+John Robinson, bishop of Bristol, was &lsquo;lord privy seal, and
+plenipotentiary at the treaty of Utrecht; and is the last ecclesiastic
+in England who has held any of the high offices of state.&rsquo; A high-church
+writer, in 1712, complains of the efforts that were being made to
+&lsquo;thrust the churchmen out of their places of power in the government.&rsquo;
+<i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xiii. p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a> In and after the reign of Henry III. &lsquo;the number of
+archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and ecclesiastical persons was for
+the most part equal to, and very often far exceeded, the number of the
+temporal lords and barons.&rsquo; <i>Parry's Parliaments and Councils of
+England</i>, London, 1839, p. xvii. Of this Mr. Parry gives several
+instances; the most remarkable of which is, that &lsquo;in 49 Henry III., 120
+prelates, and only 23 temporal lords, were summoned.&rsquo; This, of course,
+was an extreme case.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a> See an analysis of the House of Lords, in 1713, in
+<i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. pp. 43&ndash;45; from which it appears
+that the total was 207, of whom 26 were spiritual. This includes the
+Catholics.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a> By the returns in Dod for 1854, I find that the House of
+Lords contains 436 members, of whom 30 belong to the episcopal bench.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a> For different accounts, and of course different views, of
+this final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons, see
+<i>Pellew's Life of Sidmouth</i>, vol. i. pp. 419, 420; <i>Stephens's Mem. of
+Tooke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 247&ndash;260; <i>Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 178&ndash;180; <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. vii. p. 148; <i>Twiss's
+Life of Eldon</i>, vol. i. p. 263; <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i>, vol.
+vii. p. 487.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a> That the banishment of the clergy from the lower house
+was the natural prelude to the banishment of the bishops from the upper,
+was hinted at the time, and with regret, by a very keen observer. In the
+discussion &lsquo;on the Bill to prevent Persons in Holy Orders from sitting
+in the House of Commons,&rsquo; Lord Thurlow &lsquo;mentioned the tenure of the
+bishops at this time, and said, if the bill went to disfranchise the
+lower orders of the clergy, it might go the length of <i>striking at the
+right of the reverend bench opposite to seats in that house</i>; though he
+knew it had been held that the reverend prelates sat, in the right of
+their baronies, as temporal peers.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxv. p. 1542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a> It is impossible now to ascertain the full extent to
+which the Church of England, in the seventeenth century, persecuted the
+dissenters; but Jeremy White is said to have had a list of sixty
+thousand of these sufferers between 1660 and 1688, of whom no less than
+five thousand died in prison. <i>Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the
+Dissenters</i>, vol. i. p. 108. On the cruel spirit which the clergy
+displayed in the reign of Charles II. compare <i>Harris's Lives of the
+Stuarts</i>, vol. v. p. 106; <i>Orme's Life of Owen</i>, p. 344; <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 534. Indeed, Harwood frankly said in the House of
+Commons, in 1672, &lsquo;Our aim is to bring all dissenting men into the
+Protestant church, and he that is not willing to come into the church
+should not have ease.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. iv. p. 530. On the zeal with
+which this principle was carried out, see an account, written in 1671,
+in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. vii. pp. 586&ndash;615; and the statement of De Foe,
+in <i>Wilson's Life of De Foe</i>, vol. ii. pp. 443&ndash;444.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a> Besides the correspondence which the Duchess of
+Marlborough preserved for the instruction of posterity, we have some
+materials for estimating the abilities of Anne in the letters published
+in <i>Dalrymple's Memoirs</i>. In one of them Anne writes, soon after the
+Declaration for Liberty of Conscience was issued, &lsquo;It is a melancholy
+prospect that all we of the Church of England have. All the sectaries
+may now do what they please. Every one has the free exercise of their
+religion, on purpose, no doubt, to ruin us, which I think to all
+impartial judges is very plain.&rsquo; <i>Dalrymple's Memoirs</i>, appendix to book
+v. vol. ii. p. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a> See a notable passage in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p.
+558, which should be compared with Wilson's <i>Life of De Foe</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a> <i>Bogue and Bennett's History of the Dissenters</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 228&ndash;230, 237, 260&ndash;277; and <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 396,
+397. Mr. Hallam says, &lsquo;It is impossible to doubt for an instant, that if
+the queen's life had preserved the Tory government for a few years,
+every vestige of the toleration would have been effaced.&rsquo; It appears
+from the <i>Vernon Correspond.</i> vol. iii. p. 228, Lond. 1841, that soon
+after the accession of Anne, there was a proposal &lsquo;to debar dissenters
+of their votes in elections;&rsquo; and we know from Burnet (<i>Own Time</i>, vol.
+v. pp. 108, 136, 137, 218) that the clergy would have been glad if Anne
+had displayed even more zeal against them than she really did.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a> <i>Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 118. In Ivimey's <i>History of the Baptists</i>, it is said that the death
+of Anne was an &lsquo;answer to the dissenters' prayers.&rsquo; <i>Southey's
+Commonplace Book</i>, third series, p. 135; see also p. 147, on the joy of
+the dissenters at the death of this troublesome woman.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a> Two of the worst of them, &lsquo;the act against occasional
+conformity, and that restraining education, were repealed in the session
+of 1719.&rsquo; <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 398. The repeal of the act
+against occasional conformity was strenuously opposed by the archbishops
+of York and of Canterbury (<i>Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the
+Dissenters</i>, vol. iii. p. 132); but their opposition was futile; and
+when the Bishop of London, in 1726, wished to strain the Act of
+Toleration, he was prevented by Yorke, the attorney-general. See the
+pithy reply of Yorke, in <i>Harris's Life of Hardwicke</i>, vol. i. pp. 193,
+194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a> At the end of the seventeenth century, great attention
+was excited by the way in which the dissenters were beginning to
+organize themselves into societies and synods. See, in the <i>Vernon
+Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 128&ndash;130, 133, 156, some curious evidence of
+this, in letters written by Vernon, who was then secretary of state; and
+on the apprehensions caused by the increase of their schools, and by
+their systematic interference in elections, see <i>Life of Archbishop
+Sharp</i>, edited by Newcome, vol. i. pp. 125, 358. The church was eager to
+put down all dissenters' schools; and in 1705, the Archbishop of York
+told the House of Lords that he &lsquo;apprehended danger from the increase of
+dissenters, and particularly from the many academies set up by them.&rsquo;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vi. pp. 492, 493. See also, on the increase of their
+schools, pp. 1351, 1352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a> In <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 684, it is stated, that
+in the reign of Charles II. &lsquo;this hard usage had begotten in the
+dissenters the utmost animosity against the persecuting churchmen.&rsquo;
+Their increasing discontent, in the reign of Anne, was observed by
+Calamy. See <i>Calamy's Own Life</i>, vol. ii. pp. 244, 255, 274, 284, 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a> If the power of moving the passions be the proper test by
+which to judge an orator, we may certainly pronounce Whitefield to be
+the greatest since the apostles. His first sermon was delivered in 1736
+(<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. ii. pp. 102, 122); his field-preaching
+began in 1739 (<i>Southey's Life of Wesley</i>, vol. i. pp. 196, 197); and
+the eighteen thousand sermons which he is said to have poured forth
+during his career of thirty-four years (<i>Southey's Wesley</i>, vol. ii. p.
+531) produced the most astonishing effects on all classes, educated and
+uneducated. For evidence of the excitement caused by this marvellous
+man, and of the eagerness with which his discourses were read as well as
+heard, see <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. ii. pp. 546, 547, and his
+<i>Illustrations</i>, vol. iv. pp. 302&ndash;304; <i>Mem. of Franklin, by Himself</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 161&ndash;167; <i>Doddridge's Correspond.</i> vol. iv. p. 55;
+<i>Stewart's Philos. of the Mind</i>, vol. iii. pp. 291, 292; <i>Lady Mary
+Montagu's Letters</i>, in her Works, 1803, vol. iv. p. 162; <i>Correspond.
+between Ladies Pomfret and Hartford</i>, 2nd edit. 1806, vol. i. pp. 138,
+160&ndash;162; <i>Marchmont Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 377.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a> Of whom Mr. Macaulay has said (<i>Essays</i>, vol. i. p. 221,
+3rd edit.), that his &lsquo;genius for government was not inferior to that of
+Richelieu;&rsquo; and strongly as this is expressed, it will hardly appear an
+exaggeration to those who have compared the success of Wesley with his
+difficulties.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a> It was in 1739 that Wesley first openly rebelled against
+the church, and refused to obey the Bishop of Bristol, who ordered him
+to quit his diocese. <i>Southey's Life of Wesley</i>, vol. i. pp. 226, 243.
+In the same year he began to preach in the fields. See the remarkable
+entry in his <i>Journals</i>, p. 78, 29th March, 1739.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a> They frankly confess that &lsquo;indifference has been another
+enemy to the increase of the dissenting cause.&rsquo; <i>Bogue and Bennett's
+Hist. of the Dissenters</i>, vol. iv. p. 320. In <i>Newman's Development of
+Christian Doctrine</i>, pp. 39&ndash;43, there are some remarks on the diminished
+energy of Wesleyanism, which Mr. Newman seems to ascribe to the fact
+that the Wesleyans have reached that point in which &lsquo;order takes the
+place of enthusiasm.&rsquo; p. 43. This is probably true; but I still think
+that the larger cause has been the more active one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a> Walpole, in his sneering way, mentions the spread of
+Methodism in the middle of the eighteenth century (<i>Walpole's Letters</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 266, 272); and Lord Carlisle, in 1775, told the House of
+Lords (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xviii. p. 634) &lsquo;that Methodism was daily
+gaining ground, particularly in the manufacturing towns;&rsquo; while, to come
+down still later, it appears from a letter by the Duke of Wellington to
+Lord Eldon(<i>Twiss's Life of Eldon</i>, vol. ii. p. 35) that about 1808 it
+was making proselytes in the army.</p>
+
+<p>These statements, though accurate, are somewhat vague; but we have other
+and more precise evidence respecting the rapid growth of religious
+dissent. According to a paper found in one of the chests of William
+III., and printed by Dalrymple (<i>Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. part ii., appendix
+to chapter i. p. 40), the proportion in England of conformists to
+non-conformists was as 22<sup>4</sup>/<sub>5</sub> to 1. Eighty-four years after the death
+of William, the dissenters, instead of comprising only a twenty-third,
+were estimated at &lsquo;a fourth part of the whole community.&rsquo; Letter from
+Watson to the Duke of Rutland, written in 1786, in <i>Life of Watson,
+Bishop of Llandaff</i>, vol. i. p. 246. Since then, the movement has been
+uninterrupted; and the returns recently published by government disclose
+the startling fact, that on Sunday, 31st March 1851, the members of the
+Church of England who attended morning service only exceeded by one-half
+the Independents, Baptists, and Methodists who attended at their own
+places of worship. See the Census Table, in <i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i>
+vol. xviii. p. 151. If this rate of decline continues, it will be
+impossible for the Church of England to survive another century the
+attacks of her enemies.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a> The treatment which the Wesleyans received from the
+clergy, many of whom were magistrates, shows what would have taken place
+if such violence had not been discouraged by the government. See
+<i>Southey's Life of Wesley</i>, vol. i. pp. 395&ndash;406. Wesley has himself
+given many details, which Southey did not think proper to relate, of the
+calumnies and insults to which he and his followers were subjected by
+the clergy. See <i>Wesley's Journals</i>, pp. 114, 145, 178, 181, 198, 235,
+256, 275, 375, 562, 619, 637, 646. Compare <i>Watson's Observations on
+Southey's Wesley</i>, pp. 173, 174; and for other evidence of the
+treatment of those who differed from the church, see <i>Correspondence and
+Diary of Doddridge</i>, vol. ii. p. 17, vol. iii. pp. 108, 131, 132, 144,
+145, 156. Grosley, who visited England in 1765, says of Whitefield, &lsquo;The
+ministers of the established religion did their utmost to baffle the new
+preacher; they preached against him, representing him to the people as a
+fanatic, a visionary, &amp;c. &amp;c.; in fine, they opposed him with so much
+success, that they caused him to be pelted with stones in every place
+where he opened his mouth to the public.&rsquo; <i>Grosley's Tour to London</i>,
+Lond. 1772, vol. i. p. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a> That Wesleyanism encouraged dissent by imparting to it an
+orderly character, which in some degree approximated to
+church-discipline, is judiciously observed in <i>Bogue and Bennett's
+History of the Dissenters</i>, vol. iii. pp. 165, 166. But these writers
+deal rather too harshly with Wesley; though there is no doubt that he
+was a very ambitious man, and over-fond of power. At an early period of
+his career he began to aim at objects higher than those attempted by the
+Puritans, whose efforts, particularly in the sixteenth century, he
+looked at somewhat contemptuously. Thus, for instance, in 1747, only
+eight years after he had revolted against the church, he expresses in
+his Journal his wonder &lsquo;at the weakness of those holy confessors&rsquo; (the
+Elizabethan Puritans), &lsquo;many of whom spent so much of their time and
+strength in disputing about surplice and hoods, or kneeling at the
+Lord's Supper!&rsquo; <i>Journals</i>, p. 249, March 13th, 1747. Such warfare as
+this would have ill satisfied the soaring mind of Wesley; and from the
+spirit which pervades his voluminous Journals, as well as from the
+careful and far-seeing provisions which he made for managing his sect,
+it is evident that this great schismatic had larger views than any of
+his predecessors, and that he wished to organize a system capable of
+rivalling the established church.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a> Mr. Hallam (<i>Lit. of Europe</i>, vol. iii. p. 390) says,
+that Cumberland &lsquo;seems to have been the first Christian writer who
+sought to establish systematically the principles of moral right
+independently of revelation.&rsquo; See also, on this important change,
+<i>Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy in England</i>, pp. 12, 54. The
+dangers always incurred by making theology the basis of morals are now
+pretty well understood; but by no writer have they been pointed out more
+clearly than by M. Charles Comte: see the able exposition in his <i>Traité
+de Législation</i>, vol. i. pp. 223&ndash;247. There is a short and
+unsatisfactory account of Cumberland's book in <i>Mackintosh's Ethical
+Philosophy</i>, pp. 134&ndash;137. He was a man of considerable learning, and is
+noticed by M. Quatremère as one of the earliest students of Coptic.
+<i>Quatremère sur la Langue et la Littérature de l'Egypte</i>, p. 89. He was
+made a bishop in 1691, having published the <i>De Legibus</i> in 1672.
+<i>Chalmers's Biog. Dict.</i> vol. xi. pp. 133, 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a> This was in his work entitled <i>The Alliance between
+Church and State</i>, which first appeared, according to Hurd (<i>Life of
+Warburton</i>, 1794, 4to, p. 13), in 1736, and, as may be supposed, caused
+great scandal. The history of its influence I shall trace on another
+occasion; in the mean time, the reader should compare, respecting its
+tendency, <i>Palmer on the Church</i>, vol. ii. pp. 313, 322, 323; <i>Parr's
+Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 657, 665, vol. vii. p. 128; <i>Whately's Dangers to
+Christian Faith</i>, p. 190; and <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iii. p. 18. In
+January 1739&ndash;40, Warburton writes to Stukeley (<i>Nichols's
+Illustrations</i>, vol. ii. p. 53): &lsquo;But you know how dangerous new roads
+in theology are, by the clamour of the bigots against me.&rsquo; See also some
+letters which passed between him and the elder Pitt in 1762, on the
+subject of expediency, printed in <i>Chatham Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp. 184
+seq. Warburton writes, p. 190, &lsquo;My opinion is, and ever was, that the
+state has nothing at all to do with errors in religion, nor the least
+right so much as to attempt to repress them.&rsquo; To make such a man a
+bishop was a great feat for the eighteenth century, and would have been
+an impossible one for the seventeenth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a> The relation between Cumberland and Hume consists in the
+entirely secular plan according to which both investigated ethics; in
+other respects, there is great difference between their conclusions; but
+if the anti-theological method is admitted to be sound, it is certain
+that the treatment of the subject by Hume is more consequential from the
+premisses, than is that by his predecessor. It is this which makes Hume
+a continuator of Cumberland; though with the advantage, not only of
+coming half a century after him, but of possessing a more comprehensive
+mind. The ethical speculations of Hume are in the third book of his
+<i>Treatise of Human Nature</i> (<i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, Edin. 1826,
+vol. ii. pp. 219 seq.), and in his <i>Inquiry concerning the Principles of
+Morals</i>, ibid. vol. iv. pp. 237&ndash;365.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a> The moral system of Paley, being essentially utilitarian,
+completed the revolution in that field of inquiry; and as his work was
+drawn up with great ability, it exercised immense influence in an age
+already prepared for its reception. His <i>Moral and Political Philosophy</i>
+was published in 1785; in 1786 it became a standard book at Cambridge;
+and by 1805 it had &lsquo;passed through fifteen editions.&rsquo; <i>Meadley's Memoirs
+of Paley</i>, pp. 127, 145. Compare <i>Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy</i>,
+p. 176.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a> That the writings of these two eminent men form part of
+the same scheme, is well known to those who have studied the history of
+the school to which they belong; and on the intellectual relation they
+bore to each other, I cannot do better than refer to a very striking
+letter by James Mill himself, in <i>Bentham's Works</i>, edit. Bowring, vol.
+x. pp. 481, 482.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a> The repeal of the Test Act, the admission of Catholics
+into Parliament, and the steadily increasing feeling in favour of the
+admission of the Jews, are the leading symptoms of this great movement.
+On the gradual diffusion among us of the doctrine of expediency, which,
+on all subjects not yet raised to sciences, ought to be the sole
+regulator of human actions, see a remarkable, but a mournful letter,
+written in 1812, in the <i>Life of Wilberforce</i>, vol. iv. p. 28. See also
+the speech of Lord Eldon in 1828, in <i>Twiss's Life of Eldon</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a> From a curious passage in <i>Hutton's Life of Himself</i>, p.
+27, we learn that, in 1739, the scepticism of the Anti-Trinitarians had
+penetrated among the tradesmen at Nottingham. Compare, respecting the
+spread of this heresy, <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. viii. p. 375;
+<i>Priestley's Memoirs</i>, vol. i. pp. 25, 26, 53; <i>Doddridge's Correspond.
+and Diary</i>, vol. ii. p. 477, note; and on Peirce, who took an active
+part, and whom Whiston boasts of having corrupted, see <i>Whiston's
+Memoirs</i>, pp. 143, 144. Sharp, who was Archbishop of York when the
+controversy began, foresaw its dangerous consequences. <i>Life of Sharp</i>,
+edited by Newcome, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8, 135, 136. See further <i>Maclaine's
+note</i> in <i>Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist.</i> vol. ii. pp. 293, 294;
+<i>Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation</i>, pp. 338, 342, 351; and a note in
+<i>Butler's Reminisc.</i> vol. i. pp. 206, 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a> Mr. Butler (<i>Mem. of the Catholics</i>, vol. iii. pp.
+182&ndash;184, 347&ndash;350) notices with evident pleasure the effect of this
+famous controversy in weakening the Anglican Church. Compare <i>Bogue and
+Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters</i>, vol. iii. pp. 135&ndash;141. Whiston
+(<i>Memoirs</i>, p. 244) says: &lsquo;And, indeed, this Bangorian controversy
+seemed for a great while to engross the attention of the public.&rsquo; See
+more about it in <i>Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation</i>, pp. 372&ndash;383;
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. i. p. 152, vol. ix. pp. 433, 434, 516;
+<i>Nichols's Illustrations</i>, vol. i. p. 840; <i>Bishop Newton's Life of
+Himself</i>, pp. 177, 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a> <i>The Confessional</i>, a most able attack on the
+subscription of creeds and articles, was published in 1766; and,
+according to a contemporary observer, &lsquo;it excited a general spirit of
+inquiry.&rsquo; <i>Cappe's Memoirs</i>, pp. 147, 148. The consequence was, that in
+1772 a society was instituted by Blackburne and other clergy of the
+Church of England, with the avowed object of doing away with all
+subscriptions in religion. <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. i. p. 570;
+<i>Illustrations</i>, vol. vi. p. 854. A petition against the Articles was at
+once drawn up, signed by 200 clergy (<i>Adolphus's George III.</i> vol. i. p.
+506), and brought before the House of Commons. In the animated debate
+which followed, Sir William Meredith said that &lsquo;the Thirty-nine Articles
+of the Church of England were framed when the spirit of free inquiry,
+when liberal and enlarged notions, were yet in their infancy.&rsquo; <i>Parl.
+Hist.</i> vol. xvii. p. 246. He added, p. 247: &lsquo;Several of the Articles are
+absolutely unintelligible, and, indeed, contradictory and absurd.&rsquo; Lord
+George Germain said: &lsquo;In my apprehension, some of the Articles are
+incomprehensible, and some self-contradictory;&rsquo; p. 265. Mr. Sawbridge
+declared that the Articles are &lsquo;strikingly absurd;&rsquo; Mr. Salter that they
+are &lsquo;too absurd to be defended;&rsquo; and Mr. Dunning that they are &lsquo;palpably
+ridiculous,&rsquo; p. 294. For further information on this attempt at reform,
+see <i>Disney's Life of Jebb</i>, pp. 31&ndash;36; <i>Meadley's Mem. of Paley</i>, pp.
+88&ndash;94; <i>Hodgson's Life of Porteus</i>, pp. 38&ndash;40; <i>Memoirs of Priestley</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 582; and a characteristic notice in <i>Palmer's Treatise on
+the Church</i>, vol. i. pp. 270, 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a> Hume says, that on his return from Italy in 1749, he
+found &lsquo;all England in a ferment on account of Dr. Middleton's <i>Free
+Inquiry</i>.&rsquo; <i>Hume's Life of Himself</i>, in his <i>Works</i>, vol. i. p. 7. See
+also, on the excitement caused by this masterly attack, <i>Nichols's
+Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. ii. p. 176; which should
+be compared with <i>Doddridge's Correspond.</i> vol. iv. pp. 536, 537: and on
+the &lsquo;miraculous controversy&rsquo; in general, see <i>Porteus's Life of Secker</i>,
+1797, p. 38; <i>Phillimore's Mem. of Lyttleton</i>, vol. i. p. 161;
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. ii. pp. 440, 527, vol. iii. pp. 535, 750,
+vol. v. pp. 417, 418, 600; <i>Hull's Letters</i>, 1778, vol. i. p. 109;
+<i>Warburton's Letters to Hurd</i>, pp. 49, 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a> <i>Gibbon's Decline and Fall</i> has now been jealously
+scrutinized by two generations of eager and unscrupulous opponents; and
+I am only expressing the general opinion of competent judges when I say,
+that by each successive scrutiny it has gained fresh reputation. Against
+his celebrated fifteenth and sixteenth chapters, all the devices of
+controversy have been exhausted; but the only result has been, that
+while the fame of the historian is untarnished, the attacks of his
+enemies are falling into complete oblivion. The work of Gibbon remains;
+but who is there who feels any interest in what was written against
+him?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a> On the effect produced by these matchless letters of
+Porson, see <i>Harford's Life of Bishop Burgess</i>, p. 374; and as to the
+previous agitation of the question in England, see <i>Calamy's Own Life</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 442, 443; <i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>, vol. ii. pp. 16&ndash;19,
+146, 286&ndash;289; <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p. 211. Compare <i>Somers
+Tracts</i>, vol. xii. p. 137, vol. xiii. p. 458.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a> The sceptical character of geology was first clearly
+exhibited during the last thirty years of the eighteenth century.
+Previously, the geologists had, for the most part, allied themselves
+with the theologians; but the increasing boldness of public opinion now
+enabled them to institute independent investigations, without regard to
+doctrines hitherto received. In this point of view, much was effected by
+the researches of Hutton, whose work, says Sir Charles Lyell, contains
+the first attempt &lsquo;to explain the former changes of the earth's crust by
+reference exclusively to natural agents.&rsquo; <i>Lyell's Principles of
+Geology</i>, p. 50. To establish this method was, of course, to dissolve
+the alliance with the theologians; but an earlier symptom of the change
+was seen in 1773, that is, fifteen years before Hutton wrote: see a
+letter in <i>Watson's Life of Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 402, where it is stated
+that the &lsquo;freethinkers&rsquo; attacked the &lsquo;Mosaic account of the world's
+age, especially since the publication of Mr. Brydone's <i>Travels Through
+Sicily and Malta</i>.&rsquo; According to Lowndes (<i>Bibliographer's Manual</i>, vol.
+i. p. 279), Brydone's book was published in 1773; and in 1784 Sir
+William Jones notices the tendency of these inquiries: see his
+<i>Discourse on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India</i>, in which he
+observes (<i>Works</i>, vol. i. p. 233) with regret, that he lived in &lsquo;an age
+when some intelligent and virtuous persons are inclined to doubt the
+authenticity of the accounts delivered by Moses concerning the primitive
+world.&rsquo; Since then, the progress of geology has been so rapid, that the
+historical value of the writings of Moses is abandoned by all
+enlightened men, even among the clergy themselves. I need only refer to
+what has been said by two of the most eminent of that profession, Dr.
+Arnold and Mr. Baden Powell. See the observations of Arnold in <i>Newman's
+Phases of Faith</i>, p. 111 (compare pp. 122, 123); and the still more
+decisive remarks in <i>Powell's Sermons on Christianity without Judaism</i>,
+1856, pp. 38, 39. For other instances, see <i>Lyell's Second Visit to the
+United States</i>, 1849, vol. i. pp. 219, 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a> It is usually supposed that Sunday-schools were began by
+Raikes, in 1781; but, though he appears to have been the first to
+organize them on a suitable scale, there is no doubt that they were
+established by Lindsey, in or immediately after 1765. See <i>Cappe's
+Memoir's</i>, pp. 118, 122; <i>Harford's Life of Burgess</i>, p. 92; <i>Nichols's
+Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iii. pp. 430, 431, vol. ix. p. 540; <i>Chalmers's Biog.
+Dict.</i> vol. xxv. p. 485; <i>Journ. of Stat. Soc.</i> vol. x. p. 196, v. xiii.
+p. 265; <i>Hodgson's Life of Porteus</i>, p. 92. It is said, in <i>Spencer's
+Social Statics</i>, p. 343, that the clergy of the Church of England were,
+as a body, opposed to the establishment of Sunday-schools. (Compare
+<i>Watson's Observations on Southey's Wesley</i>, p. 149.) At all events,
+they increased rapidly, and by the end of the century had become common.
+See <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. v. pp. 678, 679; <i>Nichols's
+Illustrations</i>, vol. i. p. 460; <i>Life of Wilberforce</i>, vol. i. p. 180,
+vol. ii. p. 296; <i>Wesley's Journals</i>, pp. 806, 897.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a> Mr. Hunt (<i>Hist. of Newspapers</i>, vol. i. p. 273) makes no
+mention of Sunday newspapers earlier than a notice by Crabbe in 1785;
+but in 1799, Lord Belgrave said, in the House of Commons, that they
+first appeared &lsquo;about the year 1780.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxiv. p. 1006.
+In 1799, Wilberforce tried to have a law enacted to suppress them. <i>Life
+of Wilberforce</i>, vol. ii. pp. 338, 424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a> When Franklin came to London, in 1725, there was not a
+single circulating library in the metropolis. See <i>Franklin's Life of
+Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 64; and, in 1697, &lsquo;the only library in London which
+approached the nature of a public library was that of Sion College,
+belonging to the London clergy.&rsquo; <i>Ellis's Letters of Literary Men</i>, p.
+245. The exact date of the earliest circulating library I have not yet
+ascertained; but, according to Southey (<i>The Doctor</i>, edit. Warter,
+1848, p. 271), the first set up in London was about the middle of the
+eighteenth century, by Samuel Fancourt. Hutton (<i>Life of Himself</i>, p.
+279) says, &lsquo;I was the first who opened a circulating library in
+Birmingham, in 1751.&rsquo; Other notices of them, during the latter half of
+the century, will be found in <i>Coleridge's Biographia Literaria</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 329, edit. 1847; <i>Leigh Hunt's Autobiography</i>, vol. i. p. 260;
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iii. pp. 648, 682; <i>Nichols's
+Illustrations</i>, vol. i. p. 424; <i>Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy</i>,
+p. 190; <i>Sinclair's Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 143. Indeed, they increased
+so rapidly, that some wise men proposed to tax them, &lsquo;by a licence, at
+the rate of 2<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> per 100 volumes per annum.&rsquo; <i>Sinclair's Hist. of
+the Revenue</i>, vol. iii. p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a> In 1746, Gent, the well-known printer, wrote his own
+life. In this curious work, he states, that in 1714 there were &lsquo;few
+printers in England, except London, at that time; none then, I am sure,
+at Chester, Liverpool, Whitehaven, Preston, Manchester, Kendal, and
+Leeds, as for the most part now abound.&rsquo; <i>Life of Thomas Gent</i>, pp. 20,
+21. (Compare a list of country printing-houses, in 1724, in <i>Nichols's
+Lit. Anec.</i> vol. i. p. 289.) How this state of things was remedied, is a
+most important inquiry for the historian; but in this note I can only
+give a few illustrations of the condition of different districts. The
+first printing-office in Rochester was established by Fisher, who died
+in 1786 (<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iii. p. 675); the first in Whitby,
+was in 1770 (<i>Illustrations</i>, vol. iii. p. 787); and Richard Greene, who
+died in 1793, &lsquo;was the first who brought a printing-press to Lichfield&rsquo;
+(<i>Ibid.</i> vol. vi. p. 320). In the reign of Anne, there was not a single
+bookseller in Birmingham (<i>Southey's Commonplace Book</i>, 1st series,
+1849, p. 568); but, in 1749, we find a printer established there
+(<i>Hull's Letters</i>, Lond. 1778, vol. i. p. 92); and, in 1774, there was a
+printer even in Falkirk (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvii. p. 1099). In other
+parts the movement was slower; and we are told that, about 1780, &lsquo;there
+was scarcely a bookseller in Cornwall.&rsquo; <i>Life of Samuel Drew, by his
+Son</i>, 1834, pp. 40, 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a> Desaguliers and Hill were the two first writers who gave
+themselves up to popularizing physical truths. At the beginning of the
+reign of George I. Desaguliers was &lsquo;the first who read lectures in
+London on experimental philosophy.&rsquo; <i>Southey's Commonplace Book</i>, 3d
+series, 1850, p. 77. See also <i>Penny Cyclopædia</i>, vol. viii. p. 430;
+and, on his elementary works, compare <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. vi. p.
+81. As to Hill, he is said to have set the example of publishing popular
+scientific works in numbers; a plan so well suited to that inquisitive
+age, that, if we believe Horace Walpole, he &lsquo;earned fifteen guineas a
+week.&rsquo; <i>Letter to Henry Zouch</i>, January 3rd, 1761, in <i>Walpole's
+Letters</i>, vol. iv. p. 117, edit. 1840.</p>
+
+<p>In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the demand for books on
+the natural sciences rapidly increased (see, among many other instances
+which might be quoted, a note in <i>Pulteney's Hist. of Botany</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 180); and, early in the reign of George III., Priestley began to
+write popularly on physical subjects. (<i>Memoirs of Priestley</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 288, 289.) Goldsmith did something in the same direction (<i>Prior's
+Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. pp. 414, 469, vol. ii. p. 198); and Pennant,
+whose earliest work appeared in 1766, was &lsquo;the first who treated the
+natural history of Britain in a popular and interesting style.&rsquo;
+<i>Swainson on the Study of Natural History</i>, p. 50. In the reign of
+George II., publishers began to encourage elementary works on chemistry.
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. ix. p. 763.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a> In 1704, 1708, and 1710, Harris published his <i>Dictionary
+of Arts and Sciences</i>; and from this, according to <i>Nichols's Lit.
+Anec.</i> vol. ix. pp. 770, 771, has &lsquo;originated all the other dictionaries
+and cyclopædias that have since appeared.&rsquo; Compare vol. v. p. 659; and
+<i>Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters</i>, vol. iv. p. 500.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a> Late in the seventeenth century, an attempt was first
+made in England to establish literary journals. <i>Hallam's Lit. of
+Europe</i>, vol. iii. p. 539; and <i>Dibdin's Bibliomania</i>, 1842, p. 16. But
+reviews, as we now understand the word, meaning a critical publication,
+were unknown before the accession of George II.; but, about the middle
+of his reign, they began to increase. Compare <i>Wright's England under
+the House of Hanover</i>, 1848, vol. i. p. 304, with <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i>
+vol. iii. pp. 507, 508. At an earlier period, the functions of reviews
+were performed, as Monk says, by pamphlets. <i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>,
+vol. i. p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a> As we find from many casual notices of book clubs and
+book societies. See, for example, <i>Doddridge's Correspond.</i> vol. ii. pp.
+57, 119; <i>Jesse's Life of Selwyn</i>, vol. ii. p. 23; <i>Nichols's
+Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. v. pp. 184, 824, 825;
+<i>Wakefield's Life of Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 528; <i>Memoirs of Sir J. E.
+Smith</i>, vol. i. p. 8; <i>Life of Roscoe, by his Son</i>, vol. i. p. 228
+(though this last was perhaps a circulating library).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a> &lsquo;Numerous associations or clubs, composed principally of
+reading men of the lower ranks.&rsquo; <i>Life of Dr. Currie, by his Son</i>, vol.
+i. p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a> Of which the most remarkable was that called the
+Robin-Hood Society; respecting which the reader should compare
+<i>Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors</i>, vol. vi. p. 373; <i>Grosley's
+London</i>, vol. i. p. 150; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvii. p. 301; <i>Southey's
+Commonplace Book</i>, 4th series, p. 339; <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>,
+vol. i. p. 310; <i>Prior's Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. i. pp. 419, 420;
+<i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 75; <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iii. p.
+154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a> &lsquo;From the summer of 1769 is to be dated the first
+establishment of public meetings in England.&rsquo; <i>Albemarle's Mem. of
+Rockingham</i>, vol. ii. p. 93. &lsquo;Public meetings, &hellip; through which the
+people might declare their newly-acquired consciousness of power, &hellip;
+cannot be distinctly traced higher than the year 1769; but they were now
+(<i>i.e.</i> in 1770) of daily occurrence.&rsquo; <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 187. See also <i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a> The most interesting trials were first noticed in
+newspapers towards the end of the reign of George II. <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, vol. v. p. 52, vol. vi. p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">[774]</span></a> In 1696, the only newspapers were weekly; and the first
+daily paper appeared in the reign of Anne. Compare <i>Simmonds's Essay on
+Newspapers</i>, in <i>Journal of Statist. Society</i>, vol. iv. p. 113, with
+<i>Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers</i>, vol. i. pp. 167, 175, vol. ii. p. 90; and
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i> vol. iv. p. 80. In 1710, they, instead of merely
+communicating news, as heretofore, began to take part in &lsquo;the discussion
+of political topics&rsquo; (<i>Hallam's Const. Hist.</i> vol. ii. p. 443); and, as
+this change had been preceded a very few years by the introduction of
+cheap political pamphlets (see a curious passage in <i>Wilson's Life of De
+Foe</i>, vol. ii. p. 29), it became evident that a great movement was at
+hand in regard to the diffusion of such inquiries. Within twenty years
+after the death of Anne, the revolution was completed; and the press,
+for the first time in the history of the world, was made an exponent of
+public opinion. The earliest notice of this new power which I have met
+in parliament, is in a speech delivered by Danvers, in
+1738; which is worth quoting, both because it marks an epoch, and
+because it is characteristic of that troublesome class to which the man
+belonged. &lsquo;But I believe,&rsquo; says this distinguished legislator,&mdash;&lsquo;but I
+believe the people of Great Britain are governed by a power that never
+was heard of, as a supreme authority, in any age or country before. This
+power, sir, does not consist in the absolute will of the prince, in the
+direction of parliament, in the strength of an army, in the influence of
+the clergy, neither, sir, is it a petticoat government: but, sir, it is
+the government of the press. The stuff which our weekly newspapers are
+filled with, is received with greater reverence than acts of parliament;
+and the sentiments of one of these scribblers have more weight with the
+multitude than the opinion of the best politician in the kingdom.&rsquo;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. x. p. 448.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">[775]</span></a> This great contest was brought to a close in 1771 and
+1772; when, as Lord Campbell says, &lsquo;the right of publishing
+parliamentary debates was substantially established.&rsquo; <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, vol. v. p. 511, vol. vi. p. 90. For further information
+respecting this important victory, see <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol.
+iii. pp. 179-184; <i>Almon's Correspond. of Wilkes</i>, 1805, vol. v. p. 63;
+<i>Stephens's Mem. of Tooke</i>, vol. i. pp. 329&ndash;351; <i>Mahon's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. v. p. 290; and, on its connexion with <i>Junius's Letters</i>,
+see <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>, vol. ii. pp. 183, 184.</p>
+
+<p>George III., always consistent and always wrong, strenuously opposed
+this extension of the popular rights. In 1771, he wrote to Lord North:
+&lsquo;It is highly necessary that this strange and lawless method of
+publishing debates in the papers should be put a stop to. But is not the
+House of Lords the best court to bring such miscreants before; as it can
+fine, as well as imprison, and has broader shoulders to support the
+odium of so salutary a measure?&rsquo; <i>App. to Mahon</i>, vol. v. p. xlviii.;
+and <i>note</i> in <i>Walpole's George III.</i> vol. iv. p. 280, where the words,
+&lsquo;in the papers,&rsquo; are omitted; but I copy the letter, as printed by Lord
+Mahon. In other respects, both versions are the same; so that we now
+know the idea George III. had of what constituted a miscreant.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">[776]</span></a> Lord John Russell, in his work on the <i>History of the
+English Constitution</i>, says: &lsquo;Dr. Jebb, and after him Mr. Cartwright,
+broached the theory of personal representation;&rsquo; but this appears to be
+a mistake, since the theory is said to have been first put forward by
+Cartwright, in 1776. Compare <i>Russell on the Constitution</i>, 1821, pp.
+240, 241, with <i>Life and Corresp. of Cartwright</i>, 1826, vol. i. pp. 91,
+92. A letter in the <i>Life of Dr. Currie</i>, vol. ii. pp. 307&ndash;314, shows
+the interest which even sober and practical men were beginning to feel
+in the doctrine before the end of the century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">[777]</span></a> On this I have a philological remark of some
+interest,&mdash;namely, that there is reason to believe that &lsquo;the word
+&ldquo;independence,&rdquo; in its modern acceptation,&rsquo; does not occur in our
+language before the early part of the eighteenth century. See <i>Hare's
+Guesses at Truth</i>, 2nd series, 1848, p. 262. A similar change, though at
+a later period, took place in France. See the observations on the word
+&lsquo;individualisme,&rsquo; in <i>Tocqueville</i>, <i>Démocratie en Amérique</i>, vol. iv.
+p. 156; and in the later work, by the same author, <i>L'Ancien Régime</i>,
+Paris, 1856, pp. 148, 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">[778]</span></a> Archbishop Whately (<i>Dangers to Christian Faith</i>, pp. 76,
+77) says: &lsquo;Neither the attacks on our religion, nor the evidences in its
+support, were, to any great extent, brought forward in a popular form,
+till near the close of the last century. On both sides, the learned (or
+those who professed to be such) seem to have agreed in this,&mdash;that the
+mass of the people were to acquiesce in the decision of their superiors,
+and neither should, nor could, exercise their own minds on the
+question.&rsquo; This is well put, and quite true; and should be compared with
+the complaint in <i>Wakefield's Life of Himself</i>, vol. ii. p. 21;
+<i>Nichols's Lit. Anec. of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. viii. p. 144; and
+<i>Hodgson's Life of Bishop Porteus</i>, pp. 73, 74, 122, 125, 126. See also
+a speech by Mansfield, in 1781 (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxii. p. 265), when
+an attempt was made to put down the &lsquo;Theological Society.&rsquo; The whole
+debate is worth reading; not on account of its merits, but because it
+supplies evidence of the prevailing spirit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">[779]</span></a> Coleridge (<i>Lit. Remains</i>, vol. i. pp. 230 seq.) has made
+some interesting remarks on the vicissitudes of English style; and he
+justly observes, p. 238, that, &lsquo;after the Revolution, the spirit of the
+nation became much more commercial than it had been before; a learned
+body, or clerisy, as such, gradually disappeared; and literature in
+general began to be addressed to the common, miscellaneous public.&rsquo; He
+goes on to lament this change; though, in that, I disagree with him. See
+also <i>The Friend</i>, vol. i. p. 19, where he contrasts the modern style
+with &lsquo;the stately march and difficult evolutions&rsquo; of the great writers
+of the seventeenth century. Compare, on this alteration, the preface to
+Nader Shah, in <i>Works of Sir W. Jones</i>, vol. v. p. 544. See also, in
+<i>Harford's Life of Burgess</i>, pp. 40, 41, a curious letter from Monboddo,
+the last of our really great pedants, mourning over this characteristic
+of modern composition. He terms it contemptuously a &lsquo;short cut of a
+style;&rsquo; and wishes to return to &lsquo;the true ancient taste,&rsquo; with plenty of
+&lsquo;parentheses!&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The truth is, that this movement was merely part of that tendency to
+approximate the different classes of society which was first clearly
+seen in the eighteenth century, and which influenced not only the style
+of author, but also their social habits. Hume observes that, in the
+&lsquo;last age,&rsquo; learned men had separated themselves too much from the
+world; but that, in his time, they were becoming more &lsquo;conversible.&rsquo;
+<i>Essay V.</i>, in <i>Hume's Philosophical Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 539, 540. That
+&lsquo;philosophers&rsquo; were growing men of the world, is also noticed in a
+curious passage in <i>Alciphron</i>, dial. i., in <i>Berkeley's Works</i>, vol. i.
+p. 312; and, respecting the general social amalgamation, see a letter to
+the Countess of Bute, in 1753, in <i>Works of Lady Mary Montagu</i>, edit.
+1803, vol. iv. pp. 194, 195. As to the influence of Addison, who led the
+way in establishing the easy, and therefore democratic, style, and who,
+more than any single writer, made literature popular, compare <i>Aikin's
+Life of Addison</i>, vol. ii. p. 65, with <i>Turner's Hist. of England</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 7. Subsequently a reaction was attempted by Johnson, Gibbon, and
+Parr; but this, being contrary to the spirit of the age, was
+short-lived.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">[780]</span></a> And the servility was, for the most part, well paid;
+indeed, rewarded far more than it was worth. During the sixteenth,
+seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth century, a sum of money
+was invariably presented to the author in return for his dedication. Of
+course, the grosser the flattery, the larger the sum. On the relation
+thus established between authors and men of rank, and on the eagerness
+with which even eminent writers looked to their patrons for gratuities,
+varying from 40<i>s.</i> to 100<i>l.</i>, see <i>Drake's Shakespeare and his Times</i>,
+1817, 4to. vol. ii. p. 225; <i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>, vol. i. pp. 194,
+309; <i>Whiston's Memoirs</i>, p. 203; <i>Nichols's Illustrations</i>, vol. ii. p.
+709; <i>Harris's Life of Hardwicke</i>, vol. iii. p. 35; <i>Bunbury's Life of
+Hanmer</i>, p. 81. Compare a note in <i>Burton's Diary</i>, vol. iii. p. 52; and
+as to the importance of fixing on a proper person to whom to dedicate,
+see <i>Ellis's Letters Lit. Men</i>, pp. 231&ndash;234; and the matter-of-fact
+remark in <i>Bishop Newton's Life</i>, p. 14; also, <i>Hughes's Letters</i>, edit.
+1773, vol. iii. p. xxxi. appendix.</p>
+
+<p>About the middle of the eighteenth century was the turning-point of this
+deplorable condition; and Watson, for instance, in 1769, laid it down as
+a rule, &lsquo;never to dedicate to those from whom I expected favours.&rsquo;
+<i>Watson's Life of Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 54. So, too, Warburton, in 1758,
+boasts that his dedication was not, as usual, &lsquo;occupied by trifles or
+falsehoods.&rsquo; See his letter, in <i>Chatham Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 315.
+Nearly at the same period, the same change was effected in France, where
+D'Alembert set the example of ridiculing the old custom. See <i>Brougham's
+Men of Letters</i>, vol. ii. pp. 439, 440; <i>Correspond. de Madame
+Dudeffand</i>, vol. ii. p. 148; and <i>&#338;uvres de Voltaire</i>, vol. xl. p.
+41, vol. lxi. p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">[781]</span></a> When Le Blanc visited England, in the middle of the reign
+of George II., the custom of authors relying upon the patronage of
+individuals was beginning to die away, and the plan of publishing by
+subscription had become general. See the interesting details in <i>Le
+Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres d'un Français</i>, vol. i. pp. 305&ndash;308; and for the former
+state of things, see vol. ii. pp. 148&ndash;153. Burke, who came to London in
+1750, observes, with surprise, that &lsquo;writers of the first talents are
+left to the capricious patronage of the public. Notwithstanding
+discouragement, literature is cultivated to a high degree.&rsquo; <i>Prior's
+Life of Burke</i>, p. 21. This increasing independence also appears from
+the fact that, in 1762, we find the first instance of a popular writer
+attacking public men by name; authors having previously confined
+themselves &lsquo;to the initials only of the great men whom they assailed.&rsquo;
+<i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. v. p. 19. The feud between literature
+and rank may be further illustrated by an entry in Holcroft's Diary for
+1798, <i>Mem. of Holcroft</i>, vol. iii. p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">[782]</span></a> In England, the marked increase in the number of books
+took place during the latter half of the eighteenth century, and
+particularly after 1756. See some valuable evidence in <i>Journal of the
+Statistical Society</i>, vol. iii. pp. 383, 384. To this I may add, that
+between 1753 and 1792, the circulation of newspapers was more than
+doubled. <i>Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers</i>, vol. i. p. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">[783]</span></a> The apparent caprice and irregularity in small numbers
+arise from the perturbations produced by the operation of minor and
+usually unknown laws. In large numbers, these perturbations have a
+tendency to balance each other; and this I take to be the sole
+foundation of the accuracy obtained by striking an average. If we could
+refer all phenomena to their laws, we should never use averages. Of
+course, the expression <i>capricious</i> is, strictly speaking, inaccurate,
+and is merely a measure of our ignorance.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">[784]</span></a> The temporary political reaction under Anne is well
+related by Lord Cowper, in his <i>Hist. of Parties</i>, printed in appendix
+to <i>Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors</i>, vol. iv. p. 411, 412. This
+able work of Lord Campbell's, though rather inaccurate for the earlier
+period, is particularly valuable for the history of the eighteenth
+century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">[785]</span></a> See <i>Reminiscences of the Courts of George I. and George
+II. by Horace Walpole</i>, pp. lv. xciv.; and <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 100, 235. The fault of George II. was in his bad
+pronunciation of English; but George I. was not even able to pronounce
+it badly, and could only converse with his minister, Sir Robert Walpole,
+in Latin. The French court saw this state of things with great pleasure;
+and in December 1714, Madame de Maintenon wrote to the Princess des
+Ursins (<i>Lettres inédites de Maintenon</i>, vol. iii. p. 157): &lsquo;On dit que
+le nouveau roi d'Angleterre se dégoûte de ses sujets, et que ses sujets
+sont dégoûtés de lui. Dieu veuille remettre le tout en meilleur ordre!&rsquo;
+On the effect this produced on the language spoken at the English court,
+compare <i>Le Blanc</i>, <i>Lettres d'un Français</i>, vol. i. p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">[786]</span></a> In 1715, Leslie writes respecting George I., that he is
+&lsquo;a stranger to you, and altogether ignorant of your language, your laws,
+customs, and constitution.&rsquo; <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xiii. p. 703.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">[787]</span></a> Great light has been thrown upon the character of George
+II. by the recent publication of <i>Lord Hervey's Memoirs</i>; a curious
+work, which fully confirms what we know from other sources respecting
+the king's ignorance of English politics. Indeed, that prince cared for
+nothing but soldiers and women; and his highest ambition was to combine
+the reputation of a great general with that of a successful libertine.
+Besides the testimony of Lord Hervey, it is certain, from other
+authorities, that George II. was despised as well as disliked, and was
+spoken of contemptuously by observers of his character, and even by his
+own ministers. See the <i>Marchmont Papers</i>, vol. i. pp. 29, 181, 187.</p>
+
+<p>In reference to the decline of the royal authority, it is important to
+observe, that since the accession of George I. none of our sovereigns
+have been allowed to be present at state deliberations. See <i>Bancroft's
+American Revolution</i>, vol. ii. p. 47, and <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 191.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">[788]</span></a> See the remarks said to be written by Bishop Atterbury,
+in <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xiii. p. 534, contrasting the affection Anne
+felt for the church with the coldness of George I. The whole of the
+pamphlet (pp. 521&ndash;541) ought to be read. It affords a curious picture of
+a baffled churchman.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">[789]</span></a> The ill-feeling which the Church of England generally
+bore against the government of the two first Georges was openly
+displayed, and was so pertinaceous as to form a leading fact in the
+history of England. In 1722, Bishop Atterbury was arrested, because he
+was known to be engaged in a treasonable conspiracy with the Pretender.
+As soon as he was seized, the church offered up prayers for him. &lsquo;Under
+the pretence,&rsquo; says Lord Mahon,&mdash;&lsquo;under the pretence of his being
+afflicted with the gout, he was publicly prayed for in most of the
+churches of London and Westminster.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 38. See also <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vii. p. 988, and vol. viii. p.
+347.</p>
+
+<p>At Oxford, where the clergy have long been in the ascendant, they made
+such efforts to instill their principles as to call down the indignation
+of the elder Pitt, who, in a speech in Parliament in 1754, denounced
+that university, which he said had for many years &lsquo;been raising a
+succession of treason&mdash;there never was such a seminary!'&rsquo;<i>Walpole's Mem.
+of George II.</i> vol. i. p. 413. Compare the <i>Bedford Correspondence</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 594, 595, with <i>Harris's Life of Hardwicke</i>, vol. ii. p.
+383; and on the temper of the clergy generally after the death of Anne,
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vii. pp. 541, 542; <i>Bowles's Life of Ken</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 188, 189; <i>Monk's Life of Bentley</i>, vol. i. pp. 370, 426.</p>
+
+<p>The immediate consequence of this was very remarkable. For the
+government and the dissenters, being both opposed by the church,
+naturally combined together: the dissenters using all their influence
+against the Pretender, and the government protecting them against
+ecclesiastical prosecutions. See evidence of this in <i>Doddridge's
+Correspond. and Diary</i>, vol. i. p. 30, vol. ii. p. 321, vol. iii. pp.
+110, 125, vol. iv. pp. 428, 436, 437; <i>Hutton's Life of Himself</i>, pp.
+159, 160; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxviii. pp. 11, 393, vol. xxix. pp. 1434,
+1463; <i>Memoirs of Priestley</i>, vol. ii. p. 506; <i>Life of Wakefield</i>, vol.
+i. p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">[790]</span></a> &lsquo;The year 1762 forms an era in the history of the two
+factions, since it witnessed the destruction of that monopoly of honours
+and emoluments which the Whigs had held for forty-five years.&rsquo; <i>Cooke's
+Hist. of Party</i>, vol. ii. p. 406. Compare <i>Albemarle's Memoirs of
+Rockingham</i>, vol. ii. p. 92. Lord Bolingbroke clearly foresaw what would
+happen in consequence of the accession of George I. Immediately after
+the death of Anne, he wrote to the Bishop of Rochester: &lsquo;But the grief
+of my soul is this, I see plainly that the Tory party is gone.&rsquo;
+<i>Macpherson's Original Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 651.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">[791]</span></a> Grosley, who visited England only five years after the
+accession of George III., mentions the great effect produced upon the
+English when they heard the king pronounce their language without &lsquo;a
+foreign accent.&rsquo; <i>Grosley's Tour to London</i>, vol. ii. p. 106. It is well
+known that the king, in his first speech, boasted of being a Briton; but
+what is, perhaps, less generally known is, that the honour was on the
+side of the country: &lsquo;What a lustre,&rsquo; said the House of Lords in their
+address to him,&mdash;&lsquo;what a lustre does it cast upon the name of Briton
+when you, sir, are pleased to esteem it amongst your glories!&rsquo; <i>Parl.
+Hist.</i> vol. xv. p. 986.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">[792]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxix. p. 955; <i>Walpole's Mem. of
+George III.</i> vol. i. pp. 4, 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">[793]</span></a> The accession of George III. is generally fixed on as the
+period when English Jacobinism became extinct. See <i>Butler's
+Reminiscences</i>, vol. ii. p. 92. At the first court held by the new king,
+it was observed, says Horace Walpole, that &lsquo;the Earl of Litchfield, Sir
+Walter Bagot, and the principal Jacobites went to court.&rsquo; <i>Walpole's
+Mem. of George III.</i> vol. i. p. 14. Only three years earlier the
+Jacobites had been active; and in 1757, Rigby writes to the Duke of
+Bedford: &lsquo;Fox's election at Windsor is very doubtful. There is a
+Jacobite subscription of 5,000<i>l.</i> raised against him, with Sir James
+Dashwood's name at the head of it.&rsquo; <i>Bedford Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p.
+261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">[794]</span></a> Charles Stuart was so stupidly ignorant, that at the age
+of twenty-five he could hardly write, and was altogether unable to
+spell. <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii. pp. 165, 166, and appendix,
+p. ix. After the death of his father, in 1766, this abject creature, who
+called himself king of England, went to Rome, and took to drinking.
+<i>Ibid.</i> vol. iii. pp. 351&ndash;353. In 1779, Swinburne saw him at Florence,
+where he used to appear every night at the opera, perfectly drunk.
+<i>Swinburne's Courts of Europe</i>, vol. i. pp. 253&ndash;255; and in 1787, only
+the year before he died, he continued the same degrading practice. See a
+letter from Sir J. E. Smith, written from Naples in March 1787, in
+<i>Smith's Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 208. Another letter, written as early
+as 1761 (<i>Grenville Papers</i>, vol. i. p. 366), describes &lsquo;the young
+Pretender always drunk.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">[795]</span></a> On the connexion between the decline of the Stuart
+interest and the increased power of the crown under George III., compare
+<i>Thoughts on the Present Discontents</i>, in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. pp.
+127, 128, with <i>Watson's Life of Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 136; and for an
+intimation that this result was expected, see <i>Grosley's London</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">[796]</span></a> <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. v. p. 245: &lsquo;The divine
+indefeasible right of kings became the favourite theme&mdash;in total
+forgetfulness of its incompatibility with the parliamentary title of the
+reigning monarch.&rsquo; Horace Walpole (<i>Mem. of George III.</i> vol. i. p. 16)
+says, that in 1760 &lsquo;prerogative became a fashionable word.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">[797]</span></a> The respect George III. always displayed for
+church-ceremonies formed of itself a marked contrast with the
+indifference of his immediate predecessors; and the change was
+gratefully noticed. Compare <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. v. pp. 54,
+55, with the extract from Archbishop Secker, in <i>Bancroft's American
+Revolution</i>, vol. i. p. 440. For other evidence of the admiration both
+parties felt and openly expressed for each other, see an address from
+the bishop and clergy of St. Asaph (<i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. vii. p. 352),
+and a letter from the king to Pitt (<i>Russell's Memorials of Fox</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 251), which should be compared with <i>Priestley's Memoirs</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 137, 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">[798]</span></a> The education of George III. had been shamefully
+neglected; and when he arrived at manhood he never attempted to repair
+its deficiencies, but remained during his long life in a state of
+pitiable ignorance. Compare <i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. i. pp. 13&ndash;15;
+<i>Walpole's Mem. of George III.</i> vol. i. p. 55; <i>Mahon's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. iv. pp. 54, 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">[799]</span></a> See some good remarks by Lord John Russell in his
+Introduction to the <i>Bedford Correspondence</i>, vol. iii. p. lxii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">[800]</span></a> In a motion for reform in Parliament in 1782, he declared
+that it was &lsquo;essentially necessary.&rsquo; See his speech, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xxii. p. 1418. In 1784 he mentioned &lsquo;the necessity of a
+parliamentary reform,&rsquo; vol. xxiv. p. 349; see also pp. 998, 999. Compare
+<i>Disney's Life of Jebb</i>, p. 209. Nor is it true, as some have said, that
+he afterwards abandoned the cause of reform because the times were
+unfavourable to it. On the contrary, he, in a speech delivered in 1800,
+said (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxv. p. 47): &lsquo;Upon this subject, sir, I think
+it right to state the inmost thoughts of my mind; I think it right to
+declare my most decided opinion, that, <i>even if the times were proper
+for experiments, any, even the slightest, change in such a constitution
+must be considered as an evil</i>.&rsquo; It is remarkable that, even as early as
+1783, Paley appears to have suspected the sincerity of Pitt's
+professions in favour of reform. See <i>Meadley's Memoirs of Paley</i>, p.
+121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">[801]</span></a> In 1794 Grey taunted him with this in the House of
+Commons: &lsquo;William Pitt, the reformer of that day, was William Pitt, the
+prosecutor, ay and persecutor too, of reformers now.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxxi. p. 532; compare vol. xxxiii. p. 659. So, too, Lord Campbell
+(<i>Chief-Justices</i>, vol. ii. p. 544): &lsquo;He afterwards tried to hang a few
+of his brother reformers who continued steady in the cause.&rsquo; See
+further, on this damning fact in the career of Pitt, <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, vol. vii. p. 105; <i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. ii. p. 21;
+<i>Belsham's History</i>, vol. ix. pp. 79, 242; <i>Life of Cartwright</i>, vol. i.
+p. 198; and even a letter from the mild and benevolent Roscoe, in <i>Life
+of Roscoe, by his Son</i>, vol. i. p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">[802]</span></a> Such was the king's zeal in favour of the slave-trade,
+that in 1770 &lsquo;he issued an instruction under his own hand commanding the
+governor (of Virginia), upon pain of the highest displeasure, to assent
+to no law by which the importation of slaves should be in any respect
+prohibited or obstructed.&rsquo; <i>Bancroft's American Revolution</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 456: so that, as Mr. Bancroft indignantly observes, p. 469, while the
+courts of law had decided &lsquo;that as soon as any slave set his foot on
+English ground he becomes free, the king of England stood in the path of
+humanity, and made himself the pillar of the colonial slave-trade.&rsquo; The
+shuffling conduct of Pitt in this matter makes it hard for any honest
+man to forgive him. Compare <i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. ii. pp. 14,
+103&ndash;105; <i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. iii. pp. 131, 278, 279;
+<i>Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain</i>, vol. x. pp. 34, 35; <i>Life of
+Wakefield</i>, vol. i. p. 197; <i>Porter's Progress of the Nation</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 426; <i>Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party</i>, vol. ii. p. 157; and the
+striking remarks of Francis, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxii. p. 949.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">[803]</span></a> That Pitt wished to remain at peace, and was hurried into
+the war with France by the influence of the court, is admitted by the
+best-informed writers, men in other respects of different opinions. See,
+for instance, <i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. ii. p. 9; <i>Rogers's
+Introduction to Burke's Works</i>, p. lxxxiv.; <i>Nicholls's Recollections</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 155, 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">[804]</span></a> The mere existence of such a party, with such a name,
+shows how, in a political point of view, England was receding during
+this period from the maxims established at the Revolution. Respecting
+this active faction, compare the indignant remarks of Burke (<i>Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 133) with <i>Albemarle's Rockingham</i>, vol. i. pp. 5, 307;
+<i>Buckingham's Mem. of George III.</i> vol. i. p. 284, vol. ii. p. 154;
+<i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. i. pp. 61, 120, vol. ii. pp. 50, 77;
+<i>Bedford Correspond.</i> vol. iii. p. xlv.; <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. viii. p.
+513; <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p. 74; <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol.
+i. p. 352; <i>Walpole's George III.</i> vol. iv. p. 315; <i>The Grenville
+Papers</i>, vol. ii. pp. 33, 34, vol. iii. p. 57, vol. iv. p. 79, 152, 219,
+303; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvi. pp. 841, 973, vol. xviii. pp. 1005, 1246,
+vol. xix. pp. 435, 856, vol. xxii. pp. 650, 1173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">[805]</span></a> See an extraordinary passage in <i>Pellew's Life of
+Sidmouth</i>, vol. i. p. 334.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">[806]</span></a> This decline in the abilities of official men was noticed
+by Burke, in 1770, as a necessary consequence of the new system. Compare
+<i>Thoughts on the Present Discontents</i> (<i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 149)
+with his striking summary (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvi. p. 879) of the
+degeneracy during the first nine years of George III. &lsquo;Thus situated,
+the question at last was not, who could do the public business best, but
+who would undertake to do it at all. Men of talents and integrity would
+not accept of employments where they were neither allowed to exercise
+their judgment nor display the rectitude of their hearts.&rsquo; In 1780, when
+the evil had become still more obvious, the same great observer
+denounced it in his celebrated address to his Bristol constituents. &lsquo;At
+present,&rsquo; he says, &lsquo;it is the plan of the court to make its servants
+insignificant.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 257. See further <i>Parr's
+Works</i>, vol. iii. pp. 256, 260, 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">[807]</span></a> The military success of his administration is related in
+very strong language, but not unfairly, in <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>,
+vol. iv. pp. 108, 185, 186, and see the admirable summary in <i>Brougham's
+Statesmen</i>, vol. i. pp. 33, 34: and for evidence of the fear with which
+he inspired the enemies of England, compare <i>Mahon</i>, vol. v. p. 165
+note; <i>Bedford Correspond.</i> vol. iii. pp. 87, 246, 247; <i>Walpole's
+Letters to Mann</i>, vol. i. p. 304, edit. 1843; <i>Walpole's Mem. of George
+III.</i> vol. ii. p. 232; and the reluctant admission in
+<i>Georgel, Mémoires</i>, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">[808]</span></a> Lord Brougham (<i>Sketches of Statesmen</i>, vol. i. pp. 22,
+33) has published striking evidence of what he calls &lsquo;the truly savage
+feelings&rsquo; with which George III. regarded Lord Chatham (compare
+<i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. i. p. 129). Indeed, the sentiments of the
+king were even displayed in the arrangements at the funeral of the great
+minister. <i>Note in Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. ii. p. 568; and
+for other evidence of ill-will, see two notes from the king to Lord
+North, in <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. vi. appendix, pp. lii. liv.;
+<i>The Grenville Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 386; <i>Bancroft's American
+Revolution</i>, vol. i. p. 438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">[809]</span></a> Lord Brougham (<i>Sketches of Statesmen</i>, vol. i. p. 219)
+says: &lsquo;It may be questioned if any politician, in any age, ever knew so
+thoroughly the various interests and the exact position of all the
+countries with which his own had dealings to conduct or relations to
+maintain.&rsquo; See also <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 14, 15; <i>Russell's Mem.
+of Fox</i>, vol. i. pp. 320, 321, vol. ii. pp. 91, 243; <i>Bisset's Life of
+Burke</i>, vol. i. p. 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">[810]</span></a> Burke, even after the French Revolution, said, that Fox
+&lsquo;was of the most artless, candid, open, and benevolent disposition,
+disinterested in the extreme; of a temper mild and placable even to a
+fault, without one drop of gall in his whole constitution.&rsquo; Speech on
+the Army Estimates in 1790, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxviii. p. 356. For
+further evidence, compare <i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. vii. p. 171;
+<i>Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party</i>, vol. i. pp. 3, 273; <i>Trotter's Mem.
+of Fox</i>, pp. xi. xii., 24, 178, 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">[811]</span></a> <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. vi. p. 692. A
+singular circumstance connected with this wanton outrage is related in
+the <i>Mem. of Holcroft</i>, vol. iii. p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">[812]</span></a> Compare <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. iv. pp.
+107, 108, with <i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. i. pp. 191, 287, 288, vol.
+ii. p. 44. Dutens, who had much intercourse with English politicians,
+heard of the threat of abdication in 1784. <i>Dutens's Mémoires</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 104. Lord Holland says, that during the fatal illness of Fox, &lsquo;the
+king had watched the progress of Mr. Fox's disorder. He could hardly
+suppress his indecent exultation at his death.&rsquo; <i>Holland's Mem. of the
+Whig Party</i>, vol. ii. p. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">[813]</span></a> In 1725, the Duke of Wharton, in a letter to the
+Pretender, after mentioning some proceedings in the Commons, adds, &lsquo;In
+the House of Lords our number is so small, that any behaviour there will
+be immaterial.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. ii. appendix, p. xxiii.
+See also, respecting the greater strength of the Tories in the House of
+Commons, <i>Somers Tracts</i>, vol. xi. p. 242, vol. xiii. pp. 524, 531;
+<i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. iv. p. 158; <i>Campbell's Chief-Justices</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">[814]</span></a> Compare <i>Vernon Correspond.</i> vol. iii. p. 149, with
+<i>Burnet's Own Time</i>, vol. iv. p. 504. Burnet says, &lsquo;All the Jacobites
+joined to support the pretensions of the Commons.&rsquo; The Commons
+complained that the Lords had shown &lsquo;such an indulgence to the person
+accused as is not to be paralleled in any parliamentary proceedings.&rsquo;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. v. p. 1294. See also their angry remonstrance, pp.
+1314, 1315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">[815]</span></a> <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. iii. p. 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">[816]</span></a> &lsquo;Content, 47; non-content, 92.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xii.
+p. 711. Mr. Phillimore (<i>Mem. of Lyttleton</i>, vol. i. p. 213) ascribes
+this to the exertions of Lord Hardwicke; but the state of parties in the
+upper house is sufficient explanation; and even in 1735 it was said that
+&lsquo;the Lords were betwixt the devil and the deep sea,&rsquo; the devil being
+Walpole. <i>Marchmont Papers</i>, vol. ii. p. 59. Compare <i>Bishop Newton's
+Life of Himself</i>, p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">[817]</span></a> See an account of some of its provisions in <i>Mahon's
+Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. pp. 80, 81. The object of the bill is frankly
+stated in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vi. p. 1349, where we are informed that &lsquo;as
+the farther discouragement and even ruin of the dissenters was thought
+necessary for accomplishing this scheme, it was begun with the famous
+Schism Bill.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">[818]</span></a> By 237 to 126. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. vi. p. 1351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">[819]</span></a> <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. i. p. 83; <i>Bunbury's
+Correspond. of Hanmer</i>, p. 48. The bill was carried in the Lords by 77
+against 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">[820]</span></a> &lsquo;If we scrutinize the votes of the peers from the period
+of the revolution to the death of George II., we shall find a very great
+majority of the old English nobility to have been the advocates of Whig
+principles.&rsquo; <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol. iii. p. 363.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">[821]</span></a> Compare <i>Harris's Life of Hardwicke</i>, vol. iii. p. 519,
+with the conversation between Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Hervey, in
+<i>Hervey's Mem. of George II.</i> vol. ii. p. 251, edit. 1848.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">[822]</span></a> <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol. iii. pp. 363, 364, 365,
+463; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xviii. p. 1418, vol. xxiv. p. 493, vol. xxvii.
+p. 1069, vol. xxix. pp. 1334, 1494, vol. xxxiii. pp. 90, 602, 1315.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">[823]</span></a> This was too notorious to be denied; and in the House of
+Commons, in 1800, Nicholls taunted the Government with &lsquo;holding out a
+peerage, or elevation to a higher rank in the peerage, to every man who
+could procure a nomination to a certain number of seats in parliament.&rsquo;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxv. p. 762. So, too, Sheridan, in 1792, said (vol.
+xxix. p. 1333), &lsquo;In this country peerages had been bartered for election
+interest.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">[824]</span></a> On this great influx of lawyers into the House of Lords,
+most of whom zealously advocated arbitrary principles, see <i>Belsham's
+Hist. of Great Britain</i>, vol. vii. pp. 266, 267; <i>Adolphus's Hist. of
+George III.</i> vol. iii. p. 363; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxv. p. 1523.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">[825]</span></a> It was foretold at the time, that the effect of the
+numerous creations made during Pitt's power would be to lower the House
+of Lords. Compare <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p. 76, with
+Erskine's speech in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxix. p. 1330; and see Sheridan's
+speech, vol. xxxiii. p. 1197. But their language, indignant as it is,
+was restrained by a desire of not wholly breaking with the court. Other
+men, who were more independent in their position, and cared nothing for
+the chance of future office, expressed themselves in terms such as had
+never before been heard within the walls of Parliament. Rolle, for
+instance, declared that &lsquo;there had been persons created peers during the
+present minister's power, who were not fit to be his grooms.&rsquo; <i>Parl.
+Hist.</i> vol. xxvii. p. 1198. Out of doors, the feeling of contempt was
+equally strong; see <i>Life of Cartwright</i>, vol. i. p. 278; and see the
+remark even of the courtly Sir W. Jones, on the increasing disregard for
+learning shown by &lsquo;the nobles of our days.&rsquo; <i>Preface to Persian
+Grammar</i>, in <i>Jones's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">[826]</span></a> In his <i>Thoughts on French Affairs</i>, written in 1791, he
+says, &lsquo;At no period in the history of England have so few peers been
+taken out of trade, or from families newly created by commerce.&rsquo;
+<i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 566. Indeed, according to Sir Nathaniel
+Wraxall (<i>Posthumous Memoirs</i>, vol. i. pp. 66, 67, Lond. 1836), the only
+instance when George III. broke this rule was when Smith the banker was
+made Lord Carrington. Wraxall is an indifferent authority, and there may
+be other cases; but they were certainly very few, and I cannot call any
+to mind.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">[827]</span></a> Nicholls, who knew him, says, &lsquo;The political knowledge of
+Mr. Burke might be considered almost as an encyclopædia; every man who
+approached him received instruction from his stores.&rsquo; <i>Nicholls's
+Recollections</i>, vol. i. p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">[828]</span></a> &lsquo;The excursions of his genius are immense. His imperial
+fancy has laid all nature under tribute, and has collected riches from
+every scene of the creation, and every walk of art.&rsquo; <i>Works of Robert
+Hall</i>, London, 1846, p. 196. So, too, Wilberforce says of him, &lsquo;He had
+come late into Parliament, and had had time to lay in vast stores of
+knowledge. The field from which he drew his illustrations was
+magnificent. Like the fabled object of the fairy's favours, whenever he
+opened his mouth pearls and diamonds dropped from him.&rsquo; <i>Life of
+Wilberforce</i>, vol. i. p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">[829]</span></a> Lord Thurlow is said to have declared, what I suppose is
+now the general opinion of competent judges, that the fame of Burke
+would survive that of Pitt and Fox. <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p.
+169. But the noblest eulogy on Burke was pronounced by a man far greater
+than Thurlow. In 1790, Fox stated in the House of Commons, &lsquo;that if he
+were to put all the political information which he had learnt from
+books, all which he had gained from science, and all which any knowledge
+of the world and its affairs had taught him, into one scale, and the
+improvement which he had derived from his right hon. friend's
+instruction and conversation were placed in the other, he should be at a
+loss to decide to which to give the preference.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxviii. p. 363.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">[830]</span></a> Lord Campbell (<i>Lives of the Chief-Justices</i>, vol. ii. p.
+443) says, &lsquo;Burke, a philosophic statesman, deeply imbued with the
+scientific principles of jurisprudence.&rsquo; See also, on his knowledge of
+law, <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p. 131; and <i>Bisset's Life of
+Burke</i>, vol. i. p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">[831]</span></a> Barry, in his celebrated Letter to the Dilettanti
+Society, regrets that Burke should have been diverted from the study of
+the fine arts into the pursuit of politics, because he had one of those
+&lsquo;minds of an admirable expansion and catholicity, so as to embrace the
+whole concerns of art, ancient as well as modern, domestic as well as
+foreign.&rsquo; <i>Barry's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 538, 4to, 1809. In the <i>Annual
+Register</i> for 1798, p. 329, 2nd edit., it is stated that Sir Joshua
+Reynolds &lsquo;deemed Burke the best judge of pictures that he ever knew.&rsquo;
+See further <i>Works of Sir J. Reynolds</i>, Lond. 1846, vol. i. p. 185; and
+<i>Bisset's Life of Burke</i>, vol. ii. p. 257. A somewhat curious
+conversation between Burke and Reynolds, on a point of art, is preserved
+in <i>Holcroft's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. pp. 276, 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a> See a letter from Winstanley, the Camden Professor of
+Ancient History, in <i>Bisset's Life of Burke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 390, 391, and
+in <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 427. Winstanley writes, &lsquo;It would have
+been exceedingly difficult to have met with a person who knew more of
+the philosophy, the history, and filiation of languages, or of the
+principles of etymological deduction, than Mr. Burke.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a> Adam Smith told Burke, &lsquo;after they had conversed on
+subjects of political economy, that he was the only man who, without
+communication, thought on these topics exactly as he did.&rsquo; <i>Bisset's
+Life of Burke</i>, vol. ii. p. 429; and see <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 58;
+and on his knowledge of political economy, <i>Brougham's Sketches of
+Statesmen</i>, vol. i. p. 205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a> &lsquo;Politics ought to be adjusted, not to human reasonings,
+but to human nature; of which the reason is but a part, and by no means
+the greatest part.&rsquo; <i>Observations on a late State of the Nation</i>, in
+<i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 113. Hence the distinction he had constantly
+in view between the generalizations of philosophy, which ought to be
+impregnable, and those of politics, which must be fluctuating; and hence
+in his noble work, <i>Thoughts on the Cause of the present Discontents</i>,
+he says (vol. i. p. 136), &lsquo;No lines can be laid down for civil or
+political wisdom. They are a matter incapable of exact definition.&rsquo; See
+also p. 151, on which he grounds his defence of the spirit of party; it
+being evident that if truth were the prime object of the political art,
+the idea of party, as such, would be indefensible. Compare with this the
+difference between &lsquo;la vérité en soi&rsquo; and &lsquo;la vérité sociale,&rsquo; as
+expounded by M. Rey in his <i>Science Sociale</i>, vol. ii. p. 322, Paris,
+1842.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">[835]</span></a> In 1780 he plainly told the House of Commons that &lsquo;the
+people are the masters. They have only to express their wants at large
+and in gross. We are the expert artists; we are the skilful workmen, to
+shape their desires into perfect form, and to fit the utensil to the
+use. They are the sufferers, they tell the symptoms of the complaint;
+but we know the exact seat of the disease, and how to apply the remedy
+according to the rules of art. How shocking would it be to see us
+pervert our skill into a sinister and servile dexterity, for the purpose
+of evading our duty, and <i>defrauding our employers, who are our natural
+lords</i>, of the object of their just expectations!&rsquo; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol.
+i. p. 254. In 1777, in his <i>Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol</i> (<i>Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 216), &lsquo;In effect, to follow, not to force, the public
+inclination; to give a direction, a form, a technical dress, and a
+specific sanction, to the general sense of the community,&mdash;is the true
+end of legislature.&rsquo; In his <i>Letter on the Duration of Parliament</i> (vol.
+ii. p. 430), &lsquo;It would be dreadful, indeed, if there was any power in
+the nation capable of resisting its unanimous desire, or even the desire
+of any very great and decided majority of the people. The people may be
+deceived in their choice of an object. <i>But I can scarcely conceive any
+choice they can make to be so very mischievous, as the existence of any
+human force capable of resisting it.</i>&rsquo; So, too, he says (vol. i. pp.
+125, 214), that when government and the people differ, government is
+generally in the wrong: compare pp. 217, 218, 276, vol. ii. p. 440. And
+to give only one more instance, but a very decisive one, he, in 1772,
+when speaking on a Bill respecting the Importation and Exportation of
+Corn, said, &lsquo;On this occasion I give way to the present Bill, not
+because I approve of the measure in itself, but because I think it
+prudent to yield to the spirit of the times. <i>The people will have it
+so; and it is not for their representatives to say nay.</i> I cannot,
+however, help entering my protest against the general principles of
+policy on which it is supported, because I think them extremely
+dangerous.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvii. p. 480.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">[836]</span></a> The effect which Burke's profound views produced in the
+House of Commons, where, however, few men were able to understand them
+in their full extent, is described by Dr. Hay, who was present at one of
+his great speeches; which, he says, &lsquo;seemed a kind of new political
+philosophy.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 103. Compare a letter from
+Lee, written in the same year, 1766, in <i>Forster's Life of Goldsmith</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 38, 39; and in <i>Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer</i>, p. 458.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">[837]</span></a> Burke was never weary of attacking the common argument,
+that, because a country has long flourished under some particular
+custom, therefore the custom must be good. See an admirable instance of
+this in his speech on the power of the attorney-general to file
+informations <i>ex officio</i>; where he likens such reasoners to the father
+of Scriblerus, who &lsquo;venerated the rust and canker which exalted a brazen
+pot-lid into the shield of a hero.&rsquo; He adds: &lsquo;But, sir, we are told that
+the time during which this power existed, is the time during which
+monarchy most flourished: and what, then, can no two things subsist
+together but as cause and effect? May not a man have enjoyed better
+health during the time that he walked with an oaken stick, than
+afterwards, when he changed it for a cane, without supposing, like the
+Druids, that there are occult virtues in oak, and that the stick and the
+health were cause and effect?&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvi. pp. 1190, 1191.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">[838]</span></a> This, as Mr. Cooke truly says, is an instance of
+aristocratic prejudice; but it is certain that a hint from George III.
+would have remedied the shameful neglect. <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 277, 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">[839]</span></a> It is easy to imagine how George III. must have been
+offended by such sentiments as these: &lsquo;I am not of the opinion of those
+gentlemen who are against disturbing the public repose; I like a clamour
+whenever there is an abuse. The fire-bell at midnight disturbs your
+sleep, but it keeps you from being burnt in your bed. The hue and cry
+alarms the county, but preserves all the property of the province.&rsquo;
+Burke's speech on Prosecutions for Libels, in 1771, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xvii. p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">[840]</span></a> He moved their repeal. <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxvi. p. 1169.
+Even Lord Chatham issued, in 1766, a proclamation against forestallers
+and regraters, very much to the admiration of Lord Mahon, who says,
+&lsquo;Lord Chatham acted with characteristic energy.&rsquo; <i>Mahon's Hist. of
+England</i>, vol. v. p. 166. More than thirty years later, and after
+Burke's death, Lord Kenyon, then chief-justice, eulogised these
+preposterous laws. <i>Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party</i>, vol. i. p. 167.
+Compare <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. vii. p. 406; and
+<i>Cockburn's Memorials of his Time</i>, Edinb. 1856, p. 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">[841]</span></a> &lsquo;That liberality in the commercial system, which, I
+trust, will one day be adopted.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 223. And,
+in his letter to Burgh (<i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 409), &lsquo;But that to which I
+attached myself the most particularly, was to fix the principle of a
+free trade in all the ports of these islands, as founded in justice, and
+beneficial to the whole; but principally to this, the seat of the
+supreme power.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">[842]</span></a> <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 467; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 263&ndash;271, 537&ndash;561, vol. ii. pp. 431&ndash;447. He refutes (vol. i. p. 548)
+the notion that the coronation oath was intended to bind the crown in
+its legislative capacity. Compare <i>Mem. of Mackintosh</i>, vol. i. pp. 170,
+171, with <i>Butler's Reminiscences</i>, vol. i. p. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">[843]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvii. pp. 435, 436, vol. xx. p. 306.
+See also <i>Burke's Correspondence</i>, vol. ii. pp. 17, 18; and <i>Prior's
+Life of Burke</i>, p. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">[844]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. pp. 261, 262, part of his speech
+at Bristol.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">[845]</span></a> <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 317. See also his admirable
+remarks, in <i>Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 417; and his speech, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xxviii. p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">[846]</span></a> On this increasing cruelty of the English laws, compare
+<i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 150, 259, with <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxii. p.
+271, vol. xxiv. p. 1222, vol. xxvi. p. 1057, vol. xxviii. p. 143; and,
+in regard to the execution of them, see <i>Life of Romilly, by Himself</i>,
+vol. i. p. 65; and <i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. ix. p. 620.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">[847]</span></a> In one short speech (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xx. pp. 150,
+151), he has almost exhausted the arguments against enlistment for
+life.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">[848]</span></a> In 1806, that is nine years after the death of Burke,
+parliament first authorized enlistment for a term of years. See an
+account of the debates in <i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. vii. pp.
+380&ndash;391. Compare <i>Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century</i>,
+vol. v. p. 475; and <i>Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party</i>, vol. ii. p.
+116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">[849]</span></a> <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 316; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxvii. p. 502, vol. xxviii. pp. 69, 96; and <i>Life of Wilberforce</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 152, 171, contain evidence of his animosity against the
+slave-trade, and a more than sufficient answer to the ill-natured, and,
+what is worse, the ignorant, remark about Burke, in the <i>Duke of
+Buckingham's Mem. of George III.</i> vol. i. p. 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">[850]</span></a> On the respect which George III. felt for the
+slave-trade, see note 259 to this chapter. I might also have quoted the
+testimony of Lord Brougham: &lsquo;The court was decidedly against abolition.
+George III. always regarded the question with abhorrence, as savouring
+of innovation.&rsquo; <i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. ii. p. 104. Compare
+<i>Combe's North America</i>, vol. i. p. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">[851]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. pp. 490&ndash;496; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xvii. pp. 44&ndash;55, a very able speech, delivered in 1771. Compare a letter
+to Dowdeswell, in <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol. i. pp. 251, 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">[852]</span></a> The arguments of Burke anticipated, by more than twenty
+years, Fox's celebrated Libel Bill, which was not passed till 1792;
+although, in 1752, juries had begun, in spite of the judges, to return
+general verdicts on the merits. See <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. v.
+pp. 238, 243, 341&ndash;345, vol. vi. p. 210; and <i>Meyer</i>, <i>Institutions
+Judiciaires</i>, vol. ii. pp. 204, 205, Paris, 1823.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">[853]</span></a> Mr. Farr, in his valuable essay on the statistics of the
+civil service (in <i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol. xii. pp. 103&ndash;125),
+calls Burke &lsquo;one of the first and ablest financial reformers in
+parliament,&rsquo; p. 104. The truth, however, is, that he was not only one of
+the first, but the first. He was the first man who laid before
+parliament a general and systematic scheme for diminishing the expenses
+of government; and his preliminary speech on that occasion is one of the
+finest of all his compositions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">[854]</span></a> <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, pp. 206, 234. See also, on the
+retrenchments he effected, <i>Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 84, 85; <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol. iii. p. 14; and <i>Bisset's Life of
+Burke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 57&ndash;60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">[855]</span></a> In 1788, Lord Rockingham said, in the House of Lords,
+&lsquo;Instead of calling the war, the war of parliament, or of the people, it
+was called the king's war, his majesty's favourite war.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xix. p. 857. Compare <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol. iii. p. 235,
+with the pungent remarks in <i>Walpole's George III.</i> vol. iv. p. 114.
+Nicholls (<i>Recollections</i>, vol. i. p. 35) says: &lsquo;The war was considered
+as the war of the king personally. Those who supported it were called
+the king's friends; while those who wished the country to pause, and
+reconsider the propriety of persevering in the contest, were branded as
+disloyal.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">[856]</span></a> &lsquo;I am not here going into the distinction of rights, nor
+attempting to mark their boundaries. I do not enter into these
+metaphysical distinctions; I hate the very sound of them.&rsquo; Speech on
+American taxation in 1774, in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 173. In 1775
+(vol. i. p. 192): &lsquo;But my consideration is narrow, confined, and wholly
+limited to the policy of the question.&rsquo; At p. 183: we should act in
+regard to America, not &lsquo;according to abstract ideas of right, by no
+means according to mere general theories of government; the resort to
+which appears to me, in our present situation, no better than arrant
+trifling.&rsquo; In one of his earliest political pamphlets, written in 1769,
+he says, that the arguments of the opponents of America &lsquo;are conclusive;
+conclusive as to right; but the very reverse as to policy and practice,&rsquo;
+vol. i. p. 112. Compare a letter, written in 1775, in <i>Burke's
+Correspond.</i> vol. ii. p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">[857]</span></a> In 1766, George III. writes to Lord Rockingham
+(<i>Albemarle's Rockingham</i>, vol. i. pp. 271, 272): &lsquo;Talbot is as right as
+I can desire, in the Stamp Act; strong for our declaring our right, but
+willing to repeal!&rsquo; In other words, willing to offend the Americans, by
+a speculative assertion of an abstract right, but careful to forego the
+advantage which that right might produce.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">[858]</span></a> The intense hatred with which George III. regarded the
+Americans, was so natural to such a mind as his, that one can hardly
+blame his constant exhibition of it during the time that the struggle
+was actually impending. But what is truly disgraceful is, that, after
+the war was over, he displayed this rancour on an occasion when, of all
+others, he was bound to suppress it. In 1786, Jefferson and Adams were
+in England officially, and, as a matter of courtesy to the king, made
+their appearance at court. So regardless, however, was George III. of
+the common decencies of his station, that he treated these eminent men
+with marked incivility, although they were then paying their respects to
+him in his own palace. See <i>Tucker's Life of Jefferson</i>, vol. i. p. 220;
+and <i>Mem. and Corresp. of Jefferson</i>, vol. i. p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">[859]</span></a> All great revolutions have a direct tendency to increase
+insanity, as long as they last, and probably for some time afterwards:
+but in this, as in other respects, the French revolution stands alone in
+the number of its victims. On the horrible, but curious subject of
+madness caused by the excitement of the events which occurred in France
+late in the eighteenth century, compare <i>Prichard on Insanity in
+relation to Jurisprudence</i>, 1842, p. 90; his <i>Treatise on Insanity</i>,
+1835, pp. 161, 183, 230, 339; <i>Esquirol</i>, <i>Maladies Mentales</i>, vol. i. pp.
+43, 53, 54, 66, 211, 447, vol. ii. pp. 193, 726; <i>Feuchtersleben's
+Medical Psychology</i>, p. 254; <i>Georget, De la Folie</i>, p. 156; <i>Pinel,
+Traité sur l'Aliénation Mentale</i>, pp. 30, 108, 109, 177, 178, 185, 207,
+215, 257, 349, 392, 457, 481; <i>Alison's Hist. of Europe</i>, vol. iii. p.
+112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">[860]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">[861]</span></a> The earliest unmistakable instances of those violent
+outbreaks which showed the presence of disease, were in the debates on
+the regency bill, in February 1789, when Sir Richard Hill, with brutal
+candour, hinted at Burke's madness, even in his presence. <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xxvii. p. 1249. Compare a letter from Sir William Young, in
+<i>Buckingham's Mem. of George III.</i> 1853, vol. ii. p. 73;
+&lsquo;Burke finished his wild speech in a manner next to madness.&rsquo; This was
+in December 1788; and, from that time until his death, it became every
+year more evident that his intellect was disordered. See a melancholy
+description of him in a letter, written by Dr. Currie in 1792 (<i>Life of
+Currie</i>, vol. ii. p. 150); and, above all, see his own incoherent
+letter, in 1796, in his <i>Correspond. with Laurence</i>, p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">[862]</span></a> His son died in August 1794 (<i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol.
+iv. p. 224); and his most violent works were written between that period
+and his own death, in July 1797.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">[863]</span></a> &lsquo;This disciple, as he was proud to acknowledge himself.&rsquo;
+<i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. i. p. 218. In 1791, Fox said, that Burke
+&lsquo;had taught him everything he knew in politics.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxix. p. 379. See also <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. iv. pp.
+472, 610; and a letter from Fox to Parr, in <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. vii. p.
+287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">[864]</span></a> It had begun in 1766, when Fox was only seventeen.
+<i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. i. p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">[865]</span></a> On this painful rupture, compare with the <i>Parliamentary
+History, Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party</i>, vol. i. pp. 10, 11;
+<i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, pp. 375&ndash;379; <i>Tomline's Life of Pitt</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 385&ndash;395. The complete change in Burke's feelings towards his old
+friend also appears in a very intemperate letter, written to Dr.
+Laurence in 1797. <i>Burke's Correspond. with Laurence</i>, p. 152. Compare
+<i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iv. pp. 67&ndash;80, 84&ndash;90, 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">[866]</span></a> Which used to be contrasted with the bluntness of
+Johnson; these eminent men being the two best talkers of their time. See
+<i>Bisset's Life of Burke</i>, vol. i. p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">[867]</span></a> <i>Rogers's Introduction to Burke's Works</i>, p.
+xliv.; <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">[868]</span></a> There is an interesting account of the melancholy death
+of this remarkable man in <i>Lamartine</i>, <i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. viii.
+pp. 76&ndash;80; and a contemporary relation in <i>Musset-Pathay</i>, <i>Vie de
+Rousseau</i>, vol. ii. pp. 42&ndash;47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">[869]</span></a> This is the honourable testimony of a political opponent;
+who says, that after the dissolution of the Assembly &lsquo;La Fayette se
+conforma à a conduite de Washington, qu'il avait pris pour modèle.&rsquo;
+<i>Cassagnac</i>, <i>Révolution Française</i>, vol. iii. pp. 370, 371. Compare the
+grudging admission of his enemy Bouillé, <i>Mém. de Bouillé</i>, vol. i. p.
+125; and for proofs of the affectionate intimacy between Washington and
+La Fayette, see <i>Mém. de Lafayette</i>, vol. i. pp. 16, 21, 29, 44, 55, 83,
+92, 111, 165, 197, 204, 395, vol. ii. p. 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">[870]</span></a> The Duke of Bedford, no bad judge of character, said in
+1794, that La Fayette's &lsquo;whole life was an illustration of truth,
+disinterestedness, and honour.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxi. p. 664. So,
+too, the continuator of Sismondi (<i>Hist. des Français</i>, vol. xxx. p.
+355), &lsquo;La Fayette, le chevalier de la liberté d'Amérique;&rsquo; and Lamartine
+(<i>Hist. des Girondins</i>, vol. iii. p. 200), &lsquo;Martyr de la liberté après
+en avoir été le héros.&rsquo; Ségur, who was intimately acquainted with him,
+gives some account of his noble character, as it appeared when he was a
+boy of nineteen. <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. i. pp. 106, 107. Forty years
+later, Lady Morgan met him in France; and what she relates shows how
+little he had changed, and how simple his tastes and the habits of his
+mind still were. <i>Morgan's France</i>, vol. ii. pp. 285&ndash;312. Other notices,
+from personal knowledge, will be found in <i>Life of Roscoe</i>, vol. ii. p.
+178; and in <i>Trotter's Mem. of Fox</i>, pp. 319 seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">[871]</span></a> &lsquo;The impious sophistry of Condorcet.&rsquo; <i>Letter to a Noble
+Lord</i>, in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 273.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">[872]</span></a> <i>Thoughts on French Affairs</i> in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i.
+p. 574.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">[873]</span></a> &lsquo;Condorcet (though no marquis, as he styled himself
+before the Revolution) is a man of another sort of birth, fashion, and
+occupation from Brissot; but in every principle and every disposition,
+to the lowest as well as the highest and most determined villainies,
+fully his equal.&rsquo; <i>Thoughts on French Affairs</i>, in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol.
+i. p. 579.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">[874]</span></a> &lsquo;Groaning under the most oppressive cruelty in the
+dungeons of Magdeburg.&rsquo; <i>Belsham's Hist. of Great Brit.</i> vol. ix. p.
+151. See the afflicting details of his sufferings, in <i>Mém. de
+Lafayette</i>, vol. i. p. 479, vol. ii. pp. 75, 77, 78, 80, 91, 92; and on
+the noble equanimity with which he bore them, see <i>De Staël</i>, <i>Rév.
+Françoise</i>, Paris, 1820, vol. ii. p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">[875]</span></a> It is hardly credible that such language should have been
+applied to a man like La Fayette; but I have copied it from the
+<i>Parliamentary History</i>, vol. xxxi. p. 51, and from <i>Adolphus</i>, vol. v.
+p. 593. The only difference is, that in Adolphus the expression is &lsquo;I
+would not debase my humanity;&rsquo; but in the <i>Parl. Hist.</i>, &lsquo;I would not
+debauch my humanity.&rsquo; But both authorities are agreed as to the term
+&lsquo;horrid ruffian&rsquo; being used by Burke. Compare <i>Burke's Correspondence
+with Laurence</i>, pp. 91, 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">[876]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 319. In every instance I
+quote the precise words employed by Burke.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">[877]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. ii. p. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">[878]</span></a> Burke's speech, in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxi. p. 379.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">[879]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 335.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">[880]</span></a> <i>Burke's Corresp.</i> vol. iii. p. 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">[881]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">[882]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxx. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">[883]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">[884]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">[885]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 435.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">[886]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 646; the concluding sentence of one of Burke's
+speeches in 1793.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">[887]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. xxxi. p. 426.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">[888]</span></a> <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">[889]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 286.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">[890]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">[891]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">[892]</span></a> <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxviii. p. 353, vol. xxx. p. 390;
+<i>Adolphus</i>, vol. iv. p. 467.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">[893]</span></a> In the <i>Letters on a Regicide Peace</i>, published the year
+before he died, he says, &lsquo;These ambassadors may easily return as good
+courtiers as they went: but can they ever return from that degrading
+residence loyal and faithful subjects; or with any true affection to
+their master, or true attachment to the constitution, religion, or laws
+of their country? There is great danger that they who enter smiling into
+this Tryphonian cave, will come out of it sad and serious conspirators;
+and such will continue as long as they live.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 282. He adds in the same work, p. 381, &lsquo;Is it for this benefit we
+open &ldquo;the usual relations of peace and amity?&rdquo; Is it for this our youth
+of both sexes are to form themselves by travel? Is it for this that with
+expense and pains we form their lisping infant accents to the language
+of France?&hellip; Let it be remembered, that no young man can go to any part
+of Europe without taking this place of pestilential contagion in his
+way; and, whilst the less active part of the community will be debauched
+by this travel, whilst children are poisoned at these schools, our trade
+will put the finishing hand to our ruin. No factory will be settled in
+France, that will not become a club of complete French Jacobins. The
+minds of young men of that description will receive a taint in their
+religion, their morals, and their politics, which they will in a short
+time communicate to the whole kingdom.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">[894]</span></a> In <i>Observations on the Conduct of the Minority</i>, 1793,
+he says, that during four years he had wished for &lsquo;a general war against
+jacobins and jacobinism.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 611.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">[895]</span></a> For, in the first place, &lsquo;the united sovereigns very much
+injured their cause by admitting that they had nothing to do with the
+interior arrangements of France.&rsquo; <i>Heads for Consideration on the
+Present State of Affairs</i>, written in November 1792, in <i>Burke's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 583. And that he knew that this was not merely a question of
+destroying a faction, appears from the observable circumstance, that
+even in January 1791 he wrote to Trevor respecting war, &lsquo;France is weak
+indeed, divided and deranged; but God knows, when the things came to be
+tried, whether the invaders would not find that their enterprise <i>was
+not to support a party, but to conquer a kingdom</i>.&rsquo; <i>Burke's
+Correspond.</i> vol. iii. p. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">[896]</span></a> As Lord J. Russell truly calls it, <i>Mem. of Fox</i>, vol.
+iii. p. 34. See also <i>Schlosser's Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. ii. p. 93,
+vol. v. p. 109, vol. vi. p. 291; <i>Nicholls's Recollections</i>, vol. i. p.
+300; <i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. iii. p. 242.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">[897]</span></a> &lsquo;We cannot, if we would, delude ourselves about the true
+state of this dreadful contest. <i>It is a religious war.</i>&rsquo; <i>Remarks on
+the Policy of the Allies</i>, in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 600.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">[898]</span></a> See the long list of proscriptions in <i>Burke's Works</i>,
+vol. i. p. 604. And the principle of revenge is again advocated in a
+letter written in 1793, in <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol. iv. p. 183. And in
+1794, he told the House of Commons that &lsquo;the war must no longer be
+confined to the vain attempt of raising a barrier to the lawless and
+savage power of France; but must be directed to the only rational end it
+can pursue; namely, the entire destruction of the desperate horde which
+gave it birth.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxi. p. 427.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">[899]</span></a> <i>Letters on a Regicide Peace</i>, in <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 291. In this horrible sentence, perhaps the most horrible ever
+penned by an English politician, the italics are not my own; they are in
+the text.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">[900]</span></a> &lsquo;I know,&rsquo; said Burke, in one of those magnificent
+speeches which mark the zenith of his intellect,&mdash;&lsquo;I know the map of
+England as well as the noble lord, or as any other person; and I know
+that the way I take is not the road to preferment.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xvii. p. 1269.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">[901]</span></a> See, among many other instances, an extraordinary passage
+on &lsquo;Jacobinism,&rsquo; in his <i>Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 449, which should be
+compared with a letter he wrote in 1792, respecting a proposed coalition
+ministry, <i>Correspond.</i> vol. iii. pp. 519, 520: &lsquo;But my advice was, that
+as a foundation of the whole, the political principle must be settled as
+the preliminary, namely, &ldquo;a total hostility to the French system, at
+home and abroad.&rdquo;&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">[902]</span></a> The earliest evidence I have met with of the heart of
+George III. beginning to open towards Burke, is in August 1791; see in
+<i>Burke's Correspondence</i>, vol. iii. p. 278, an exquisitely absurd
+account of his reception at the levee. Burke must have been fallen,
+indeed, before he could write such a letter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">[903]</span></a> &lsquo;Said to have originated in the express wish of the
+king.&rsquo; <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 489. Mr. Prior estimates these
+pensions at 3,700<i>l.</i> a-year; but if we may rely on Mr. Nicholls, the
+sum was even greater: &lsquo;Mr. Burke was rewarded with two pensions,
+estimated to be worth 40,000<i>l.</i>&rsquo; <i>Nicholls's Recollections</i>, vol. i. p.
+136. Burke was sixty-five; and a pension of 3,700<i>l.</i> a-year would not
+be worth 40,000<i>l.</i>, as the tables were then calculated. The statement
+of Mr. Prior is, however, confirmed by Wansey, in 1794. See <i>Nichols's
+Lit. Anec. of the Eighteenth Century</i>, vol. iii. p. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">[904]</span></a> <i>Prior's Life of Burke</i>, p. 460; <i>Nichols's Lit. Anec.</i>
+vol. iii. p. 81; <i>Bisset's Life of Burke</i>, vol. ii. p. 414.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">[905]</span></a> &lsquo;It had been proposed to Sir Robert Walpole to raise the
+revenue by imposing taxes on America; but that minister, who could
+foresee beyond the benefit of the actual moment, declared it must be a
+bolder man than himself who should venture on such an expedient.&rsquo;
+<i>Walpole's George III.</i> vol. ii. p. 70. Compare <i>Phillimore's Mem. of
+Lyttleton</i>, vol. ii. p. 662; <i>Bancroft's American Revolution</i>, vol. i.
+p. 96; <i>Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain</i>, vol. v. p. 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">[906]</span></a> That some sort of rupture was unavoidable, must, I think,
+be admitted; but we are not bound to believe the assertion of Horace
+Walpole, who says (<i>Mem. of George II.</i> vol. i. p. 397) that in 1754 he
+predicted the American rebellion. Walpole, though a keen observer of the
+surface of society, was not the man to take a view of this kind; unless,
+as is hardly probable, he heard an opinion to that effect expressed by
+his father. Sir Robert Walpole may have said something respecting the
+increasing love of liberty in the colonies; but it was impossible for
+him to foresee how that love would be fostered by the arbitrary
+proceedings of the government of George III.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">[907]</span></a> The general proposition was introduced in 1764; the bill
+itself early in 1765. See <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. v. pp. 82,
+85; and <i>Grenville Papers</i>, vol. ii. pp. 373, 374. On the complete
+change of policy which this indicated, see <i>Brougham's Polit. Philos.</i>
+part iii. p. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">[908]</span></a> The correspondence of that time contains ample proof of
+the bitterness of the clergy against the Americans. Even in 1777, Burke
+wrote to Fox: &lsquo;The Tories do universally think their power and
+consequence involved in the success of this American business. The
+clergy are astonishingly warm in it; and what the Tories are when
+embodied and united with their natural head, the crown, and animated by
+their clergy, no man knows better than yourself.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 390. Compare <i>Bishop Newton's Life of Himself</i>, pp. 134, 157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">[909]</span></a> &lsquo;The overbearing aristocracy desired some reduction of
+the land tax, at the expense of America.&rsquo; <i>Bancroft's Hist. of the
+American Revolution</i>, vol. ii. p. 414. The merchants, on the other hand,
+were opposed to these violent proceedings. See, on this contrast between
+the landed and commercial interests, a letter from Lord Shelburne, in
+1774, and another from Lord Camden, in 1775, in <i>Chatham Correspond.</i>
+vol. iv. pp. 341, 401. See also the speeches of Trecothick and Vyner, in
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xvi. p. 507, vol. xviii. p. 1361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">[910]</span></a> It was believed at the time, and it is not improbable,
+that the king himself suggested the taxation of America, to which
+Grenville at first objected. Compare <i>Wraxall's Mem. of his own Time</i>,
+vol. ii. pp. 111, 112, with <i>Nicholl's Recollections</i>, vol. i. pp. 205,
+386. This may have been merely a rumour; but it is quite consistent with
+everything we know of the character of George III., and there can, at
+all events, be no doubt as to his feelings respecting the general
+question. It is certain that he over-persuaded Lord North to engage in
+the contest with America, and induced that minister to go to war, and to
+continue it even after success had become hopeless. See <i>Bancroft's
+American Revolution</i>, vol. iii. pp. 307, 308; <i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>,
+vol. i. pp. 247, 254; and the <i>Bedford Correspond.</i> vol. iii. p. li. See
+also, in regard to the repeal of the Stamp Act, the <i>Grenville Papers</i>,
+vol. iii. p. 373; a curious passage, with which Lord Mahon, the last
+edition of whose history was published in the same year (1853), appears
+to have been unacquainted. <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. v. p. 139.
+In America the sentiments of the king were well known. In 1775,
+Jefferson writes from Philadelphia: &lsquo;We are told, and everything proves
+it true, that he is the bitterest enemy we have.&rsquo; <i>Jefferson's
+Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 153. And in 1782 Franklin writes to Livingston,
+&lsquo;The king hates us most cordially.&rsquo; <i>Life of Franklin</i>, vol. ii. p.
+126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">[911]</span></a> &lsquo;A court,&rsquo; as Lord Albemarle observes,&mdash;&lsquo;a court that
+required ministers to be, not the public servants of the state, but the
+private domestics of the sovereign.&rsquo; <i>Albemarle's Mem. of Rockingham</i>,
+vol. i. p. 248. Compare <i>Bancroft's American Revolution</i>, vol. ii. p.
+109. In the same way, Burke, in 1767, writes: &lsquo;His majesty never was in
+better spirits. He has got a ministry weak and dependent; and, what is
+better, willing to continue so.&rsquo; <i>Burke's Correspond.</i> vol. i. p. 133.
+Ten years later, Lord Chatham openly taunted the king with this
+disgraceful peculiarity: &lsquo;Thus to pliable men, not capable men, was the
+government of this once glorious empire intrusted.&rsquo; <i>Chatham's Speech in
+1777</i>, in <i>Adolphus</i>, vol. ii. pp. 499, 500.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">[912]</span></a> For some evidence of the ferocity with which this war was
+conducted by the English, see <i>Tucker's Life of Jefferson</i>, vol. i. pp.
+138, 139, 160; <i>Jefferson's Mem. and Correspond.</i> vol. i. pp. 352, 429,
+vol. ii. pp. 336, 337; <i>Almon's Correspond. of Wilkes</i>, vol. v. pp.
+229&ndash;232, edit. 1805; <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. ii. pp. 362,
+391. These horrible cruelties were frequently mentioned in parliament,
+but without producing the least effect on the king or his ministers. See
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xix. pp. 371, 403, 423, 424, 432, 438, 440, 477, 487,
+488, 489, 567, 578, 579, 695, 972, 1393, 1394, vol. xx. p. 43. Among the
+expenses of the war which government laid before parliament, one of the
+items was for &lsquo;five gross of scalping knives.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xix.
+pp. 971, 972. See further <i>Mém. de Lafayette</i>, vol. i. pp. 23, 25, 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">[913]</span></a> In Manchester, &lsquo;in consequence of the American troubles,
+nine in ten of the artisans in that town had been discharged from
+employment.&rsquo; This was stated in 1766, by no less an authority than
+Conway. <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. v. p. 135. As the struggle
+became more obstinate the evil was more marked, and ample evidence of
+the enormous injury inflicted on England will be found by comparing
+<i>Franklin's Correspondence</i>, vol. i. p. 352; <i>Adolphus's Hist. of George
+III.</i> vol. ii. p. 261; <i>Burke's Works</i>, vol. i. p. 111; <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xviii. pp. 734, 951, 963, 964, vol. xix. pp. 259, 341, 710, 711,
+1072; <i>Walpole's Mem. of George III.</i> vol. ii. p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">[914]</span></a> Even Mr. Adolphus, in his Tory history, says, that in
+1782 &lsquo;the cause of Great Britain seemed degraded to the lowest state;
+ill success and the prevalent opinion of mismanagement rendered the
+espousal of it among the selfish powers of the continent almost
+disreputable.&rsquo; <i>Hist. of George III.</i> vol. iii. pp. 391, 392. For proof
+of the opinions held in foreign countries respecting this, I cannot do
+better than refer to <i>Mém. de Ségur</i>, vol. iii. pp. 184, 185; <i>&#338;uvres
+de Turgot</i>, vol. ix. p. 377; <i>Soulavie</i>, <i>Mém. de Louis XVI.</i> vol. iv.
+pp. 363, 364; <i>Koch</i>, <i>Tableau des Révolutions</i>, vol. ii. pp. 190&ndash;194;
+<i>Mem. of Mallet du Pan</i>, vol. i. p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">[915]</span></a> Sir John Sinclair, in his <i>Hist. of the Revenue</i>, vol.
+ii. p. 114, says 139,171,876<i>l.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">[916]</span></a> Dr. Jebb, an able observer, thought that the American war
+&lsquo;must be decisive of the liberties of both countries.&rsquo; <i>Disney's Life of
+Jebb</i>, p. 92. So, too, Lord Chatham wrote in 1777, &lsquo;poor England will
+have fallen upon her own sword.&rsquo; <i>The Grenville Papers</i>, vol. iv. p.
+573. In the same year, Burke said of the attempt made to rule the
+colonies by military force, &lsquo;that the establishment of such a power in
+America will utterly ruin our finances (though its certain effect), is
+the smallest part of our concern. It will become an apt, powerful, and
+certain engine for the destruction of our freedom here.&rsquo; <i>Burke's
+Works</i>, vol. ii. p. 399. Compare vol. i. pp. 189, 210; <i>Parl. Hist.</i>
+vol. xvi. pp. 104, 107, 651, 652, vol. xix. pp. 11, 1056, vol. xx. p.
+119, vol. xxi. p. 907. Hence it was that Fox wished the Americans to be
+victorious (<i>Russell's Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. i. p. 143); for which some
+writers have actually accused him of want of patriotism!</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">[917]</span></a> In 1792, and therefore before the war broke out, Lord
+Lansdowne, one of the extremely few peers who escaped from the
+prevailing corruption, said,&lsquo;The present instance recalled to his memory
+the proceedings of this country previous to the American war. The same
+abusive and degrading terms were applied to the Americans that were now
+used to the National Convention,&mdash;<i>the same consequences might follow</i>.&rsquo;
+<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxx. p. 155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">[918]</span></a> Compare <i>Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain</i>, vol. viii. p.
+490, with <i>Tomline's Life of Pitt</i>, vol. ii. p. 548. The letter to Lord
+Gower, the English minister in Paris, is printed in <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxx. pp. 143, 144. Its date is 17th August, 1792.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">[919]</span></a> Just before the Revolution, Robert de Saint-Vincent
+pertinently remarked, by way of caution, that the English &lsquo;have
+dethroned seven of their kings, and beheaded the eighth.&rsquo; <i>Mem. of
+Mallet du Pan</i>, vol. i. p. 146; and we are told in <i>Alison's Europe</i>
+(vol. ii. pp. 199, 296, 315), that in 1792 Louis &lsquo;anticipated the fate
+of Charles I.&rsquo; Compare <i>Williams's Letters from France</i>, 2nd edit. 1796,
+vol. iv. p. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">[920]</span></a> Belsham (<i>Hist. of Great Britain</i>, vol. viii. p. 525)
+supposes, and probably with reason, that the English government was bent
+upon war even before the death of Louis; but it appears (<i>Tomline's
+Pitt</i>, vol. ii. p. 599) that it was not until the 24th of January 1793,
+that Chauvelin was actually ordered to leave England, and that this was
+in consequence of &lsquo;the British ministers having received information of
+the execution of the king of France.&rsquo; Compare <i>Belsham</i>, vol. viii. p.
+530. The common opinion, therefore, seems correct, that the proximate
+cause of hostilities was the execution of Louis. See <i>Alison's Hist.</i>
+vol. ii. p. 522, vol. v. p. 249, vol. vi. p. 656; and <i>Newmarch</i>, in
+<i>Journal of Statist. Soc.</i> vol. xviii. p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">[921]</span></a> Lord Brougham (<i>Sketches of Statesmen</i>, vol. i. p. 79)
+rightly says of this war, that &lsquo;the youngest man living will not survive
+the fatal effects of this flagrant political crime.&rsquo; So eager, however,
+was George III. in its favour, that when Wilberforce separated himself
+from Pitt on account of the war, and moved an amendment on the subject
+in the House of Commons, the king showed his spite by refusing to take
+any notice of Wilberforce the next time he appeared at court. <i>Life of
+Wilberforce</i>, vol. ii. pp. 10, 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">[922]</span></a> In 1793 and subsequently, it was stated both by the
+opposition, and also by the supporters of government, that the war with
+France was directed against doctrines and opinions, and that one of its
+main objects was to discourage the progress of democratic institutions.
+See, among many other instances, <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxx. pp. 413, 417,
+1077, 1199, 1200, 1283, vol. xxxi. pp. 466, 592, 649, 680, 1036, 1047,
+vol. xxxiii. pp. 603, 604; <i>Nicholls's Recollections</i>, vol. ii. pp. 156,
+157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">[923]</span></a> Lord Campbell (<i>Lives of the Chancellors</i>, vol. vi. p.
+449) says, that if the laws passed in 1794 had been enforced, &lsquo;the only
+chance of escaping servitude would have been civil war.&rsquo; Compare
+<i>Brougham's Statesmen</i>, vol. i. p. 237, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64, on our
+&lsquo;escape from proscription and from arbitrary power &hellip; during the almost
+hopeless struggle from 1793 to 1801.&rsquo; Both these writers pay great and
+deserved honour to the successful efforts of Erskine with juries. Indeed
+the spirit of our jurors was so determined, that in 1794, at Tooke's
+trial, they only consulted eight minutes before bringing in a verdict of
+acquittal. <i>Stephens's Mem. of Horne Tooke</i>, vol. ii. p. 147; see also,
+on this crisis, <i>Life of Cartwright</i>, vol. i. p. 210. The people
+sympathised throughout with the victims; and while the trial of Hardy
+was pending, the attorney-general, Scott, was always mobbed when he left
+the court, and on one occasion his life was in danger. <i>Twiss's Life of
+Eldon</i>, vol. i. pp. 185, 186. Compare <i>Holcroft's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+180, 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">[924]</span></a> &lsquo;Five days at least.&rsquo; <i>Stat. 36 George III.</i> c. 8, § 1.
+This applied to meetings &lsquo;holden for the purpose or on the pretext of
+considering of or preparing any petition, complaint, remonstrance, or
+declaration, or other address to the king, or to both houses, or either
+house, of parliament, for alteration of matters established in church or
+state, or for the purpose or on the pretext of deliberating upon any
+grievance in church or state.&rsquo; The only exceptions allowed were in the
+case of meetings called by magistrates, officials, and the majority of
+the grand jury.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">[925]</span></a> The insertor of the notice in the newspaper &lsquo;shall cause
+such notice and authority to be carefully preserved, &hellip; and cause a
+true copy thereof (if required) to be delivered to any justice of the
+peace for the county, city, town, or place where such person shall
+reside, or where such newspaper shall be printed, and who shall require
+the same.&rsquo; <i>36 George III.</i> c. 8, § 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">[926]</span></a> C. 8, §§ 6 and 7, referring to &lsquo;meetings on notice;&rsquo; and
+to persons holding language which shall even &lsquo;tend to incite.&rsquo; These two
+sections are very remarkable.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">[927]</span></a> &lsquo;It shall be adjudged,&rsquo; says the Act, &lsquo;felony without
+benefit of clergy; and the offenders therein shall be adjudged felons,
+and shall suffer death as in case of felony without benefit of clergy.&rsquo;
+<i>36 George III.</i> c. 8, § 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">[928]</span></a> <i>Stat. 39 George III.</i> c. 79, § 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">[929]</span></a> The license &lsquo;shall be in force for the space of one year
+and no longer, or for any less space of time therein to be specified;
+and which license it shall be lawful for the justices of the peace&rsquo; &amp;c.
+&lsquo;to revoke and declare void, and no longer in force, by any order of
+such justices; &hellip; and thereupon such license shall cease and determine,
+and be thenceforth utterly void and of no effect.&rsquo; <i>39 George III.</i> c.
+79, § 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">[930]</span></a> Such things are so incredible, that I must again quote
+the words of the Act: &lsquo;Every house, room, or place, which shall be
+opened or used as a place of meeting for the purpose of reading books,
+pamphlets, newspapers, or other publications, and to which any person
+shall be admitted by payment of money&rsquo; (if not regularly licensed by the
+authorities), &hellip; &lsquo;shall be deemed a disorderly house;&rsquo; and the person
+opening it shall &lsquo;be otherwise punished as the law directs in
+case of disorderly houses.&rsquo; <i>39 George III.</i> c. 79, § 15. The
+germ of this law may be found in <i>36 George III.</i> c. 8, § § 12, 13, 14,
+15, 16. Nowhere are the weakest parts of the human mind more clearly
+seen than in the history of legislation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">[931]</span></a> See the particulars in <i>Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers</i>, vol.
+i. pp. 281&ndash;4. Mr. Hunt says, p. 284: &lsquo;In addition to all these laws,
+directed solely towards the press, other statutes were made to bear upon
+it, for the purpose of repressing the free expression of popular
+opinion.&rsquo; In 1793, Dr. Currie writes: &lsquo;The prosecutions that are
+commenced by government all over England against printers, publishers,
+&amp;c. would astonish you; and most of these are for offences committed
+many months ago. The printer of the <i>Manchester Herald</i> has had seven
+different indictments preferred against him for paragraphs in his paper;
+and six <i>different</i> indictments for selling or disposing of six
+different copies of Paine,&mdash;all previous to the <i>trial</i> of Paine. The
+man was opulent, supposed worth 20,000<i>l.</i>; but these different actions
+will ruin him, as they were intended to do.&rsquo; <i>Currie's Life</i>, vol. i.
+pp. 185, 186. See also a letter from Roscoe to Lord Lansdowne, in <i>Life
+of Roscoe</i>, vol. i. p. 124; and <i>Mem. of Holcroft</i>, vol. ii. pp. 151,
+152: &lsquo;Printers and booksellers all over the kingdom were hunted out for
+prosecution.&rsquo; See further, <i>Life of Cartwright</i>, vol. i. pp. 199, 200;
+<i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. v. pp. 525, 526; <i>Mem. of
+Wakefield</i>, vol. ii. p. 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">[932]</span></a> In 1793, Dr. Currie, after mentioning the attempts made
+by government to destroy the liberty of the press, adds: &lsquo;For my part, I
+foresee troubles, and conceive the nation was never in such a dangerous
+crisis.&rsquo; <i>Currie's Mem.</i> vol. i. p. 186. In 1795, Fox writes (<i>Russell's
+Mem. of Fox</i>, vol. iii. pp. 124, 125): &lsquo;There appears to me to be no
+choice at present, but between an absolute surrender of the liberties of
+the people and a vigorous exertion, attended, I admit, with considerable
+hazard, at a time like the present. My view of things is, I own, very
+gloomy; and I am convinced that, in a very few years, this government
+will become completely absolute, or that confusion will arise of a
+nature almost as much to be deprecated as despotism itself.&rsquo; In the same
+year, Dr. Raine writes (<i>Parr's Works</i>, vol. vii. p. 533): &lsquo;The
+mischievous conduct of men in power has long made this country an uneasy
+dwelling for the moderate and peaceful man; their present proceedings
+render our situation alarming, and our prospects dreadful.&rsquo; See also p.
+530. In 1796, the Bishop of Llandaff writes (<i>Life of Watson</i>, vol. ii.
+pp. 36, 37): &lsquo;The malady which attacks the constitution (influence of
+the crown) is without remedy; violent applications might be used; their
+success would be doubtful, and I, for one, never wish to see them
+tried.&rsquo; Compare vol. i. p. 222. And, in 1799, Priestley dreaded a
+revolution; but, at the same time, thought there was &lsquo;no longer any hope
+of a peaceable and gradual reform.&rsquo; <i>Mem. of Priestley</i>, vol. i. pp.
+198, 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">[933]</span></a> In this memorable declaration, Fox said, that &lsquo;he had a
+right to hope and expect that these bills, which positively repealed the
+Bill of Rights, and cut up the whole of the constitution by the roots,
+by changing our limited monarchy into an absolute despotism, would not
+be enacted by parliament against the declared sense of a great majority
+of the people. If, however, ministers were determined, by means of the
+corrupt influence they possessed in the two houses of parliament, to
+pass the bills in direct opposition to the declared sense of a great
+majority of the nation, and they should be put in force with all their
+rigorous provisions, if his opinion were asked by the people as to their
+obedience, he should tell them, that it was no longer a question of
+moral obligation and duty, but of prudence. It would, indeed, be a case
+of extremity alone which could justify resistance; and the only question
+would be, whether that resistance was prudent.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxxii. p. 383. On this, Windham remarked, and Fox did not deny, that
+&lsquo;the meaning obviously was, that the right hon. gentleman would advise
+the people, whenever they were strong enough, to resist the execution of
+the law;&rsquo; and to this both Sheridan and Grey immediately assented, pp.
+385&ndash;387.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">[934]</span></a> &lsquo;Never had there appeared, in the memory of the oldest
+man, so firm and decided a plurality of adversaries to the ministerial
+measures, as on this occasion (<i>i.e.</i> in 1795): the interest of the
+public seemed so deeply at stake, that individuals, not only of the
+decent, but of the most vulgar professions, gave up a considerable
+portion of their time and occupations in attending the numerous meetings
+that were called in every part of the kingdom, to the professed intent
+of counteracting this attempt of the ministry.&rsquo; <i>Note in Parl. History</i>,
+vol. xxxii. p. 381. It was at this period that Fox made the declaration
+which I have quoted in the previous note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">[935]</span></a> It was called at the time the &lsquo;Reign of Terror;&rsquo; and so
+indeed it was for every opponent of government. See <i>Campbell's
+Chancellors</i>, vol. vi. p. 441; <i>Mem. of Wakefield</i>, vol. ii. p. 67; and
+<i>Trotter's Mem. of Fox</i>, p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">[936]</span></a> &lsquo;The iniquitous system of secret imprisonment, under
+which Pitt and Dundas had now filled all the gaols with parliamentary
+reformers; men who were cast into dungeons without any public
+accusation, and from whom the habeas-corpus suspension act had taken
+every hope of redress.&rsquo; <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol. iii. p. 447. On
+the cruelty with which these political opponents of government were
+treated when in prison, see <i>Stephens's Mem. of Tooke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 121,
+125, 423; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxiv. pp. 112, 113, 126, 129, 170, 515,
+vol. xxxv. pp. 742, 743; <i>Cloncurry's Recollections</i>, pp. 46, 86, 87,
+140, 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">[937]</span></a> <i>Life of Currie</i>, vol. ii. p. 160; <i>Stephens's Mem. of
+Tooke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 118, 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">[938]</span></a> In 1793, Roscoe writes: &lsquo;Every man is called on to be a
+spy upon his brother.&rsquo; <i>Life of Roscoe</i>, vol. i. p. 127. Compare Fox's
+statement (<i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxx. p. 21), that what government had done
+was, &lsquo;to erect every man, not merely into an inquisitor, but into a
+judge, a spy, an informer,&mdash;to set father against father, brother
+against brother; and in this way you expect to maintain the tranquillity
+of the country.&rsquo; See also vol. xxx. p. 1529; and a remarkable passage,
+in <i>Coleridge's Biog. Lit.</i> (vol. i. p. 192), on the extent of &lsquo;secret
+defamation,&rsquo; in and after 1793. For further evidence of this horrible
+state of society, see <i>Mem. of Holcroft</i>, vol. ii. pp. 150, 151;
+<i>Stephens's Mem. of Horne Tooke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 115, 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">[939]</span></a> There was even considerable difficulty in finding a
+printer for Tooke's great philological work, <i>The Diversions of Purley</i>.
+See <i>Stephens's Mem. of Tooke</i>, vol. ii. pp. 345&ndash;348. In 1798, Fox wrote
+to Cartwright (<i>Life of Cartwright</i>, vol. i. p. 248): &lsquo;The decision
+against Wakefield's publisher appears to me decisive against the liberty
+of the press; and, indeed, after it, one can hardly conceive how any
+prudent tradesman can venture to publish anything that can, in any way,
+be disagreeable to the ministers.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">[940]</span></a> Those who opposed the slave-trade were called jacobins,
+and &lsquo;enemies to the ministers;&rsquo; and the celebrated Dr. Currie was
+pronounced to be a jacobin, and an &lsquo;enemy to his country,&rsquo; because he
+remonstrated against the shameful manner in which the English
+government, in 1800, allowed the French prisoners to be treated. <i>Life
+of Currie</i>, vol. i. pp. 330, 332; <i>Life of Wilberforce</i>, vol. i. pp.
+342&ndash;344, vol. ii. pp. 18, 133; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxx. p. 654, vol.
+xxxi. p. 467, vol. xxxiii. p. 1387, vol. xxxiv. pp. 1119, 1485.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">[941]</span></a> <i>Life of Cartwright</i>, vol. i. p. 209; <i>Hunt's Hist. of
+Newspapers</i>, vol. ii. p. 104; <i>Belsham's Hist.</i> vol. ix. p. 227;
+<i>Adolphus's Hist.</i> vol. vi. p. 264; <i>Annual Register for 1795</i>, pp. 156,
+160; <i>Stephens's Mem. of Tooke</i>, vol. ii. p. 118; <i>Life of Currie</i>, vol.
+i. p. 172; <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. vi. p. 316, vol. vii. p. 316;
+<i>Life of Wilberforce</i>, vol. iv. pp. 369, 377; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. xxxi.
+pp. 543, 667, 668, 1067, vol. xxxii. pp. 296, 302, 366, 367, 374, 664,
+vol. xxxv. pp. 1538, 1540; <i>Holcroft's Memoirs</i>, vol. ii. p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">[942]</span></a> In addition to the passages referred to in the preceding
+note; compare <i>Hutton's Life of Himself</i>, p. 209,
+with <i>Campbell's Chancellors</i>, vol. vi. p. 441, vol. vii. p. 104, and
+<i>Adolphus's Hist. of George III.</i> vol. vi. p. 45. In 1798, Caldwell
+wrote to Sir James Smith (<i>Correspondence of Sir J. E. Smith</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 143): &lsquo;The power of the crown is become irresistible. The new scheme
+of inquisition into every man's private circumstances is beyond any
+attempt I have ever heard of under Louis XIV.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">[943]</span></a> In 1794, Fox said, in his speech on the habeas-corpus
+suspension bill: &lsquo;Every man who talked freely, every man who detested,
+as he did from his heart, this war, might be, and would be, in the hands
+and at the mercy of ministers. Living under such a government, and being
+subject to insurrection, comparing the two evils, he confessed, he
+thought the evil they were pretending to remedy, was less than the one
+they were going to inflict by the remedy itself.&rsquo; <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol.
+xxxi. p. 509. In 1800, Lord Holland stated, in the House of Lords, that,
+of &lsquo;the seven years of the war, the habeas-corpus act had been suspended
+five; and, of the multitudes who had been imprisoned in virtue of that
+suspension, few had been brought to trial, and only one convicted.&rsquo; vol.
+xxxiv. pp. 1486. See also vol. xxxv. pp. 609, 610. On the effect of the
+suspension of the habeas-corpus act upon literature, see <i>Life of
+Currie</i>, vol. i. p. 506.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">[944]</span></a> See decisive evidence of this, in <i>Porter's Progress of
+the Nation</i>, vol. ii. pp. 283&ndash;285; and, on the enormous increase of
+expense and taxation, see <i>Pellew's Life of Sidmouth</i>, vol. i. p. 358,
+vol. ii. p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">[945]</span></a> A careful observer of what was going on late in the
+eighteenth century, expresses what, early in the nineteenth century, was
+becoming the conviction of most men of plain, sound understanding, who
+had no interest in the existing corruption: &lsquo;Immoderate taxation, the
+result of the unnecessary wars of the reign of George III., is the cause
+of our embarrassments; and that immoderate taxation has been occasioned
+by the House of Commons being composed of men not interested to protect
+the property of the people.&rsquo;&mdash;<i>Nicholl's Recollections</i>, vol. i. p.
+213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">[946]</span></a> Bishop Horsley, the great champion of the existing state
+of things, said in the House of Lords, in 1795, that he &lsquo;did not know
+what the mass of the people in any country had to do with the laws, but
+to obey them.&rsquo; <i>Cooke's Hist. of Party</i>, vol. iii. p. 435. Compare
+<i>Godwin on Population</i>, p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">[947]</span></a> Lord Cockburn (<i>Life of Jeffrey</i>, 1852, vol. i. pp. 67,
+68) says: &lsquo;If there was any principle that was reverenced as
+indisputable by almost the whole adherents of the party in power sixty,
+or even fifty, or perhaps even forty years ago, it was that the
+ignorance of the people was necessary for their obedience to the law.&rsquo;
+One argument was, &lsquo;that to extend instruction, would be to multiply the
+crime of forgery!&rsquo; <i>Porter's Progress of the Nation</i>, vol. iii.
+p. 205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">[948]</span></a> See chapters ix. and x., on the history of the protective
+spirit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">[949]</span></a> Sir A. Alison notices in his <i>History</i>, (vol. iv. p. 213)
+&lsquo;how widely the spirit of discontent was diffused&rsquo; in 1796; and the only
+wonder is, that the people were able to keep it in bounds. That,
+however, is a question which writers of his stamp never consider.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">[950]</span></a> Bishop Burgess, in a letter to Lord Melbourne, bitterly
+complained that Catholic emancipation was &lsquo;the extinction of the purely
+Protestant character of the British legislature.&rsquo; <i>Harford's Life of
+Burgess</i>, p. 506: see also pp. 238, 239, 369, 370. There can be no doubt
+that the bishop rightly estimated the danger to his own party; and as to
+the Corporation and Test Acts, which, says another bishop (<i>Tomline's
+Life of Pitt</i>, vol. ii. p. 604), &lsquo;were justly regarded as the firmest
+bulwarks of the British constitution,&rsquo; the feeling was so strong, that
+at an episcopal meeting in 1787, there were only two members who were
+willing to repeal these persecuting laws. See <i>Bishop Watson's Life of
+Himself</i>, vol. i. p. 262. Lord Eldon, who to the last stood up for the
+church, pronounced the bill for repealing these acts to be a
+&lsquo;revolutionary bill.&rsquo; <i>Twiss's Life of Eldon</i>, vol. ii. p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">[951]</span></a> Sir C. Lewis, though in his learned work he
+over-estimates the resources possessed by politicians, does nevertheless
+allow that they are rarely able to anticipate the manner in which their
+measures will work. <i>Lewis on the Methods of Observation and Reasoning
+in Politics</i>, 1852, vol. ii. pp. 360&ndash;362. A writer of repute, M.
+Flassan, says (<i>Hist. de la Diplomatie</i>, vol. i. p. 19): &lsquo;On doit être
+très-indulgent sur les erreurs de la politique, à cause de la facilité
+qu'il y a à en commettre, erreurs auxquelles la sagesse même quelquefois
+entraîne.&rsquo; The first part of this sentence is true enough; but it
+conveys a truth which ought to repress that love of interfering with the
+natural march of affairs which still characterizes politicians, even in
+the freest countries.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="title">END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<p class="title">LONDON: PRINTED BY<br />
+SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE<br />
+AND PARLIAMENT STREET</p>
+
+<hr class="hr65" />
+
+<div class="note">
+<p style="text-align: center;"><b>Transcriber's Note</b></p>
+
+<p>The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and formatting have
+been maintained.</p>
+
+<p>Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.</p>
+
+<table summary="corrections">
+  <tr>
+    <td><b>The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.</b></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. v: -5 &#8594; 4&ndash;5</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. vi: 154&ndash;156 &#8594; 152&ndash;156</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xi: the authorship &#8594; the authorship.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xvii: his Life, written by Himself. &#8594; himself.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xix: edit. Meibomius. Amstel. &#8594; Amstel,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xxi: Diplomatie Erançaise &#8594; Française</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xxi: London, 1818. 2 vols &#8594; vols.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xxviii: A Journey though &#8594; through</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xxxvi: of 1569. London, 1840 &#8594; 1840.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xxxviii: Literature. London, 1849 &#8594; 1849.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xli: The Journals of. London &#8594; The Journals of London</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. xlii: Camd. Soc. 1848 4to &#8594; 1848. 4to.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 22: not always absolutely, &#8594; absolutely.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 40: vol. vi. p. 136. &#8594; 136,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 54: with the greater rapidity. &#8594; rapidity.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 57: one and a half per cent. &#8594; cent</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 60: Carus' Comparative Anatomy &#8594; Carus's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 64: when it is over-supplied &#8594; over-supplied.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 64: &lsquo;Cabanis &#8594; '&lsquo;Cabanis&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 64: <i>Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia</i> &#8594; <i>Arabia</i>,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 64: Déscrition &#8594; Description</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 64: Ulloa' &#8594; Ulloa's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 64: vol. i. pp. 379, 380, 460,; &#8594; 460;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 66: Phillip's on Scrofula &#8594; Phillips</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 69: So too, in North America &#8594; So, too, in North America</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 70: Theatre of the Indus &#8594;&nbsp; Hindus</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 72: Craufurd's History &#8594; Crawfurd's History</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 72: <i>Journal of Geograph. Society</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 72: l'AmériqueMéridionale &#8594; l'Amérique Méridionale</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 80: he be divested? &#8594; divested?&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 84: 170, 213; <i>Bowditch</i> &#8594; <i>Bowdich</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 94: throughout, the laying &#8594; 'throughout</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 97: in nearly 9° north. &#8594; north.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 97: p.113. &#8594; p. 113.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 103: vol. ii. p. 113, &#8594; vol. ii. p. 113;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 108: was 21°,on the &#8594; was 21°, on the</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 109: of elevation. &#8594; elevation.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 111: l.'<i>Humboldt</i> &#8594; l'<i>Humboldt</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 113: belonged to the people. &#8594; people.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 119: natural progress &#8594; natural progress.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 122: <i>Brit. Assoc. for</i> 1850, p. 68; &#8594; p. 68);</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 123: comme Science d' Observation &#8594; d'Observation</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 126: they apprehend danger. &#8594; danger.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 126: Garrows or Garrudus. &#8594; Garrudus.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 130: vol. i. p. 41; &#8594; 41,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 130: <i>Phillips on Scrofula</i>, p. 255: &#8594; 255;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 133: <i>Religiöse Bildung der Hindus</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 135: <i>Asiatic Researches</i> &#8594; <i>Asiatic Researches</i>.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 137: Speculationen über Zahlen &#8594; &lsquo;Speculationen</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 143: Müller's Hist &#8594; Müller's Hist.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 147: Stephen's Central America &#8594; Stephens's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 148: <i>Béclard</i>. &#8594; <i>Béclard</i>,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 150: The views of Liebeg &#8594; Liebig</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 158: can be raised &#8594; can be raised.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 158: <i>Locke's Works</i>, vol. i, &#8594; vol. i.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 164: generalized <i>solely</i> from from the &#8594; <i>solely</i> from the</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 167: ich mir noch and ere &#8594; andere</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 170: <i>Asiatic Researches</i>, vol. iii, &#8594; vol. iii.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 171: promises the metphysicians &#8594; metaphysicians</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 177: Geoffroy Saint Hilaire &#8594; Saint-Hilaire</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 177: <i>Hist. de la Médecine</i>, vol. i. p. 380; &#8594; p. 380,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 183: vol. ii. p. 304 &#8594; 304.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 193: Ideen zur Gesckichte &#8594; Ideen zur Geschichte</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 197: l'intelligence, la seule q'uon &#8594; qu'on</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 205: and a dagger &#8594; dagger.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 207: sur ce sujet. &#8594; sujet.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 208: became clearly recognied &#8594; recognized</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 211: balancing of trade. &#8594; trade.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 212: <i>Mill's History of India</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 215: pp. 834, 905 &#8594; 905,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 249: Nichol's Literary Illustrations &#8594; Nichols's,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 256: le plus éclairé. &#8594; éclairé.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 267: <i>Geschichte der Philosophie</i>, vol. ii, &#8594; vol. ii.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 293: vol. iii. pp. 383. &#8594; 383,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 294: &#338;uvresde &#8594; &#338;uvres de</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 295: Poetry, 1840 &#8594; 1840,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 302: have for upwards of 2000 years &#8594; 2,000 years</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 302: extending back 3000 years &#8594; 3,000 years</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 304: from Madagascar to within 2000 miles &#8594; 2,000 miles</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 304: in Polynesia Proper &#8594; proper</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 310: Troyens, par Pàris &#8594; Paris</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 314: vol. ii. p. 389 &#8594; 389.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 315: prædicatorem,&rsquo; p. 360 &#8594; 360.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 325: progress was unmistakeable &#8594; unmistakable</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 330: of mathematics at Tubingen &#8594; Tübingen</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 332: <i>Biog. Univ.</i> &#8594; <i>Biog. Univ.</i>,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 342: &lsquo;Quodque in illis &#8594; Quodque in illis</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 358: pp. 572, 577 &#8594; 577.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 375: <i>Richardson's Travels in the Sahara</i>, vol. i. p 11 &#8594; p. 11</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 378: Cudworth's Intellect &#8594; Intellect.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 379: affected by uncontrolable &#8594; uncontrollable</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 389: In another place, vol &#8594; vol.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 392: Chalmers' Biographical &#8594; Chalmers's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 393: Chalmers' Biog. &#8594; Chalmers's Biog.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 397: vol. ii. pp. 52. &#8594; 52,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 404: September 1688 (<i>Ellis</i> &#8594; <i>Ellis</i>,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 409: <i>Parl. Hist.</i> vol. v &#8594; vol. v.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 411: vol. ii. pp. 640. &#8594; p. 640.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 412: 72 Calamy &#8594; 172 Calamy</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 423: Southey's Wesley, pp &#8594; pp.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 425: Whateley's Dangers &#8594; Whately's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 426: Hist.of Moral &#8594; Hist. of Moral</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 429: eighteenth century. Proviously &#8594; Previously</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 434: vol. ii. p. 29), it become &#8594; became</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 437: with plenty of &lsquo;parentheses&rsquo;! &#8594; &lsquo;parentheses!&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 442: such efforts to instil &#8594; instill</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 445: <i>Mahon's Hist. of England</i>, vol. v &#8594; vol. v.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 447: So too Lord Campbell &#8594; So, too, Lord Campbell</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 449: rectitude of their hearts. &#8594; hearts.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 451: Dutens' Mémoires &#8594; Dutens's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 453: So too Sheridan &#8594; So, too, Sheridan</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 465: the very sound of them. &#8594; them.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 467: vol. i. pp. 43. &#8594; 43,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 468: <i>Buckingham's Mem. of George III.</i> 1853. &#8594; 1853,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 474: the united sovereigns &#8594; &lsquo;the united sovereigns</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 475: a <i>long</i> war. &#8594; war.&rsquo;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 477: <i>Bisset's Life of Burke</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 480: &lsquo;Without stopping to relate &#8594; Without stopping to relate</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 481: vol. i. p. 352, &#8594; vol. i. p. 352;</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 481: says 139,171,876<i>l</i> &#8594; 139,171,876<i>l.</i></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 487: Stephen's Mem. of &#8594; Stephens's</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 493: immediately assented, p. 385&ndash;387. &#8594; pp. 385&ndash;387.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 494: <i>Stephens's Mem. of Tooke</i>, vol &#8594; vol.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 494: Compare Fox's statment &#8594; statement</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 494: to erect every man,not &#8594; man, not</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 494: Mem. of Horne Tooke &#8594; Mem. of Horne Tooke,</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td>p. 496: See also vol. xxxv. p. 609, 610. &#8594; pp. 609, 610.</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
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+</body>
+</html>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 1
+of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: History of Civilization in England,  Vol. 1 of 3
+
+Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2013 [EBook #44493]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, I ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Clarke, Jens Nordmann and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                                HISTORY
+                                   OF
+                        CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+                                   BY
+                          HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
+
+
+                           IN THREE VOLUMES.
+                                VOL. I.
+
+
+                             _NEW EDITION._
+
+
+                                TORONTO:
+                    ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
+                            60 YORK STREET.
+                                 1878.
+
+
+
+
+                     ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+  STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THE
+  REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND
+  PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE
+  CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES.
+
+                                                                     PAGE
+
+  Materials for writing history                                       1-3
+
+  Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians                   4-5
+
+  Object of the present work                                            6
+
+  Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due
+  to chance or to supernatural interference                             8
+
+  Probable origin of free-will and predestination                    9-12
+
+  Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis
+  of free-will                                                      12-16
+
+  The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which
+  exist either in the human mind or in the external world           18-20
+
+  Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and
+  of nature by man                                                  20-21
+
+  Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to
+  murder and other crimes                                           22-26
+
+  Similar proof respecting suicides                                 27-29
+
+  Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted       31-32
+
+  And respecting the number of letters sent undirected                 32
+
+  The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most
+  influenced human actions; and therefore there can be no
+  history without physical science                                  33-35
+
+  NOTE A. Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity             35-38
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+
+  INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY
+  AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS.
+
+  Man is affected by four classes of physical agents; namely,
+  climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature             39-41
+
+  Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth           41-51
+
+  Their operation on the distribution of wealth                     51-64
+
+  Illustrations of these principles from Ireland                    65-67
+
+  From Hindustan                                                    69-82
+
+  From Egypt                                                        82-93
+
+  From Central America                                              93-94
+
+  And from Mexico and Peru                                             95
+
+  Operation of physical laws in Brazil                            101-108
+
+  Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination
+  and the understanding                                           118-119
+
+  Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man;
+  under others, man more than nature                                  120
+
+  In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than
+  the understanding, and to this class all the earliest
+  civilizations belong                                            120-121
+
+  The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes         122-124
+
+  And by danger generally                                         125-126
+
+  Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious             126-130
+
+  From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are
+  mainly influenced by the imagination, those in Europe by the
+  understanding                                                   130-132
+
+  This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan
+  and Greece                                                      132-147
+
+  Further illustration from Central America                       147-148
+
+  Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food
+  and animal heat                                                 148-151
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOR DISCOVERING
+  MENTAL LAWS.
+
+  In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established,
+  which broadly separate Europe from other parts of the world     152-156
+
+  Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical
+  laws the mental are the more important for the history of
+  Europe                                                          156-157
+
+  Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizing
+  mental laws                                                     158-165
+
+  Failure of these methods                                        165-167
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.
+
+  MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND
+  INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE
+  PROGRESS OF SOCIETY.
+
+  The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to
+  the metaphysical method                                         168-174
+
+  The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual      174-175
+
+  Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element               175
+
+  There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve  176-177
+
+  Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the
+  circumstances under which the faculties come into play              178
+
+  The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes
+  of action must be variable                                          179
+
+  But moral truths have not changed                                   179
+
+  And intellectual truths are constantly changing                     181
+
+  Intellectual truths are the cause of progress                       182
+
+  Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity   183-185
+
+  Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain                       185-188
+
+  The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the
+  progress of knowledge                                           188-190
+
+  The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause 190-192
+
+  Illustrations from Russia and Turkey                            195-197
+
+  As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming
+  soldiers                                                            198
+
+  Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe     198-202
+
+  The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge
+  has lessened the warlike spirit are:
+  1. The invention of gunpowder                                   203-209
+  2. The discoveries made by political economists                 210-211
+  3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling           219-223
+
+  Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress       224-226
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+  INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND
+  GOVERNMENT.
+
+  Recapitulation of preceding arguments                               227
+
+  Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society
+  in the aggregate                                                228-229
+
+  This being as yet little understood, historians have not
+  collected proper materials for writing history                      230
+
+  Reasons why the present history is restricted to England        231-235
+
+  Comparison of the history of England with that of France        235-236
+
+  With that of Germany                                            237-240
+
+  With that of the United States of America                       240-242
+
+  Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual
+  progress                                                          243
+
+  Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories
+  of Germany, America, France, Spain, and Scotland                244-246
+
+  Deductive spirit in Scotland                                    246-252
+
+  Influence of religion on the progress of society                253-266
+
+  Illustration from the efforts of missionaries                   254-256
+
+  Illustration from the Hebrews                                   257-258
+
+  Illustration from the early history of Christianity             259-262
+
+  And from Sweden and Scotland                                    263-266
+
+  Influence of literature on the progress of society              268-272
+
+  Influence of government on the progress of society              272-287
+
+  Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws                          273-274
+
+  The best legislation abrogates former legislation                   275
+
+  The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade    276-278
+
+  Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes 278-280
+
+  They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury                  281-283
+
+  By their laws against usury they have increased usury           283-284
+
+  By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge       284-285
+
+  England has been less interfered with in these ways than
+  other nations, and is therefore more prosperous than they       286-287
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VI.
+
+  ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE
+  AGES.
+
+  Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations              288
+
+  An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw
+  light on the changes in society                                 289-290
+
+  The earliest histories are ballads                              291-295
+
+  One cause of error in history was the invention of writing      296-300
+
+  A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its
+  early history                                                   300-307
+
+  But the most active cause of all was the influence of the
+  clergy                                                          307-308
+
+  Absurdities which were consequently believed                    309-317
+
+  Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin  318-321
+
+  And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey                 321-325
+
+  The first improvement in writing history began in the
+  fourteenth and fifteenth centuries                                  325
+
+  But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines        327-328
+
+  And in the predictions of St[oe]ffler respecting the Deluge         330
+
+  Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth               331-332
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE
+  SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+  This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the
+  state of the age                                                    333
+
+  The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement        334
+
+  Hence the supreme importance of scepticism                      335-336
+
+  Origin of religious toleration in England                           337
+
+  Hooker contrasted with Jewel                                    339-343
+
+  Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects              343-346
+
+  This tendency displayed in Chillingworth                        347-350
+
+  Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel                        350
+
+  Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing
+  indifference to theological matters                             352-355
+
+  Great advantage of this                                         356-358
+
+  Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority
+  assumes a political character                                   359-361
+
+  Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court                363
+
+  Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne                 365-367
+
+  Its influence upon Boyle                                        367-370
+
+  It causes the establishment of the Royal Society                    371
+
+  Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the
+  clergy to oppose it                                                 372
+
+  The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because
+  it lessens their own power                                      372-373
+
+  Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and
+  agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics          375-380
+
+  Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite
+  of political degradation                                        380-386
+
+  These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring
+  spirit                                                          387-388
+
+  Aided by the vices of the king                                      388
+
+  And by his dislike of the church                                    389
+
+  He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy    390-393
+
+  The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with
+  James II.                                                       394-396
+
+  This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence    397-399
+
+  The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about
+  the Revolution of 1688                                          399-400
+
+  Importance of the Revolution                                    401-403
+
+  But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act          403
+
+  Hostility between them and William III.                         405-410
+
+  Hence a schism in the church                                    410-413
+
+  Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism                    413-414
+
+  Convocation first despised, and then abolished                  414-415
+
+  After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to
+  secular professions, and avoided entering the church                415
+
+  The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their
+  numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament                 416-418
+
+  The church rallied for a moment under Anne                      418-420
+
+  But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and
+  Whitefield                                                      420-424
+
+  Theology separated from morals and from politics                424-426
+
+  Rapid succession of sceptical controversies                     427-429
+
+  Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form       430-433
+
+  Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates    433-434
+
+  Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence       436
+
+  Corresponding change in the style of authors                    436-439
+
+  Hence great reforms became inevitable                           439-440
+
+  This tendency was aided by George I. and George II.             441-443
+
+  But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous
+  political reaction                                              444-446
+
+  Ignorance of George III.                                            446
+
+  Subserviency of Pitt                                            446-449
+
+  Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of
+  great men                                                       449-451
+
+  Deterioration of the House of Lords                             451-455
+
+  Ability and accomplishments of Burke                            458-461
+
+  He opposed the views of George III., and was neglected by him   462-467
+
+  Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence                  467-476
+
+  The king now favoured him                                       476-477
+
+  Policy of George III. respecting America                        478-482
+
+  This policy reacted upon England                                482-483
+
+  Policy in regard to France                                      483-486
+
+  This also reacted upon England                                      486
+
+  And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England    487-493
+
+  Which were zealously enforced by the executive                  494-496
+
+  Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth
+  century                                                         496-498
+
+  But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction
+  was preparing                                                   498-502
+
+  To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion,
+  England owes her great reforms of the nineteenth century        502-505
+
+
+
+
+                        LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED.
+
+
+[In order to assist those who wish to verify my references, and also
+with the view of indicating the nature and extent of the materials which
+I have used, I have drawn up the following list of the principal works
+quoted. When no edition is mentioned, the size is 8vo _et infra_. When
+the name of the author is enclosed between brackets, the book is
+anonymous; but in such cases I have usually subjoined some authority who
+gives evidence of the authorship.]
+
+[Aarsens de Sommerdyck] Voyage d'Espagne, fait en l'annee 1655. Paris,
+1665. 4to. Barbier (_Dictionnaire des Ouvrages Anonymes_, vol. ii. p.
+468, Paris, 1806) refers to an edition of 1666.
+
+Abd-Allatif, Relation de l'Egypte, traduite par Silvestre de Sacy.
+Paris, 1810. 4to.
+
+Aberdeen: Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen,
+from 1398 to 1570, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1844. 4to.
+
+Ibid., from 1570 to 1625, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1848.
+4to.
+
+Abernethy (J.) The Hunterian Oration for the year 1819. London, 1819.
+
+Abernethy (M. I.) Physicke for the Soule. London, 1622. 4to.
+
+Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland from 1124 to 1707. London,
+1814-1844. 11 vols. folio.
+
+Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland,
+from 1560 to 1618. Edinburgh, 1839-1845. 3 vols. 4to.
+
+Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from 1638 to
+1842. Edinburgh, 1843.
+
+Adams (J.) Memoirs of the Life and Doctrines of John Hunter. 2nd edit.
+London, 1818.
+
+Adolphus (J.) History of England from the accession of George III.
+London, 1840-1845. 7 vols.
+
+Aguesseau (Chancelier d') Lettres inedites. Paris, 1823. 2 vols.
+
+Aikin (L.) Life of Addison. London, 1843. 2 vols.
+
+Albemarle (Earl of) Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham. Lond. 1852. 2
+vols.
+
+Alberoni (Cardinal) The History of. London, 1719.
+
+Alison (Sir A.) History of Europe, from the commencement of the French
+Revolution to 1815. Edinburgh, 1849, 1850. 14 vols.
+
+Allen (J.) Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England. London,
+1849. Anderson (J.) Prize Essay on the State of Society and Knowledge
+in the Highlands of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1827.
+
+Antequera (D. J. M.) Historia de la Legislacion Espanola. Madrid, 1849.
+
+Argyll (The Duke of) Presbytery Examined. London, 1848.
+
+Arnold (Dr.) Lectures on Modern History. London, 1843.
+
+Arnot (H.) The History of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1788. 4to.
+
+Asiatic Researches. London and Calcutta, 1799-1836. 20 vols. 4to.
+
+Aubrey (J.) Letters and Lives of Eminent Men. London, 1813. 2 vols.
+
+Audigier (M.) L'Origine des Francois. Paris, 1676. 2 vols.
+
+Azara (F.) Voyages dans l'Amerique Meridionale. Paris, 1809. 4 vols.
+
+
+Bacallar (V.) Commentarios de la Guerra de Espana, e Historia de su Rey
+Phelipe V. Genova. 2 vols. 4to (no date).
+
+Bacon (J. F.) Six Years in Biscay. London, 1838.
+
+Baillie (R.) Letters and Journals from 1637 to 1662, edited by D. Laing.
+Edinburgh, 1841-1842. 3 vols.
+
+Bain (A.) The Senses and the Intellect. London, 1855.
+
+Bakewell (R.) Introduction to Geology. London, 1838.
+
+Balfour (Sir J.) Historical Works, containing the Annals of Scotland.
+London, 1825. 4 vols.
+
+Balfour (J. H.) A Manual of Botany. London, 1849.
+
+Bancroft (G.) History of the American Revolution. London, 1852-1854. 3
+vols.
+
+Bannatyne (J.) Journal of Transactions in Scotland, from 1570 to 1573.
+Edinburgh, 1806.
+
+Barante (M.) Tableau de la Litterature Francaise au XVIII^e Siecle.
+Paris, 1847.
+
+Barrington (D.) Observations on the Statutes. 5th edit. London, 1796.
+4to.
+
+Barruel (L'Abbe) Memoires pour l'Histoire du Jacobinisme. Hambourg,
+1803. 5 vols.
+
+Barry (G.) History of the Orkney Islands. Edinburgh, 1805. 4to.
+
+Bassompierre (Marechal de) Memoires. Paris, 1822, 1823. 3 vols.
+
+Bates (G.) Account of the late Troubles in England. London, 1685. 2
+vols.
+
+Baxter (R.) Life and Times, by himself. Published by M. Sylvester.
+London, 1696. Folio. 3 parts.
+
+Bazin (M. A.) Histoire de France sous Louis XIII. Paris, 1838. 4 vols.
+
+Beausobre (M.) Histoire Critique de Manichee et du Manicheisme.
+Amsterdam, 1734-9. 2 vols. 4to.
+
+Beclard (P. A.) Elements d'Anatomie Generale. Paris, 1852.
+
+Bedford Correspondence, edited by Lord J. Russell. 1842-1846. 3 vols.
+
+Beechey (F. W.) Voyage to the Pacific. London, 1831. 2 vols. Belsham
+(W.) History of Great Britain, from 1688 to 1802. London, 1805. 12 vols.
+[Of this work I have used only the last seven volumes, which refer to a
+period for which Belsham was a contemporary authority. The earlier
+volumes are worthless.]
+
+[Benoist] Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes. Delft, 1693-1695. 5 vols. 4to.
+
+Berkeley (Bishop of Cloyne) Works. London, 1843. 2 vols.
+
+Berwick (Marechal de) Memoires ecrits par lui-meme. Paris, 1778. 2 vols.
+
+Bichat (X.) Traite des Membranes. Paris, 1802.
+
+Bichat (X.) Anatomie Generale. Paris, 1821. 4 vols.
+
+Bichat (X.) Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort, edit. Magendie. Paris,
+1829.
+
+Binning (H.) Sermons, edited by J. Cochrane. Edinburgh, 1839, 1840. 3
+vols.
+
+Biographie Universelle. Paris, 1811-1828. 52 vols.
+
+Birch (T.) Life of Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury. London, 1753.
+
+Bisset (R.) Life of Edmund Burke. 2nd edit. London, 1800. 2 vols.
+
+Black (J.) Lectures on Chemistry, edited by John Robison. Edinburgh,
+1803. 2 vols. 4to.
+
+Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England. London, 1809. 4 vols.
+
+Blainville (D.) Physiologie Generale et Comparee. Paris, 1833. 3 vols.
+
+Blair (R.) Autobiography, from 1593 to 1636; with a continuation to
+1680, by W. Row, edited by T. M'Crie for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh,
+1848.
+
+Blanqui (M.) Histoire de l'Economie Politique en Europe. Paris, 1845. 2
+vols.
+
+Bogue (D.) and Bennett (J.) History of the Dissenters, from 1688 to
+1808. London, 1808-1812. 4 vols.
+
+Bohlen (P.) Das alte Indien, mit besonderer Ruecksicht auf Aegypten.
+Koenigsberg, 1830. 2 vols.
+
+[Boisel] Journal du Voyage d'Espagne. Paris, 1669. 4to. See Barbier,
+_Dict. des Ouvr. Anonymes_, vol. ii. p. 621, Paris. 1806.
+
+Bordas-Demoulin, Le Cartesianisme. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.
+
+Bossuet (Eveque de Meaux) Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle. Paris,
+1844.
+
+Boston (T.) Sermons. Glasgow, 1752.
+
+Boston (T.) Human Nature in its Four-fold State. Reprinted, London,
+1809.
+
+Bouillaud (J.) Philosophie Medicale. Paris, 1836.
+
+Bouille (M. de) Memoires sur la Revolution Francaise. Paris, 1801-9. 2
+vols.
+
+Bouillier (M.) Histoire des divers Corps de la Maison Militaire des Rois
+de France. Paris, 1818.
+
+Boulainvilliers (Comte) Histoire de l'Ancien Gouvernement de la France.
+La Haye, 1727. 3 vols.
+
+Bourgoing (J. F.) Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne,
+quatrieme edition. Paris, 1807. 3 vols.
+
+Bouterwek (F.) History of Spanish and Portuguese Literature. London,
+1823. 2 vols.
+
+Bowdich (T. E.) Mission to Ashantee. London, 1819. 4to.
+
+Bower (A.) History of the University of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1817-1830.
+3 vols.
+
+Bowles (G.) Introduccion a la Historia Natural y a la Geografia Fisica
+de Espana. Tercera edicion. Madrid, 1789. 4to.
+
+Bowles (W. L.) Life of Bishop Ken. London, 1830, 1831. 2 vols.
+
+Boyle (R.) Works. London, 1744. 5 vols. folio.
+
+Brand (A.) Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland-Firth, and
+Caithness. Edinburgh, 1701.
+
+Brande (W. T.) A Manual of Chemistry. London, 1848. 2 vols.
+
+Brewster (Sir D.) Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton. Edinburgh, 1855. 2 vols.
+
+Brienne (L. H. de Lomenie) Memoires inedits. Paris, 1828. 2 vols.
+
+Brissot (J. P.) Memoires. Paris, 1830. 2 vols.
+
+British Association for Advancement of Science, Reports of. London,
+1833-1853. 21 vols.
+
+Brodie (Sir B.) Lectures on Pathology and Surgery. London, 1846.
+
+Brodie (Sir B.) Physiological Researches. London, 1851.
+
+Brougham (Lord) Sketches of Statesmen in the time of George III. London,
+1845. 6 vols.
+
+Brougham (Lord) Lives of Men of Letters and Science in the time of
+George III. London, 1845-1847. 2 vols.
+
+Brougham (Lord) Political Philosophy. 2nd edit. London, 1849. 3 vols.
+
+Broussais (F. J. V.) Examen des Doctrines Medicales. Paris, 1829-1834. 4
+vols.
+
+Broussais (F. J. V.) Cours de Phrenologie. Paris, 1836.
+
+Brown (A.) History of Glasgow. Glasgow, 1795, and Edinburgh, 1797. 2
+vols.
+
+Brown (T.) Lectures on the Philosophy of the Mind. Edinburgh, 1838.
+
+Browne (J.) History of the Highlands and of the Highland Clans. Glasgow,
+1838. 4 vols.
+
+Browne (Sir Thomas) Works and Correspondence, by S. Wilkin. London,
+1836. 4 vols.
+
+Buchanan (F.) Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. London, 1807.
+3 vols. 4to.
+
+Buchanan (G.) Rerum Scoticarum Historia, cura Man. Abredoniae, 1762.
+
+Buchanan (J.) Sketches of the North-American Indians. London, 1824.
+
+Buckingham (Duke of) Memoirs of George III. London, 1853. 2 vols.
+
+Bullock (W.) Travels in Mexico. London, 1824. Bulstrode (Sir R.)
+Memoirs of Charles I. and Charles II. London, 1721.
+
+Bunbury (Sir H.) Correspondence of Sir Thomas Hanmer. London, 1838.
+
+Bunsen (C. C. J.) Egypt's Place in Universal History. London, 1848-1854.
+2 vols.
+
+Burckhardt (J. L.) Travels in Arabia. London, 1829. 2 vols.
+
+Burdach (C. F.) Traite de Physiologie consideree comme Science
+d'Observation. Paris, 1837-1841. 9 vols.
+
+Burke (E.) Correspondence with Laurence. London, 1827.
+
+Burke (E.) Works, by H. Rogers. London, 1841. 2 vols.
+
+Burke (E.) Correspondence between 1744 and 1797. London, 1844. 4 vols.
+
+Burnes (Sir A.) Travels into Bokhara. London, 1834. 3 vols.
+
+Burnet (Bishop Gr.) History of his own Time. Oxford, 1823. 6 vols.
+
+Burnet (Bishop G.) Lives and Characters, edit. Jebb. London, 1833.
+
+Burnet (Bishop G.) Memoirs of the Lives of James and William, Dukes of
+Hamilton and Castle-Herald. Oxford, 1852.
+
+Burton (J. H.) Life and Correspondence of David Hume. Edinburgh, 1846, 2
+vols.
+
+Burton (J. H.) Lives of Simon Lord Lovat, and Duncan Forbes of Culloden.
+London, 1847.
+
+Burton (J. H.) Narratives from Criminal Trials in Scotland. London,
+1852. 2 vols.
+
+Burton (J. H.) History of Scotland, from 1689 to 1748. London, 1853. 2
+vols.
+
+Burton (R. F.) Sindh, and the Races in the Valley of the Indus. London,
+1851.
+
+Burton (T.) Diary, from 1655 to 1659. London, 1828. 4 vols.
+
+Butler (C.) Memoirs of the English, Irish, and Scottish Catholics.
+London, 1822. 4 vols.
+
+Butler (C.) Reminiscences. London, 1824-1827. 2 vols.
+
+
+Cabanis (P. J. G.) Rapports du Physique et du Moral de l'Homme. Paris,
+1843.
+
+Cabarrus (D. F.) Elogio de Carlos III. Madrid, 1789. 4to.
+
+Cabarrus (Conde de) Cartas sobre los Obstaculos que la Naturaleza, la
+Opinion, y las Leyes oponen a la Felicidad Publica. Madrid, 1813.
+
+Calamy (E.) Account of my own Life, 1631-1731. London, 1829. 2 vols.
+
+Calderwood (D.) History of the Kirk of Scotland, edited by T. Thomson
+for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1842-1849. 8 vols.
+
+Campan (Madame) Memoires sur Marie-Antoinette. Paris, 1826. 3 vols.
+
+Campbell (Lord) Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England. 3rd edit.
+London, 1848-1850. 7 vols. Campbell (Lord) Lives of the Chief Justices
+of England. London, 1849. 2 vols.
+
+Campion (H. de) Memoires. Paris, 1807.
+
+[Campomanes] Discurso sobre la Educacion Popular de los Artesanos.
+Madrid, 1775.
+
+[Campomanes] Apendice a la Educacion Popular. Madrid, 1775-1777. 4 vols.
+
+Capefigue (M.) Histoire de la Reforme, de la Ligue et du Regne de Henri
+IV. Bruxelles, 1834, 1835. 8 vols.
+
+Capefigue (M.) Richelieu, Mazarin et la Fronde. Paris, 1844. 2 vols.
+
+Capefigue (M.) Louis XIV. Paris, 1844. 2 vols.
+
+Capmany (A de) Queestiones Criticas sobre varios Puntos de Historia
+economica, &c. Madrid, 1807.
+
+Cappe (C.) Memoirs, written by herself. London, 1822.
+
+Carlyle (Rev. Dr. Alexander) Autobiography. 2nd edit. Edinburgh, 1860.
+
+Carlyle (T.) Letters and Speeches of Cromwell. 2nd edit. London, 1846. 3
+vols.
+
+Carpenter (W. B.) Principles of Human Physiology. 3rd edit. London,
+1846.
+
+Cartwright (Major) Life and Correspondence. London, 1826. 2 vols.
+
+Carus (C. G.) Comparative Anatomy of Animals. London, 1827. 2 vols.
+
+Carwithen (J. B. S.) History of the Church of England. Oxford, 1849. 2
+vols.
+
+Cassagnac (M. A. G. de) Causes de la Revolution Francaise. Paris, 1850.
+3 vols.
+
+Castro (A.) Examen Filosofico sobre las principales causas de la
+Decadencia de Espana. Cadiz, 1852.
+
+Catlin (G.) Letters on the North-American Indians. London, 1841. 2 vols.
+
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+
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+Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife, from 1611 to 1687.
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+Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark, from 1623 to
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+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+                  HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+                        _GENERAL INTRODUCTION._
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+     STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF
+     THE REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY
+     MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE
+     STUDIED, AND THERE CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES.
+
+
+Of all the great branches of human knowledge, history is that upon which
+most has been written, and which has always been most popular. And it
+seems to be the general opinion that the success of historians has, on
+the whole, been equal to their industry; and that if on this subject
+much has been studied, much also is understood.
+
+This confidence in the value of history is very widely diffused, as we
+see in the extent to which it is read, and in the share it occupies in
+all plans of education. Nor can it be denied that, in a certain point of
+view, such confidence is perfectly justifiable. It cannot be denied that
+materials have been collected which, when looked at in the aggregate,
+have a rich and imposing appearance. The political and military annals
+of all the great countries in Europe, and of most of those out of
+Europe, have been carefully compiled, put together in a convenient form,
+and the evidence on which they rest has been tolerably well sifted.
+Great attention has been paid to the history of legislation, also to
+that of religion: while considerable, though inferior, labour has been
+employed in tracing the progress of science, of literature, of the fine
+arts, of useful inventions, and, latterly, of the manners and comforts
+of the people. In order to increase our knowledge of the past,
+antiquities of every kind have been examined; the sites of ancient
+cities have been laid bare, coins dug up and deciphered, inscriptions
+copied, alphabets restored, hieroglyphics interpreted, and, in some
+instances, long-forgotten languages reconstructed and re-arranged.
+Several of the laws which regulate the changes of human speech have been
+discovered, and, in the hands of philologists, have been made to
+elucidate even the most obscure periods in the early migration of
+nations. Political economy has been raised to a science, and by it much
+light has been thrown on the causes of that unequal distribution of
+wealth which is the most fertile source of social disturbance.
+Statistics have been so sedulously cultivated, that we have the most
+extensive information, not only respecting the material interests of
+men, but also respecting their moral peculiarities; such as, the amount
+of different crimes, the proportion they bear to each other, and the
+influence exercised over them by age, sex, education, and the like. With
+this great movement physical geography has kept pace: the phenomena of
+climate have been registered, mountains measured, rivers surveyed and
+tracked to their source, natural productions of all kinds carefully
+studied, and their hidden properties unfolded: while every food which
+sustains life has been chemically analysed, its constituents numbered
+and weighed, and the nature of the connexion between them and the human
+frame has, in many cases, been satisfactorily ascertained. At the same
+time, and that nothing should be left undone which might enlarge our
+knowledge of the events by which man is affected, there have been
+instituted circumstantial researches in many other departments; so that
+in regard to the most civilized people, we are now acquainted with the
+rate of their mortality, of their marriages, the proportion of their
+births, the character of their employments, and the fluctuations both
+in their wages and in the prices of the commodities necessary to their
+existence. These and similar facts have been collected, methodized, and
+are ripe for use. Such results, which form, as it were, the anatomy of a
+nation, are remarkable for their minuteness; and to them there have been
+joined other results less minute, but more extensive. Not only have the
+actions and characteristics of the great nations been recorded, but a
+prodigious number of different tribes in all the parts of the known
+world have been visited and described by travellers, thus enabling us to
+compare the condition of mankind in every stage of civilization, and
+under every variety of circumstance. When we moreover add, that this
+curiosity respecting our fellow-creatures is apparently insatiable; that
+it is constantly increasing; that the means of gratifying it are also
+increasing, and that most of the observations which have been made are
+still preserved;--when we put all these things together, we may form a
+faint idea of the immense value of that vast body of facts which we now
+possess, and by the aid of which the progress of mankind is to be
+investigated.
+
+But if, on the other hand, we are to describe the use that has been made
+of these materials, we must draw a very different picture. The
+unfortunate peculiarity of the history of man is, that although its
+separate parts have been examined with considerable ability, hardly any
+one has attempted to combine them into a whole, and ascertain the way in
+which they are connected with each other. In all the other great fields
+of inquiry, the necessity of generalization is universally admitted, and
+noble efforts are being made to rise from particular facts in order to
+discover the laws by which those facts are governed. So far, however, is
+this from being the usual course of historians, that among them a
+strange idea prevails, that their business is merely to relate events,
+which they may occasionally enliven by such moral and political
+reflections as seem likely to be useful. According to this scheme, any
+author who from indolence of thought, or from natural incapacity, is
+unfit to deal with the highest branches of knowledge, has only to pass
+some years in reading a certain number of books, and then he is
+qualified to be an historian; he is able to write the history of a great
+people, and his work becomes an authority on the subject which it
+professes to treat.
+
+The establishment of this narrow standard has led to results very
+prejudicial to the progress of our knowledge. Owing to it, historians,
+taken as a body, have never recognized the necessity of such a wide and
+preliminary study as would enable them to grasp their subject in the
+whole of its natural relations. Hence the singular spectacle of one
+historian being ignorant of political economy; another knowing nothing
+of law; another nothing of ecclesiastical affairs and changes of
+opinion; another neglecting the philosophy of statistics, and another
+physical science: although these topics are the most essential of all,
+inasmuch as they comprise the principal circumstances by which the
+temper and character of mankind have been affected, and in which they
+are displayed. These important pursuits being, however, cultivated, some
+by one man, and some by another, have been isolated rather than united:
+the aid which might be derived from analogy and from mutual illustration
+has been lost; and no disposition has been shown to concentrate them
+upon history, of which they are, properly speaking, the necessary
+components.
+
+Since the early part of the eighteenth century, a few great thinkers
+have indeed arisen, who have deplored the backwardness of history, and
+have done everything in their power to remedy it. But these instances
+have been extremely rare: so rare, that in the whole literature of
+Europe there are not more than three or four really original works which
+contain a systematic attempt to investigate the history of man according
+to those exhaustive methods which in other branches of knowledge have
+proved successful, and by which alone empirical observations can be
+raised to scientific truths.
+
+Among historians in general, we find, after the sixteenth century, and
+especially during the last hundred years, several indications of an
+increasing comprehensiveness of view, and of a willingness to
+incorporate into their works subjects which they would formerly have
+excluded. By this means their assemblage of topics has become more
+diversified, and the mere collection and relative position of parallel
+facts has occasionally suggested generalizations no traces of which can
+be found in the earlier literature of Europe. This has been a great
+gain, in so far as it has familiarized historians with a wider range of
+thought, and encouraged those habits of speculation, which, though
+liable to abuse, are the essential condition of all real knowledge,
+because without them no science can be constructed.
+
+But, notwithstanding that the prospects of historical literature are
+certainly more cheering now than in any former age, it must be allowed
+that, with extremely few exceptions, they are only prospects, and that
+as yet scarcely anything has been done towards discovering the
+principles which govern the character and destiny of nations. What has
+been actually effected I shall endeavour to estimate in another part of
+this introduction: at present it is enough to say, that for all the
+higher purposes of human thought history is still miserably deficient,
+and presents that confused and anarchical appearance natural to a
+subject of which the laws are unknown, and even the foundation
+unsettled.[1]
+
+  [1] A living writer, who has done more than any other to raise the
+      standard of history, contemptuously notices 'l'incoherente
+      compilation de faits deja improprement qualifiee _d'histoire_.'
+      _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. v. p. 18. There is much in
+      the method and in the conclusions of this great work with which I
+      cannot agree; but it would be unjust to deny its extraordinary
+      merits.
+
+Our acquaintance with history being so imperfect, while our materials
+are so numerous, it seems desirable that something should be done on a
+scale far larger than has hitherto been attempted, and that a strenuous
+effort should be made to bring up this great department of inquiry to a
+level with other departments, in order that we may maintain the balance
+and harmony of our knowledge. It is in this spirit that the present
+work has been conceived. To make the execution of it fully equal to the
+conception is impossible: still I hope to accomplish for the history of
+man something equivalent, or at all events analogous, to what has been
+effected by other inquirers for the different branches of natural
+science. In regard to nature, events apparently the most irregular and
+capricious have been explained, and have been shown to be in accordance
+with certain fixed and universal laws. This has been done because men of
+ability, and, above all, men of patient, untiring thought, have studied
+natural events with the view of discovering their regularity: and if
+human events were subjected to a similar treatment, we have every right
+to expect similar results. For it is clear that they who affirm that the
+facts of history are incapable of being generalized, take for granted
+the very question at issue. Indeed they do more than this. They not only
+assume what they cannot prove, but they assume what in the present state
+of knowledge is highly improbable. Whoever is at all acquainted with
+what has been done during the last two centuries, must be aware that
+every generation demonstrates some events to be regular and predictable,
+which the preceding generation had declared to be irregular and
+unpredictable: so that the marked tendency of advancing civilization is
+to strengthen our belief in the universality of order, of method, and of
+law. This being the case, it follows that if any facts, or class of
+facts, have not yet been reduced to order, we, so far from pronouncing
+them to be irreducible, should rather be guided by our experience of the
+past, and should admit the probability that what we now call
+inexplicable will at some future time be explained. This expectation of
+discovering regularity in the midst of confusion is so familiar to
+scientific men, that among the most eminent of them it becomes an
+article of faith: and if the same expectation is not generally found
+among historians, it must be ascribed partly to their being of inferior
+ability to the investigators of nature, and partly to the greater
+complexity of those social phenomena with which their studies are
+concerned.
+
+Both these causes have retarded the creation of the science of history.
+The most celebrated historians are manifestly inferior to the most
+successful cultivators of physical science: no one having devoted
+himself to history who in point of intellect is at all to be compared
+with Kepler, Newton, or many others that might be named.[2] And as to
+the greater complexity of the phenomena, the philosophic historian is
+opposed by difficulties far more formidable than is the student of
+nature; since, while on the one hand, his observations are more liable
+to those causes of error which arise from prejudice and passion, he, on
+the other hand, is unable to employ the great physical resource of
+experiment, by which we can often simplify even the most intricate
+problems in the external world.
+
+  [2] I speak merely of those who have made history their main pursuit.
+      Bacon wrote on it, but only as a subordinate object; and it
+      evidently cost him nothing like the thought which he devoted to
+      other subjects.
+
+It is not, therefore, surprising that the study of the movements of Man
+should be still in its infancy, as compared with the advanced state of
+the study of the movements of Nature. Indeed the difference between the
+progress of the two pursuits is so great, that while in physics the
+regularity of events, and the power of predicting them, are often taken
+for granted even in cases still unproved, a similar regularity is in
+history not only not taken for granted, but is actually denied. Hence it
+is that whoever wishes to raise history to a level with other branches
+of knowledge, is met by a preliminary obstacle; since he is told that in
+the affairs of men there is something mysterious and providential, which
+makes them impervious to our investigations, and which will always hide
+from us their future course. To this it might be sufficient to reply,
+that such an assertion is gratuitous; that it is by its nature incapable
+of proof; and that it is moreover opposed by the notorious fact that
+everywhere else increasing knowledge is accompanied by an increasing
+confidence in the uniformity with which, under the same circumstances,
+the same events must succeed each other. It will, however, be more
+satisfactory to probe the difficulty deeper, and inquire at once into
+the foundation of the common opinion that history must always remain in
+its present empirical state, and can never be raised to the rank of a
+science. We shall thus be led to one vast question, which indeed lies at
+the root of the whole subject, and is simply this: Are the actions of
+men, and therefore of societies, governed by fixed laws, or are they the
+result either of chance or of supernatural interference? The discussion
+of these alternatives will suggest some speculations of considerable
+interest.
+
+For, in reference to this matter, there are two doctrines, which appear
+to represent different stages of civilization. According to the first
+doctrine, every event is single and isolated, and is merely considered
+as the result of a blind chance. This opinion, which is most natural to
+a perfectly ignorant people, would soon be weakened by that extension of
+experience which supplies a knowledge of those uniformities of
+succession and of co-existence that nature constantly presents. If, for
+example, wandering tribes, without the least tincture of civilization,
+lived entirely by hunting and fishing, they might well suppose that the
+appearance of their necessary food was the result of some accident which
+admitted of no explanation. The irregularity of the supply, and the
+apparent caprice with which it was sometimes abundant and sometimes
+scanty, would prevent them from suspecting anything like method in the
+arrangements of nature; nor could their minds even conceive the
+existence of those general principles which govern the order of events,
+and by a knowledge of which we are often able to predict their future
+course. But when such tribes advance into the agricultural state, they,
+for the first time, use a food of which not only the appearance, but the
+very existence, seems to be the result of their own act. What they sow,
+that likewise do they reap. The provision necessary for their wants is
+brought more immediately under their own control, and is more palpably
+the consequence of their own labour. They perceive a distinct plan, and
+a regular uniformity of sequence, in the relation which the seed they
+put into the ground bears to the corn when arrived at maturity. They are
+now able to look to the future, not indeed with certainty, but with a
+confidence infinitely greater than they could have felt in their former
+and more precarious pursuits.[3] Hence there arises a dim idea of the
+stability of events; and for the first time there begins to dawn upon
+the mind a faint conception of what at a later period are called the
+Laws of Nature. Every step in the great progress will make their view of
+this more clear. As their observations accumulate, and as their
+experience extends over a wider surface, they meet with uniformities
+that they had never suspected to exist, and the discovery of which
+weakens that doctrine of chance with which they had originally set out.
+Yet a little further, and a taste for abstract reasoning springs up; and
+then some among them generalize the observations that have been made,
+and despising the old popular opinion, believe that every event is
+linked to its antecedent by an inevitable connexion, that such
+antecedent is connected with a preceding fact; and that thus the whole
+world forms a necessary chain, in which indeed each man may play his
+part, but can by no means determine what that part shall be.
+
+  [3] Some of the moral consequences of thus diminishing the
+      precariousness of food are noticed by M. Charles Comte in his
+      _Traite de Legislation_, vol. ii. pp. 273-275. Compare _Mill's
+      History of India_, vol. i. pp. 180-181. But both these able writers
+      have omitted to observe that the change facilitates a perception of
+      the regularity of phenomena.
+
+Thus it is that, in the ordinary march of society, an increasing
+perception of the regularity of nature destroys the doctrine of Chance,
+and replaces it by that of Necessary Connexion. And it is, I think,
+highly probable that out of these two doctrines of Chance and Necessity
+there have respectively arisen the subsequent dogmas of Free Will and
+Predestination. Nor is it difficult to understand the manner in which,
+in a more advanced state of society, this metamorphosis would occur. In
+every country, as soon as the accumulation of wealth has reached a
+certain point, the produce of each man's labour becomes more than
+sufficient for his own support: it is therefore no longer necessary that
+all should work; and there is formed a separate class, the members of
+which pass their lives for the most part in the pursuit of pleasure; a
+very few, however, in the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge. Among
+these last there are always found some who, neglecting external events,
+turn their attention to the study of their own minds;[4] and such men,
+when possessed of great abilities, become the founders of new
+philosophies and new religions, which often exercise immense influence
+over the people who receive them. But the authors of these systems are
+themselves affected by the character of the age in which they live. It
+is impossible for any man to escape the pressure of surrounding
+opinions; and what is called a new philosophy or a new religion is
+generally not so much a creation of fresh ideas, but rather a new
+direction given to ideas already current among contemporary thinkers.[5]
+Thus, in the case now before us, the doctrine of Chance in the external
+world corresponds to that of Free Will in the internal: while the other
+doctrine of Necessary Connexion is equally analogous to that of
+Predestination; the only difference being that the first is a
+development by the metaphysician, the second by the theologian. In the
+first instance, the metaphysician setting out with the doctrine of
+Chance, carries into the study of the mind this arbitrary and
+irresponsible principle, which in its new field becomes Free Will; an
+expression by which all difficulties seem to be removed, since perfect
+freedom, itself the cause of all actions, is caused by none, but, like
+the doctrine of Chance, is an ultimate fact admitting of no further
+explanation.[6] In the second instance, the theologian taking up the
+doctrine of Necessary Connexion recasts it into a religious shape; and
+his mind being already full of conceptions of order and of uniformity,
+he naturally ascribes such undeviating regularity to the prescience of
+Supreme Power; and thus to the magnificent notion of One God there is
+added the dogma that by Him all things have from the beginning been
+absolutely pre-determined and preordained.
+
+  [4] On the relation between this and the previous creation of wealth,
+      see _Tennemann_, _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 30; 'Ein
+      gewisser Grad von Cultur und Wohlstand ist eine nothwendige aeussere
+      Bedingung der Entwickelung des philosophischen Geistes. So lange
+      der Mensch noch mit den Mitteln seiner Existenz und der Befriedigung
+      seiner thierischen Beduerfnisse beschaeftiget ist, so lange gehet die
+      Entwickelung und Bildung seiner Geisteskraefte nur langsam von
+      statten, und er naehert sich nur Schritt vor Schritt einer freiern
+      Vernunftthaetigkeit.' ... 'Daher finden wir, dass man nur in denen
+      Nationen anfing zu philosophiren, welche sich zu einer
+      betraechtlichen Stufe des Wohlstandes und der Cultur emporgehoben
+      hatten.' Hence, as I shall endeavour to prove in the next chapter,
+      the immense importance of the physical phenomena which precede and
+      often control the metaphysical. In the history of the Greek mind we
+      can distinctly trace the passage from physical to metaphysical
+      inquiries. See _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. iv. p. 519, edit.
+      1847. That the atomic doctrine, in its relation to chance, was a
+      natural precursor of Platonism, is remarked in _Broussais_, _Examen
+      des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. i. pp. 53, 54, an able though
+      one-sided work. Compare, respecting the Chance of the atomists,
+      _Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 553; an
+      hypothesis, as Ritter says, 'destructive of all inner energy;'
+      consequently antagonistic to the psychological hypothesis which
+      subsequently sprang up and conquered it. That physical researches
+      came first, is moreover attested by Diogenes Laertius: [Greek: Mere
+      de philosophias tria, physikon, ethikon, dialektikon; physikon men,
+      to peri kosmou, kai ton en auto; ethikon de, to peri biou kai ton
+      pros hemas; dialektikon de, to amphoteron tous logous presbeuon;
+      kai mechri men' Archelaou to physikon eidos en apo de Sokratous,
+      hos proeiretai, to ethikon; apo de Zenonos tou 'Eleatou, to
+      dialektikon.] _De Vitis Philosophorum Pro[oe]m._ segm. 18, vol. i.
+      p. 12: compare lib. ii. segm. 16, vol. i. p. 89.
+
+  [5] Beausobre has some good remarks on this in his learned work
+      _Histoire Critique de Manichee_, vol. i. p. 179, where he says that
+      the great religious heresies have been founded on previous
+      philosophies. Certainly no one acquainted with the history of
+      opinions will admit the sweeping assertion of M. Stahl that 'la
+      philosophie d'un peuple a sa racine dans sa theologie.' _Klimrath_,
+      _Travaux_, vol. ii. p. 454, Paris, 1843.
+
+  [6] 'Also ist ein Wille, dem die blose gesetzgebende Form der Maxime
+      allein zum Gesetze dienen kann, ein freier Wille.' _Kritik der
+      praktischen Vernunft_ in _Kant's Werke_, vol. iv. p. 128. 'Hat
+      selber fuer sich eigentlich keinen Bestimmungsgrund.' _Metaphysik
+      der Sitten_ in _Werke_, vol. v. p. 12. 'Die unbedingte Causalitaet
+      der Ursache.' _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_ in _Werke_, vol. ii.
+      p. 339. See also _Prolegomena zu jeder kuenftigen Metaphysik_ in
+      vol. iii. p. 268.
+
+These opposite doctrines of free will and predestination[7] do, no
+doubt, supply a safe and simple solution of the obscurities of our
+being; and as they are easily understood, they are so suited to the
+average capacity of the human mind, that even at the present day an
+immense majority of men are divided between them; and they have not only
+corrupted the sources of our knowledge, but have given rise to religious
+sects, whose mutual animosities have disturbed society, and too often
+embittered the relations of private life. Among the more advanced
+European thinkers there is, however, a growing opinion that both
+doctrines are wrong or, at all events, that we have no sufficient
+evidence of their truth. And as this is a matter of great moment, it is
+important, before we proceed further, to clear up as much of it as the
+difficulties inherent in these subjects will enable us to do.
+
+  [7] That these doctrines, when treated according to the ordinary
+      methods of reasoning, not only oppose but exclude each other, would
+      be universally admitted if it were not for a desire generally felt
+      to save certain parts of each: it being thought dangerous to give
+      up free will on account of weakening moral responsibility, and
+      equally dangerous to give up predestination on account of impugning
+      the power of God. Various attempts have therefore been made to
+      reconcile liberty with necessity, and make the freedom of man
+      harmonize with the foreknowledge of the Deity. Compare on this
+      point a remarkable letter from Locke to Molyneux (_Locke's Works_,
+      vol. viii. p. 305), with the argument in one of Bentley's Sermons
+      (_Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8); also _Ritter's Hist.
+      of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv. pp. 143, 144; _Tennemann_, _Gesch.
+      der Philosophie_, vol. iv. pp. 301-304; _Copleston's Inquiry into
+      the Doctrines of Necessity and Predestination_, pp. 6, 7, 46, 69,
+      70, 85, 92, 108, 136; _Mosheim's Ecclesiastical Hist._, vol. i.
+      p. 207, vol. ii. p. 96; _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. iv.
+      pp. 294, 389-391; _Bishop of Lincoln on Tertullian_, 1845, p. 323;
+      _Hodgson on Buddhism_, in _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii.
+      p. 232.
+
+Whatever doubts may be thrown on the account which I have given of the
+probable origin of the ideas of free will and predestination, there
+can, at all events, be no dispute as to the foundation on which those
+ideas are now actually based. The theory of predestination is founded on
+a theological hypothesis; that of free will on a metaphysical
+hypothesis. The advocates of the first proceed on a supposition for
+which, to say the least of it, they have as yet brought forward no good
+evidence. They require us to believe that the Author of Creation, whose
+beneficence they at the same time willingly allow, has, notwithstanding
+His supreme goodness, made an arbitrary distinction between the elect
+and the non-elect; that He has from all eternity doomed to perdition
+millions of creatures yet unborn, and whom His act alone can call into
+existence: and that He has done this, not in virtue of any principle of
+justice, but by a mere stretch of despotic power.[8] This doctrine owes
+its authority among Protestants to the dark though powerful mind of
+Calvin; but in the early Church it was first systematically methodized
+by Augustin, who appears to have borrowed it from the Manicheans.[9] At
+all events, and putting aside its incompatibility with other notions
+which are supposed to be fundamental,[10] it must, in a scientific
+investigation, be regarded as a barren hypothesis, because, being beyond
+the province of our knowledge, we have no means of ascertaining either
+its truth or its falsehood.
+
+  [8] Even Ambrose, who never went so far as Augustin, states this
+      principle in its repulsive nakedness: 'Deus quos dignat vocat, quos
+      vult religiosos facit.' _Neander_, vol. iv. p. 287. Calvin declares
+      'that God, in predestinating from all eternity one part of mankind
+      to everlasting happiness, and another to endless misery, was led to
+      make this distinction by no other motive than His own good pleasure
+      and free will.' _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._, vol. ii. p. 103, see also
+      p. 100; and _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. i.
+      p. 552.
+
+  [9] On the Manichaean origin of Augustin's opinions, compare _Potter_,
+      _Esprit de l'Eglise_, vol. ii. p. 171, Paris, 1821; _Tomline's
+      Refutation of Calvinism_, 1817, pp. 571-576; _Southey's Book of the
+      Church_, 1824, vol. i. pp. 301, 302; _Matter_, _Hist. du
+      Gnosticisme_, 1828, vol. i. p. 325. However, Beausobre (_Histoire
+      de Manichee_, vol. ii. pp. 33-40) seems to have proved a difference
+      between the election of Augustin and that of Basilides.
+
+  [10] On the absurdity of 'an omnipotent arbitrary Deity,' and on the
+       incongruity of such a combination with [Greek: physei kalon kai
+       dikaion], see _Cudworth's Intellect. Syst._, vol. i. pp. 45, 419,
+       vol. iii. p. 241, vol. iv. p. 160. See also _Theodicee_ in _Kant's
+       Werke_, vol. vi. pp. 141, 142, and _Metaphysik der Sitten_ in vol.
+       v. p. 332, upon 'den goettlichen Zweck in Ansehung des menschlichen
+       Geschlechts.'
+
+The other doctrine, which has long been celebrated under the name of
+Free Will, is connected with Arminianism; but it in reality rests on the
+metaphysical dogma of the supremacy of human consciousness. Every man,
+it is alleged, feels and knows that he is a free agent: nor can any
+subtleties of argument do away with our consciousness of possessing a
+free will.[11] Now the existence of this supreme jurisdiction, which is
+thus to set at defiance all the ordinary methods of reasoning, involves
+two assumptions: of which the first, though possibly true, has never
+been proved; and the other is unquestionably false. These assumptions
+are, that there is an independent faculty called consciousness, and that
+the dictates of that faculty are infallible. But, in the first place, it
+is by no means certain that consciousness is a faculty; and some of the
+ablest thinkers have been of opinion that it is merely a state or
+condition of the mind.[12] Should this turn out to be the case, the
+argument falls to the ground; since, even if we admit that all the
+faculties of the mind, when completely exercised, are equally accurate,
+no one will make the same claim for every condition into which the mind
+itself may be casually thrown. However, waiving this objection, we may,
+in the second place, reply, that even if consciousness is a faculty, we
+have the testimony of all history to prove its extreme fallibility.[13]
+All the great stages through which, in the progress of civilization,
+the human race has successively passed, have been characterized by
+certain mental peculiarities or convictions, which have left their
+impress upon the religion, the philosophy, and the morals of the age.
+Each of these convictions has been to one period a matter of faith, to
+another a matter for derision;[14] and each of them has, in its own
+epoch, been as intimately bound up with the minds of men, and become as
+much a part of their consciousness, as is that opinion which we now term
+freedom of the will. Yet it is impossible that all these products of
+consciousness can be true, because many of them contradict each other.
+Unless, therefore, in different ages there are different standards of
+truth, it is clear that the testimony of a man's consciousness is no
+proof of an opinion being true; for if it were so, then two propositions
+diametrically opposed to each other might both be equally accurate.
+Besides this, another view may be drawn from the common operations of
+ordinary life. Are we not in certain circumstances conscious of the
+existence of spectres and phantoms; and yet is it not generally admitted
+that such beings have no existence at all? Should it be attempted to
+refute this argument by saying that such consciousness is apparent and
+not real, then I ask, What is it that judges between the consciousness
+which is genuine and that which is spurious?[15] If this boasted
+faculty deceives us in some things, what security have we that it will
+not deceive us in others? If there is no security, the faculty is not
+trustworthy. If there is a security, then, whatever it may be, its
+existence shows the necessity for some authority to which consciousness
+is subordinate, and thus does away with that doctrine of the supremacy
+of consciousness, on which the advocates of free will are compelled to
+construct the whole of their theory. Indeed, the uncertainty as to the
+existence of consciousness as an independent faculty, and the manner in
+which that faculty, if it exists, has contradicted its own suggestions,
+are two of the many reasons which have long since convinced me that
+metaphysics will never be raised to a science by the ordinary method of
+observing individual minds; but that its study can only be successfully
+prosecuted by the deductive application of laws which must be
+discovered historically, that is to say, which must be evolved by an
+examination of the whole of those vast phenomena which the long course
+of human affairs presents to our view.
+
+  [11] Johnson said to Boswell, 'Sir, we _know_ our will is free, and
+       there's an end on't.' _Boswell's Life of Johnson_, edit. Croker,
+       1848, p. 203. 'La question: Sommes-nous libres? me parait
+       au-dessous de la discussion. Elle est resolue par le temoignage de
+       la conscience attestant que dans certains cas nous pourrions faire
+       le contraire de ce que nous faisons.' _Cousin_, _Hist. de la
+       Philosophie_, I. Serie, vol. i. pp. 190, 191. 'Die Freiheit des
+       Menschen, als moralischen Wesens, gruendet sich auf das sittliche
+       Bewusstseyn.' _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philosophie_, vol. v.
+       p. 161. That this is the only ground for believing in the freedom
+       of the will is so evident, that we need not notice the mystical
+       proof of Philo (_Ritter's Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv. p. 447);
+       nor the physical one of the Basilidian monads (_Beausobre_, _Hist.
+       de Manichee_, vol. ii. p. 23); still less the argument of
+       Bardesanes, who thought to demonstrate freedom by the variety of
+       human customs! _Matter_, _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 323,
+       which should be compared with _Burdach's Physiologie comme Science
+       d'Observation_, vol. v. p. 50, Paris, 1839.
+
+  [12] Mr. James Mill (_Analysis of the Mind_, vol. i. pp. 171, 172) says
+       that consciousness and belief are the same, and that great error
+       has arisen from calling 'consciousness a feeling distinct from all
+       other feelings.' According to Locke (_Essay concerning Human
+       Understanding_, book ii. chap. i., Works, vol. i. p. 89),
+       'consciousness is the perception of what passes in a man's own
+       mind.' Brown (_Philosophy of the Mind_, pp. 67, 68) denies that
+       consciousness is a faculty: and Sir W. Hamilton complains of
+       'Reid's degradation of consciousness into a special faculty.'
+       _Notes to Reid's Works_, pp. 223, 297, 373. M. Cousin (_Hist. de
+       la Philosophie_, II. Serie, vol. i. p. 131) pronounces
+       consciousness to be 'phenomene complexe;' and at p. 94, 'la
+       _condition_ necessaire de l'intelligence c'est la conscience:'
+       while a still later writer (_Jobert's New System of Philosophy_,
+       vol. i. p. 25) declares that 'we have the consciousness of our
+       consciousness--this is certain.' The statement in Alciphron,
+       Dialogue vii. (_Berkeley's Works_, vol. i. pp. 505, 506) is equally
+       unsatisfactory: and what still further perplexes the question is
+       the existence of what is now recognised as 'double consciousness.'
+       See on this extraordinary phenomenon _Elliotson's Physiology_,
+       pp. 367-369, 1165; _Mayo's Physiology_, pp. 195, 196; _Prichard's
+       Treatise on Insanity_, pp. 450, 451; _Carpenter's Human
+       Physiology_, p. 379.
+
+  [13] This requires explanation. Consciousness is infallible as to the
+       _fact_ of its testimony; but fallible as to the _truth_. That we
+       are conscious of certain phenomena, is a proof that those phenomena
+       exist in the mind, or are presented to it; but to say that this
+       demonstrates the truth of the phenomena is to go a step further,
+       and not only offer a testimony, but also pass a judgment. The
+       moment we do this, we introduce the element of fallibility; because
+       consciousness and judgment put together cannot be always right,
+       inasmuch as judgment is often wrong.
+
+The late Blanco White, a thinker of considerable subtlety, says: 'The
+important distinction between _libertas a necessitate_ and _libertas a
+coactione_, is seldom attended to. Nothing whatever can _force_ my will:
+every man is more or less conscious of that fact: but at the same time
+we are, or may be, equally conscious that we are never decided without a
+motive.' _Life of B. White_, by Himself, 1845, vol. iii. p. 90. But how
+can a man be conscious 'that nothing whatever _can_ force his will'?
+This is not consciousness, but judgment: it is a judgment of what may
+be, not a consciousness of what is. If there is any meaning in the word
+'consciousness,' it must refer solely to the present, and can never
+include future contingencies as to what _may_ be or _can_ be.
+
+  [14] As Herder says, 'Was diese Nation ihrem Gedankenkreise
+       unentbehrlich haelt, daran hat jene nie gedacht oder haelt es gar
+       fuer schaedlich.' _Ideen zur Gesch. der Menschheit_, vol. ii. p. 130.
+
+  [15] Plato was struck by the extreme difficulty of finding a standard
+       in the human mind whereby we may test the truth or falsehood of
+       spectral phenomena and dreams. And the only conclusion to which
+       this consummate thinker could arrive, was that whatever appears
+       true to the individual mind is true for him: which, however, is an
+       evasion of the problem, not a solution of it. See the Theaetetus,
+       where Plato, as usual, puts his own speculations into the mouth of
+       Socrates. He opens the question at the beginning of sec. 39
+       (_Platonis Opera_, vol. iii. p. 426, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826),
+       [Greek: Me toinun apolipomen rhson elleipon autou. lepetai de
+       enupnion te peri kai noson, ton te allon kai manias], &c. These are
+       the supposed sources of error; but Socrates, after discussing them,
+       and entangling Theaetetus in a maze, sums up at the end of sec. 45,
+       p. 434, [Greek: alethes ara emoi eh eme aisthesis.] See further,
+       p. 515, on the formation of erroneous judgments; and respecting the
+       assertions made by many of the Greeks that [Greek: pasa phantsia
+       alethes] and [Greek: pasa duxa alethes], compare _Cudworth_,
+       vol. iii. p. 379, vol. iv. p. 118. For physiological considerations
+       concerning the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
+       insanity, see _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_,
+       vol. i. p. 406; his _Cours de Phrenologie_, p. 49; _Esquirol_,
+       _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. p. 97, vol. ii. p. 790; _Simon's
+       Pathology_, p. 204; _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 434; _Henle_,
+       _Anatomie Generale_, vol. ii. p. 287; _Burdach_, _Traite de
+       Physiologie_, vol. v. p. 223. See, too, the passages in Tennemann
+       which connect this difficulty with the theory of representation
+       (_Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 357, vol. ii. pp. 119,
+       159, vol. iii. p. 406, vol. iv. p. 418); and the attempt of
+       Berkeley (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 93, 101, 176) to turn it into a
+       defence of his own system, on the ground that our belief respecting
+       the external world may be as false when we are awake as when we
+       dream. The solution offered by the Stoics is merely a verbal and
+       unproved distinction: [Greek: diapherei de phantasia kai phantasma.
+       phantasma men gar esti dokesis dianoias oia ginetai kata tous
+       upnous; phantasia de esti tuposis en psuche toutestin alloiosis,
+       hos ho Chrusippos en te duodekate peri psuches uphistatai.] _Diog.
+       Laert. de Vitis Philos._ lib. vii. segm. 50, vol. i. p. 395.
+
+Fortunately, however, for the object of this work, the believer in the
+possibility of a science of history is not called upon to hold either
+the doctrine of predestined events, or that of freedom of the will;[16]
+and the only positions which, in this stage of the inquiry, I shall
+expect him to concede are the following: That when we perform an action,
+we perform it in consequence of some motive or motives; that those
+motives are the results of some antecedents; and that, therefore, if we
+were acquainted with the whole of the antecedents, and with all the laws
+of their movements, we could with unerring certainty predict the whole
+of their immediate results. This, unless I am greatly mistaken, is the
+view which must be held by every man whose mind is unbiased by system,
+and who forms his opinions according to the evidence actually before
+him.[17] If, for example, I am intimately acquainted with the character
+of any person, I can frequently tell how he will act under some given
+circumstances. Should I fail in this prediction, I must ascribe my error
+not to the arbitrary and capricious freedom of his will, nor to any
+supernatural pre-arrangement, for of neither of these things have we the
+slightest proof; but I must be content to suppose either that I had been
+misinformed as to some of the circumstances in which he was placed, or
+else that I had not sufficiently studied the ordinary operations of his
+mind. If, however, I were capable of correct reasoning, and if, at the
+same time, I had a complete knowledge both of his disposition and of all
+the events by which he was surrounded, I should be able to foresee the
+line of conduct which, in consequence of those events, he would
+adopt.[18]
+
+  [16] Meaning by free will, a cause of action residing in the mind, and
+       exerting itself independently of motives. If any one says that we
+       have this power of acting without motives, but that in the
+       practical exercise of the power we are always guided by motives
+       either conscious or unconscious--if any one says this, he asserts
+       a barren proposition, which does not interfere with my views, and
+       which may or may not be true, but which most assuredly no one has
+       ever yet succeeded in proving.
+
+  [17] That is, according to the phenomenal evidence presented to the
+       understanding, and estimated by the ordinary logic with which the
+       understanding is conversant. But Kant has made a most remarkable
+       attempt to avoid the practical consequences of this, by asserting
+       that freedom, being an idea produced by the reason, must be
+       referred to transcendental laws of the reason; that is, to laws
+       which are removed from the domain of experience, and cannot be
+       verified by observation. In regard, however, to the scientific
+       conceptions of the understanding (as distinguished from the Reason)
+       he fully admits the existence of a Necessity destructive of
+       Liberty. In Note A, at the end of this chapter, I shall put
+       together the most important passages in which Kant unfolds this
+       view.
+
+  [18] This is, of course, an hypothetical case, merely given as an
+       illustration. We never can know the whole of any man's antecedents,
+       or even the whole of our own; but it is certain that the nearer we
+       approach to a complete knowledge of the antecedent, the more
+       likely we shall be to predict the consequent.
+
+Rejecting, then, the metaphysical dogma of free will, and the
+theological dogma of predestined events,[19] we are driven to the
+conclusion that the actions of men, being determined solely by their
+antecedents, must have a character of uniformity, that is to say, must,
+under precisely the same circumstances, always issue in precisely the
+same results. And as all antecedents are either in the mind or out of
+it, we clearly see that all the variations in the results, in other
+words, all the changes of which history is full, all the vicissitudes of
+the human race, their progress or their decay, their happiness or their
+misery, must be the fruit of a double action; an action of external
+phenomena upon the mind, and another action of the mind upon the
+phenomena.
+
+  [19] The doctrine of providential interference is bound up with that of
+       predestination, because the Deity, foreseeing all things, must have
+       foreseen His own intention to interfere. To deny this foresight, is
+       to limit the omniscience of God. Those, therefore, who hold that,
+       in particular cases, a special providence interrupts the ordinary
+       course of events, must also hold that in each case the interruption
+       had been predestined; otherwise they impeach one of the Divine
+       attributes. For, as Thomas Aquinas puts it (_Neander's History of
+       the Church_, vol. viii. p. 176), 'knowledge, as knowledge, does not
+       imply, indeed, causality; but in so far as it is a knowledge
+       belonging to the artist who forms, it stands in the relation of
+       causality to that which is produced by his art.'
+
+       The same argument is stated by Alciphron, though not quite so
+       conclusively; _Dialogue_ vii. sec. 20 in _Berkeley's Works_,
+       vol. i. p. 515: and as to the impossibility of Omniscience having
+       new knowledge or an afterthought, see _Hitchcock's Religion of
+       Geology_, 1851, pp. 267, 328; an ingenious work, but one which
+       leaves all the real difficulties untouched. Compare _Ritter's Hist.
+       of Ancient Philos._ vol. iv. pp. 326, 327, with _Tennemann_,
+       _Gesch. der Philos._ vol. vi. pp. 151, 342-345, vol. ix. pp. 81-94,
+       vol. xi. p. 178; and in particular, the question raised (vol. viii.
+       p. 242), 'Ob das Vorherwissen Gottes die Ursache der kuenftigen
+       Dinge sey, oder nicht.' It was to meet all this, that some asserted
+       the eternity of matter, and others the existence of two original
+       principles, one good and one evil. _Beausobre_, _Histoire de
+       Manichee_, vol. ii. pp. 145, 146, 252, 336.
+
+These are the materials out of which a philosophic history can alone be
+constructed. On the one hand, we have the human mind obeying the laws of
+its own existence, and, when uncontrolled by external agents, developing
+itself according to the conditions of its organization. On the other
+hand, we have what is called Nature, obeying likewise its laws; but
+incessantly coming into contact with the minds of men, exciting their
+passions, stimulating their intellect, and therefore giving to their
+actions a direction which they would not have taken without such
+disturbance. Thus we have man modifying nature, and nature modifying
+man; while out of this reciprocal modification all events must
+necessarily spring.
+
+The problem immediately before us, is to ascertain the method of
+discovering the laws of this double modification: and this, as we shall
+presently see, leads us into a preliminary inquiry as to which of the
+two modifications is the more important; that is to say, whether the
+thoughts and desires of men are more influenced by physical phenomena,
+or whether the physical phenomena are more influenced by them. For it is
+evident that whichever class is the more active, should if possible be
+studied before the other; and this, partly because its results will be
+more prominent, and therefore more easy to observe; and partly because
+by first generalizing the laws of the greater power we shall leave a
+smaller residue of unexplained facts than if we had begun by
+generalizing the laws of the lesser power. But, before entering into
+this examination, it will be convenient to state some of the most
+decisive proofs we now possess of the regularity with which mental
+phenomena succeed each other. By this means the preceding views will be
+considerably strengthened; and we shall, at the same time, be able to
+see what those resources are which have been already employed in
+elucidating this great subject.
+
+That the results actually effected are extremely valuable is evident,
+not only from the wide surface which the generalizations cover, but also
+from the extraordinary precautions with which they have been made. For
+while most moral inquiries have depended on some theological or
+metaphysical hypothesis, the investigations to which I allude are
+exclusively inductive; they are based on collections of almost
+innumerable facts, extending over many countries, thrown into the
+clearest of all forms, the form of arithmetical tables; and finally,
+they have been put together by men who, being for the most part mere
+government officials,[20] had no particular theory to maintain, and no
+interest in distorting the truth of the reports they were directed to
+make.
+
+  [20] _Dufau_, _Traite de Statistique_, pp. 75, 148.
+
+The most comprehensive inferences respecting the actions of men, which
+are admitted by all parties as incontestable truths, are derived from
+this or from analogous sources; they rest on statistical evidence, and
+are expressed in mathematical language. And whoever is aware of how much
+has been discovered by this single method, must not only recognize the
+uniformity with which mental phenomena succeed each other, but must, I
+think, feel sanguine that still more important discoveries will be made,
+so soon as there are brought into play those other powerful resources
+which even the present state of knowledge will abundantly supply.
+Without, however, anticipating future inquiries, we are, for the moment,
+only concerned with those proofs of the existence of a uniformity in
+human affairs which statisticians have been the first to bring forward.
+
+The actions of men are by an easy and obvious division separated into
+two classes, the virtuous and the vicious; and as these classes are
+correlative, and when put together compose the total of our moral
+conduct, it follows that whatever increases the one, will in a relative
+point of view diminish the other; so that if we can in any period detect
+a uniformity and a method in the vices of a people, there must be a
+corresponding regularity in their virtues; or if we could prove a
+regularity in their virtues, we should necessarily infer an equal
+regularity in their vices; the two sets of actions being, according to
+the terms of the division, merely supplementary to each other.[21] Or,
+to express this proposition in another way, it is evident that if it can
+be demonstrated that the bad actions of men vary in obedience to the
+changes in the surrounding society, we shall be obliged to infer that
+their good actions, which are, as it were, the residue of their bad
+ones, vary in the same manner; and we shall be forced to the further
+conclusion, that such variations are the result of large and general
+causes, which, working upon the aggregate of society, must produce
+certain consequences, without regard to the volition of those
+particular men of whom the society is composed.
+
+  [21] Some moralists have also established a third class of actions,
+       which they call indifferent, as belonging neither to virtue nor to
+       vice; and hence there arose the famous doctrine of probability,
+       set up by several eminent Romish casuists, and hotly attacked by
+       Pascal. But this, if we put aside its worst feature, namely its
+       practical bearings, is merely a question of definition; inasmuch
+       as every indifferent act must lean on the side either of evil or
+       of good, and may therefore be referred to the category to which it
+       inclines; and certainly every increase of vice diminishes virtue
+       relatively, though not always absolutely. Among the Greek
+       philosophers there was a schism on this point: [Greek: Areskei de
+       autois] (i.e. the Stoics) [Greek: meden meson einai aretes kai
+       kakias; ton peripatetikon metaxu aretes kai kakias einai legonton
+       ten prokopen]. _Diog. Laert. de Vitis Philosophorum_, lib. vii.
+       segm. 127, vol. i. p. 445.
+
+Such is the regularity we expect to find, if the actions of men are
+governed by the state of the society in which they occur; while, on the
+other hand, if we can find no such regularity, we may believe that their
+actions depend on some capricious and personal principle peculiar to
+each man, as free will or the like. It becomes, therefore, in the
+highest degree important to ascertain whether or not there exists a
+regularity in the entire moral conduct of a given society; and this is
+precisely one of those questions for the decision of which statistics
+supply us with materials of immense value.
+
+For the main object of legislation being to protect the innocent against
+the guilty, it naturally followed that European governments, so soon as
+they became aware of the importance of statistics, should begin to
+collect evidence respecting the crimes they were expected to punish.
+This evidence has gone on accumulating, until it now forms of itself a
+large body of literature, containing, with the commentaries connected
+with it, an immense array of facts, so carefully compiled, and so well
+and clearly digested, that more may be learned from it respecting the
+moral nature of Man than can be gathered from all the accumulated
+experience of preceding ages.[22] But as it will be impossible in this
+Introduction to give anything like a complete statement of those
+inferences which, in the actual state of statistics, we are authorized
+to draw, I shall content myself with examining two or three of the most
+important, and pointing out the connexion between them.
+
+  [22] I say this advisedly: and whoever has examined these subjects must
+       be aware of the way in which writers on morals repeat the
+       commonplace and hackneyed notions of their predecessors; so that a
+       man, after reading everything that has been written on moral
+       conduct and moral philosophy, will find himself nearly as much in
+       the dark as when his studies first began. The most accurate
+       investigators of the human mind have hitherto been the poets,
+       particularly Homer and Shakespeare; but these extraordinary
+       observers mainly occupied themselves with the concrete phenomena
+       of life; and if they analyzed, as they probably did, they have
+       concealed the steps of the process, so that now we can only verify
+       their conclusions empirically. The great advance made by the
+       statisticians consists in applying to these inquiries the doctrine
+       of averages, which no one thought of doing before the eighteenth
+       century.
+
+Of all offences, it might well be supposed that the crime of murder is
+one of the most arbitrary and irregular. For when we consider that this,
+though generally the crowning act of a long career of vice, is often the
+immediate result of what seems a sudden impulse; that when premeditated,
+its committal, even with the least chance of impunity, requires a rare
+combination of favourable circumstances for which the criminal will
+frequently wait; that he has thus to bide his time, and look for
+opportunities he cannot control; that when the time has come his heart
+may fail him; that the question whether or not he shall commit the crime
+may depend on a balance of conflicting motives, such as fear of the law,
+a dread of the penalties held out by religion, the prickings of his own
+conscience, the apprehension of future remorse, the love of gain,
+jealousy, revenge, desperation;--when we put all these things together,
+there arises such a complication of causes, that we might reasonably
+despair of detecting any order or method in the result of those subtle
+and shifting agencies by which murder is either caused or prevented. But
+now, how stands the fact? The fact is, that murder is committed with as
+much regularity, and bears as uniform a relation to certain known
+circumstances, as do the movements of the tides, and the rotations of
+the seasons. M. Quetelet, who has spent his life in collecting and
+methodizing the statistics of different countries, states, as the result
+of his laborious researches, that 'in everything which concerns crime,
+the same numbers re-occur with a constancy which cannot be mistaken; and
+that this is the case even with those crimes which seem quite
+independent of human foresight, such, for instance, as murders, which
+are generally committed after quarrels arising from circumstances
+apparently casual. Nevertheless, we know from experience that every
+year there not only take place nearly the same number of murders, but
+that even the instruments by which they are committed are employed in
+the same proportion.'[23] This was the language used in 1835 by
+confessedly the first statistician in Europe, and every subsequent
+investigation has confirmed its accuracy. For later inquiries have
+ascertained the extraordinary fact that the uniform reproduction of
+crime is more clearly marked, and more capable of being predicted, than
+are the physical laws connected with the disease and destruction of our
+bodies. Thus, for instance, the number of persons accused of crime in
+France between 1826 and 1844 was, by a singular coincidence, about equal
+to the male deaths which took place in Paris during the same period, the
+difference being that the fluctuations in the amount of crime were
+actually smaller than the fluctuations in the mortality; while a similar
+regularity was observed in each separate offence, all of which obeyed
+the same law of uniform and periodical repetition.[24]
+
+  [23] 'Dans tout ce qui se rapporte aux crimes, les memes nombres se
+       reproduisent avec une constance telle, qu'il serait impossible de
+       la meconnaitre, meme pour ceux des crimes qui sembleraient devoir
+       echapper le plus a toute prevision humaine, tels que les meurtres,
+       puisqu'ils se commettent, en general, a la suite de rixes qui
+       naissent sans motifs, et dans les circonstances, en apparence,
+       les plus fortuites. Cependant l'experience prouve que non-seulement
+       les meurtres sont annuellement a peu pres en meme nombre, mais
+       encore que les instrumens qui servent a les commettre sont employes
+       dans les memes proportions.' _Quetelet sur l'Homme_, Paris, 1835,
+       vol. i. p. 7; see also vol. ii. pp. 164, 247.
+
+  [24] 'Thus in twenty years' observations, the number of persons accused
+       of various crimes in France, and registered under their respective
+       ages, scarcely varies at any age from year to year, comparing the
+       proportion per cent. under each age with the totals. The number of
+       persons accused in all France, in the years 1826 to 1844, was about
+       equal to the deaths of males registered in Paris; but singularly
+       enough, the former results are more regular than the latter,
+       notwithstanding the accidental causes which might affect
+       them;--notwithstanding even a revolution in Paris, which convulsed
+       society and brought in a new dynasty.' _Brown on the Uniform Action
+       of the Human Will_, in _The Assurance Magazine_, no. viii., July
+       1852, pp. 349, 350. That the variations in crime are less than
+       those of mortality, is also noticed in _Statistique Morale_,
+       pp. 18, 34, in _Memoires de l'Academie de Belgique_, vol. xxi.,
+       Bruxelles, 1848, 4to.
+
+This, indeed, will appear strange to those who believe that human
+actions depend more upon the peculiarities of each individual than on
+the general state of society. But another circumstance remains behind
+still more striking. Among public and registered crimes there is none
+which seems so completely dependent on the individual as suicide.
+Attempts to murder or to rob may be, and constantly are, successfully
+resisted; baffled sometimes by the party attacked, sometimes by the
+officers of justice. But an attempt to commit suicide is much less
+liable to interruption. The man who is determined to kill himself is not
+prevented at the last moment by the struggles of an enemy; and, as he
+can easily guard against the interference of the civil power,[25] his
+act becomes as it were isolated; it is cut off from foreign
+disturbances, and seems more clearly the product of his own volition
+than any other offence could possibly be. We may also add that, unlike
+crimes in general, it is rarely caused by the instigation of
+confederates; so that men, not being goaded into it by their companions,
+are uninfluenced by one great class of external associations which
+might hamper what is termed the freedom of their will. It may,
+therefore, very naturally be thought impracticable to refer suicide to
+general principles, or to detect anything like regularity in an offence
+which is so eccentric, so solitary, so impossible to control by
+legislation, and which the most vigilant police can do nothing to
+diminish. There is also another obstacle that impedes our view: this is,
+that even the best evidence respecting suicide must always be very
+imperfect. In cases of drowning, for example, deaths are liable to be
+returned as suicides which are accidental; while, on the other hand,
+some are called accidental which are voluntary.[26] Thus it is, that
+self-murder seems to be not only capricious and uncontrollable, but also
+very obscure in regard to proof; so that on all these grounds it might
+be reasonable to despair of ever tracing it to those general causes by
+which it is produced.
+
+  [25] The folly of lawgivers thinking that by their enactments they can
+       diminish suicide, is exposed by M. C. Comte in his _Traite de
+       Legislation_, vol. i. p. 486. See also some good remarks by
+       Jefferson, in his observations on criminal law in _Appendix to
+       Jefferson's Memoirs, by Randolph_, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. Heber
+       (_Journey through India_, vol. i. pp. 389, 390) found that the
+       English Government had vainly attempted to check the suicides
+       frequently committed at Benares by drowning: and in our country
+       the interference of legislators is met by the perjury of jurors,
+       since, as Bentham says, English juries do not hesitate to violate
+       their oaths by declaring the suicide to be _non compos_.
+       _Principles of Penal Law_, in _Bentham's Works_, edit. Bowring,
+       1843, vol. i. pp. 479, 480. In regard to the determination of the
+       individual, and the impossibility of baffling his intention, there
+       are cases recorded of persons who, being deprived of the ordinary
+       means of destruction, put an end to life by holding their breath;
+       while others effected their purpose by turning back the tongue so
+       as to exclude air from the larynx. _Elliotson's Human Physiology_,
+       pp. 491, 492.
+
+  [26] This also applies to other cases besides those of drowning. See
+       _Taylor's Medical Jurisprudence_, 1846, pp. 587, 597; and on the
+       difficulty of always distinguishing a real suicide from an apparent
+       one, see _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. p. 575. From a
+       third to a half of all suicides are by drowning. Compare _Dufau_,
+       _Traite de Statistique_, p. 304; _Winslow's Anatomy of Suicide_,
+       1840, p. 277; _Quetelet_, _Statistique Morale_, p. 66. But among
+       these, many are no doubt involuntary; and it is certain that
+       popular opinion grossly exaggerates the length of time during which
+       it is possible to remain under water. _Brodie's Surgery_, 1846,
+       pp. 89-92.
+
+These being the peculiarities of this singular crime, it is surely an
+astonishing fact, that all the evidence we possess respecting it points
+to one great conclusion, and can leave no doubt on our minds that
+suicide is merely the product of the general condition of society, and
+that the individual felon only carries into effect what is a necessary
+consequence of preceding circumstances.[27] In a given state of
+society, a certain number of persons must put an end to their own life.
+This is the general law; and the special question as to who shall commit
+the crime depends, of course, upon special laws; which, however, in
+their total action, must obey the large social law to which they are all
+subordinate. And the power of the larger law is so irresistible, that
+neither the love of life nor the fear of another world can avail
+anything towards even checking its operation. The causes of this
+remarkable regularity I shall hereafter examine; but the existence of
+the regularity is familiar to whoever is conversant with moral
+statistics. In the different countries for which we have returns, we
+find year by year the same proportion of persons putting an end to their
+own existence; so that, after making allowance for the impossibility of
+collecting complete evidence, we are able to predict, within a very
+small limit of error, the number of voluntary deaths for each ensuing
+period; supposing, of course, that the social circumstances do not
+undergo any marked change. Even in London, notwithstanding the
+vicissitudes incidental to the largest and most luxurious capital in the
+world, we find a regularity greater than could be expected by the most
+sanguine believer in social laws; since political excitement, mercantile
+excitement, and the misery produced by the dearness of food, are all
+causes of suicide, and are all constantly varying.[28] Nevertheless, in
+this vast metropolis, about 240 persons every year make away with
+themselves; the annual suicides oscillating, from the pressure of
+temporary causes, between 266, the highest, and 213, the lowest. In
+1846, which was the great year of excitement caused by the railway
+panic, the suicides in London were 266; in 1847 began a slight
+improvement, and they fell to 256; in 1848 they were 247; in 1849 they
+were 213; and in 1850 they were 229.[29]
+
+  [27] 'Tout semble dependre de causes determinees. Ainsi, nous trouvons
+       annuellement a peu pres le meme nombre de suicides, non-seulement
+       en general, mais encore en faisant la distinction des sexes, celle
+       des ages, ou meme celle des instruments employes pour se detruire.
+       Une annee reproduit si fidelement les chiffres de l'annee qui a
+       precede, qu'on peut prevoir ce qui doit arriver dans l'annee qui
+       va suivre.' _Quetelet_, _Statistique Morale_, 1848, p. 35; see
+       also p. 40.
+
+  [28] On the causes of suicides, see _Burdach's Traite de Physiologie_,
+       vol. v. pp. 476-478; and _Forry's Climate and its Endemic
+       Influences_, p. 329. The latest researches of M. Casper confirm
+       the statement of earlier statisticians, that suicide is more
+       frequent among Protestants than among Catholics. _Casper_,
+       _Denkwuerdigkeiten zur medicinischen Statistik_, Berlin, 1846,
+       p. 139.
+
+  [29] See the tables in the _Assurance Magazine_, no. iv. p. 309, no.
+       v. p. 34, no. viii. p. 350. These are the only complete
+       consecutive returns of London suicides yet published; those issued
+       by the police being imperfect. _Assurance Magazine_, no. v. p. 53.
+       From inquiries made for me at the General Register Office, in
+       January 1856, I learnt that there was an intention of completing
+       the yearly returns, but I do not know if this has since been done.
+
+Such is some, and only some, of the evidence we now possess respecting
+the regularity with which, in the same state of society, the same crimes
+are necessarily reproduced. To appreciate the full force of this
+evidence, we must remember that it is not an arbitrary selection of
+particular facts, but that it is generalized from an exhaustive
+statement of criminal statistics, consisting of many millions of
+observations, extending over countries in different grades of
+civilization, with different laws, different opinions, different morals,
+different habits. If we add to this, that these statistics have been
+collected by persons specially employed for that purpose, with every
+means of arriving at the truth, and with no interest to deceive, it
+surely must be admitted that the existence of crime according to a fixed
+and uniform scheme, is a fact more clearly attested than any other in
+the moral history of man. We have here parallel chains of evidence
+formed with extreme care, under the most different circumstances, and
+all pointing in the same direction; all of them forcing us to the
+conclusion, that the offences of men are the result not so much of the
+vices of the individual offender as of the state of society into which
+that individual is thrown.[30] This is an inference resting on broad and
+tangible proofs accessible to all the world; and as such cannot be
+overturned, or even impeached, by any of those hypotheses with which
+metaphysicians and theologians have hitherto perplexed the study of
+past events.
+
+  [30] 'L'experience demontre en effet, avec toute l'evidence possible,
+       cette opinion, qui pourra sembler paradoxale au premier abord, que
+       _c'est la societe qui prepare le crime, et que le coupable n'est
+       que l'instrument qui l'execute_.' _Quetelet sur l'Homme_, vol. ii.
+       p. 325.
+
+Those readers who are acquainted with the manner in which in the
+physical world the operations of the laws of nature are constantly
+disturbed, will expect to find in the moral world disturbances equally
+active. Such aberrations proceed, in both instances, from minor laws,
+which at particular points meet the larger laws, and thus alter their
+normal action. Of this, the science of mechanics affords a good example
+in the instance of that beautiful theory called the parallelogram of
+forces; according to which the forces are to each other in the same
+proportion as is the diagonal of their respective parallelograms.[31]
+This is a law pregnant with great results; it is connected with those
+important mechanical resources, the composition and resolution of
+forces; and no one acquainted with the evidence on which it stands, ever
+thought of questioning its truth. But the moment we avail ourselves of
+it for practical purposes, we find that in its action it is warped by
+other laws, such as those concerning the friction of air, and the
+different density of the bodies on which we operate, arising from their
+chemical composition, or, as some suppose, from their atomic
+arrangement. Perturbations being thus let in, the pure and simple action
+of the mechanical law disappears. Still, and although the results of the
+law are incessantly disturbed, the law itself remains intact.[32] Just
+in the same way, the great social law, that the moral actions of men
+are the product not of their volition, but of their antecedents, is
+itself liable to disturbances which trouble its operation without
+affecting its truth. And this is quite sufficient to explain those
+slight variations which we find from year to year in the total amount of
+crime produced by the same country. Indeed, looking at the fact that the
+moral world is far more abundant in materials than the physical world,
+the only ground for astonishment is that these variations should not be
+greater; and from the circumstance that the discrepancies are so
+trifling, we may form some idea of the prodigious energy of those vast
+social laws, which, though constantly interrupted, seem to triumph over
+every obstacle, and which, when examined by the aid of large numbers,
+scarcely undergo any sensible perturbation.[33]
+
+  [31] The diagonal always giving the resultant when each side represents
+       a force; and if we look on the resultant as a compound force, a
+       comparison of diagonals becomes a comparison of compounds.
+
+  [32] A law of nature being merely a generalization of relations, and
+       having no existence except in the mind, is essentially intangible;
+       and therefore, however small the law may be, it can never admit of
+       exceptions, though its operation may admit of innumerable
+       exceptions. Hence, as Dugald Stewart (_Philosophy of the Mind_,
+       vol. ii. p. 211) rightly says, we can only refer to the laws of
+       nature 'by a sort of figure or metaphor.' This is constantly lost
+       sight of even by authors of repute; some of whom speak of laws as
+       if they were causes, and therefore liable to interruption by larger
+       causes; while other writers pronounce them to be 'delegated
+       agencies' from the Deity. Compare _Prout's Bridgewater Treatise_,
+       pp. 318, 435, 495; _Sadler's Law of Population_, vol. ii. p. 67;
+       _Burdach's Physiologie_, vol. i. p. 160. Mr. Paget, in his able
+       work, _Lectures on Pathology_, vol. i. p. 481, vol. ii. p. 542,
+       with much greater accuracy calls such cases 'apparent exceptions'
+       to laws; but it would be better to say, 'exceptions to the
+       operations of laws.' The context clearly proves that Mr. Paget
+       distinctly apprehends the difference; but a slight alteration of
+       this kind would prevent confusion in the minds of ordinary readers.
+
+  [33] Mr. Rawson, in his _Inquiry into the Statistics of Crime in England
+       and Wales_ (published in the _Journal of the Statistical Society_,
+       vol. ii. pp. 316-344), says, p. 327, 'No greater proof can be given
+       of the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard to
+       crime, than the fact which appears in the following table, that the
+       greatest variation which has taken place during the last three
+       years, in the proportion of any class of criminals at the same
+       period of life, has not exceeded a half per cent.' See also _Report
+       of British Association for 1839, Transac. of Sec._, p. 118. Indeed,
+       all writers who have examined the evidence are forced to admit this
+       regularity, however they may wish to explain it. M. Dufau (_Traite
+       de Statistique_, p. 144) says, 'Les faits de l'ordre moral sont,
+       aussi bien que ceux de l'ordre naturel, le produit de causes
+       constantes et regulieres,' &c.; and at p. 367, 'C'est ainsi que le
+       monde moral se presente a nous, de ce point de vue, comme offrant,
+       de meme que le monde physique, un ensemble continu d'effets dus a
+       des causes constantes et regulieres, dont il appartient surtout a
+       la statistique de constater l'action.' See to the same effect
+       _Moreau-Christophe des Prisons en France_, Paris, 1838, pp. 53,
+       189.
+
+Nor is it merely the crimes of men which are marked by this uniformity
+of sequence. Even the number of marriages annually contracted, is
+determined, not by the temper and wishes of individuals, but by large
+general facts, over which individuals can exercise no authority. It is
+now known that marriages bear a fixed and definite relation to the price
+of corn;[34] and in England the experience of a century has proved that,
+instead of having any connexion with personal feelings, they are simply
+regulated by the average earnings of the great mass of the people:[35]
+so that this immense social and religious institution is not only
+swayed, but is completely controlled, by the price of food and by the
+rate of wages. In other cases, uniformity has been detected, though the
+causes of the uniformity are still unknown. Thus, to give a curious
+instance, we are now able to prove that even the aberrations of memory
+are marked by this general character of necessary and invariable order.
+The post-offices of London and of Paris have latterly published returns
+of the number of letters which the writers, through forgetfulness,
+omitted to direct; and, making allowance for the difference of
+circumstances, the returns are year after year copies of each other.
+Year after year the same proportion of letter-writers forget this simple
+act; so that for each successive period we can actually foretell the
+number of persons whose memory will fail them in regard to this
+trifling and, as it might appear, accidental occurrence.[36]
+
+  [34] 'It is curious to observe how intimate a relation exists between
+       the price of food and the number of marriages.' ... 'The relation
+       that subsists between the price of food and the number of marriages
+       is not confined to our own country; and it is not improbable that,
+       had we the means of ascertaining the facts, we should see the like
+       result in every civilized community. We possess the necessary
+       returns from France; and these fully bear out the view that has
+       been given.' _Porter's Progress of the Nation_, vol. ii. pp. 244,
+       245, London, 1838.
+
+  [35] 'The marriage returns of 1850 and 1851 exhibit the excess which
+       since 1750 has been invariably observed when the substantial
+       earnings of the people are above the average.' _Journal of
+       Statistical Society_, vol. xv. p. 185.
+
+  [36] See _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. ii. pp. 409-411, which,
+       says this able writer, proves that 'forgetfulness as well as free
+       will is under constant laws.' But this is using the word 'free
+       will' in a sense different from that commonly employed.
+
+To those who have a steady conception of the regularity of events, and
+have firmly seized the great truth that the actions of men, being guided
+by their antecedents, are in reality never inconsistent, but, however
+capricious they may appear, only form part of one vast scheme of
+universal order, of which we in the present state of knowledge can
+barely see the outline--to those who understand this, which is at once
+the key and the basis of history, the facts just adduced, so far from
+being strange, will be precisely what would have been expected and ought
+long since to have been known. Indeed, the progress of inquiry is
+becoming so rapid and so earnest, that I entertain little doubt that
+before another century has elapsed, the chain of evidence will be
+complete, and it will be as rare to find an historian who denies the
+undeviating regularity of the moral world, as it now is to find a
+philosopher who denies the regularity of the material world.
+
+It will be observed, that the preceding proofs of our actions being
+regulated by law, have been derived from statistics; a branch of
+knowledge which, though still in its infancy,[37] has already thrown
+more light on the study of human nature than all the sciences put
+together. But although the statisticians have been the first to
+investigate this great subject by treating it according to those methods
+of reasoning which in other fields have been found successful; and
+although they have, by the application of numbers, brought to bear upon
+it a very powerful engine for eliciting truth--we must not, on that
+account, suppose that there are no other resources remaining by which it
+may likewise be cultivated: nor should we infer that because the
+physical sciences have not yet been applied to history, they are
+therefore inapplicable to it. Indeed, when we consider the incessant
+contact between man and the external world, it is certain that there
+must be an intimate connexion between human actions and physical laws;
+so that if physical science had not hitherto been brought to bear upon
+history, the reason is, either that historians have not perceived the
+connexion, or else that, having perceived it, they have been destitute
+of the knowledge by which its workings can be traced. Hence there has
+arisen an unnatural separation of the two great departments of inquiry,
+the study of the internal and that of the external: and although, in the
+present state of European literature, there are some unmistakable
+symptoms of a desire to break down this artificial barrier, still it
+must be admitted that as yet nothing has been actually accomplished
+towards effecting so great an end. The moralists, the theologians, and
+the metaphysicians, continue to prosecute their studies without much
+respect for what they deem the inferior labours of scientific men; whose
+inquiries, indeed, they frequently attack, as dangerous to the interests
+of religion, and as inspiring us with an undue confidence in the
+resources of the human understanding. On the other hand, the cultivators
+of physical science, conscious that they are an advancing body, are
+naturally proud of their own success; and, contrasting their discoveries
+with the more stationary position of their opponents, are led to despise
+pursuits the barrenness of which has now become notorious.
+
+  [37] Achenwall, in the middle of the eighteenth century, is usually
+       considered to be the first systematic writer on statistics, and is
+       said to have given them their present name. See _Lewis_, _Methods
+       of Observation and Reasoning in Politics_, 1852, vol. i. p. 72;
+       _Biographie Universelle_, vol. i. p. 140; _Dufau_, _Traite de
+       Statistique_, pp. 9, 10. Even so late as 1800, the Bishop of
+       Llandaff wrote to Sir John Sinclair, 'I must think the kingdom is
+       highly indebted to you for bringing forward a species of knowledge
+       (statistics) wholly new in this country, though not new in other
+       parts of Europe.' _Sinclair's Correspondence_, vol. i. p. 230.
+       Sinclair, notwithstanding his industry, was a man of slender
+       powers, and did not at all understand the real importance of
+       statistics, of which, indeed, he took a mere practical view.
+       Since then statistics have been applied extensively to medicine;
+       and still more recently, and on a smaller scale, to philology and
+       to jurisprudence. Compare _Bouillaud_, _Philosophie Medicale_,
+       pp. 96, 186; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii. pp. 474,
+       475; _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. ii. pp. 665-667;
+       _Holland's Medical Notes_, pp. 5, 472; _Vogel's Pathological
+       Anatomy_, pp. 15-17; _Simon's Pathology_, p. 180; _Phillips on
+       Scrofula_, pp. 70, 118, &c.; _Prichard's Physical Hist. of
+       Mankind_, vol. iv. p. 414; _Eschbach_, _Etude du Droit_,
+       pp. 392-394.
+
+It is the business of the historian to mediate between these two
+parties, and reconcile their hostile pretensions by showing the point at
+which their respective studies ought to coalesce. To settle the terms of
+this coalition, will be to fix the basis of all history. For since
+history deals with the actions of men, and since their actions are
+merely the product of a collision between internal and external
+phenomena, it becomes necessary to examine the relative importance of
+those phenomena; to inquire into the extent to which their laws are
+known; and to ascertain the resources for future discovery possessed by
+these two great classes, the students of the mind and the students of
+nature. This task I shall endeavour to accomplish in the next two
+chapters: and if I do so with anything approaching to success, the
+present work will at least have the merit of contributing something
+towards filling up that wide and dreary chasm, which, to the hindrance
+of our knowledge, separates subjects that are intimately related, and
+should never be disunited.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                                NOTE A.
+
+'Der Begriff der Freiheit ist ein reiner Vernunftbegriff, der eben darum
+fuer die theoretische Philosophie transcendent, d. i. ein solcher ist,
+dem kein angemessenes Beispiel in irgend einer moeglichen Erfahrung
+gegeben werden kann, welcher also keinen Gegenstand einer uns moeglichen
+theoretischen Erkenntniss ausmacht, und schlechterdings nicht fuer ein
+constitutives, sondern lediglich als regulatives, und zwar nur bloss
+negatives Princip der speculativen Vernunft gelten kann, im praktischen
+Gebrauche der selben aber seine Realitaet durch praktische Grundsaetze
+beweist, die, als Gesetze, eine Causalitaet der reinen Vernunft,
+unabhaengig von allen empirischen Bedingungen (dem Sinnlichen ueberhaupt),
+die Willkuehr zu bestimmen, und einen reinen Willen in uns beweisen, in
+welchem die sittlichen Begriffe und Gesetze ihren Ursprung haben.'
+_Metaphysik der Sitten_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. v. pp. 20, 21. 'Wuerden
+die Gegenstaende der Sinnenwelt fuer Dinge an sich selbst genommen, und
+die oben angefuehrten Naturgesetze fuer Gesetze der Dinge an sich selbst,
+so waere der Widerspruch' (_i.e._ between Liberty and Necessity)
+'unvermeidlich. Ebenso, wenn das Subject der Freiheit gleich den uebrigen
+Gegenstaenden als blose Erscheinung vorgestellt wuerde, so koennte
+ebensowohl der Widerspruch nicht vermieden werden; denn es wuerde
+ebendasselbe von einerlei Gegenstaenden in derselben Bedeutung zugleich
+bejaht und verneint werden. Ist aber Naturnothwendigkeit bloss auf
+Erscheinungen bezogen, und Freiheit bloss auf Dinge an sich selbst, so
+entspringt kein Widerspruch, wenn man gleich beide Arten von Causalitaet
+annimmt oder zugibt, so schwer oder unmoeglich es auch sein moechte, die
+von der letzteren Art begreiflich zu machen.' ... 'Natur also und
+Freiheit eben demselben Dinge, aber in verschiedener Beziehung, einmal
+als Erscheinung, das andre Mal als einem Dinge an sich selbst ohne
+Widerspruch beigelegt werden koennen.' ... 'Nun kann ich ohne
+Widerspruch sagen: alle Handlungen vernuenftiger Wesen, sofern sie
+Erscheinungen sind (in irgend einer Erfahrung angetroffen werden),
+stehen unter der Naturnothwendigkeit; eben dieselben Handlungen aber,
+bloss respective auf das vernuenftige Subject und dessen Vermoegen, nach
+blosser Vernunft zu handeln, sind frei.' _Prolegomena zu jeder kuenftigen
+Metaphysik_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. iii. pp. 268-270. 'Denn ein
+Geschoepf zu sein und als Naturwesen bloss dem Willen seines Urhebers zu
+folgen; dennoch aber als freihandelndes Wesen (welches seinen vom
+aeusseren Einfluss unabhaengigen Willen hat, der dem ersteren vielfaeltig
+zuwider sein kann), der Zurechnung faehig zu sein, und seine eigene That
+doch auch zugleich als die Wirkung eines hoeheren Wesens anzusehen: ist
+eine Vereinbarung von Begriffen, die wir zwar in der Idee einer Welt,
+als des hoechsten Gutes, zusammen denken muessen; die aber nur der
+einsehen kann, welcher bis zur Kenntniss der uebersinnlichen
+(intelligiblen) Welt durchdringt und die Art einsieht, wie sie der
+Sinnenwelt zum Grunde liegt.' _Theodicee_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. vi.
+p. 149. 'Nun wollen wir annehmen, die durch unsere Kritik nothwendig
+gemachte Unterscheidung der Dinge, als Gegenstaende der Erfahrung, von
+eben denselben, als Dingen an sich selbst, waere gar nicht gemacht, so
+muesste der Grundsatz der Causalitaet und mithin der Naturmechanismus in
+Bestimmung derselben durchaus von allen Dingen ueberhaupt als wirkenden
+Ursachen gelten. Von eben demselben Wesen also, z. B. der menschlichen
+Seele, wuerde ich nicht sagen koennen, ihr Wille sei frei, und er sei doch
+zugleich der Naturnothwendigkeit unterworfen, d. i. nicht frei, ohne in
+einen offenbaren Widerspruch zu gerathen; weil ich die Seele in beiden
+Saetzen in eben derselben Bedeutung, naemlich als Ding ueberhaupt (als
+Sache an sich selbst), genommen habe und, ohne vorhergehende Kritik,
+auch nicht anders nehmen konnte. Wenn aber die Kritik nicht geirrt hat,
+da sie das Object in zweierlei Bedeutung nehmen lehrt, naemlich als
+Erscheinung, oder als Ding an sich selbst; wenn die Deduction ihrer
+Verstandesbegriffe richtig ist, mithin auch der Grundsatz der Causalitaet
+nur auf Dinge im ersten Sinne genommen, naemlich so fern sie Gegenstaende
+der Erfahrung sind, geht, eben dieselben aber nach der zweiten Bedeutung
+ihm nicht unterworfen sind, so wird eben derselbe Wille in der
+Erscheinung (den sichtbaren Handlungen) als dem Naturgesetze nothwendig
+gemaess und so fern nicht frei, und doch andererseits, als einem Dinge an
+sich selbst angehoerig, jenem nicht unterworfen, mithin als frei gedacht,
+ohne dass hiebei ein Widerspruch vorgeht.' _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_,
+in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. p. 24. 'Und hier zeigt die zwar gemeine,
+aber betruegliche Voraussetzung der absoluten Realitaet der Erscheinungen
+sogleich ihren nachtheiligen Einfluss, die Vernunft zu verwirren. Denn
+sind Erscheinungen Dinge an sich selbst, so ist Freiheit nicht zu
+retten. Alsdann ist Natur die vollstaendige und an sich hinreichend
+bestimmende Ursache jeder Begebenheit, und die Bedingung derselben ist
+jederzeit nur in der Reihe der Erscheinungen enthalten, die sammt ihrer
+Wirkung unter dem Naturgesetze nothwendig sind. Wenn dagegen
+Erscheinungen fuer Nichts mehr gelten, als sie in der That sind, naemlich
+nicht fuer Dinge an sich, sondern blosse Vorstellungen, die nach
+empirischen Gesetzen zusammenhaengen, so muessen sie selbst noch Gruende
+haben, die nicht Erscheinungen sind.' ... 'Hier habe ich nur die
+Anmerkung machen wollen, dass, da der durchgaengige Zusammenhang aller
+Erscheinungen in einem Context der Natur ein unnachlaessliches Gesetz
+ist, dieses alle Freiheit nothwendig umstuerzen muesste, wenn man der
+Realitaet der Erscheinungen hartnaeckig anhaengen wollte. Daher auch
+diejenigen, welche hierin der gemeinen Meinung folgen, niemals dahin
+haben gelangen koennen, Natur und Freiheit mit einander zu vereinigen.'
+_Kritik_, in _Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 419, 420. Finally, at p. 433, 'Man
+muss wohl bemerken, dass wir hiedurch nicht die Wirklichkeit der
+Freiheit, als eines der Vermoegen, welche die Ursache von den
+Erscheinungen unserer Sinnenwelt enthalten, haben darthun wollen. Denn
+ausser dass dieses gar keine transcendentale Betrachtung, die bloss mit
+Begriffen zu thun hat, gewesen sein wuerde, so koennte es auch nicht
+gelingen, indem wir aus der Erfahrung niemals auf Etwas, was gar nicht
+nach Erfahrungsgesetzen gedacht werden muss, schliessen koennen. Ferner
+haben wir auch gar nicht einmal die Moeglichkeit der Freiheit beweisen
+wollen; denn dieses waere auch nicht gelungen, weil wir ueberhaupt von
+keinem Realgrunde und keiner Causalitaet aus blossen Begriffen _a priori_
+die Moeglichkeit erkennen koennen. Die Freiheit wird hier nur als
+transcendentale Idee behandelt, wodurch die Vernunft die Reihe der
+Bedingungen in der Erscheinung durch das sinnlich Unbedingte schlechthin
+aufzuheben denkt, dabei sich in eine Antinomie mit ihren eigenen
+Gesetzen, welche sie dem empirischen Gebrauche des Verstandes
+vorschreibt, verwickelt. Dass nun diese Antinomie auf einem blossen
+Scheine beruhe, und dass Natur der Causalitaet aus Freiheit wenigstens
+nicht widerstreite, das war das Einzige, was wir leisten konnten, und
+woran es uns auch einzig und allein gelegen war.'
+
+These passages prove that Kant saw that the phenomenal reality of Free
+Will is an indefensible doctrine: and as the present work is an
+investigation of the laws of phenomena, his transcendental philosophy
+does not affect my conclusions. According to Kant's view (and with which
+I am inclined to agree) the ordinary metaphysical and theological
+treatment of this dark problem is purely empirical, and therefore has no
+value. The denial of the supremacy of consciousness follows as a natural
+consequence, and is the result of the Kantian philosophy, and not, as is
+often said, the base of it.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+
+     INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION OF
+     SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS.
+
+
+If we inquire what those physical agents are by which the human race is
+most powerfully influenced, we shall find that they may be classed under
+four heads: namely, Climate, Food, Soil, and the General Aspect of
+Nature; by which last, I mean those appearances which, though presented
+chiefly to the sight, have, through the medium of that or other senses,
+directed the association of ideas, and hence in different countries have
+given rise to different habits of national thought. To one of these four
+classes, may be referred all the external phenomena by which Man has
+been permanently affected. The last of these classes, or what I call the
+General Aspect of Nature, produces its principal results by exciting the
+imagination, and by suggesting those innumerable superstitions which are
+the great obstacles to advancing knowledge. And as, in the infancy of a
+people, the power of such superstitions is supreme, it has happened that
+the various Aspects of Nature have caused corresponding varieties in the
+popular character, and have imparted to the national religion
+peculiarities which, under certain circumstances, it is impossible to
+efface. The other three agents, namely, Climate, Food, and Soil, have,
+so far as we are aware, had no direct influence of this sort; but they
+have, as I am about to prove, originated the most important consequences
+in regard to the general organization of society, and from them there
+have followed many of those large and conspicuous differences between
+nations, which are often ascribed to some fundamental difference in the
+various races into which mankind is divided. But while such original
+distinctions of race are altogether hypothetical,[38] the discrepancies
+which are caused by difference of climate, food, and soil, are capable
+of a satisfactory explanation, and, when understood, will be found to
+clear up many of the difficulties which still obscure the study of
+history. I purpose, therefore, in the first place, to examine the laws
+of these three vast agents in so far as they are connected with Man in
+his social condition; and having traced the working of those laws with
+as much precision as the present state of physical knowledge will allow,
+I shall then examine the remaining agent, namely, the General Aspect of
+Nature, and shall endeavour to point out the most important divergencies
+to which its variations have, in different countries, naturally given
+rise.
+
+  [38] I cordially subscribe to the remark of one of the greatest thinkers
+       of our time, who says of the supposed differences of race, 'of all
+       vulgar modes of escaping from the consideration of the effect of
+       social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is
+       that of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to
+       inherent natural differences.' _Mill's Principles of Political
+       Economy_, vol. i. p. 390. Ordinary writers are constantly falling
+       into the error of assuming the existence of this difference, which
+       may or may not exist but which most assuredly has never been
+       proved. Some singular instances of this will be found in _Alison's
+       History of Europe_, vol. ii. p. 336, vol. vi. p. 136, vol. viii.
+       pp. 525, 526, vol. xiii. p. 347; where the historian thinks that
+       by a few strokes of his pen he can settle a question of the
+       greatest difficulty, connected with some of the most intricate
+       problems in physiology. On the supposed relation between race and
+       temperament, see _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iii. p. 355.
+
+Beginning, then, with climate, food, and soil, it is evident that these
+three physical powers are in no small degree dependent on each other:
+that is to say, there is a very close connexion between the climate of a
+country and the food which will ordinarily be grown in that country;
+while at the same time the food is itself influenced by the soil which
+produces it, as also by the elevation or depression of the land, by the
+state of the atmosphere, and, in a word, by all those conditions to the
+assemblage of which the name of Physical Geography is, in its largest
+sense, commonly given.[39]
+
+  [39] As to the proper limits of physical geography, see _Prichard on
+       Ethnology_, in _Report of the British Association for_ 1847,
+       p. 235. The word 'climate' I always use in the narrow and popular
+       sense. Dr. Forry and many previous writers make it nearly coincide
+       with 'physical geography:' 'Climate constitutes the aggregate of
+       all the external physical circumstances appertaining to each
+       locality in its relation to organic nature.' _Forry's Climate of
+       the United States and its Endemic Influences_, New York, 1842,
+       p. 127.
+
+The union between these physical agents being thus intimate, it seems
+advisable to consider them not under their own separate heads, but
+rather under the separate heads of the effects produced by their united
+action. In this way we shall rise at once to a more comprehensive view
+of the whole question; we shall avoid the confusion that would be caused
+by artificially separating phenomena which are in themselves
+inseparable; and we shall be able to see more clearly the extent of that
+remarkable influence, which, in an early stage of society, the powers of
+Nature exercise over the fortunes of Man.
+
+Of all the results which are produced among a people by their climate,
+food, and soil, the accumulation of wealth is the earliest, and in many
+respects the most important. For although the progress of knowledge
+eventually accelerates the increase of wealth, it is nevertheless
+certain that, in the first formation of society, the wealth must
+accumulate before the knowledge can begin. As long as every man is
+engaged in collecting the materials necessary for his own subsistence,
+there will be neither leisure nor taste for higher pursuits; no science
+can possibly be created, and the utmost that can be effected will be an
+attempt to economise labour by the contrivance of such rude and
+imperfect instruments as even the most barbarous people are able to
+invent.
+
+In a state of society like this, the accumulation of wealth is the first
+great step that can be taken, because without wealth there can be no
+leisure, and without leisure there can be no knowledge. If what a people
+consume is always exactly equal to what they possess, there will be no
+residue, and therefore, no capital being accumulated, there will be no
+means by which the unemployed classes may be maintained.[40] But if the
+produce is greater than the consumption, an overplus arises, which,
+according to well-known principles, increases itself, and eventually
+becomes a fund out of which, immediately or remotely, every one is
+supported who does not create the wealth upon which he lives. And now it
+is that the existence of an intellectual class first becomes possible,
+because for the first time there exists a previous accumulation, by
+means of which men can use what they did not produce, and are thus
+enabled to devote themselves to subjects for which at an earlier period
+the pressure of their daily wants would have left them no time.
+
+  [40] By unemployed classes, I mean what Adam Smith calls the
+       unproductive classes; and though both expressions are strictly
+       speaking inaccurate, the word 'unemployed' seems to convey more
+       clearly than any other the idea in the text.
+
+Thus it is that of all the great social improvements the accumulation of
+wealth must be the first, because without it there can be neither taste
+nor leisure for that acquisition of knowledge on which, as I shall
+hereafter prove, the progress of civilization depends. Now, it is
+evident that among an entirely ignorant people, the rapidity with which
+wealth is created will be solely regulated by the physical peculiarities
+of their country. At a later period, and when the wealth has been
+capitalized, other causes come into play; but until this occurs, the
+progress can only depend on two circumstances: first on the energy and
+regularity with which labour is conducted, and secondly on the returns
+made to that labour by the bounty of nature. And these two causes are
+themselves the result of physical antecedents. The returns made to
+labour are governed by the fertility of the soil, which is itself
+regulated partly by the admixture of its chemical components, partly by
+the extent to which, from rivers or from other natural causes, the soil
+is irrigated, and partly by the heat and humidity of the atmosphere. On
+the other hand, the energy and regularity with which labour is
+conducted, will be entirely dependent on the influence of climate. This
+will display itself in two different ways. The first, which is a very
+obvious consideration, is, that if the heat is intense, men will be
+indisposed, and in some degree unfitted, for that active industry which
+in a milder climate they might willingly have exerted. The other
+consideration, which has been less noticed, but is equally important,
+is, that climate influences labour not only by enervating the labourer
+or by invigorating him, but also by the effect it produces on the
+regularity of his habits.[41] Thus we find that no people living in a
+very northern latitude have ever possessed that steady and unflinching
+industry for which the inhabitants of temperate regions are remarkable.
+The reason of this becomes clear, when we remember that in the more
+northern countries the severity of the weather, and, at some seasons,
+the deficiency of light, render it impossible for the people to continue
+their usual out-of-door employments. The result is, that the working
+classes being compelled to cease from their ordinary pursuits, are
+rendered more prone to desultory habits; the chain of their industry is
+as it were broken, and they lose that impetus which long-continued and
+uninterrupted practice never fails to give. Hence there arises a
+national character more fitful and capricious than that possessed by a
+people whose climate permits the regular exercise of their ordinary
+industry. Indeed, so powerful is this principle, that we may perceive
+its operation even under the most opposite circumstances. It would be
+difficult to conceive a greater difference in government, laws,
+religion, and manners, than that which distinguishes Sweden and Norway
+on the one hand, from Spain and Portugal on the other. But these four
+countries have one great point in common. In all of them, continued
+agricultural industry is impracticable. In the two southern countries,
+labour is interrupted by the heat, by the dryness of the weather, and
+by the consequent state of the soil. In the two northern countries, the
+same effect is produced by the severity of the winter and the shortness
+of the days. The consequence is, that these four nations, though so
+different in other respects, are all remarkable for a certain
+instability and fickleness of character; presenting a striking contrast
+to the more regular and settled habits which are established in
+countries whose climate subjects the working classes to fewer
+interruptions, and imposes on them the necessity of a more constant and
+unremitting employment.[42]
+
+  [41] This has been entirely neglected by the three most philosophical
+       writers on climate: Montesquieu, Hume, and M. Charles Comte in his
+       _Traite de Legislation_. It is also omitted in the remarks of
+       M. Guizot on the influence of climate, _Civilisation en Europe_,
+       p. 97.
+
+  [42] See the admirable remarks in _Laing's Denmark_, 1852, pp. 204, 366,
+       367; though Norway appears to be a better illustration than
+       Denmark. In _Rey's Science Sociale_, vol. i. pp. 195, 196, there
+       are some calculations respecting the average loss to agricultural
+       industry caused by changes in the weather; but no notice is taken
+       of the connexion between these changes, when abrupt, and the tone
+       of the national character.
+
+These are the great physical causes by which the creation of wealth is
+governed. There are, no doubt, other circumstances which operate with
+considerable force, and which, in a more advanced state of society,
+possess an equal, and sometimes a superior, influence. But this is at a
+later period; and looking at the history of wealth in its earliest
+stage, it will be found to depend entirely on soil and climate: the soil
+regulating the returns made to any given amount of labour; the climate
+regulating the energy and constancy of the labour itself. It requires
+but a hasty glance at past events, to prove the immense power of these
+two great physical conditions. For there is no instance in history of
+any country being civilized by its own efforts, unless it has possessed
+one of these conditions in a very favourable form. In Asia, civilization
+has always been confined to that vast tract where a rich and alluvial
+soil has secured to man that wealth without some share of which no
+intellectual progress can begin. This great region extends, with a few
+interruptions, from the east of Southern China to the western coasts of
+Asia Minor, of Ph[oe]nicia, and of Palestine. To the north of this
+immense belt, there is a long line of barren country which has
+invariably been peopled by rude and wandering tribes, who are kept in
+poverty by the ungenial nature of the soil, and who, as long as they
+remained on it, have never emerged from their uncivilized state. How
+entirely this depends on physical causes, is evident from the fact that
+these same Mongolian and Tartarian hordes have, at different periods,
+founded great monarchies in China, in India, and in Persia, and have, on
+all such occasions, attained a civilization nowise inferior to that
+possessed by the most nourishing of the ancient kingdoms. For in the
+fertile plains of Southern Asia,[43] nature has supplied all the
+materials of wealth; and there it was that these barbarous tribes
+acquired for the first time some degree of refinement, produced a
+national literature, and organized a national polity; none of which
+things they, in their native land, had been able to effect.[44] In the
+same way, the Arabs in their own country have, owing to the extreme
+aridity of their soil,[45] always been a rude and uncultivated people;
+for in their case, as in all others, great ignorance is the fruit of
+great poverty. But in the seventh century they conquered Persia;[46] in
+the eighth century they conquered the best part of Spain;[47] in the
+ninth century they conquered the Punjaub, and eventually nearly the
+whole of India.[48] Scarcely were they established in their fresh
+settlements, when their character seemed to undergo a great change.
+They, who in their original land were little else than roving savages,
+were now for the first time able to accumulate wealth, and, therefore,
+for the first time did they make some progress in the arts of
+civilization. In Arabia they had been a mere race of wandering
+shepherds;[49] in their new abodes they became the founders of mighty
+empires--they built cities, endowed schools, collected libraries; and
+the traces of their power are still to be seen at Cordova, at Bagdad,
+and at Delhi.[50] Precisely in the same manner, there is adjoining
+Arabia at the north, and only separated from it elsewhere by the narrow
+waters of the Red Sea, an immense sandy plain, which, covering the whole
+of Africa in the same latitude, extends westward until it reaches the
+shores of the Atlantic.[51] This enormous tract is, like Arabia, a
+barren waste;[52] and therefore, as in Arabia, the inhabitants have
+always been entirely uncivilized, acquiring no knowledge, simply because
+they have accumulated no wealth.[53] But this great desert is, in its
+eastern part, irrigated by the waters of the Nile, the overflowing of
+which covers the sand with a rich alluvial deposit, that yields to
+labour the most abundant, and indeed the most extraordinary,
+returns.[54] The consequence is, that in that spot, wealth was rapidly
+accumulated, the cultivation of knowledge quickly followed, and this
+narrow strip of land[55] became the seat of Egyptian civilization; a
+civilization which, though grossly exaggerated,[56] forms a striking
+contrast to the barbarism of the other nations of Africa, none of which
+have been able to work out their own progress, or emerge, in any degree,
+from the ignorance to which the penury of nature has doomed them.
+
+  [43] This expression has been used by different geographers in different
+       senses; but I take it in its common acceptation, without reference
+       to the more strictly physical view of Ritter and his followers in
+       regard to Central Asia. See _Prichard's Physical History of
+       Mankind_, vol. iv. p. 278, edit. 1844. At p. 92, Prichard makes the
+       Himalaya the southern boundary of Central Asia.
+
+  [44] There is reason to believe that the Tartars of Thibet received even
+       their alphabet from India. See the interesting Essay on Tartarian
+       Coins in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iv. pp. 276, 277; and
+       on the Scythian Alphabet, see vol. xii. p. 336.
+
+  [45] In _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. i. p. 132, it is said
+       that in Arabia there are 'no rivers;' but Mr. Wellsted (_Travels in
+       Arabia_, vol. ii. p. 409) mentions one which empties itself into
+       the sea five miles west of Aden. On the streams in Arabia, see
+       _Meiners ueber die Fruchtbarkeit der Laender_, vol. i. pp. 149, 150.
+       That the sole deficiency is want of irrigation appears from
+       Burckhardt, who says (_Travels in Arabia_, vol. i. p. 240), 'In
+       Arabia, wherever the ground can be irrigated by wells, the sands
+       may be soon made productive.' And for a striking description of one
+       of the oases of Oman, which shows what Arabia might have been with
+       a good river system, see _Journal of Geographical Society_, vol.
+       vii. pp. 106, 107.
+
+  [46] Mr. Morier (_Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. vii. p. 230) says, 'the
+       conquest of Persia by the Saracens A.D. 651.' However, the fate of
+       Persia was decided by the battles of Kudseah and Nahavund, which
+       were fought in 638 and 641: see _Malcolm's History of Persia_,
+       vol. i. pp. xvi. 139, 142.
+
+  [47] In 712. _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 369.
+
+  [48] They were established in the Punjaub early in the ninth century,
+       but did not conquer Guzerat and Malwa until five hundred years
+       later. Compare Wilson's note in the _Vishnu Purana_, pp. 481, 482,
+       with _Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix. pp. 187, 188, 203. On their
+       progress in the more southern part of the Peninsula, see _Journal
+       of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii. pp. 222, 223, vol. iv. pp. 28-30.
+
+  [49] 'A race of pastoral barbarians.' _Dickinson on the Arabic
+       Language_, in _Journal of Asiat. Society_, vol. v. p. 323. Compare
+       _Reynier_, _Economie des Arabes_, pp. 27, 28; where, however, a
+       very simple question is needlessly complicated. The old Persian
+       writers bestowed on them the courteous appellation of 'a band of
+       naked lizard-eaters.' _Malcolm's Hist. of Persia_, vol. i. p. 133.
+       Indeed, there are few things in history better proved than the
+       barbarism of a people whom some writers wish to invest with a
+       romantic interest. The eulogy passed on them by Meiners is rather
+       suspicious, for he concludes by saying, 'die Eroberungen der
+       Araber waren hoechst selten so blutig und zerstoerend, als die
+       Eroberungen der Tataren, Persen, Tuerken, u.s.w. in aeltern und
+       neuern Zeiten waren.' _Fruchtbarkeit der Laender_, vol. i. p. 153.
+       If this is the best that can be said, the comparison with Tartars
+       and Turks does not prove much; but it is singular that this learned
+       author should have forgotten a passage in Diodorus Siculus which
+       gives a pleasant description of them nineteen centuries ago on the
+       eastern side: _Bibliothec. Hist._ lib. ii. vol. ii. p. 137.
+       [Greek: echousi de bion lestrikon, kai pollen tes homorou choras
+       katatrechontes lesteuousin], &c.
+
+  [50] The only branch of knowledge which the Arabians ever raised to a
+       science was astronomy, which began to be cultivated under the
+       caliphs about the middle of the eighth century, and went on
+       improving until 'la ville de Bagdad fut, pendant le dixieme siecle,
+       le theatre principal de l'astronomie chez les orientaux.'
+       _Montucla_, _Histoire des Mathematiques_, vol. i. pp. 355, 364. The
+       old Pagan Arabs, like most barbarous people living in a clear
+       atmosphere, had such an empirical acquaintance with the celestial
+       phenomena as was used for practical purposes; but there is no
+       evidence to justify the common opinion that they studied this
+       subject as a science. Dr. Dorn (_Transactions of the Asiatic
+       Society_, vol. ii. p. 371) says, 'of a scientific knowledge of
+       astronomy among them no traces can be discovered.' Beausobre
+       (_Histoire de Manichee_, vol. i. p. 20) is quite enthusiastic about
+       the philosophy of the Arabs in the time of Pythagoras! and he tells
+       us, that 'ces peuples out toujours cultive les sciences.' To
+       establish this fact, he quotes a long passage from a life of
+       Mohammed written early in the eighteenth century by
+       Boulainvilliers, whom he calls, 'un des plus beaux genies de
+       France.' If this is an accurate description, those who have read
+       the works of Boulainvilliers will think that France was badly off
+       for men of genius; and as to his life of Mohammed, it is little
+       better than a romance: the author was ignorant of Arabic, and knew
+       nothing which had not been already communicated by Maracci and
+       Pococke. See _Biographie Universelle_, vol. v. p. 321.
+
+       In regard to the later Arabian astronomers, one of their great
+       merits was to approximate to the value of the annual precession
+       much closer than Ptolemy had done. See _Grant's History of
+       Physical Astronomy_, 1852, p. 319.
+
+  [51] Indeed it goes beyond it: 'the trackless sands of the Sahara
+       desert, which is even prolonged for miles into the Atlantic Ocean
+       in the form of sandbanks.' _Somerville's Physical Geography_,
+       vol. i. p. 149. For a singular instance of one of these sandbanks
+       being formed into an island, see _Journal of Geograph. Society_,
+       vol. ii. p. 284. The Sahara desert, exclusive of Bornou and
+       Darfour, covers an area of 194,000 square leagues; that is, nearly
+       three times the size of France, or twice the size of the
+       Mediterranean. Compare _Lyell's Geology_, p. 694, with
+       _Somerville's Connexion of the Sciences_, p. 294. As to the
+       probable southern limits of the plateau of the Sahara, see
+       _Richardson's Mission to Central Africa_, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 146,
+       156; and as to the part of it adjoining the Mandingo country, see
+       _Mungo Park's Travels_, vol. i. pp. 237, 238. Respecting the
+       country south of Mandara, some scanty information was collected by
+       Denham in the neighbourhood of Lake Tchad. _Denham's Northern and
+       Central Africa_, pp. 121, 122, 144-146.
+
+  [52] Richardson, who travelled through it south of Tripoli, notices its
+       'features of sterility, of unconquerable barrenness.' _Richardson's
+       Sahara_, 1848, vol. i. p. 86; and see the striking picture at
+       p. 409. The long and dreary route from Mourzouk to Yeou, on Lake
+       Tchad, is described by Denham, one of the extremely few Europeans
+       who have performed that hazardous journey. _Denham's Central
+       Africa_, pp. 2-60. Even on the shore of the Tchad there is hardly
+       any vegetation, 'a coarse grass and a small bell-flower being the
+       only plants that I could discover,' p. 90. Compare his remark on
+       Bornou, p. 317. The condition of part of the desert in the
+       fourteenth century is described in the _Travels of Ibn Batuta_,
+       p. 233, which should be compared with the account given by Diodorus
+       Siculus of the journey of Alexander to the temple of Ammon.
+       _Bibliothec. Historic._ lib. xvii. vol. vii. p. 348.
+
+  [53] Richardson, who travelled in 1850 from Tripoli to within a few days
+       of Lake Tchad, was struck by the stationary character of the
+       people. He says, 'neither in the desert nor in the kingdoms of
+       Central Africa is there any march of civilization. All goes on
+       according to a certain routine established for ages past.'
+       _Mission to Central Africa_, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. See similar
+       remarks in _Pallme's Travels in Kordofan_, pp. 108, 109.
+
+  [54] Abd-Allatif, who was in Egypt early in the thirteenth century,
+       gives an interesting account of the rising of the Nile, to which
+       Egypt owes its fertility. _Abd-Allatif_, _Relation de l'Egypte_,
+       pp. 329-340, 374-376, and Appendix, p. 504. See also on these
+       periodical inundations. _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iv.
+       pp. 101-104; and on the half-astronomical half theological notions
+       connected with them, pp. 372-377, vol. v. pp. 291, 292. Compare on
+       the religious importance of the Nile _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i.
+       p. 409. The expression, therefore, of Herodotus (book ii. chap.
+       v. vol. i. p. 484), [Greek: doron tou potamou] is true in a much
+       larger sense than he intended; since to the Nile Egypt owes all
+       the physical peculiarities which distinguish it from Arabia and
+       the great African desert. Compare _Heeren's African Nations_,
+       vol. ii. p. 58; _Reynier_, _Economie des Arabes_, p. 3; _Postan's
+       on the Nile and Indus_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. vii.
+       p. 275; and on the difference between the soil of the Nile and
+       that of the surrounding desert, see _Volney_, _Voyage en Syrie et
+       en Egypte_, vol. i. p. 14.
+
+  [55] 'The average breadth of the valley from one mountain-range to the
+       other, between Cairo in Lower, and Edfoo in Upper Egypt, is only
+       about seven miles; and that of the cultivable land, whose limits
+       depend on the inundation, scarcely exceeds five and a half.'
+       _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 216. According to
+       Gerard, 'the mean width of the valley between Syene and Cairo is
+       about nine miles.' Note in _Heeren's African Nations_, vol. ii.
+       p. 62.
+
+  [56] I will give one instance of this from an otherwise sensible writer,
+       and a man too of considerable learning: 'As to the physical
+       knowledge of the Egyptians, their cotemporaries gave them credit
+       for the astonishing power of their magic; and as we cannot suppose
+       that the instances recorded in Scripture were to be attributed to
+       the exertion of supernatural powers, we must conclude that they
+       were in possession of a more intimate knowledge of the laws and
+       combinations of nature than what is professed by the most learned
+       men of the present age.' _Hamilton's AEgyptiaca_, pp. 61, 62. It is
+       a shame that such nonsense should be written in the nineteenth
+       century: and yet a still more recent author (_Vyse on the
+       Pyramids_, vol. i. p. 28) assures us that 'the Egyptians, for
+       especial purposes, were endowed with great wisdom and science.'
+       Science properly so called, the Egyptians had none; and as to
+       their wisdom, it was considerable enough to distinguish them from
+       barbarous nations like the old Hebrews, but it was inferior to
+       that of the Greeks, and it was of course immeasurably below that
+       of modern Europe.
+
+These considerations clearly prove that of the two primary causes of
+civilization, the fertility of the soil is the one which in the ancient
+world exercised most influence. But in European civilization, the other
+great cause, that is to say, climate, has been the most powerful; and
+this, as we have seen, produces an effect partly on the capacity of the
+labourer for work, partly on the regularity or irregularity of his
+habits. The difference in the result has curiously corresponded with the
+difference in the cause. For, although all civilization must have for
+its antecedent the accumulation of wealth, still what subsequently
+occurs will be in no small degree determined by the conditions under
+which the accumulation took place. In Asia, and in Africa, the condition
+was a fertile soil, causing an abundant return; in Europe, it was a
+happier climate, causing more successful labour. In the former case, the
+effect depends on the relation between the soil and its produce; in
+other words, the mere operation of one part of external nature upon
+another. In the latter case, the effect depends on the relation between
+the climate and the labourer; that is, the operation of external nature
+not upon itself, but upon man. Of these two classes of relations, the
+first, being the less complicated, is the less liable to disturbance,
+and therefore came sooner into play. Hence it is, that, in the march of
+civilization, the priority is unquestionably due to the most fertile
+parts of Asia and Africa. But although their civilization was the
+earliest, it was very far, indeed, from being the best or most
+permanent. Owing to circumstances which I shall presently state, the
+only progress which is really effective depends, not upon the bounty of
+nature, but upon the energy of man. Therefore it is, that the
+civilization of Europe, which, in its earliest stage, was governed by
+climate, has shown a capacity of development unknown to those
+civilizations which were originated by soil. For the powers of nature,
+notwithstanding their apparent magnitude, are limited and stationary; at
+all events, we have not the slightest proof that they have ever
+increased, or that they will ever be able to increase. But the powers of
+man, so far as experience and analogy can guide us, are unlimited; nor
+are we possessed of any evidence which authorizes us to assign even an
+imaginary boundary at which the human intellect will, of necessity, be
+brought to a stand. And as this power which the mind possesses of
+increasing its own resources, is a peculiarity confined to man, and one
+eminently distinguishing him from what is commonly called external
+nature, it becomes evident that the agency of climate, which gives him
+wealth by stimulating his labour, is more favourable to his ultimate
+progress than the agency of soil, which likewise gives him wealth, but
+which does so, not by exciting his energies, but by virtue of a mere
+physical relation between the character of the soil and the quantity or
+value of the produce that it almost spontaneously affords.
+
+Thus far as to the different ways in which climate and soil affect the
+creation of wealth. But another point of equal, or perhaps of superior,
+importance remains behind. After the wealth has been created, a question
+arises as to how it is to be distributed; that is to say, what
+proportion is to go to the upper classes, and what to the lower. In an
+advanced stage of society, this depends upon several circumstances of
+great complexity, and which it is not necessary here to examine.[57] But
+in a very early stage of society, and before its later and refined
+complications have begun, it may, I think, be proved that the
+distribution of wealth is, like its creation, governed entirely by
+physical laws; and that those laws are moreover so active as to have
+invariably kept a vast majority of the inhabitants of the fairest
+portion of the globe in a condition of constant and inextricable
+poverty. If this can be demonstrated, the immense importance of such
+laws is manifest. For since wealth is an undoubted source of power, it
+is evident that, supposing other things equal, an inquiry into the
+distribution of wealth is an inquiry into the distribution of power,
+and, as such, will throw great light on the origin of those social and
+political inequalities, the play and opposition of which form a
+considerable part of the history of every civilized country.
+
+  [57] Indeed many of them are still unknown; for, as M. Rey justly
+       observes, most writers pay too exclusive an attention to the
+       production of wealth, and neglect the laws of its distribution.
+       _Rey_, _Science Sociale_, vol. iii. p. 271. In confirmation of
+       this, I may mention the theory of rent, which was only discovered
+       about half a century ago, and which is connected with so many
+       subtle arguments that it is not yet generally adopted; and even
+       some of its advocates have shown themselves unequal to defending
+       their own cause. The great law of the ratio between the cost of
+       labour and the profits of stock, is the highest generalization we
+       have reached respecting the distribution of wealth; but it cannot
+       be consistently admitted by anyone who holds that rent enters into
+       price.
+
+If we take a general view of this subject, we may say that after the
+creation and accumulation of wealth have once fairly begun, it will be
+distributed among two classes, those who labour, and those who do not
+labour; the latter being, as a class, the more able, the former the more
+numerous. The fund by which both classes are supported is immediately
+created by the lower class, whose physical energies are directed,
+combined, and as it were economized, by the superior skill of the upper
+class. The reward of the workmen is called their wages; the reward of
+the contrivers is called their profits. At a later period, there will
+arise what may be called the saving class; that is, a body of men who
+neither contrive nor work, but lend their accumulations to those who
+contrive, and in return for the loan, receive a part of that reward
+which belongs to the contriving class. In this case, the members of the
+saving class are rewarded for their abstinence in refraining from
+spending their accumulations, and this reward is termed the interest of
+their money; so that there is made a threefold division--Interest,
+Profits, and Wages. But this is a subsequent arrangement, which can only
+take place to any extent when wealth has been considerably accumulated;
+and in the stage of society we are now considering, this third, or
+saving class, can hardly be said to have a separate existence.[58] For
+our present purpose, therefore, it is enough to ascertain what those
+natural laws are, which, as soon as wealth is accumulated, regulate the
+proportion in which it is distributed to the two classes of labourers
+and employers.
+
+Now, it is evident that wages being the price paid for labour, the rate
+of wages must, like the price of all other commodities, vary according
+to the changes in the market. If the supply of labourers outstrips the
+demand, wages will fall; if the demand exceeds the supply, they will
+rise. Supposing, therefore, that in any country there is a given amount
+of wealth to be divided between employers and workmen, every increase in
+the number of the workmen will tend to lessen the average reward each
+can receive. And if we set aside those disturbing causes by which all
+general views are affected, it will be found that, in the long-run, the
+question of wages is a question of population; for although the total
+sum of the wages actually paid depends upon the largeness of the fund
+from which they are drawn, still the amount of wages received by each
+man must diminish as the claimants increase, unless, owing to other
+circumstances, the fund itself should so advance as to keep pace with
+the greater demands made upon it.[59]
+
+  [58] In a still more advanced stage, there is a fourth division of
+       wealth, and part of the produce of labour is absorbed by rent.
+       This, however, is not an element of price, but a consequence of it;
+       and in the ordinary march of affairs, considerable time must elapse
+       before it can begin. Rent, in the proper sense of the word, is the
+       price paid for using the natural and indestructible powers of the
+       soil, and must not be confused with rent commonly so called; for
+       this last also includes the profits of stock. I notice this,
+       because several of the opponents of Ricardo have placed the
+       beginning of rent too early, by overlooking the fact that apparent
+       rent is very often profits disguised.
+
+  [59] 'Wages depend, then, on the proportion between the number of the
+       labouring population, and the capital or other funds devoted to the
+       purchase of labour; we will say, for shortness, the capital. If
+       wages are higher at one time or place than at another, if the
+       subsistence and comfort of the class of hired labourers are more
+       ample, it is, and can be, for no other reason than because capital
+       bears a greater proportion to population. It is not the absolute
+       amount of accumulation or of production that is of importance to
+       the labouring class; it is not the amount even of the funds
+       destined for distribution among the labourers; it is the proportion
+       between those funds and the numbers among whom they are shared. The
+       condition of the class can be bettered in no other way than by
+       altering that proportion to their advantage; and every scheme for
+       their benefit which does not proceed on this as its foundation, is,
+       for all permanent purposes, a delusion.' _Mill's Principles of
+       Political Economy_, 1849, vol. i. p. 425. See also vol. ii.
+       pp. 264, 265, and _M'Culloch's Political Economy_, pp. 379, 380.
+       Ricardo, in his _Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn_,
+       has stated, with his usual terseness, the three possible forms of
+       this question: 'The rise or fall of wages is common to all states
+       of society, whether it be the stationary, the advancing, or the
+       retrograde state. In the stationary state, it is regulated wholly
+       by the increase or falling-off of the population. In the advancing
+       state, it depends on whether the capital or the population advance
+       at the more rapid course. In the retrograde state, it depends on
+       whether population or capital decrease with the greater rapidity.'
+       _Ricardo's Works_, p. 379.
+
+To know the circumstances most favourable to the increase of what may be
+termed the wages-fund is a matter of great moment, but is one with which
+we are not immediately concerned. The question we have now before us,
+regards not the accumulation of wealth, but its distribution; and the
+object is, to ascertain what those physical conditions are, which, by
+encouraging a rapid growth of population, over-supply the labour market,
+and thus keep the average rate of wages at a very low point.
+
+Of all the physical agents by which the increase of the labouring
+classes is affected, that of food is the most active and universal. If
+two countries, equal in all other respects, differ solely in this--that
+in one the national food is cheap and abundant, and in the other scarce
+and dear, the population of the former country will inevitably increase
+more rapidly than the population of the latter.[60] And, by a parity of
+reasoning, the average rate of wages will be lower in the former than in
+the latter, simply because the labour-market will be more amply
+stocked.[61] An inquiry, therefore, into the physical laws on which the
+food of different countries depends, is, for our present purpose, of the
+greatest importance; and fortunately it is one respecting which we are
+able, in the present state of chemistry and physiology, to arrive at
+some precise and definite conclusions.
+
+  [60] The standard of comfort being of course supposed the same.
+
+  [61] 'No point is better established, than that the supply of labourers
+       will always ultimately be in proportion to the means of supporting
+       them.' _Principles of Political Economy_, chap. xxi. in _Ricardo's
+       Works_, p. 176. Compare _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book i.
+       chap. xi. p. 86, and _M'Culloch's Political Economy_, p. 222.
+
+The food consumed by man produces two, and only two, effects necessary
+to his existence. These are, first to supply him with that animal heat
+without which the functions of life would stop; and secondly, to repair
+the waste constantly taking place in his tissues, that is, in the
+mechanism of his frame. For each of these separate purposes there is a
+separate food. The temperature of our body is kept up by substances
+which contain no nitrogen, and are called non-azotized; the incessant
+decay in our organism is repaired by what are known as azotized
+substances, in which nitrogen is always found.[62] In the former case,
+the carbon of non-azotized food combines with the oxygen we take in, and
+gives rise to that internal combustion by which our animal heat is
+renewed. In the latter case, nitrogen having little affinity for
+oxygen,[63] the nitrogenous or azotized food is, as it were, guarded
+against combustion;[64] and being thus preserved, is able to perform its
+duty of repairing the tissues, and supplying those losses which the
+human organism constantly suffers in the wear and tear of daily life.
+
+  [62] The division of food into azotized and non-azotized is said to have
+       been first pointed out by Magendie. See _Mueller's Physiology_,
+       vol. i. p. 525. It is now recognised by most of the best
+       authorities. See, for instance, _Liebig's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 134; _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, p. 685; _Brande's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 1218, 1870. The first tables of food
+       constructed according to it were by Boussingault; see an elaborate
+       essay by Messrs. Lawes and Gilbert on _The Composition of Foods_,
+       in _Report of British Association for 1852_, p. 323: but the
+       experiments made by these gentlemen are neither numerous nor
+       diversified enough to establish a general law; still less can we
+       accept their singular assertion, p. 346, that the comparative
+       prices of different foods are a test of the nutriment they
+       comparatively contain.
+
+  [63] 'Of all the elements of the animal body, nitrogen has the feeblest
+       attraction for oxygen; and, what is still more remarkable, it
+       deprives all combustible elements with which it combines, to a
+       greater or less extent, of the power of combining with oxygen, that
+       is, of undergoing combustion.' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_,
+       p. 372.
+
+  [64] The doctrine of what may be called the protecting power of some
+       substances is still imperfectly understood, and until late in the
+       eighteenth century, its existence was hardly suspected. It is now
+       known to be connected with the general theory of poisons. See
+       _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 516. To this we must probably
+       ascribe the fact that several poisons which are fatal when applied
+       to a wounded surface, may be taken into the stomach with impunity.
+       _Brodie's Physiological Researches_, 1851, pp. 137, 138. It seems
+       more reasonable to refer this to chemical laws than to hold, with
+       Sir Benjamin Brodie, that some poisons 'destroy life by paralysing
+       the muscles of respiration without immediately affecting the
+       action of the heart.'
+
+These are the two great divisions of food;[65] and if we inquire into
+the laws which regulate the relation they bear to man, we shall find
+that in each division the most important agent is climate. When men live
+in a hot country, their animal heat is more easily kept up than when
+they live in a cold one; therefore they require a smaller amount of that
+non-azotized food, the sole business of which is to maintain at a
+certain point the temperature of the body. In the same way, they, in the
+hot country, require a smaller amount of azotized food, because on the
+whole their bodily exertions are less frequent, and on that account the
+decay of their tissues is less rapid.[66]
+
+  [65] Prout's well-known division into saccharine, oily, and albuminous,
+       appears to me of much inferior value, though I observe that it is
+       adopted in the last edition of _Elliotson's Human Physiology_,
+       pp. 65, 160. The division by M. Lepelletier into 'les alimens
+       solides et les boissons' is of course purely empirical.
+       _Lepelletier_, _Physiologie Medicale_, vol. ii. p. 100, Paris,
+       1832. In regard to Prout's classification, compare _Burdach's
+       Traite de Physiologie_, vol. ix. p. 240, with _Wagner's
+       Physiology_, p. 452.
+
+  [66] The evidence of an universal connexion in the animal frame between
+       exertion and decay, is now almost complete. In regard to the
+       muscular system, see _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, pp. 440, 441,
+       581, edit. 1846: 'there is strong reason to believe the waste or
+       decomposition of the muscular tissue to be in exact proportion to
+       the degree in which it is exerted.' This perhaps would be generally
+       anticipated even in the absence of direct proof; but what is more
+       interesting, is that the same principle holds good of the nervous
+       system. The human brain of an adult contains about one and a half
+       per cent of phosphorus; and it has been ascertained, that after
+       the mind has been much exercised, phosphates are excreted, and
+       that in the case of inflammation of the brain their excretion (by
+       the kidneys) is very considerable. See _Paget's Lectures on
+       Surgical Pathology_, 1853, vol. i. pp. 6, 7, 434; _Carpenter's
+       Human Physiology_, pp. 192, 193, 222; _Simon's Animal Chemistry_,
+       vol. ii. p. 426; _Henle_, _Anatomie Generale_, vol. ii. p. 172.
+       The reader may also consult respecting the phosphorus of the brain
+       the recent very able work of MM. Robin et Verdeil, _Chimie
+       Anatomique_, vol. i. p. 215, vol. ii. p. 348, Paris, 1853.
+       According to these writers (vol. iii. p. 445), its existence in
+       the brain was first announced by Hensing, in 1779.
+
+Since, therefore, the inhabitants of hot climates do, in their natural
+and ordinary state, consume less food than the inhabitants of cold ones,
+it inevitably follows that, provided other things remain equal, the
+growth of population will be more rapid in countries which are hot than
+in those which are cold. For practical purposes, it is immaterial
+whether the greater plenty of a substance by which the people are fed
+arises from a larger supply, or whether it arises from a smaller
+consumption. When men eat less, the result will be just the same as if
+they had more; because the same amount of nutriment will go farther, and
+thus population will gain a power of increasing more quickly than it
+could do in a colder country, where, even if provisions were equally
+abundant, they, owing to the climate, would be sooner exhausted.
+
+This is the first point of view in which the laws of climate are,
+through the medium of food, connected with the laws of population, and
+therefore with the laws of the distribution of wealth. But there is also
+another point of view, which follows the same line of thought, and will
+be found to strengthen the argument just stated. This is, that in cold
+countries, not only are men compelled to eat more than in hot ones, but
+their food is dearer, that is to say, to get it is more difficult, and
+requires a greater expenditure of labour. The reason of this I will
+state as briefly as possible, without entering into any details beyond
+those which are absolutely necessary for a right understanding of this
+interesting subject.
+
+The objects of food are, as we have seen, only two: namely, to keep up
+the warmth of the body, and repair the waste in the tissues.[67] Of
+these two objects, the former is effected by the oxygen of the air
+entering our lungs, and, as it travels through the system, combining
+with the carbon which we take in our food.[68] This combination of
+oxygen and carbon never can occur without producing a considerable
+amount of heat, and it is in this way that the human frame is maintained
+at its necessary temperature.[69] By virtue of a law familiar to
+chemists, carbon and oxygen, like all other elements, will only unite in
+certain definite proportions;[70] so that to keep up a healthy balance,
+it is needful that the food which contains the carbon should vary
+according to the amount of oxygen taken in: while it is equally needful
+that we should increase the quantity of both of these constituents
+whenever a greater external cold lowers the temperature of the body. Now
+it is obvious that in a very cold climate, this necessity of providing a
+nutriment more highly carbonized will arise in two distinct ways. In the
+first place, the air being denser, men imbibe at each inspiration a
+greater volume of oxygen than they would do in a climate where the air
+is rarefied by heat.[71] In the second place, cold accelerates their
+respiration, and thus obliging them to inhale more frequently than the
+inhabitants of hot countries, increases the amount of oxygen which they
+on an average take in.[72] On both these grounds the consumption of
+oxygen becomes greater: it is therefore requisite that the consumption
+of carbon should also be greater; since by the union of these two
+elements in certain definite proportions, the temperature of the body
+and the balance of the human frame can alone be maintained.[73]
+
+  [67] Though both objects are equally essential, the former is usually
+       the more pressing; and it has been ascertained by experiment, what
+       we should expect from theory, that when animals are starved to
+       death, there is a progressive decline in the temperature of their
+       bodies; so that the proximate cause of death by starvation is not
+       weakness, but cold. See _Williams's Principles of Medicine_,
+       p. 36; and on the connexion between the loss of animal heat and
+       the appearance of _rigor mortis_ in the contractile parts of the
+       body, see _Vogel's Pathological Anatomy of the Human Body_, p. 532.
+       Compare the important and thoughtful work of Burdach, _Physiologie
+       comme Science d'Observation_, vol. v. pp. 144, 436, vol. ix.
+       p. 231.
+
+  [68] Until the last twenty or five-and-twenty years, it used to be
+       supposed that this combination took place in the lungs; but more
+       careful experiments have made it probable that the oxygen unites
+       with the carbon in the circulation, and that the blood-corpuscules
+       are the carriers of the oxygen. Compare _Liebig's Animal
+       Chemistry_, p. 78; _Letters on Chemistry_, pp. 335, 336; _Turner's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1319; _Mueller's Physiology_, vol. i.
+       pp. 92, 159. That the combination does not take place in the
+       air-cells is moreover proved by the fact that the lungs are not
+       hotter than other parts of the body. See _Mueller_, vol. i. p. 348;
+       _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, p. 633; and _Brodie's Physiol.
+       Researches_, p. 33. Another argument in favour of the red
+       corpuscules being the carriers of oxygen, is that they are most
+       abundant in those classes of the vertebrata which maintain the
+       highest temperature; while the blood of invertebrata contains very
+       few of them; and it has been doubted if they even exist in the
+       lower articulata and mollusca. See _Carpenter's Human Physiol._
+       pp. 109, 532; _Grant's Comparative Anatomy_, p. 472; _Elliotson's
+       Human Physiol._ p. 159. In regard to the different dimensions of
+       corpuscules, see _Henle_, _Anatomie Generale_, vol. i. pp. 457-467,
+       494, 495; _Blainville_, _Physiologie Comparee_, vol. i. pp. 298,
+       299, 301-304; _Milne Edwards_, _Zoologie_, part i. pp. 54-56;
+       _Fourth Report of British Association_, pp. 117, 118; _Simon's
+       Animal Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 103, 104; and, above all, the
+       important observations of Mr. Gulliver (_Carpenter_, pp. 105, 106).
+       These additions to our knowledge, besides being connected with the
+       laws of animal heat and of nutrition, will, when generalized,
+       assist speculative minds in raising pathology to a science. In the
+       mean time I may mention the relation between an examination of the
+       corpuscules and the theory of inflammation which Hunter and
+       Broussais were unable to settle: this is, that the proximate cause
+       of inflammation is the obstruction of the vessels by the adhesion
+       of the pale corpuscules. Respecting this striking generalization,
+       which is still on its trial, compare _Williams's Principles of
+       Medicine_, 1848, pp. 258-265, with _Paget's Surgical Pathology_,
+       1853, vol. i. pp. 313-317; _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological
+       Anatomy_, 1854, pp. 28, 105, 106. The difficulties connected with
+       the scientific study of inflammation are evaded in _Vogel's
+       Pathological Anatomy_, p. 418; a work which appears to me to have
+       been greatly overrated.
+
+  [69] On the amount of heat disengaged by the union of carbon and oxygen,
+       see the experiments of Dulong, in _Liebig's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 44; and those of Despretz, in _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 634. Just in the same way, we find that the temperature of
+       plants is maintained by the combination of oxygen with carbon: see
+       _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 231, 232, 322, 323. As to the amount of
+       heat caused generally by chemical combination, there is an essay
+       well worth reading by Dr. Thomas Andrews in _Report of British
+       Association for 1849_, pp. 63-78. See also _Report for 1852,
+       Transac. of Sec._ p. 40, and _Liebig and Kopp's Reports on the
+       Progress of Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 34, vol. iii. p. 16, vol. iv.
+       p. 20; also _Pouillet_, _Elemens de Physique_, Paris, 1832,
+       vol. i. part i. p. 411.
+
+  [70] The law of definite proportions, which, since the brilliant
+       discoveries by Dalton, is the corner-stone of chemical knowledge,
+       is laid down with admirable clearness in _Turner's Elements of
+       Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 146-151. Compare _Brande's Chemistry_,
+       vol. i. pp. 139-144; _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences_, vol. ii.
+       p. 255; _Somerville's Connexion of the Sciences_, pp. 120, 121.
+       But none of these writers have considered the law so
+       philosophically as M. A. Comte, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iii.
+       pp. 133-176, one of the best chapters in his very profound, but
+       ill-understood work.
+
+  [71] 'Ainsi, dans des temps egaux, la quantite d'oxygene consommee par
+       le meme animal est d'autant plus grande que la temperature ambiante
+       est moins elevee.' _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie Anatomique_,
+       vol. ii. p. 44. Compare _Simon's Lectures on Pathology_, 1850,
+       p. 188, for the diminished quantity of respiration in a high
+       temperature; though one may question Mr. Simon's inference that
+       _therefore_ the blood is more venous in hot countries than in cold
+       ones. This is not making allowance for the difference of diet,
+       which corrects the difference of temperature.
+
+  [72] 'The consumption of oxygen in a given time may be expressed by the
+       number of respirations.' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, p. 314;
+       and see _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, p. 611. It is also certain
+       that exercise increases the number of respirations; and birds,
+       which are the most active of all animals, consume more oxygen than
+       any others. _Milne Edwards_, _Zoologie_, part i. p. 88, part ii.
+       p. 371; _Flourens_, _Travaux de Cuvier_, pp. 153, 154, 265, 266.
+       Compare, on the connexion between respiration and the locomotive
+       organs, _Beclard_, _Anatomie Generale_, pp. 39, 44; _Burdach_,
+       _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. ix. pp. 485, 556-559; _Carus's
+       Comparative Anatomy_, vol. i. pp. 99, 164, 358, vol. ii. pp. 142,
+       160; _Grant's Comparative Anatomy_, pp. 455, 495, 522, 529, 537;
+       _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, pp. 369, 440, 692, 714, 720;
+       _Owen's Invertebrata_, pp. 322, 345, 386, 505. Thus too it has been
+       experimentally ascertained, that in human beings exercise increases
+       the amount of carbonic-acid gas. _Mayo's Human Physiology_, p. 64;
+       _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. iii. p. 359.
+
+       If we now put these facts together, their bearing on the
+       propositions in the text will become evident; because, on the
+       whole, there is more exercise taken in cold climates than in hot
+       ones, and there must therefore be an increased respiratory action.
+       For proof that greater exercise is both taken and required,
+       compare _Wrangel's Polar Expedition_, pp. 79, 102; _Richardson's
+       Arctic Expedition_, vol. i. p. 385; _Simpson's North Coast of
+       America_, pp. 49,88, which should be contrasted with the contempt
+       for such amusements in hot countries. Indeed, in polar regions all
+       this is so essential to preserve a normal state, that scurvy can
+       only be kept off in the northern part of the American continent by
+       taking considerable exercise: see _Crantz_, _History of Greenland_,
+       vol. i. pp. 46, 62, 338.
+
+  [73] See the note at the end of this chapter.
+
+Proceeding from these chemical and physiological principles, we arrive
+at the conclusion, that the colder the country is in which a people
+live, the more highly carbonized will be their food. And this, which is
+a purely scientific inference, has been verified by actual experiment.
+The inhabitants of the polar regions consume large quantities of
+whale-oil and blubber; while within the tropics such food would soon put
+an end to life, and therefore the ordinary diet consists almost entirely
+of fruit, rice, and other vegetables. Now it has been ascertained by
+careful analysis, that in the polar food there is an excess of carbon;
+in the tropical food an excess of oxygen. Without entering into details,
+which to the majority of readers would be distasteful, it may be said
+generally, that the oils contain about six times as much carbon as the
+fruits, and that they have in them very little oxygen;[74] while
+starch, which is the most universal, and, in reference to nutrition,
+the most important constituent in the vegetable world,[75] is nearly
+half oxygen.[76]
+
+  [74] 'The fruits used by the inhabitants of southern climes do not
+       contain, in a fresh state, more than 12 per cent. of carbon; while
+       the blubber and train-oil which feed the inhabitants of polar
+       regions contain 66 to 80 per cent. of that element.' _Liebig's
+       Letters on Chemistry_, p. 320; see also p. 375, and _Turner's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1315. According to Prout (_Mayo's Human
+       Physiol._ p. 136), 'the proportion of carbon in oily bodies varies
+       from about 60 to 80 per cent.' The quantity of oil and fat
+       habitually consumed in cold countries is remarkable. Wrangel
+       (_Polar Expedition_, p. 21) says of the tribes in the north-east
+       of Siberia, 'fat is their greatest delicacy. They eat it in every
+       possible shape; raw, melted, fresh, or spoilt.' See also _Simpson's
+       Discoveries on the North Coast of America_, pp. 147, 404.
+
+  [75] 'So common, that no plant is destitute of it.' _Lindley's Botany_,
+       vol. i. p. 111; and at p. 121, 'starch is the most common of all
+       vegetable productions.' Dr. Lindley adds (vol. i. p. 292), that it
+       is difficult to distinguish the grains of starch secreted by plants
+       from cytoblasts. See also on the starch-granules, first noticed by
+       M. Link, _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, pp. 223, 370; and
+       respecting its predominance in the vegetable world, compare
+       _Thomson's Chemistry of Vegetables_, pp. 650-652, 875; _Brande's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1160; _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. ii.
+       p. 1236; _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. ii. pp. 97, 98, 122.
+
+  [76] The oxygen is 49.39 out of 100. See the table in _Liebig's Letters
+       on Chemistry_, p. 379. Amidin, which is the soluble part of starch,
+       contains 53.33 per cent. of oxygen. See _Thomson's Chemistry of
+       Vegetables_, p. 654, on the authority of Prout, who has the
+       reputation of being an accurate experimenter.
+
+The connexion between this circumstance and the subject before us is
+highly curious: for it is a most remarkable fact, and one to which I
+would call particular attention, that owing to some more general law, of
+which we are ignorant, highly carbonized food is more costly than food
+in which comparatively little carbon is found. The fruits of the earth,
+of which oxygen is the most active principle, are very abundant; they
+may be obtained without danger, and almost without trouble. But that
+highly carbonized food, which in a very cold climate is absolutely
+necessary to life, is not produced in so facile and spontaneous a
+manner. It is not, like vegetables, thrown up by the soil; but it
+consists of the fat, the blubber, and the oil[77] of powerful and
+ferocious animals. To procure it, man must incur great risk and expend
+great labour. And although this is undoubtedly a contrast of extreme
+cases, still it is evident that the nearer a people approach to either
+extremity, the more subject will they be to the conditions by which that
+extremity is governed. It is evident that, as a general rule, the colder
+a country is, the more its food will be carbonized; the warmer it is,
+the more its food will be oxidized.[78] At the same time, carbonized
+food, being chiefly drawn from the animal world, is more difficult to
+obtain than oxidized food, which is drawn from the vegetable world.[79]
+The result has been that among nations where the coldness of the climate
+renders a highly carbonized diet essential, there is for the most part
+displayed, even in the infancy of society, a bolder and more adventurous
+character, than we find among those other nations whose ordinary
+nutriment, being highly oxidized, is easily obtained, and indeed is
+supplied to them, by the bounty of nature, gratuitously and without a
+struggle.[80] From this original divergence there follow many other
+consequences, which, however, I am not now concerned to trace; my
+present object being merely to point out how this difference of food
+affects the proportion in which wealth is distributed to the different
+classes.
+
+  [77] Of which a single whale will yield 'cent vingt tonneaux.' _Cuvier_,
+       _Regne Animal_, vol. i. p. 297. In regard to the solid food,
+       Sir J. Richardson (_Arctic Expedition_, 1851, vol. i. p. 243)
+       says that the inhabitants of the Arctic regions only maintain
+       themselves by chasing whales and 'consuming blubber.'
+
+  [78] It is said, that to keep a person in health, his food, even in the
+       temperate parts of Europe, should contain 'a full eighth more
+       carbon in winter than in summer.' _Liebig's Animal Chemistry_,
+       p. 16.
+
+  [79] The most highly carbonized of all foods are undoubtedly yielded by
+       animals; the most highly oxidized by vegetables. In the vegetable
+       kingdom there is, however, so much carbon, that its predominance,
+       accompanied with the rarity of nitrogen, has induced chemical
+       botanists to characterize plants as carbonized, and animals as
+       azotized. But we have here to attend to a double antithesis.
+       Vegetables are carbonized in so far as they are non-azotized; but
+       they are oxidized in opposition to the highly carbonized animal
+       food of cold countries. Besides this, it is important to observe
+       that the carbon of vegetables is most abundant in the woody and
+       unnutritious part, which is not eaten; while the carbon of animals
+       is found in the fatty and oily parts, which are not only eaten,
+       but are, in cold countries, greedily devoured.
+
+  [80] Sir J. Malcolm (_History of Persia_, vol. ii. p. 380), speaking of
+       the cheapness of vegetables in the East, says, 'in some parts of
+       Persia fruit has hardly any value.' Cuvier, in a striking passage
+       (_Regne Animal_, vol. i. pp. 73, 74), has contrasted vegetable
+       with animal food, and thinks that the former, being so easily
+       obtained, is the more natural. But the truth is that both are
+       equally natural: though when Cuvier wrote scarcely anything was
+       known of the laws which govern the relation between climate and
+       food. On the skill and energy required to obtain food in cold
+       countries, see _Wrangel's Polar Expedition_, pp. 70, 71, 191, 192;
+       _Simpson's Discoveries on the North Coast of America_, p. 249;
+       _Crantz_, _History of Greenland_, vol. i. pp. 22, 32, 105, 131,
+       154, 155, vol. ii. pp. 203, 265, 324.
+
+The way in which this proportion is actually altered has, I hope, been
+made clear by the preceding argument; but it may be useful to
+recapitulate the facts on which the argument is based. The facts, then,
+are simply these. The rate of wages fluctuates with the population;
+increasing when the labour-market is under-supplied, diminishing when it
+is over-supplied. The population itself, though affected by many other
+circumstances, does undoubtedly fluctuate with the supply of food;
+advancing when the supply is plentiful, halting or receding when the
+supply is scanty. The food essential to life is scarcer in cold
+countries than in hot ones; and not only is it scarcer, but more of it
+is required;[81] so that on both grounds smaller encouragement is given
+to the growth of that population from whose ranks the labour-market is
+stocked. To express, therefore, the conclusion in its simplest form, we
+may say, that there is a strong and constant tendency in hot countries
+for wages to be low, in cold countries for them to be high.
+
+  [81] 'Cabanis' (_Rapports du Physique et du Moral_, p. 313) says, 'Dans
+       les temps et dans les pays froids on mange et l'on agit davantage.'
+       That much food is eaten in cold countries, and little in hot ones,
+       is mentioned by numerous travellers, none of whom are aware of the
+       cause. See _Simpson's Discov. on North Coast of America_, p. 218;
+       _Custine's Russie_, vol. iv. p. 66; _Wrangel's Expedition_, pp. 21,
+       327; _Crantz_, _History of Greenland_, vol. i. pp. 145, 360;
+       _Richardson's Central Africa_, vol. ii. p. 46; _Richardson's
+       Sahara_, vol. i. p. 137; _Denham's Africa_, p. 37; _Journal of
+       Asiatic Society_, vol. v. p. 144, vol. viii. p. 188; _Burckhardt's
+       Travels in Arabia_, vol. ii. p. 265; _Niebuhr_, _Description de
+       l'Arabie_, p. 45; _Ulloa's Voyage to South America_, vol. i.
+       pp. 403, 408; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii. p. 283,
+       vol. vi. p. 85, vol. xix. p. 121; _Spix and Martius's Travels in
+       Brazil_, vol. i. p. 164; _Southey's History of Brazil_, vol. iii.
+       p. 848; _Volney_, _Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte_, vol. i. pp. 379,
+       380, 460; _Low's Sarawak_, p. 140.
+
+Applying now this great principle to the general course of history, we
+shall find proofs of its accuracy in every direction. Indeed, there is
+not a single instance to the contrary. In Asia, in Africa, and in
+America, all the ancient civilizations were seated in hot climates; and
+in all of them the rate of wages was very low, and therefore the
+condition of the labouring classes very depressed. In Europe, for the
+first time, civilization arose in a colder climate: hence the reward of
+labour was increased, and the distribution of wealth rendered more equal
+than was possible in countries where an excessive abundance of food
+stimulated the growth of population. This difference produced, as we
+shall presently see, many social and political consequences of immense
+importance. But before discussing them, it may be remarked that the only
+apparent exception to what has been stated is one which strikingly
+verifies the general law. There is one instance, and only one, of a
+great European people possessing a very cheap national food. This
+people, I need hardly say, are the Irish. In Ireland the labouring
+classes have for more than two hundred years been principally fed by
+potatoes, which were introduced into their country late in the
+sixteenth, or early in the seventeenth century.[82] Now, the peculiarity
+of the potato is, that until the appearance of the late disease, it was
+and perhaps still is, cheaper than any other food equally wholesome. If
+we compare its reproductive power with the amount of nutriment contained
+in it, we find that one acre of average land sown with potatoes will
+support twice as many persons as the same quantity of land sown with
+wheat.[83] The consequence is, that in a country where men live on
+potatoes, the population will, if other things are tolerably equal,
+increase twice as fast as in a country where they live on wheat. And so
+it has actually occurred. Until a very few years ago, when the face of
+affairs was entirely altered by pestilence and emigration, the
+population of Ireland was, in round numbers, increasing annually three
+per cent.; the population of England during the same period increasing
+one and a half per cent.[84] The result was, that in these two countries
+the distribution of wealth was altogether different. Even in England the
+growth of population is somewhat too rapid; and the labour-market being
+overstocked, the working classes are not sufficiently paid for their
+labour.[85] But their condition is one of sumptuous splendour, compared
+to that in which only a few years ago the Irish were forced to live. The
+misery in which they were plunged has no doubt always been aggravated by
+the ignorance of their rulers, and by that scandalous misgovernment
+which, until very recently, formed one of the darkest blots on the
+glory of England. The most active cause, however, was, that their wages
+were so low as to debar them, not only from the comforts, but from the
+common decencies of civilized life; and this evil condition was the
+natural result of that cheap and abundant food, which encouraged the
+people to so rapid an increase, that the labour-market was constantly
+gorged.[86] So far was this carried, that an intelligent observer who
+travelled through Ireland twenty years ago, mentioned that at that time
+the average wages were fourpence a day, and that even this wretched
+pittance could not always be relied upon for regular employment.[87]
+
+  [82] Meyen (_Geography of Plants_, 1846, p. 313) says that the potato
+       was introduced into Ireland in 1586; but according to
+       Mr. M'Culloch (_Dictionary of Commerce_, 1849, p. 1048), 'potatoes,
+       it is commonly thought, were not introduced into Ireland till 1610,
+       when a small quantity was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh to be planted
+       in a garden on his estate in the vicinity of Youghall.' Compare
+       _Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture_, p. 845: 'first planted by Sir
+       Walter Raleigh on his estate of Youghall, near Cork.'
+
+  [83] Adam Smith (_Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. xi. p. 67) supposes
+       that it will support three times as many; but the statistics of
+       this great writer are the weakest part of his work, and the more
+       careful calculations made since he wrote bear out the statement in
+       the text. 'It admits of demonstration that an acre of potatoes will
+       feed double the number of people that can be fed from an acre of
+       wheat.' _Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture_, 5th edit. 1844,
+       p. 845. So, too, in _M'Culloch's Dict._ p. 1048, 'an acre of
+       potatoes will feed double the number of individuals that can be
+       fed from an acre of wheat.' The daily average consumption of an
+       able-bodied labourer in Ireland is estimated at nine and a half
+       pounds of potatoes for men, and seven and a half for women. See
+       _Phillips on Scrofula_, 1846, p. 177.
+
+  [84] _Malthus_, _Essay on Population_, vol. i. pp. 424, 425, 431, 435,
+       441, 442; _M'Culloch's Political Economy_, pp. 381, 382.
+
+  [85] The lowest agricultural wages in our time have been in England
+       about 1_s._ a day; while from the evidence collected by
+       Mr. Thornton in 1845, the highest wages then paid were in
+       Lincolnshire, and were rather more than 13_s._ a week; those in
+       Yorkshire and Northumberland being nearly as high. _Thornton on
+       Over-Population_, pp. 12-15, 24, 25. Godwin, writing in 1820,
+       estimates the average at 1_s._ 6_d._ a day. _Godwin on Population_,
+       p. 574. Mr. Phillips, in his work _On Scrofula_, 1846, p. 345,
+       says, 'at present the ratio of wages is from 9_s._ to 10_s._'
+
+  [86] The most miserable part, namely Connaught, in 1733, contained
+       242,160 inhabitants; and in 1821, 1,110,229. See _Sadler's Law of
+       Population_, vol. ii. p. 490.
+
+  [87] Mr. Inglis, who in 1834 travelled through Ireland with a particular
+       view to its economical state, says, as the result of very careful
+       inquiries, 'I am quite confident, that if the whole yearly earnings
+       of the labourers of Ireland were divided by the whole number of
+       labourers, the result would be under this sum--_Fourpence_ a day
+       for the labourers of Ireland.' _Inglis_, _Journey throughout
+       Ireland in 1834_, Lond. 1835, 2nd edit. vol. ii. p. 300. At
+       Balinasloe, in the county of Galway, 'A gentleman with whom I was
+       accidentally in company offered to procure, on an hour's warning,
+       a couple of hundred labourers at fourpence even for temporary
+       employment.' _Inglis_, vol. ii. p. 17. The same writer says
+       (vol. i. p. 263), that at Tralee 'it often happens that the
+       labourers, after working in the canal from five in the morning
+       until eleven in the forenoon, are discharged for the day with the
+       pittance of twopence.' Compare, in _Cloncurry's Recollections_,
+       Dublin, 1849, p. 310, a letter from Dr. Doyle written in 1829,
+       describing Ireland as 'a country where the market is always
+       overstocked with labour, and in which a man's labour is not worth,
+       at an average, more than threepence a day.'
+
+Such have been the consequences of cheap food in a country which, on the
+whole, possesses greater natural resources than any other in Europe.[88]
+And if we investigate on a larger scale the social and economical
+condition of nations, we shall see the same principle everywhere at
+work. We shall see that, other things remaining equal, the food of a
+people determines the increase of their numbers, and the increase of
+their numbers determines the rate of their wages. We shall moreover
+find, that when the wages are invariably low,[89] the distribution of
+wealth being thus very unequal, the distribution of political power and
+social influence will also be very unequal; in other words, it will
+appear that the normal and average relation between the upper and lower
+classes will, in its origin, depend upon those peculiarities of nature,
+the operations of which I have endeavoured to indicate.[90] After
+putting all these things together, we shall, I trust, be able to
+discern, with a clearness hitherto unknown, the intimate connexion
+between the physical and moral world; the laws by which that connexion
+is governed; and the reasons why so many ancient civilizations reached a
+certain stage of development, and then fell away, unable to resist the
+pressure of nature, or make head against those external obstacles by
+which their progress was effectually retarded.
+
+  [88] It is singular that so acute a thinker as Mr. Kay should, in his
+       otherwise just remarks on the Irish, entirely overlook the effect
+       produced on their wages by the increase of population. _Kay's
+       Social Condition of the People_, vol. i. pp. 8, 9, 92, 223,
+       306-324. This is the more observable, because the disadvantages of
+       cheap food have been noticed not only by several common writers,
+       but by the highest of all authorities on population, Mr. Malthus:
+       see the sixth edition of his _Essay on Population_, vol. i. p. 469,
+       vol. ii. pp. 123, 124, 383, 384. If these things were oftener
+       considered, we should not hear so much about the idleness and
+       levity of the Celtic race; the simple fact being, that the Irish
+       are unwilling to work, not because they are Celts, but because
+       their work is badly paid. When they go abroad, they get good wages,
+       and therefore they become as industrious as any other people.
+       Compare _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. vii. p. 24, with
+       _Thornton on Over-Population_, p. 425; a very valuable work. Even
+       in 1799, it was observed that the Irish as soon as they left their
+       own country became industrious and energetic. See _Parliamentary
+       History_, vol. xxxiv. p. 222. So, too, in North America, 'they are
+       most willing to work hard.' _Lyell's Second Visit to the United
+       States_, 1849, vol. i. p. 187.
+
+  [89] By low wages, I mean low reward of labour, which is of course
+       independent both of the cost of labour and of the money-rate of
+       wages.
+
+  [90] In a recent work of considerable ingenuity (_Doubleday's True Law
+       of Population_, 1847, pp. 25-29, 69, 78, 123, 124, &c.) it is
+       noticed that countries are more populous when the ordinary food is
+       vegetable than when it is animal; and an attempt is made to explain
+       this on the ground that a poor diet is more favourable to fecundity
+       than a rich one. But though the fact of the greater increase of
+       population is indisputable, there are several reasons for being
+       dissatisfied with Mr. Doubleday's explanation.
+
+       1st. That the power of propagation is heightened by poor living, is
+       a proposition which has never been established physiologically;
+       while the observations of travellers and of governments are not
+       sufficiently numerous to establish it statistically.
+
+       2nd. Vegetable diet is as generous for a hot country as animal diet
+       is for a cold country; and since we know that, notwithstanding the
+       difference of food and climate, the temperature of the body varies
+       little between the equator and the poles (compare _Liebig's Animal
+       Chemistry_, p. 19; _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 473; _Pouillet_,
+       _Elemens de Physique_, vol. i. part i. p. 414; _Burdach's Traite de
+       Physiologie_, vol. ix. p. 663), we have no reason to believe that
+       there is any other normal variation, but should rather suppose
+       that, in regard to all essential functions, vegetable diet and
+       external heat are equivalent to animal diet and external cold.
+
+       3rd. Even conceding, for the sake of argument, that vegetable
+       food increases the procreative power, this would only affect the
+       number of births, and not the density of population; for a
+       greater number of births may be, and often are, remedied by a
+       greater mortality; a point in regard to which Godwin, in trying
+       to refute Malthus, falls into serious error. _Godwin on
+       Population_, p. 317.
+
+       Since writing the above, I have found that these views of Mr.
+       Doubleday's were in a great measure anticipated by Fourier. See
+       _Rey_, _Science Sociale_; vol. i. p. 185.
+
+If, in the first place, we turn to Asia, we shall see an admirable
+illustration of what may be called the collision between internal and
+external phenomena. Owing to circumstances already stated, Asiatic
+civilization has always been confined to that rich tract where alone
+wealth could be easily obtained. This immense zone comprises some of the
+most fertile parts of the globe; and of all its provinces, Hindostan is
+certainly the one which for the longest period has possessed the
+greatest civilization.[91] And as the materials for forming an opinion
+respecting India are more ample than those respecting any other part of
+Asia,[92] I purpose to select it as an example, and use it to illustrate
+those laws which, though generalized from political economy, chemistry,
+and physiology, may be verified by that more extensive survey, the means
+of which history alone can supply.
+
+  [91] I use the word 'Hindostan' in the popular sense, as extending south
+       to Cape Comorin; though, properly speaking, it only includes the
+       country north of the Nerbudda. Compare _Mill's History of India_,
+       vol. ii. p. 178; _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. i. p. 11;
+       _Meiners ueber die Laender in Asien_, vol. i. p. 224. The word
+       itself is not found in the old Sanscrit, and is of Persian origin.
+       _Halhed's Preface to the Gentoo Laws_, pp. xx. xxi.; _Asiatic
+       Researches_, vol. iii. pp. 368, 369.
+
+  [92] So that, in addition to works published on their philosophy,
+       religion, and jurisprudence, a learned geographer stated several
+       years ago, that 'kein anderes Asiatisches Reich ist in den letzten
+       drey Jahrhunderten von so vielen und so einsichtsvollen Europaeern
+       durchreist und beschrieben worden, als Hindostan.' _Meiners_,
+       _Laender in Asien_, vol. i. p. 225. Since the time of Meiners, such
+       evidence has become still more precise and extensive; and is, I
+       think, too much neglected by M. Rhode in his valuable work on
+       India: 'Dem Zwecke dieser Arbeit gemaess, betrachten wir hier nur
+       Werke der Hindus selbst, oder Auszuege aus denselben als Quellen.'
+       _Rhode_, _Religioese Bildung der Hindus_, vol. i. p. 43.
+
+In India, the great heat of the climate brings into play that law
+already pointed out, by virtue of which the ordinary food is of an
+oxygenous rather than of a carbonaceous character. This, according to
+another law, obliges the people to derive their usual diet not from the
+animal, but from the vegetable world, of which starch is the most
+important constituent. At the same time the high temperature,
+incapacitating men for arduous labour, makes necessary a food of which
+the returns will be abundant, and which will contain much nutriment in a
+comparatively small space. Here, then, we have some characteristics,
+which, if the preceding views are correct, ought to be found in the
+ordinary food of the Indian nations. So they all are. From the earliest
+period the most general food in India has been rice,[93] which is the
+most nutritive of all the cerealia;[94] which contains an enormous
+proportion of starch;[95] and which yields to the labourer an average
+return of at least sixty fold.[96]
+
+  [93] This is evident from the frequent and familiar mention of it in
+       that remarkable relic of antiquity, the Institutes of Menu. See
+       the _Institutes_, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii. pp. 87,
+       132, 156, 200, 215, 366, 400, 403, 434. Thus too, in the
+       enumeration of Foods in _Vishnu Purana_, pp. 46, 47, rice is the
+       first mentioned. See further evidence in _Bohlen_, _das alte
+       Indien_, vol. i. p. 22, vol. ii. pp. 159, 160; _Wilson's Theatre
+       of the Hindus_, vol. i. part ii. pp. 15, 16, 37, 92, 95, vol. ii.
+       part ii. p. 35, part iii. p. 64; _Notes on the Ma-habharata_, in
+       _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. vii. p. 141; _Travels of Ibn
+       Batuta in Fourteenth Century_, p. 164; _Colebrooke's Digest of
+       Hindu Law_, vol. i. p. 499, vol. ii. pp. 44, 48, 436, 569, vol.
+       iii. pp. 11, 148, 205, 206, 207, 266, 364, 530; _Asiatic
+       Researches_, vol. vii. pp. 299, 302; _Ward on the Hindoos_, vol.
+       i. p. 209, vol. iii. p. 105.
+
+  [94] 'It contains a greater proportion of nutritious matter than any of
+       the cerealia.' _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. ii. p. 220.
+
+  [95] It contains from 83.8 to 85.07 percent of starch. _Brande's
+       Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1624; _Thomson's Chemistry of Organic
+       Bodies_, p. 883.
+
+  [96] It is difficult to collect sufficient evidence to strike an
+       average; but in Egypt, according to Savary, rice 'produces eighty
+       bushels for one.' _Loudon's Encyclop. of Agriculture_, p. 173. In
+       Tennasserim, the yield is from 80 to 100. _Low's History of
+       Tennasserim_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii. p. 29. In
+       South America, 250 fold, according to Spix and Martius (_Travels
+       in Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 79); or from 200 to 300, according to
+       Southey (_History of Brazil_, vol. iii. pp. 658, 806). The lowest
+       estimate given by M. Meyen is forty fold; the highest, which is
+       marsh rice in the Philippine Islands, 400 fold. _Meyen's Geography
+       of Plants_, 1846, p. 301.
+
+Thus possible is it, by the application of a few physical laws, to
+anticipate what the national food of a country will be, and therefore to
+anticipate a long train of ulterior consequences. What in this case is
+no less remarkable, is that though in the south of the peninsula, rice
+is not so much used as formerly, it has been replaced, not by animal
+food, but by another grain called ragi.[97] The original rice, however,
+is so suited to the circumstances I have described, that it is still the
+most general food of nearly all the hottest countries of Asia,[98] from
+which at different times it has been transplanted to other parts of the
+world.[99]
+
+  [97] _Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 7. Ragi is the Cynosurus
+       Corocanus of Linnaeus; and, considering its importance, it has been
+       strangely neglected by botanical writers. The best account I have
+       seen of it is in _Buchanan's Journey through the Countries of
+       Mysore, Canara, and Malabar_, vol. i. pp. 100-104, 285, 286, 375,
+       376, 403, vol. ii. pp. 103, 104, vol. iii. pp. 239, 240, 296, 297.
+       In the large cities, millet is generally used; of which 'a
+       quantity sufficient for two meals may be purchased for about a
+       halfpenny.' _Gibson on Indian Agriculture_, in _Journal of Asiatic
+       Society_, vol. viii. p. 100.
+
+  [98] _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, pp. 56, 59; _Raffles' History of
+       Java_, vol. i. pp. 39, 106, 119, 129, 240; _Percival's Ceylon_,
+       pp. 337, 364; _Transac. of Society of Bombay_, vol. ii. p. 155;
+       _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 510; _Journal of Asiatic
+       Society_, vol. i. pp. 228, 247, vol. ii. pp. 44, 64, 251, 257,
+       262, 336, 344, vol. iii. pp. 8, 25, 300, 340, vol. iv. pp. 82, 83,
+       104, vol. v. pp. 241, 246; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. pp. 124,
+       229, vol. xii. p. 148, vol. xvi. pp. 171, 172; _Journal of
+       Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. p. 86, vol. iii. pp. 124, 295, 300,
+       vol. v. p. 263, vol. viii. pp. 341, 359, vol. xix. pp. 132, 137.
+
+  [99] Rice, so far as I have been able to trace it, has travelled
+       westward. Besides the historical evidence, there are philological
+       probabilities in favour of its being indigenous to Asia, and the
+       Sanscrit name for it has been very widely diffused. Compare
+       _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 472, with _Crawfurd's History of
+       the Indian Archipelago_, vol. i. p. 358. In the fourteenth
+       century, it was the common food on the Zanguebar Coast; and is now
+       universal in Madagascar. _Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth
+       Century_, p. 56; _Ellis's History of Madagascar_, vol. i. pp. 39,
+       297-304, vol. ii. p. 292; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii.
+       p. 212. From Madagascar its seeds were, according to _M'Culloch's
+       Dictionary of Commerce_, p. 1105, carried to Carolina late in the
+       seventeenth century. It is now cultivated in Nicaragua (_Squier's
+       Central America_, vol. i. p. 38) and in South America
+       (_Henderson's Hist. of Brazil_, pp. 292, 307, 395, 440, 488),
+       where it is said to grow wild. Compare _Meyen's Geography of
+       Plants_, pp. 291, 297, with _Azara_, _Voyages dans l'Amerique
+       Meridionale_, vol. i. p. 100, vol. ii. p. 80. The ancient Greeks,
+       though acquainted with rice, did not cultivate it; and its
+       cultivation was first introduced into Europe by the Arabs. See
+       _Humboldt_, _Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. ii. pp. 409, 410.
+
+In consequence of these peculiarities of climate, and of food, there has
+arisen in India that unequal distribution of wealth which we must expect
+to find in countries where the labour-market is always redundant.[100]
+If we examine the earliest Indian records which have been
+preserved--records between two and three thousand years old--we find
+evidence of a state of things similar to that which now exists, and
+which, we may rely upon it, always has existed ever since the
+accumulation of capital once fairly began. We find the upper classes
+enormously rich, and the lower classes miserably poor. We find those by
+whose labour the wealth is created, receiving the smallest possible
+share of it; the remainder being absorbed by the higher ranks in the
+form either of rent or of profit. And as wealth is, after intellect, the
+most permanent source of power, it has naturally happened that a great
+inequality of wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding inequality
+of social and political power. It is not, therefore, surprising that
+from the earliest period to which our knowledge of India extends, an
+immense majority of the people, pinched by the most galling poverty, and
+just living from hand to mouth, should always have remained in a state
+of stupid debasement, broken by incessant misfortune, crouching before
+their superiors in abject submission, and only fit either to be slaves
+themselves or to be led to battle to make slaves of others.[101]
+
+  [100] So far as food is concerned, Diodorus Siculus notices the
+        remarkable fertility of India, and the consequent accumulation of
+        wealth. See two interesting passages in _Bibliothec. Hist._ lib.
+        ii. vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, 108, 109. But of the economical laws of
+        distribution he, like all the ancient writers, was perfectly
+        ignorant.
+
+  [101] An able and very learned apologist for this miserable people says,
+        'The servility so generally ascribed to the Hindu is never more
+        conspicuous than when he is examined as an evidence. But if it be
+        admitted that he acts as a slave, why blame him for not
+        possessing the virtues of a free man? _The oppression of ages has
+        taught him implicit submission._' _Vans Kennedy_, in
+        _Transactions of the Society of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 144.
+        Compare the observations of Charles Hamilton in _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. i. p. 305.
+
+To ascertain the precise value of the average rate of wages in India for
+any long period, is impossible; because, although the amount might be
+expressed in money, still the value of money, that is, its purchasing
+power, is subject to incalculable fluctuations, arising from changes in
+the cost of production.[102] But, for our present purpose, there is a
+method of investigation which will lead to results far more accurate
+than any statement could be that depended merely on a collection of
+evidence respecting the wages themselves. The method is simply this:
+that inasmuch as the wealth of a country can only be divided into wages,
+rent, profits, and interest, and inasmuch as interest is on an average
+an exact measure of profits,[103] it follows that if among any people
+rent and interest are both high, wages must be low.[104] If, therefore,
+we can ascertain the current interest of money, and the proportion of
+the produce of the soil which is absorbed by rent, we shall get a
+perfectly accurate idea of the wages; because wages are the residue,
+that is, they are what is left to the labourers after rent, profits, and
+interest have been paid.
+
+  [102] The impossibility of having a standard of value, is clearly
+        pointed out in _Turgot's Reflexions sur la Formation et la
+        Distribution des Richesses_, in _[OE]uvres_, vol. v. pp. 51, 52.
+        Compare _Ricardo's Works_, pp. 11, 28-30, 46, 166, 253, 270, 401,
+        with _M'Culloch's Principles of Political Economy_, pp. 298, 299,
+        307.
+
+  [103] _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. ix. p. 37; where,
+        however, the proposition is stated rather too absolutely, since
+        the risks arising from an insecure state of society must be taken
+        into consideration. But that there is an average ratio between
+        interest and profits is obvious, and is distinctly laid down by
+        the Sanscrit jurists. See _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_,
+        vol. i. pp. 72, 81.
+
+  [104] Ricardo (_Principles of Political Economy_, chap. vi. in _Works_,
+        p. 65) says, 'whatever increases wages, necessarily reduces
+        profits.' And in chap. xv. p. 122, 'whatever raises the wages of
+        labour, lowers the profits of stock.' In several other places he
+        makes the same assertion, very much to the discomfort of the
+        ordinary reader, who knows that in the United States, for
+        instance, wages and profits are both high. But the ambiguity is
+        in the language, not in the thought; and in these and similar
+        passages Ricardo by wages meant cost of labour, in which sense
+        the proposition is quite accurate. If by wages we mean the reward
+        of labour, then there is no relation between wages and profits;
+        for when rent is low, both of them may be high, as is the case in
+        the United States. That this was the view of Ricardo is evident
+        from the following passage: 'Profits, it cannot be too often
+        repeated, depend on wages; not on nominal but real wages; not on
+        the number of pounds that may be annually paid to the labourer,
+        but on the number of days' work necessary to obtain those
+        pounds.' _Political Economy_, chap. vii., _Ricardo's Works_, p.
+        82. Compare _Mill's Principles of Political Economy_, vol. i. p.
+        509, vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+Now it is remarkable, that in India both interest and rent have always
+been very high. In the _Institutes of Menu_, which were drawn up about
+B.C. 900,[105] the lowest legal interest for money is fixed at fifteen
+per cent., the highest at sixty per cent.[106] Nor is this to be
+considered as a mere ancient law now fallen into disuse. So far from
+that, the _Institutes of Menu_ are still the basis of Indian
+jurisprudence;[107] and we know on very good authority, that in 1810 the
+interest paid for the use of money varied from thirty-six to sixty per
+cent.[108]
+
+  [105] I take the estimate of Mr. Elphinstone (_History of India_, pp.
+        225-228) as midway between Sir William Jones (_Works_, vol. iii.
+        p. 56) and Mr. Wilson (_Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. p. xlvii.).
+
+  [106] _Institutes of Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 140-142, in _Works of Sir
+        W. Jones_, vol. iii. p. 295. The subsequent Sanscrit commentators
+        recognize nearly the same rate of interest, the minimum being
+        fifteen per cent. See _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_, vol. i.
+        pp. 29, 36, 43, 98, 99, 237, vol. ii. p. 70.
+
+  [107] In _Colebrooke's Digest_, vol. i. p. 454, and vol. iii. p. 229,
+        Menu is called 'the highest authority of memorial law,' and 'the
+        founder of memorial law.' The most recent historian of India, Mr.
+        Elphinstone, says (_Hist. of India_, p. 83) 'the code of Menu is
+        still the basis of the Hindu jurisprudence; and the principal
+        features remain unaltered to the present day.' This remarkable
+        code is also the basis of the laws of the Burmese, and even of
+        those of the Laos. _Journal of the Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. p.
+        271, vol. iii. pp. 28, 296, 332, vol. v. p. 252.
+
+  [108] See, in _Mill's History of India_, vol. i. p. 317, the report of a
+        committee of the House of Commons in 1810, in which it is stated
+        that the ryots paid 'the heavy interest of three, four, and five
+        per cent. per month.' Ward, writing about the same time, mentions
+        as much as seventy-five per cent. being given, and this
+        apparently without the lender incurring any extraordinary risk.
+        _Ward on the Hindoos_, vol. ii. p. 190.
+
+Thus much as to one of the elements of our present calculation. As to
+the other element, namely, the rent, we have information equally precise
+and trustworthy. In England and Scotland, the rent paid by the
+cultivator for the use of land is estimated in round numbers, taking one
+farm with another, at a fourth of the gross produce.[109] In France, the
+average proportion is about a third;[110] while in the United States of
+North America it is well known to be much less, and, indeed, in some
+parts, to be merely nominal.[111] But in India the legal rent, that is,
+the lowest rate recognized by the law and usage of the country, is
+one-half of the produce; and even this cruel regulation is not strictly
+enforced, since in many cases rents are raised so high, that the
+cultivator not only receives less than half the produce, but receives so
+little as to have scarcely the means of providing seed to sow the ground
+for the next harvest.[112]
+
+  [109] Compare the table in _Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture_, p.
+        778, with _Mavor's note in Tusser's Five Hundred Points of
+        Husbandry_, p. 195, Lond. 1812, and _M'Culloch's Statistical
+        Account of the British Empire_, 1847, vol. i. p. 560.
+
+  [110] This is the estimate I have received from persons well acquainted
+        with French agriculture. The rent, of course, varies in each
+        separate instance, according to the natural powers of the soil,
+        according to the extent to which those powers have been improved,
+        and according to the facilities for bringing the produce to
+        market. But, notwithstanding these variations, there must be in
+        every country an average rent, depending upon the operation of
+        general causes.
+
+  [111] Owing to the immense supply of land preventing the necessity of
+        cultivating those inferior soils which older countries are glad
+        to use, and are therefore willing to pay a rent for the right of
+        using. In the United States, profits and wages (i.e. the reward
+        of the labourer, not the cost of labour) are both high, which
+        would be impossible if rent were also high.
+
+  [112] See _Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems of India_,
+        1832, pp. 59-61, 63, 69, 92, 94. At p. 69, this high authority
+        says of the agricultural peasantry of Bengal: 'In an abundant
+        season, when the price of corn is low, the sale of their whole
+        crops is required to meet the demands of the landholder, leaving
+        little or nothing for seed or subsistence to the labourer or his
+        family.' In Cashmere, the sovereign received half the produce of
+        the rice-crop, leaving the other half to the cultivator.
+        _Moorcroft's Notices of Cashmere_, in _Journal of Geog. Society_,
+        vol. ii. p. 266.
+
+The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is manifest. Rent and
+interest being always very high, and interest varying, as it must do,
+according to the rate of profits, it is evident that wages must have
+been very low; for since there was in India a specific amount of wealth
+to be divided into rent, interest, profits, and wages, it is clear that
+the first three could only have been increased at the expense of the
+fourth; which is saying, in other words, that the reward of the
+labourers was very small in proportion to the reward received by the
+upper classes. And though this, being an inevitable inference, does not
+require extraneous support, it may be mentioned that in modern times,
+for which alone we have direct evidence, wages have in India always been
+excessively low, and the people have been, and still are, obliged to
+work for a sum barely sufficient to meet the exigencies of life.[113]
+
+  [113] Heber (_Journey through India_, vol. i. pp. 209, 356, 357, 359)
+        gives some curious instances of the extremely low rate at which
+        the natives are glad to work. As to the ordinary wages in India
+        in the present century, see _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. i.
+        p. 255, vol. v. p. 171; _Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue
+        Systems_, pp. 105, 106; _Sykes's Statistics of the Deccan Reports
+        of the British Association_, vol. vi. p. 321; _Ward's View of the
+        Hindoos_, vol. iii. p. 207; _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_,
+        vol. ii. p. 184. On wages in the south of India, the fullest
+        information will be found in Buchanan's valuable work, _Journey
+        through the Mysore, Canara, and Malabar_, vol. i. pp. 124, 125,
+        133, 171, 175, 216, 217, 298, 390, 415, vol. ii. pp. 12, 19, 22,
+        37, 90, 108, 132, 217, 218, 315, 481, 523, 525, 562, vol. iii.
+        pp. 35, 181, 226, 298, 321, 349, 363, 398, 428, 555. I wish that
+        all travellers were equally minute in recording the wages of
+        labour; a subject of far greater importance than those with which
+        they usually fill their books.
+
+        On the other hand, the riches possessed by the upper classes
+        have, owing to this mal-distribution of wealth, been always
+        enormous, and sometimes incredible. See _Forbes's Oriental
+        Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 297; _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. ii.
+        p. 119; _Travels of Ibn Batuta_, p. 41; _Ward's Hindoos_, vol.
+        iii. p. 178. The autobiography of the Emperor Jehangueir contains
+        such extraordinary statements of his immense wealth, that the
+        Editor, Major Price, thinks that some error must have been made
+        by the copyist; but the reader will find in _Grote's History of
+        Greece_ (vol. xii. pp. 229, 245) evidence of the treasures which
+        it was possible for Asiatic rulers to collect in that state of
+        society. The working of this unequal distribution is thus stated
+        by Mr. Glyn (_Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 482): 'The
+        nations of Europe have very little idea of the actual condition
+        of the inhabitants of Hindustan; they are more wretchedly poor
+        than we have any notion of. Europeans have hitherto been too apt
+        to draw their opinions of the wealth of Hindustan from the
+        gorgeous pomp of a few emperors, sultans, nawabs, and rajahs;
+        whereas a more intimate and accurate view of the real state of
+        society would have shown that these princes and nobles were
+        engrossing all the wealth of the country, whilst the great body
+        of the people were earning but a bare subsistence, groaning under
+        intolerable burdens, and hardly able to supply themselves with
+        the necessaries of life, much less with its luxuries.'
+
+This was the first great consequence induced in India by the cheapness
+and abundance of the national food.[114] But the evil by no means
+stopped there. In India, as in every other country, poverty provokes
+contempt, and wealth produces power. When other things are equal, it
+must be with classes of men as with individuals, that the richer they
+are, the greater the influence they will possess. It was therefore to be
+expected, that the unequal distribution of wealth should cause an
+unequal distribution of power; and as there is no instance on record of
+any class possessing power without abusing it, we may easily understand
+how it was that the people of India, condemned to poverty by the
+physical laws of their climate, should have fallen into a degradation
+from which they have never been able to escape. A few instances may be
+given to illustrate, rather than to prove, a principle which the
+preceding arguments have, I trust, placed beyond the possibility of
+dispute.
+
+  [114] Turner, who travelled in 1783 through the north-east of Bengal,
+        says: 'Indeed, the extreme poverty and wretchedness of these
+        people will forcibly appear, when we recollect how little is
+        necessary for the subsistence of a peasant in these regions. The
+        value of this can seldom amount to more than one penny per day,
+        even allowing him to make his meal of two pounds of boiled rice,
+        with a due proportion of salt, oil, vegetables, fish, and chili.'
+        _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p. 11. Ibn Batuta, who travelled in
+        Hindostan in the fourteenth century, says: 'I never saw a country
+        in which provisions were so cheap.' _Travels of Ibn Batuta_, p.
+        194.
+
+To the great body of the Indian people the name of Sudras is given;[115]
+and the native laws respecting them contain some minute and curious
+provisions. If a member of this despised class presumed to occupy the
+same seat as his superiors, he was either to be exiled or to suffer a
+painful and ignominious punishment.[116] If he spoke of them with
+contempt, his mouth was to be burned;[117] if he actually insulted them,
+his tongue was to be slit;[118] if he molested a Brahmin, he was to be
+put to death;[119] if he sat on the same carpet with a Brahmin, he was
+to be maimed for life;[120] if, moved by the desire of instruction, he
+even listened to the reading of the sacred books, burning oil was to be
+poured into his ears;[121] if, however, he committed them to memory, he
+was to be killed;[122] if he were guilty of a crime, the punishment for
+it was greater than that inflicted on his superiors;[123] but if he
+himself were murdered, the penalty was the same as for killing a dog, a
+cat, or a crow.[124] Should he marry his daughter to a Brahmin, no
+retribution that could be exacted in this world was sufficient; it was
+therefore announced that the Brahmin must go to hell, for having
+suffered contamination from a woman immeasurably his inferior.[125]
+Indeed, it was ordered that the mere name of a labourer should be
+expressive of contempt, so that his proper standing might be immediately
+known.[126] And lest this should not be enough to maintain the
+subordination of society, a law was actually made forbidding any
+labourer to accumulate wealth;[127] while another clause declared, that
+even though his master should give him freedom, he would in reality
+still be a slave; 'for,' says the lawgiver--'for of a state which is
+natural to him, by whom can he be divested?'[128]
+
+  [115] The Sudras are estimated by Ward (_View of the Hindoos_, vol. iii.
+        p. 281) at 'three-fourths of the Hindoos.' At all events, they
+        comprise the whole of the working classes; the Vaisyas not being
+        husbandmen, as they are often called, but landlords, owners of
+        cattle, and traders. Compare _Institutes of Menu_, chap. ix. sec.
+        326-333, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii. pp. 380, 381, with
+        _Colebrooke's Digest_, vol. i. p. 15, from which it appears that
+        the Vaisyas were always the masters, and that the Sudra was to
+        'rely on agriculture for his subsistence.' The division,
+        therefore, between 'the industrious and the servile'
+        (_Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 12) is too broadly stated,
+        and we must, I think, take the definition of M. Rhode: 'Die Kaste
+        der Sudras umfasst die ganze arbeitende, oder um Lohn dienende
+        Classe des Volks.' _Relig. Bildung der Hindus_, vol. ii. p. 561.
+
+  [116] 'Either be banished with a mark on his hinder parts, or the king
+        shall cause a gash to be made on his buttock.' _Institutes of
+        Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 281, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol.
+        iii. p. 315. See also _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. iii. p.
+        67.
+
+  [117] _Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 271, in _Jones's Works_, vol. iii.
+        p. 314.
+
+  [118] _Menu_, chap. viii. sec. 270.
+
+  [119] 'If a Sudra gives much and frequent molestation to a Brahmin, the
+        magistrate shall put him to death.' _Halhed's Code of Gentoo
+        Laws_, p. 262.
+
+  [120] _Halhed's Code of Gentoo Laws_, p. 207. As to the case of striking
+         a Brahmin, see _Rammohun Roy on the Veds_, p. 227, 2nd edit. 1832.
+
+  [121] 'And if a Sooder listens to the Beids of the Shaster, then the
+        oil, heated as before, shall be poured into his ears; and arzeez
+        and wax shall be melted together, and the orifice of his ears
+        shall be stopped up therewith.' _Halhed_, p. 262. Compare the
+        prohibition in _Menu_, chap. iv. sec. 99, chap. x. sec. 109-111,
+        in _Jones's Works_, vol. iii. pp. 174, 398.
+
+  [122] _Halhed_, p. 262: 'the magistrate shall put him to death.' In
+        Mrichchakati, the judge says to a Sudra, 'If you expound the
+        Vedas, will not your tongue be cut out?' _Wilson's Theatre of the
+        Hindus_, vol. i. part ii. p. 170.
+
+  [123] _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. iv. p. 308. To this the only
+        exception was in the case of theft. _Mill's History of India_,
+        vol. i. pp. 193, 260. A Brahmin could 'on no account be capitally
+        punished.' _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xv. p. 44.
+
+  [124] _Menu_, chap. xi. sec. 132, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii.
+        p. 422.
+
+  [125] 'A Brahmin, if he take a Sudra to his bed as his first wife, sinks
+        to the regions of torment.' _Institutes of Menu_, chap. iii. sec.
+        17, in _Jones_, vol. iii. p. 121. Compare the denial of funeral
+        rites, in _Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law_, vol. iii. p. 328.
+        And on the different hells invented by the Hindu clergy, see
+        _Vishnu Purana_, p. 207; _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 182, 183; _Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus_, p. 113. The
+        curious details in _Rhode_, _die Religioese Bildung der Hindus_,
+        vol. i. pp. 392, 393, rather refer to Buddhism, and should be
+        compared with _Journal Asiatique_, I. serie, vol. viii. pp. 80,
+        81, Paris, 1826.
+
+  [126] _Menu_, chap. ii. sec. 31, in _Jones_, vol. iii. p. 87; also
+        noticed in _Rhode_, _Relig. Bildung_, vol. ii. p. 561: 'sein Name
+        soll schon Verachtung ausdruecken.' So, too, Mr. Elphinstone
+        (_History of India_, p. 17): 'the proper name of a Sudra is
+        directed to be expressive of contempt.' Compare _Origines du
+        Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii. p. 387, Bruxelles,
+        1840.
+
+  [127] _Menu_, chap. x. sec. 129, in _Jones_, vol. iii. p. 401. This law
+        is pointed out by Mill (_History of India_, vol. i. p. 195) as an
+        evidence of the miserable state of the people, which, Mr. Wilson
+        (note in p. 213) vainly attempts to evade.
+
+  [128] 'A Sudra, though emancipated by his master, is not released from a
+        state of servitude; for of a state which is natural to him, by
+        whom can he be divested?' _Institutes of Menu_, chap. viii. sec.
+        414, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iii. p. 333.
+
+By whom, indeed, could he be divested? I ween not where that power was
+by which so vast a miracle could be worked. For in India, slavery,
+abject, eternal slavery, was the natural state of the great body of the
+people; it was the state to which they were doomed by physical laws
+utterly impossible to resist. The energy of those laws is, in truth, so
+invincible, that wherever they have come into play, they have kept the
+productive classes in perpetual subjection. There is no instance on
+record of any tropical country, in which wealth having been extensively
+accumulated, the people have escaped their fate; no instance in which
+the heat of the climate has not caused an abundance of food, and the
+abundance of food caused an unequal distribution, first of wealth, and
+then of political and social power. Among nations subjected to these
+conditions, the people have counted for nothing; they have had no voice
+in the management of the state, no control over the wealth their own
+industry created. Their only business has been to labour; their only
+duty to obey. Thus there has been generated among them, those habits of
+tame and servile submission, by which, as we know from history, they
+have always been characterized. For it is an undoubted fact, that their
+annals furnish no instance of their having turned upon their rulers, no
+war of classes, no popular insurrections, not even one great popular
+conspiracy. In those rich and fertile countries there have been many
+changes, but all of them have been from above, not from below. The
+democratic element has been altogether wanting. There have been in
+abundance, wars of kings, and wars of dynasties. There have been
+revolutions in the government, revolutions in the palace, revolutions on
+the throne; but no revolutions among the people;[129] no mitigation of
+that hard lot which nature, rather than man, assigned to them. Nor was
+it until civilization arose in Europe, that other physical laws came
+into operation, and therefore other results were produced. In Europe,
+for the first time, there was some approach to equality, some tendency
+to correct that enormous disproportion of wealth and power, which formed
+the essential weakness of the greatest of the more ancient countries.
+As a natural consequence, it is in Europe that everything worthy of the
+name of civilization has originated; because there alone have attempts
+been made to preserve the balance of its relative parts. There alone has
+society been organized according to a scheme, not indeed sufficiently
+large, but still wide enough to include all the different classes of
+which it is composed, and thus, by leaving room for the progress of
+each, to secure the permanence and advancement of the whole.
+
+  [129] An intelligent observer says, 'It is also remarkable how little
+        the people of Asiatic countries have to do in the revolutions of
+        their governments. They are never guided by any great and common
+        impulse of feeling, and take no part in events the most
+        interesting and important to their country and their own
+        prosperity.' _M'Murdo on the Country of Sindh_, in _Journal of
+        Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 250. Compare similar remarks in
+        _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. iii. p. 114; and even in
+        _Alison's History of Europe_, vol. x. pp. 419, 420.
+
+The way in which certain other physical peculiarities confined to
+Europe, have also accelerated the progress of Man by diminishing his
+superstition, will be indicated towards the end of this chapter; but as
+that will involve an examination of some laws which I have not yet
+noticed, it seems advisable, in the first place, to complete the inquiry
+now before us; and I therefore purpose proving that the line of argument
+which has been just applied to India, is likewise applicable to Egypt,
+to Mexico, and to Peru. For by thus including in a single survey, the
+most conspicuous civilizations of Asia, Africa, and America, we shall be
+able to see how the preceding principles hold good of different and
+distant countries; and we shall be possessed of evidence sufficiently
+comprehensive to test the accuracy of those great laws which, without
+such precaution, I might be supposed to have generalized from scanty and
+imperfect materials.
+
+The reasons why, of all the African nations, the Egyptians alone were
+civilized, have been already stated, and have been shown to depend on
+those physical peculiarities which distinguish them from the surrounding
+countries, and which, by facilitating the acquisition of wealth, not
+only supplied them with material resources that otherwise they could
+never have obtained, but also secured to their intellectual classes the
+leisure and the opportunity of extending the boundaries of knowledge. It
+is, indeed, true that, notwithstanding these advantages, they effected
+nothing of much moment; but this was owing to circumstances which will
+be hereafter explained; and it must, at all events, be admitted that
+they raised themselves far above every other people by whom Africa was
+inhabited.
+
+The civilization of Egypt being, like that of India, caused by the
+fertility of the soil, and the climate being also very hot,[130] there
+were in both countries brought into play the same laws; and there
+naturally followed the same results. In both countries we find the
+national food cheap and abundant: hence the labour-market over-supplied;
+hence a very unequal division of wealth and power; and hence all the
+consequences which such inequality will inevitably produce. How this
+system worked in India, I have just attempted to examine; and although
+the materials for studying the former condition of Egypt are much less
+ample, they are still sufficiently numerous to prove the striking
+analogy between the two civilizations, and the identity of those great
+principles which regulated the order of their social and political
+development.
+
+  [130] Volney (_Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. pp. 58-63) has a good chapter
+        on the climate of Egypt.
+
+If we inquire into the most important circumstances which concerned the
+people of ancient Egypt, we shall see that they are exactly the
+counterpart of those that have been noticed in India. For, in the first
+place, as regards their ordinary food, what rice is to the most fertile
+parts of Asia, that are dates to Africa. The palm-tree is found in every
+country from the Tigris to the Atlantic;[131] and it supplies millions
+of human beings with their daily food in Arabia,[132] and in nearly the
+whole of Africa north of the equator.[133] In many parts of the great
+African desert it is indeed unable to bear fruit; but naturally it is a
+very hardy plant, and produces dates in such profusion, that towards the
+north of the Sahara they are eaten not only by man, but also by domestic
+animals.[134] And in Egypt, where the palm is said to be of spontaneous
+growth,[135] dates, besides being the chief sustenance of the people,
+are so plentiful, that from a very early period they have been given
+commonly to camels, the only beasts of burden generally used in that
+country.[136]
+
+  [131] It is, however, unknown in South Africa. See the account of the
+        Palmaceae in _Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom_, 1847, p. 136, and
+        _Meyen's Geog. of Plants_, p. 337.
+
+  [132] 'Of all eatables used by the Arabs, dates are the most favourite.'
+        _Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia_, vol. i. p. 56. See also, for
+        proof of their abundance in the west of Arabia, vol. i. pp. 103,
+        157, 238, vol. ii. pp. 91, 100, 105, 118, 209, 210, 214, 253,
+        300, 331. And on the dates of Oman and the east of Arabia, see
+        _Wellsted's Travels in Arabia_, vol. i. pp. 188, 189, 236, 276,
+        290, 349. Compare _Niebuhr_, _Description de l'Arabie_, pp. 142,
+        296. Indeed, they are so important, that the Arabs have different
+        names for them according to the stages of their growth. Djewhari
+        says, 'La denomination _balah_ precede le nom _bosr_; car la
+        datte se nomme d'abord _tala_, en suite _khalal_, puis _balah_,
+        puis _bosr_, puis _rotab_, et enfin _tamr_.' _De Sacy's note to
+        Abd-Allatif, Relation, de l'Egypte_, p. 74, and see p. 118. Other
+        notices of the dates of Arabia will be found in _Travels of Ibn
+        Batuta in Fourteenth Century_, p. 66; _Journal of Asiatic Soc._
+        vol. viii. p. 286; _Journal of Geograph. Soc._ vol. iv. p. 201,
+        vol. vi. pp. 53, 55, 58, 66, 68, 74, vol. vii. p. 32, vol. ix.
+        pp. 147, 151.
+
+  [133] Heeren (_Trade of the African Nations_, vol. i. p. 182) supposes
+        that in Africa, dates are comparatively little known south of 26 deg.
+        north lat. But this learned writer is certainly mistaken; and a
+        reference to the following passages will show that they are
+        common as far down as the parallel of Lake Tchad, which is nearly
+        the southern limit of our knowledge of Central Africa; _Denham's
+        Central Africa_, p. 295; _Clapperton's Journal_, in _Appendix to
+        Denham_, pp. 34, 59; _Clapperton's Second Expedition_, p. 159.
+        Further east they are somewhat scarcer, but are found much more
+        to the south than is supposed by Heeren: see _Pallme's Kordofan_,
+        p. 220.
+
+  [134] 'Dates are not only the principal growth of the Fezzan oases, but
+        the main subsistence of their inhabitants. All live on dates;
+        men, women, and children, horses, asses, and camels, and sheep,
+        fowls, and dogs.' _Richardson's Travels in the Sahara_, vol. ii.
+        p. 323, and see vol. i. p. 343: as to those parts of the desert
+        where the palm will not bear, see vol. i. pp. 387, 405, vol. ii.
+        pp. 291, 363. Respecting the dates of western Africa, see
+        _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. xii. p. 204.
+
+  [135] 'It flourished spontaneously in the valley of the Nile.'
+        _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. p. 372. As further
+        illustration of the importance to Africa of this beautiful plant,
+        it may be mentioned, that from the high-palm there is prepared a
+        peculiar beverage, which in some parts is in great request. On
+        this, which is called palm-wine, see _M'William's Medical
+        Expedition to the Niger_, pp. 71, 116; _Meredith's Gold Coast of
+        Africa_, 1812, pp. 55, 56; _Laird and Oldfield's Expedition into
+        the Interior of Africa_, 1837, vol. ii. pp. 170, 213; _Bowdich_,
+        _Mission to Ashantee_, pp. 69, 100, 152, 293, 386, 392. But I
+        doubt if this is the same as the palm-wine mentioned in
+        _Balfour's Botany_, 1849, p. 532. Compare _Tuckey's Expedition to
+        the Zaire_, pp. 155, 216, 224, 356.
+
+  [136] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 175-178. See also on
+        the abundance of dates, the extracts from an Arabian geographer
+        in _Quatremere_, _Recherches sur l'Egypte_, pp. 220, 221.
+
+From these facts, it is evident that, taking Egypt as the highest type
+of African civilization, and India as the highest type of Asiatic
+civilization, it may be said that dates are to the first civilization
+what rice is to the second. Now it is observable, that all the most
+important physical peculiarities found in rice are also found in dates.
+In regard to their chemistry, it is well known that the chief principle
+of the nutriment they contain is the same in both; the starch of the
+Indian vegetable being merely turned into the sugar of the Egyptian. In
+regard to the laws of climate, their affinity is equally obvious; since
+dates, like rice, belong to hot countries, and flourish most in or near
+the tropics.[137] In regard to their increase, and the laws of their
+connexion with the soil, the analogy is also exact; for dates, just the
+same as rice, require little labour, and yield abundant returns, while
+they occupy so small a space of land in comparison with the nutriment
+they afford, that upwards of two hundred palm-trees are sometimes
+planted on a single acre.[138]
+
+  [137] On their relation to the laws of climate, see the remarks
+        respecting the geographical limits of their power of ripening, in
+        _Jussieu's Botany_, edit. Wilson, 1849, p. 734.
+
+  [138] 'In the valley of the Nile, a feddan (1-3/4 acre) is sometimes
+        planted with 400 trees.' _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol.
+        ii. p. 178. At Moorzuk an entire date-palm is only worth about a
+        shilling. _Richardson's Central Africa_, vol. i. p. 111.
+
+Thus striking are the similarities to which, in different countries, the
+same physical conditions naturally give rise. At the same time, in
+Egypt, as in India, the attainment of civilization was preceded by the
+possession of a highly fertile soil; so that, while the exuberance of
+the land regulated the speed with which wealth was created, the
+abundance of the food regulated the proportions into which the wealth
+was divided. The most fertile part of Egypt is the Said;[139] and it is
+precisely there that we find the greatest display of skill and
+knowledge, the splendid remains of Thebes, Carnac, Luxor, Dendera, and
+Edfou.[140] It is also in the Said, or as it is often called the
+Thebaid, that a food is used which multiplies itself even more rapidly
+than either dates or rice. This is the dhourra, which until recently was
+confined to Upper Egypt,[141] and of which the reproductive power is so
+remarkable, that it yields to the labourer a return of two hundred and
+forty for one.[142] In Lower Egypt the dhourra was formerly unknown;
+but, in addition to dates, the people made a sort of bread from the
+lotos, which sprang spontaneously out of the rich soil of the Nile.[143]
+This must have been a very cheap and accessible food; while to it there
+was joined a profusion of other plants and herbs, on which the Egyptians
+chiefly lived.[144] Indeed so inexhaustible was the supply, that at the
+time of the Mohammedan invasion there were, in the single city of
+Alexandria, no less than four thousand persons occupied in selling
+vegetables to the people.[145]
+
+  [139] On the remarkable fertility of the Said, see _Abd-Allatif_,
+        _Relation de l'Egypte_, p. 3.
+
+  [140] The superiority of the ruins in Southern Egypt over those in the
+        northern part is noticed by Heeren (_African Nations_, vol. ii.
+        p. 69), and must, indeed, be obvious to whoever has studied the
+        monuments. In the Said the Coptic was preserved longer than in
+        Lower Egypt, and is known to philologists by the name of Misr.
+        See _Quatremere_, _Recherches sur la Langue de l'Egypte_, pp. 20,
+        41, 42. See also on the Saidic, pp. 134-140, and some good
+        remarks by Dr. Prichard (_Physical Hist._ vol. ii. p. 202); who,
+        however, adopts the paradoxical opinion of Georgi respecting the
+        origin of the language of the Thebaid.
+
+  [141] Abd-Allatif (_Relation de l'Egypte_, p. 32) says, that in his time
+        it was only cultivated in the Said. This curious work by
+        Abd-Allatif was written in A.D. 1203. _Relation_, p. 423. Meiners
+        thinks that Herodotus and other ancient writers refer to the
+        dhourra without mentioning it: 'diese Durra muss daher im Herodot
+        wie in andern alten Schriftstellern vorzueglich verstanden werden,
+        wenn von hundert, zwey hundert, und mehrfaeltigen Fruechten, welche
+        die Erde trage, die Rede ist.' _Meiners_, _Fruchtbarkeit der
+        Laender_, vol. i. p. 139. According to Volney, it is the Holcus
+        Arundinaceus of Linnaeus, and appears to be similar to millet; and
+        though that accurate traveller distinguishes between them, I
+        observe that Captain Haines, in a recent memoir, speaks of them
+        as being the same. Compare Haines in _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol.
+        xv. p. 118, with _Volney_, _Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. p. 195.
+
+  [142] 'The return is in general not less than 240 for one; and the
+        average price is about 3_s._ 9_d._ the ardeb, which is scarcely
+        3_d._ per bushel.' _Hamilton's AEqyptiaca_, p. 420. In Upper
+        Egypt, 'the doura constitutes almost the whole subsistence of the
+        peasantry,' p. 419. At p. 96, Hamilton says, 'I have frequently
+        counted 3,000 grains in one ear of doura, and each stalk has in
+        general four or five ears.' For an account, of the dhourra bread,
+        see _Volney_, _Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. p. 161.
+
+  [143] [Greek: Epean pleres genetai ho potamos, kai ta pedia pelagise,
+        phuetai en to hudati krinea polla, ta Aiguptioi kaleousi loton;
+        tauta epean drepsosi, auainousi pros helion; kai epeita to ek tou
+        mesou tou lotou te mekoni eon empheres, ptisantes poieuntai ex
+        autou artous optous puri.] _Herodot._ ii. 92, vol. i. p. 688.
+
+  [144] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 370-372, 400, vol.
+        iv. p. 59. Abd-Allatif gives a curious account of the different
+        vegetables grown in Egypt early in the thirteenth century.
+        _Relation_, pp. 16-36, and the notes of De Sacy, pp. 37-134. On
+        the [Greek: kyamos] of Herodotus there are some botanical remarks
+        worth reading in the _Correspondence of Sir J. E. Smith_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 224-232; but I doubt the assertion, p. 227, that
+        Herodotus 'knew nothing of any other kind of [Greek: kyamos] in
+        Egypt than that of the ordinary bean.'
+
+  [145] 'When Alexandria was taken by Amer, the lieutenant of the Caliph
+        Omer, no less than 4,000 persons were engaged in selling
+        vegetables in that city.' _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol.
+        ii. p. 372, and see vol. i. p. 277, vol. iv. p. 60. Niebuhr
+        (_Description de l'Arabie_, p. 136) says that the neighbourhood
+        of Alexandria is so fertile, that 'le froment y rend le
+        centuple.' See also on its rich vegetation, _Matter_, _Histoire
+        de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 52.
+
+From this abundance of the national food, there resulted a train of
+events strictly analogous to those which took place in India. In Africa
+generally, the growth of population, though on the one hand stimulated
+by the heat of the climate, was on the other hand checked by the poverty
+of the soil. But on the banks of the Nile this restraint no longer
+existed,[146] and therefore the laws already noticed came into
+uncontrolled operation. By virtue of those laws, the Egyptians were not
+only satisfied with a cheap food, but they required that food in
+comparatively small quantities; thus by a double process, increasing the
+limit to which their numbers could extend. At the same time the lower
+orders were able to rear their offspring with the greater ease, because,
+owing to the high rate of temperature, another considerable source of
+expense was avoided; the heat being such that, even for adults, the
+necessary clothes were few and slight, while the children of the working
+classes were entirely naked; affording a striking contrast to those
+colder countries where, to preserve ordinary health, a supply of warmer
+and more costly covering is essential. Diodorus Siculus, who travelled
+in Egypt nineteen centuries ago, says, that to bring up a child to
+manhood did not cost more than twenty drachmas, scarcely thirteen
+shillings English money; a circumstance which he justly notices as a
+cause of the populousness of the country.[147]
+
+  [146] The encouragement given to the increase of population by the
+        fertility arising from the inundation of the Nile, is observed by
+        many writers, but by none so judiciously as Malthus; _Essay on
+        Population_, vol. i. pp. 161-163. This great work, the principles
+        of which have been grossly misrepresented, is still the best
+        which has been written on the important subject of population,
+        though the author, from a want of sufficient reading, often errs
+        in his illustrations; while he, unfortunately, had no
+        acquaintance with those branches of physical knowledge which are
+        intimately connected with economical inquiries.
+
+  [147] [Greek: Trephousi de ta paidia meta tinos euchereias adapanou, kai
+        pantelos apistou ... anupodeton de ton pleiston kai gymnon
+        trephomenon dia ten eukrasian ton topon, ten pasan dapanen oi
+        goneis, achris an eis helikian elthe to teknon, ou pleio poiousi
+        drachmon eikusi, di as aitias malista ten Aigupton sumbainei
+        poluanthropia diapherein, kai dia touto pleistas echein megalon
+        ergon kataskeuas.] _Bibliothec. Hist._ book i. chap. lxxx. vol.
+        i. p. 238.
+
+To compress into a single sentence the preceding remarks, it may be said
+that in Egypt the people multiplied rapidly, because while the soil
+increased their supplies, the climate lessened their wants. The result
+was, that Egypt was not only far more thickly peopled than any other
+country in Africa, but probably more so than any in the ancient world.
+Our information upon this point is indeed somewhat scanty, but it is
+derived from sources of unquestioned credibility. Herodotus, who the
+more he is understood the more accurate he is found to be,[148] states
+that in the reign of Amasis there were said to have been twenty thousand
+inhabited cities.[149] This may, perhaps, be considered an exaggeration;
+but what is very observable is, that Diodorus Siculus, who travelled in
+Egypt four centuries after Herodotus, and whose jealousy of the
+reputation of his great predecessor made him anxious to discredit his
+statements,[150] does nevertheless, on this important point, confirm
+them. For he not only remarks that Egypt was at that time as densely
+inhabited as any existing country, but he adds, on the authority of
+records which were then extant, that it was formerly the most populous
+in the world, having contained, he says, upwards of eighteen thousand
+cities.[151]
+
+  [148] Frederick Schlegel (_Philos. of Hist._ p. 247, London, 1846) truly
+        says, 'The deeper and more comprehensive the researches of the
+        moderns have been on ancient history, the more have their regard
+        and esteem for Herodotus increased.' His minute information
+        respecting Egypt and Asia Minor is now admitted by all competent
+        geographers; and I may add, that a recent and very able traveller
+        has given some curious proofs of his knowledge even of the
+        western parts of Siberia. See Erman's valuable work, _Travels in
+        Siberia_, vol. i. pp. 211, 297-301.
+
+  [149] [Greek: 'Ep' Amasios de basileos legetai Aigyptos malis-a de tote
+        eudaimonesai, kai ta apo tou potamou te chore ginomena, kai ta
+        apo tes chores toisi anthropoisi kai polis en aute genesthai tas
+        apasas tote dismurias tas oikeomenas.] _Herodot._ book ii. chap.
+        clxxvii. vol. i. pp. 881, 882.
+
+  [150] Diodorus, who, though an honest and painstaking man, was in every
+        respect inferior to Herodotus, says, impertinently enough,
+        [Greek: osa men oun 'Erodotos kai tines ton tas Aiguption prazeis
+        sun-tazamenon eschediakasin, ekousios prokrinantes tes aletheias
+        to paradoxologein, kai muthous plattein psuchagogias eneka,
+        paresomen.] _Biblioth. Hist._ book i. chap. lxix. vol. i. p. 207.
+        In other places he alludes to Herodotus in the same tone, without
+        actually mentioning him.
+
+  [151] [Greek: Poluanthropia de to men palaion polu proesche panton ton
+        gnorizomenon topon kata, ten oikoumenen, kai kath' emas de
+        oudenos ton allon dokei leipesthai. epi men gar ton archaion
+        chronon esche komas axiologous, kai poleis pleious ton murion kai
+        oktakischilion, os en tais anagraphais dranx esti
+        katakechorismenon.] _Diod. Sic. Biblioth. Hist._ book i. chap.
+        xxxi. vol. i. p. 89.
+
+These were the only two ancient writers who, from personal knowledge,
+were well acquainted with the state of Egypt;[152] and their testimony
+is the more valuable because it was evidently drawn from different
+sources; the information of Herodotus being chiefly collected at
+Memphis, that of Diodorus at Thebes.[153] And whatever discrepancies
+there may be between these two accounts, they are both agreed respecting
+the rapid increase of the people, and the servile condition into which
+they had fallen. Indeed, the mere appearance of those huge and costly
+buildings, which are still standing, are a proof of the state of the
+nation that erected them. To raise structures so stupendous,[154] and
+yet so useless,[155] there must have been tyranny on the part of the
+rulers, and slavery on the part of the people. No wealth, however
+great, no expenditure, however lavish, could meet the expense which
+would have been incurred, if they had been the work of free men, who
+received for their labour a fair and honest reward.[156] But in Egypt,
+as in India, such considerations were disregarded, because everything
+tended to favour the upper ranks of society and depress the lower.
+Between the two there was an immense and impassable gap.[157] If a
+member of the industrious classes changed his usual employment, or was
+known to pay attention to political matters, he was severely
+punished;[158] and under no circumstances was the possession of land
+allowed to an agricultural labourer, to a mechanic, or indeed to any one
+except the king, the clergy, and the army.[159] The people at large were
+little better than beasts of burden; and all that was expected from them
+was an unremitting and unrequited labour. If they neglected their work,
+they were flogged; and the same punishment was frequently inflicted upon
+domestic servants, and even upon women.[160] These and similar
+regulations were well conceived; they were admirably suited to that vast
+social system, which, because it was based on despotism, could only be
+upheld by cruelty. Hence it was that, the industry of the whole nation
+being at the absolute command of a small part of it, there arose the
+possibility of rearing those vast edifices, which inconsiderate
+observers admire as a proof of civilization,[161] but which, in reality,
+are evidence of a state of things altogether depraved and unhealthy; a
+state in which the skill and the arts of an imperfect refinement injured
+those whom they ought to have benefited; so that the very resources
+which the people had created were turned against the people themselves.
+
+  [152] Notwithstanding the positive assertions of M. Matter (_Hist. de
+        l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. p. 285; compare _Hist. du
+        Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 48), there is no good evidence for the
+        supposed travels in Egypt of the earlier Greeks, and it is even
+        questionable if Plato ever visited that country. ('Whether he
+        ever was in Egypt is doubtful.' _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p. 60.)
+        The Romans took little interest in the subject (_Bunsen_, vol. i.
+        pp. 152-158); and, says M. Bunsen, p. 152, 'with Diodorus all
+        systematic inquiry into the history of Egypt ceases, not only on
+        the part of the Greeks, but of the ancients in general.' Mr.
+        Leake, in an essay on the Quorra, arrives at the conclusion, that
+        after the time of Ptolemy, the ancients made no additions to
+        their knowledge of African geography. _Journal of Geographical
+        Society_, vol. ii. p. 9.
+
+  [153] See on this some good remarks in _Heeren's African Nations_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 202-207; and as to the difference between the traditions
+        of Thebes and Memphis, see _Matter_, _Histoire de l'Ecole
+        d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 7. The power and importance of the two
+        cities fluctuated, both being at different periods the capital.
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55, 244, 445, 446; _Vyse on
+        the Pyramids_, vol. iii. pp. 27, 100; _Sharpe's History of
+        Egypt_, vol. i. pp. 9, 19, 24, 34, 167, 185.
+
+  [154] Sir John Herschel (_Disc. on Natural Philosophy_, p. 60)
+        calculates that the great pyramid weighs twelve thousand seven
+        hundred and sixty million pounds. Compare _Lyell's Principles of
+        Geology_, p. 459, where the still larger estimate of six million
+        tons is given. But according to Perring, the present quantity of
+        masonry is 6,316,000 tons, or 82,110,000 cubic feet. See
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 155, London, 1854, and _Vyse on the
+        Pyramids_, 1840, vol. ii. p. 113.
+
+  [155] Many fanciful hypotheses have been put forward as to the purpose
+        for which the pyramids were built; but it is now admitted that
+        they were neither more nor less than tombs for the Egyptian
+        kings! See _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. pp. xvii. 88, 105, 372,
+        389; and _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. i. p. 21.
+
+  [156] For an estimate of the expense at which, one of the pyramids could
+        be built in our time by European workmen, see _Vyse on the
+        Pyramids_, vol. ii. p. 268. On account, however, of the number of
+        disturbing causes, such calculations have little value.
+
+  [157] Those who complain that in Europe this interval is still too
+        great, may derive a species of satisfaction from studying the old
+        extra-European civilizations.
+
+  [158] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 8, 9. 'Nor was any
+        one permitted to meddle with political affairs, or to hold any
+        civil office in the state.' ... 'If any artizan meddled with
+        political affairs, or engaged in any other employment than the
+        one to which he had been brought up, a severe punishment was
+        instantly inflicted upon him.' Compare _Diod. Sic. Bibliothec.
+        Hist._ book i. chap. lxxiv. vol. i. p. 223.
+
+  [159] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 263, vol. ii. p. 2;
+        _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 24.
+
+  [160] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. pp. 41, 42, vol. iii. p.
+        69, vol. iv. p. 131. Compare Ammianus Marcellinus, in _Hamilton's
+        AEgyptiaca_, p. 309.
+
+  [161] _Vyse on the Pyramids_, vol. i. p. 61, vol. ii. p. 92.
+
+That in such a society as this, much regard should be paid to human
+suffering, it would indeed be idle to expect.[162] Still, we are
+startled by the reckless prodigality with which, in Egypt, the upper
+classes squandered away the labour and the lives of the people. In this
+respect, as the monuments yet remaining abundantly prove, they stand
+alone and without a rival. We may form some idea of the almost
+incredible waste, when we hear that two thousand men were occupied for
+three years in carrying a single stone from Elephantine to Sais;[163]
+that the Canal of the Red Sea alone, cost the lives of a hundred and
+twenty thousand Egyptians;[164] and that to build one of the pyramids
+required the labour of three hundred and sixty thousand men for twenty
+years.[165]
+
+  [162] 'Ein Koenig ahmte den andern nach, oder suchte ihn zu uebertreffen;
+        indess das gutmuethige Volk seine Lebenstage am Baue dieser
+        Monumente verzehren musste. So entstanden wahrscheinlich die
+        Pyramiden und Obelisken Aegyptens. Nur in den aeltesten Zeiten
+        wurden sie gebauet: denn die spaetere Zeit und jede Nation, die
+        ein nuetzliches Gewerbe treiben lernte, bauete keine Pyramiden
+        mehr. Weit gefehlt also, dass Pyramiden ein Kennzeichen von der
+        Glueckseligkeit und Aufklaerung des alten Aegyptens seyn sollten,
+        sind sie ein unwidersprechliches Denkmal von dem Aberglauben und
+        der Gedankenlosigkeit sowohl der Armen, die da baueten, als der
+        Ehrgeizigen, die den Bau befahlen.' _Herder's Ideen zur
+        Geschichte_, vol. iii. pp. 103, 104: see also p. 293, and some
+        admirable remarks in _Volney's Voyage en Egypte_, vol. i. pp.
+        240, 241. Even M. Bunsen, notwithstanding his admiration, says of
+        one of the pyramids, 'the misery of the people, already
+        grievously oppressed, was aggravated by the construction of this
+        gigantic building.... The bones of the oppressors of the people
+        who for two whole generations harassed hundreds of thousands from
+        day to day,' &c. _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 176, a learned and
+        enthusiastic work.
+
+  [163] [Greek: Kai touto ekomizon men ep' etea tria dischilioi de oi
+        prosetetachato andres agogees.] _Herodot._ book ii. chap. clxxv.
+        vol. i. p. 897. On the enormous weight of the stones which the
+        Egyptians sometimes carried, see _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p.
+        379; and as to the machines employed, and the use of inclined
+        roads for the transit, see _Vyse on the Pyramids_, vol. i. p.
+        197, vol. iii. pp. 14, 38.
+
+  [164] _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 70: but this learned
+        writer is unwilling to believe a statement so adverse to his
+        favourite Egyptians. It is likely enough that there is some
+        exaggeration; still no one can dispute the fact of an enormous
+        and unprincipled waste of human life.
+
+  [165] [Greek: Triakonta men yar kai ex muriades andron, os phasi, tais
+        ton ergon leitourgais prosedreusan, to de pan kataskeuasma telos
+        esche mogis eton eikosi dielthonton.] _Diod. Sic. Bibliothec.
+        Hist._ book i. ch. lxiii. vol. i. p. 188.
+
+If, passing from the history of Asia and Africa, we now turn to the New
+World, we shall meet with fresh proof of the accuracy of the preceding
+views. The only parts of America which before the arrival of the
+Europeans were in some degree civilized, were Mexico and Peru;[166] to
+which may probably be added that long and narrow tract which stretches
+from the south of Mexico to the Isthmus of Panama. In this latter
+country, which is now known as Central America, the inhabitants, aided
+by the fertility of the soil,[167] seem to have worked out for
+themselves a certain amount of knowledge; since the ruins still extant,
+prove the possession of a mechanical and architectural skill too
+considerable to be acquired by any nation entirely barbarous.[168]
+Beyond this, nothing is known of their history; but the accounts we
+have of such buildings as Copan, Palenque, and Uxmal, make it highly
+probable that Central America was the ancient seat of a civilization, in
+all essential points similar to those of India and Egypt; that is to
+say, similar to them in respect to the unequal distribution of wealth
+and power, and the thraldom in which the great body of the people
+consequently remained.[169]
+
+  [166] 'When compared with other parts of the New World, Mexico and Peru
+        may be considered as polished states.' _History of America_, book
+        vii. in _Robertson's Works_, p. 904. See, to the same effect,
+        _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. v. p. 355.
+
+  [167] Compare _Squier's Central America_, vol. i. pp. 34, 244, 358, 421,
+        vol. ii. p. 307, with _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii.
+        p. 59, vol. viii. pp. 319, 323.
+
+  [168] Mr. Squier (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 68); who explored
+        Nicaragua, says of the statues, 'the material, in every case, is
+        a black basalt, of great hardness, which, with the best of modern
+        tools, can only be cut with difficulty.' Mr. Stephens (_Central
+        America_, vol. ii. p. 355) found at Palenque 'elegant specimens
+        of art and models for study.' See also vol. iii. pp. 276, 389,
+        406, vol. iv. p. 293. Of the paintings at Chichen he says (vol.
+        iv. p. 311), 'they exhibit a freedom of touch which could only be
+        the result of discipline and training under masters.' At Copan
+        (vol. i. p. 151), 'it would be impossible, with the best
+        instruments of modern times, to cut stones more perfectly.' And
+        at Uxmal (vol. ii. p. 431), 'throughout, the laying and polishing
+        of the stones are as perfect as under the rules of the best
+        modern masonry.' Our knowledge of Central America is almost
+        entirely derived from these two writers; and although the work of
+        Mr. Stephens is much the more minute, Mr. Squier says (vol. ii.
+        p. 306), what I believe is quite true, that until the appearance
+        of his own book in 1853, the monuments in Nicaragua were entirely
+        unknown. Short descriptions of the remains in Guatemala and
+        Yucatan will be found in _Larenaudiere's Mexique et Guatemala_,
+        pp. 308-327, and in _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. iii. pp.
+        60-63.
+
+  [169] See the remarks on Yucatan in _Prichard's Physical History of
+        Mankind_, vol. v. p. 348: 'a great and industrious, though
+        perhaps, as the writer above cited (Gallatin) observes, an
+        enslaved population. Splendid temples and palaces attest the
+        power of the priests and nobles, while as usual no trace remains
+        of the huts in which dwelt the mass of the nation.'
+
+But although the evidence from which we might estimate the former
+condition of Central America is almost entirely lost,[170] we are more
+fortunate in regard to the histories of Mexico and Peru. There are
+still existing considerable and authentic materials, from which we may
+form an opinion on the ancient state of those two countries, and on the
+nature and extent of their civilization. Before, however, entering upon
+this subject, it will be convenient to point out what those physical
+laws were which determined the localities of American civilization; or,
+in other words, why it was that in these countries alone, society should
+have been organized into a fixed and settled system, while the rest of
+the New World was peopled by wild and ignorant barbarians. Such an
+inquiry will be found highly interesting, as affording further proof of
+the extraordinary, and indeed irresistible, force with which the powers
+of nature have controlled the fortunes of man.
+
+  [170] Dr. M'Culloh (_Researches concerning the Aboriginal History of
+        America_, pp. 272-340) has collected from the Spanish writers
+        some meagre statements respecting the early condition of Central
+        America; but of its social state and history, properly so called,
+        nothing is known; nor is it even certain to what family of
+        nations the inhabitants belonged, though a recent author can find
+        'la civilisation guatemalienne ou misteco-zapoteque et mayaquiche
+        vivante pour nous encore dans les ruines de Mitla et de
+        Palenque.' _Mexique et Guatemala, par Larenaudiere_, p. 8, Paris,
+        1843. Dr. Prichard, too, refers the ruins in Central America to
+        'the Mayan race:' see _Prichard on Ethnology_, in _Report of
+        British Association for 1847_, p. 252. But the evidence for these
+        and similar statements is very unsatisfactory.
+
+The first circumstance by which we must be struck, is that in America,
+as in Asia and Africa, all the original civilizations were seated in hot
+countries; the whole of Peru proper being within the southern tropic,
+the whole of Central America and Mexico within the northern tropic. How
+the heat of the climate operated on the social and political
+arrangements of India and Egypt, I have attempted to examine; and it
+has, I trust, been proved that the result was brought about by
+diminishing the wants and requirements of the people, and thus producing
+a very unequal distribution of wealth and power. But, besides this,
+there is another way in which the average temperature of a country
+affects its civilization, and the discussion of which I have reserved
+for the present moment, because it may be more clearly illustrated in
+America than elsewhere. Indeed, in the New World, the scale on which
+Nature works, being much larger than in the Old, and her forces being
+more overpowering, it is evident that her operations on mankind may be
+studied with greater advantage than in countries where she is weaker,
+and where, therefore, the consequences of her movements are less
+conspicuous.
+
+If the reader will bear in mind the immense influence which an abundant
+national food has been shown to exercise, he will easily understand how,
+owing to the pressure of physical phenomena, the civilization of
+America was, of necessity, confined to those parts where alone it was
+found by the discoverers of the New World. For, setting aside the
+chemical and geognostic varieties of soil, it may be said that the two
+causes which regulate the fertility of every country are heat and
+moisture.[171] Where these are abundant, the land will be exuberant;
+where they are deficient, it will be sterile. This rule is, of course,
+in its application subject to exceptions, arising from physical
+conditions which are independent of it; but if other things are equal,
+the rule is invariable. And the vast additions which, since the
+construction of isothermal lines, have been made to our knowledge of
+geographical botany, enable us to lay this down as a law of nature,
+proved not only by arguments drawn from vegetable physiology, but also
+by a careful study of the proportions in which plants are actually
+distributed in different countries.[172]
+
+  [171] Respecting the connection between the vegetable productions of a
+        country and its geognostic peculiarities, little is yet known;
+        but the reader may compare _Meyen's Geography of Plants_, p. 64,
+        with _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, 1846, pp. 70, 71.
+        The chemical laws of soil are much better understood, and have a
+        direct practical bearing on the use of manures. See _Turner's
+        Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 1310-1314; _Brande's Chemistry_, vol. i.
+        p. 691, vol. ii. pp. 1867-1869; _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 116-122;
+        _Liebig and Kopp's Reports_, vol. ii. pp. 315, 328, vol. iii. p.
+        463, vol. iv. pp. 438, 442, 446.
+
+  [172] As to the influence of heat and moisture on the geographical
+        distribution of plants, see _Henslow's Botany_, pp. 295-300, and
+        _Balfour's Botany_, pp. 560-563. Meyen (_Geog. of Plants_, p.
+        263) says, 'I, therefore, after allowing for local circumstances,
+        bring the vegetation of islands also under the law of nature,
+        according to which the number of species constantly increases
+        with increasing heat and corresponding humidity.' On the effect
+        of temperature alone, compare a note in _Erman's Siberia_, vol.
+        i. pp. 64, 65, with _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, pp.
+        339, 340. In the latter work, it is supposed that heat is the
+        most important of all single agents; and though this is probably
+        true, still the influence of humidity is immense. I may mention
+        as an instance of this, that it has been recently ascertained
+        that the oxygen used by seeds during germination, is not always
+        taken from the air, but is obtained by decomposing water. See the
+        curious experiments of Edwards and Colin in _Lindley's Botany_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 261, 262, London, 1848; and on the direct
+        nourishment which water supplies to vegetables, see Burdache's
+        great work, _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. ix. pp. 254, 398.
+
+A general survey of the continent of America will illustrate the
+connexion between this law and the subject now before us. In the first
+place, as regards moisture, all the great rivers in the New World are on
+the eastern coast, none of them on the western. The causes of this
+remarkable fact are unknown;[173] but it is certain that neither in
+North, nor in South America, does one considerable river empty itself
+into the Pacific; while on the opposite side there are numerous rivers,
+some of enormous magnitude, all of great importance, as the Negro, the
+La Plata, the San Francisco, the Amazon, the Orinoco, the Mississippi,
+the Alabama, the Saint John, the Potomac, the Susquehannah, the
+Delaware, the Hudson, and the Saint Lawrence. By this vast water-system
+the soil is towards the east constantly irrigated:[174] but towards the
+west there is in North America only one river of value, the Oregon;[175]
+while in South America, from the Isthmus of Panama to the Straits of
+Magellan, there is no great river at all.
+
+  [173] There is a difference between the watersheds of the eastern and
+        western ranges, which explains this in part, but not entirely;
+        and even if the explanation were more satisfactory than it is, it
+        is too proximate to the phenomenon to have much scientific value,
+        and must itself be referred to higher geological considerations.
+
+  [174] Of this irrigation some idea may be formed from an estimate that
+        the Amazon drains an area of 2,500,000 square miles; that its
+        mouth is 96 miles wide; and that it is navigable 2,200 miles from
+        its mouth. _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. i. p. 423.
+        Indeed, it is said in an essay on the Hydrography of South
+        America (_Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. p. 250), that
+        'with the exception of one short portage of three miles, water
+        flows, and is for the most part navigable, between Buenos Ayres,
+        in 35 deg. south latitude, to the mouth of the Orinoco, in nearly 9 deg.
+        north.' See also on this river-system, vol. v. p. 93, vol. x. p.
+        267. In regard to North America, Mr. Rogers (_Geology of North
+        America_, p. 8, _Brit. Assoc. for 1834_) says, 'the area drained
+        by the Mississippi and all its tributaries is computed at
+        1,099,000 square miles.' Compare _Richardson's Arctic
+        Expedition_, vol. ii. p. 164.
+
+  [175] The Oregon, or Columbia as it is sometimes called, forms a
+        remarkable botanical line, which is the boundary of the
+        Californian flora. See _Reports on Botany by the Ray Society_, p.
+        113.
+
+But as to the other main cause of fertility, namely heat, we find in
+North America a state of things precisely the reverse. There we find
+that while the irrigation is on the east, the heat is on the west.[176]
+This difference of temperature between the two coasts is probably
+connected with some great meteorological law; for in the whole of the
+northern hemisphere, the eastern part of continents and of islands is
+colder than the western.[177] Whether, however, this is owing to some
+large and comprehensive cause, or whether each instance has a cause
+peculiar to itself, is an alternative, in the present state of
+knowledge, impossible to decide; but the fact is unquestionable, and its
+influence upon the early history of America is extremely curious. In
+consequence of it, the two great conditions of fertility have not been
+united in any part of the continent north of Mexico. The countries on
+the one side have wanted heat; those on the other side have wanted
+irrigation. The accumulation of wealth being thus impeded, the progress
+of society was stopped; and until, in the sixteenth century, the
+knowledge of Europe was brought to bear upon America, there is no
+instance of any people north of the twentieth parallel, reaching even
+that imperfect civilization to which the inhabitants of India and of
+Egypt easily attained.[178] On the other hand, south of the twentieth
+parallel, the continent suddenly changes its form, and, rapidly
+contracting, becomes a small strip of land, until it reaches the Isthmus
+of Panama. This narrow tract was the centre of Mexican civilization; and
+a comparison of the preceding arguments will easily show why such was
+the case; for the peculiar configuration of the land secured a very
+large amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern part of North
+America the character of an island. Hence there arose one of the
+characteristics of an insular climate, namely, an increase of moisture
+caused by the watery vapour which springs from the sea.[179] While,
+therefore, the position of Mexico near the equator gave it heat, the
+shape of the land gave it humidity; and this being the only part of
+North America in which these two conditions were united, it was likewise
+the only part which was at all civilized. There can be no doubt that if
+the sandy plains of California and southern Columbia, instead of being
+scorched into sterility, had been irrigated by the rivers of the east,
+or if the rivers of the east had been accompanied by the heat of the
+west, the result of either combination would have been that exuberance
+of soil by which, as the history of the world decisively proves, every
+early civilization was preceded. But inasmuch as, of the two elements of
+fertility, one was deficient in every part of America north of the
+twentieth parallel, it followed that, until that line was passed,
+civilization could gain no resting-place; and there never has been
+found, and we may confidently assert never will be found, any evidence
+that even a single ancient nation, in the whole of that enormous
+continent, was able to make much progress in the arts of life, or
+organize itself into a fixed and permanent society.
+
+  [176] For proof that the mean temperature of the western coast of North
+        America is higher than that of the eastern coast, see _Journal of
+        Geograph. Society_, vol. ix. p. 380, vol. xi. pp. 168, 216;
+        _Humboldt_, _la Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i. pp. 42, 336;
+        _Richardson's Arctic Expedition_, vol. ii. pp. 214, 218, 219,
+        259, 260. This is well illustrated by the botanical fact, that on
+        the west coast the Coniferae grow as high as 68 deg. or 70 deg. north
+        latitude; while on the east their northern limit is 60 deg.. See an
+        Essay on the Morphology of the Coniferae, in _Reports on Botany by
+        the Ray Society_, p. 8, which should be compared with _Forry on
+        the Climate of the United States and its Endemic Influences_, New
+        York, 1842, p. 89.
+
+  [177] 'Writers on climate have remarked that the eastern coasts of
+        continents in the northern hemisphere have a lower mean
+        temperature than the western coasts.' _Richardson on North
+        American Zoology_, p. 129, _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1836: see also
+        _Report for_ 1841, _Sections_, p. 28; _Davis's China_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 140, 141; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. xxii. p. 176.
+
+  [178] The little that is known of the early state of the North-American
+        tribes has been brought together by Dr. M'Culloh in his learned
+        work, _Researches concerning America_, pp. 119-146. He says, p.
+        121, that they 'lived together without laws and civil
+        regulations.' In that part of the world, the population has
+        probably never been fixed; and we now know that the inhabitants
+        of the north-east of Asia have at different times passed over to
+        the north-west of America, as in the case of the Tschuktschi, who
+        are found in both continents. Indeed, Dobell was so struck by the
+        similarity between the North-American tribes and some he met with
+        nearly as far west as Tomsk, that he believed their origin to be
+        the same. See _Dobell's Travels in Kamtschatka and Siberia_,
+        1830, vol. ii. p. 112. And on this question of intercourse
+        between the two continents, compare _Crantz's History of
+        Greenland_, vol. i. pp. 259, 260, with _Richardson's Arctic
+        Expedition_, vol. i. pp. 362, 363, and _Prichard's Physical
+        History of Mankind_, vol. iv. pp. 458, 463, vol. v. pp. 371, 378.
+
+  [179] From general physical considerations, we should suppose a relation
+        between amount of rain and extent of coast; and in Europe, where
+        alone we have extensive meteorological records, the connexion has
+        been proved statistically. 'If the quantity of rain that falls in
+        different parts of Europe is measured, it is found to be less,
+        other things being equal, as we recede from the sea-shore.'
+        _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, 1845, p. 139. Compare pp. 91, 94. Hence,
+        no doubt, the greater rarity of rain as we advance north from
+        Mexico. 'Au nord du 20 deg., surtout depuis les 22 deg. au 30 deg. de
+        latitude, les pluies, que ne durent que pendant les mois de juin,
+        de juillet, d'aout et de septembre, sont peu frequentes dans
+        l'interieur du pays.' _Humboldt_, _la Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i.
+        p. 46.
+
+Thus far as to the physical agents which controlled the early destinies
+of North America. But in reference to South America, a different train
+of circumstances came into play; for the law by virtue of which the
+eastern coasts are colder than the western, is not only inapplicable to
+the southern hemisphere, but is replaced by another law precisely the
+reverse. North of the equator, the east is colder than the west; south
+of the equator, the east is hotter than the west.[180] If now, we
+connect this fact with what has been noticed respecting the vast
+river-system which distinguishes the east of America from the west, it
+becomes evident that in South America there exists that cooeperation of
+heat and humidity in which North America is deficient. The result is,
+that the soil in the eastern part of South America is remarkable for its
+exuberance, not only within the tropic, but considerably beyond it; the
+south of Brazil, and even part of Uruguay, possessing a fertility not to
+be found in any country of North America situated under a corresponding
+latitude.
+
+  [180] 'The difference between the climates of the east and west coasts
+        of continents and islands, has also been observed in the southern
+        hemisphere but here the west coasts are colder than the east,
+        while in the northern hemisphere the east coasts are the colder.'
+        _Meyen's Geography of Plants_, 1846, p. 24.
+
+On a hasty view of the preceding generalizations, it might be expected
+that the eastern side of South America, being thus richly endowed by
+nature,[181] would have been the seat of one of those civilizations,
+which, in other parts of the world, similar causes produced. But if we
+look a little further, we shall find that what has just been pointed
+out, by no means exhausts even the physical bearings of this subject,
+and that we must take into consideration a third great agent, which has
+sufficed to neutralize the natural results of the other two, and to
+retain in barbarism the inhabitants of what otherwise would have been
+the most flourishing of all the countries of the New World.
+
+  [181] Mr. Darwin, who has written one of the most valuable works ever
+        published on South America, was struck by this superiority of the
+        eastern coast; and he mentions that 'fruits which ripen well and
+        are very abundant, such as the grape and fig, in latitude 41 deg. on
+        the east coast, succeed very poorly in a lower latitude on the
+        opposite side of the continent.' _Darwin's Journal of
+        Researches_, Lond. 1840, p. 268. Compare _Meyen's Geog. of
+        Plants_, pp. 25, 188. So that the proposition of Daniell
+        (_Meteorological Essays_, p. 104, sec. xiv.) is expressed too
+        generally, and should be confined to continents north of the
+        equator.
+
+The agent to which I allude is the trade-wind; a striking phenomenon, by
+which, as we shall hereafter see, all the civilizations anterior to
+those of Europe were greatly and injuriously influenced. This wind
+covers no less than 56 deg. of latitude; 28 deg. north of the equator, and 28 deg.
+south of it.[182] In this large tract, which comprises some of the most
+fertile countries in the world, the trade-wind blows, during the whole
+year, either from the north-east or from the south-east.[183] The causes
+of this regularity are now well understood, and are known to depend
+partly on the displacement of air at the equator, and partly on the
+motion of the earth; for the cold air from the poles is constantly
+flowing towards the equator, and thus producing northerly winds in the
+northern hemisphere, and southerly winds in the southern. These winds
+are, however, deflected from their natural course by the movement of the
+earth, as it revolves on its axis from west to east. And as the rotation
+of the earth is, of course, more rapid at the equator than elsewhere, it
+happens that in the neighbourhood of the equator the speed is so great
+as to outstrip the movements of the atmosphere from the poles, and
+forcing them into another direction, gives rise to those easterly
+currents which are called trade-winds.[184] What, however, we are now
+rather concerned with, is not so much an explanation of the trade-winds,
+as an account of the way in which this great physical phenomenon is
+connected with the history of South America.
+
+  [182] The trade-winds sometimes reach the thirtieth parallel. See
+        _Daniell's Meteorological Essays_, p. 469. Dr. Traill (_Physical
+        Geography_, Edin. 1838, p. 200), says, 'they extend to about 30 deg.
+        on each side of the equator:' but I believe they are rarely found
+        so high; though Robertson is certainly wrong in supposing that
+        they are peculiar to the tropics; _History of America_, book iv.
+        in _Robertson's Works_, p. 781.
+
+  [183] 'In the northern hemisphere the trade-wind blows from the
+        north-east, and in the southern from the south-east.' _Meyen's
+        Geog. of Plants_, p. 42. Compare _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. i. p.
+        112, vol. ii. p. 494; and on the 'tropical east-wind' of the Gulf
+        of Mexico, see _Forry's Climate of the United States_, p. 206.
+        Dr. Forry says that it has given to the growth of the trees 'an
+        inclination from the sea.'
+
+  [184] Respecting the causes of the trade-winds, see _Somerville's
+        Connexion of the Physical Sciences_, pp. 136, 137; _Leslie's
+        Natural Philosophy_, p. 518; _Daniell's Meteorological Essays_,
+        pp. 44, 102, 476-481; _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, pp. 37-39; _Prout's
+        Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 254-256. The discovery of the true
+        theory is often ascribed to Mr. Daniell; but Hadley was the real
+        discoverer. _Note in Prout_, p. 257. The monsoons, which popular
+        writers frequently confuse with the trade-winds, are said to be
+        caused by the predominance of land, and by the difference between
+        its temperature and that of the sea: see _Kaemtz_, pp. 42-45. On
+        what may be called the conversion of the trades into monsoons,
+        according to the laws very recently promulgated by M. Dove, see
+        _Report of British Association for_ 1847 (_Transac. of Sections_,
+        p. 30) and _Report for_ 1848, p. 94. The monsoons are noticed in
+        _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 485; _Asiatic Researches_, vol.
+        xviii. part i. p. 261; _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. vii.
+        pp. 13, 55; _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. p. 90, vol.
+        iv. pp. 8, 9, 148, 149, 169, vol. xi. p. 162, vol. xv. pp.
+        146-149, vol. xvi. p. 185, vol. xviii. pp. 67, 68, vol. xxiii. p.
+        112; _Low's Sarawak_, p. 30.
+
+The trade-wind, blowing on the eastern coast of South America, and
+proceeding from the east, crosses the Atlantic Ocean, and therefore
+reaches the land surcharged with the vapours accumulated in its passage.
+These vapours, on touching the shore, are, at periodical intervals,
+condensed into rain; and as their progress westward is checked by that
+gigantic chain of the Andes, which they are unable to pass,[185] they
+pour the whole of their moisture on Brazil, which, in consequence, is
+often deluged by the most destructive torrents.[186] This abundant
+supply, being aided by that vast river-system peculiar to the eastern
+part of America, and being also accompanied by heat, has stimulated the
+soil into an activity unequalled in any other part of the world.[187]
+Brazil, which is nearly as large as the whole of Europe, is covered with
+a vegetation of incredible profusion. Indeed, so rank and luxuriant is
+the growth, that Nature seems to riot in the very wantonness of power. A
+great part of this immense country is filled with dense and tangled
+forests, whose noble trees, blossoming in unrivalled beauty, and
+exquisite with a thousand hues, throw out their produce in endless
+prodigality. On their summit are perched birds of gorgeous plumage,
+which nestle in their dark and lofty recesses. Below, their base and
+trunks are crowded with brushwood, creeping plants, innumerable
+parasites, all swarming with life. There, too, are myriads of insects of
+every variety; reptiles of strange and singular form; serpents and
+lizards, spotted with deadly beauty: all of which find means of
+existence in this vast workshop and repository of Nature. And that
+nothing may be wanting to this land of marvels, the forests are skirted
+by enormous meadows, which, reeking with heat and moisture, supply
+nourishment to countless herds of wild cattle, that browse and fatten on
+their herbage; while the adjoining plains, rich in another form of life,
+are the chosen abode of the subtlest and most ferocious animals, which
+prey on each other, but which it might almost seem no human power can
+hope to extirpate.[188]
+
+  [185] _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, pp. 201, 714, 715; see also
+        _Somerville's Physical Geography_, vol. ii. p. 71. And on this
+        confining power of the Cordillera of the Andes, see _Azara_,
+        _Voyages dans l'Amerique Meridionale_, vol. i. p. 33. According
+        to Dr. Tschudi, the eastern chain is properly the Andes, and the
+        western the Cordillera; but this distinction is rarely made.
+        _Tschudi's Travels in Peru_, p. 290.
+
+  [186] On the rain of Brazil, see _Daniell's Meteorological Essays_,
+        p. 335; _Darwin's Journal_, pp. 11, 33; _Spix and Martius's
+        Travels in Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 113; _Gardner's Travels in
+        Brazil_, pp. 53, 99, 114, 175, 233, 394.
+
+  [187] Dr. Gardner, who looked at these things with the eye of a
+        botanist, says that near Rio de Janeiro the heat and moisture are
+        sufficient to compensate even the poorest soil; so that 'rocks,
+        on which scarcely a trace of earth is to be observed, are covered
+        with vellozias, tillandsias, melastomaceae, cacti, orchideae, and
+        ferns, and all in the vigour of life.' _Gardner's Travels in
+        Brazil_, p. 9. See also on this combination, _Walsh's Brazil_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 297, 298, a curious description of the rainy season:
+        'For eight or nine hours a day, during some weeks, I never had a
+        dry shirt on me; and the clothes I divested myself of at night, I
+        put on quite wet in the morning. When it did not rain, which was
+        very rare, there shone out in some places a burning sun; and we
+        went smoking along, the wet exhaling by the heat, as if we were
+        dissolving into vapour.'
+
+  [188] On the natural history of Brazil, I have compared a few notices in
+        _Swainson's Geography of Animals_, pp. 75-87, with _Cuvier_,
+        _Regne Animal_, vol. i. p. 460, vol. ii. pp. 28, 65, 66, 89, vol.
+        iv. pp. 51, 75, 258, 320, 394, 485, 561, vol. v. pp. 40, 195,
+        272, 334, 553; _Azara_, _Amerique Meridionale_, vol. i. pp.
+        244-388, and the greater part of vols. iii. and iv.; _Winckler_,
+        _Geschichte der Botanik_, pp. 378, 576-578; _Southey's History of
+        Brazil_, vol. i. p. 27, vol. iii. pp. 315, 823; _Gardner's
+        Brazil_, pp. 18, 32-34, 41-44, 131, 330; _Spix and Martius's
+        Brazil_, vol. i. pp. 207-209, 238-248, vol. ii. pp. 131, 160-163.
+        And as to the forests, which are among the wonders of the world,
+        _Somerville's Physical Geog._ vol. ii. pp. 204-206; _Prichard's
+        Physical History_, vol. v. p. 497; _Darwin's Journal_, pp. 11,
+        24; _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. i. p. 145, vol. ii. pp. 29, 30, 253.
+
+Such is the flow and abundance of life by which Brazil is marked above
+all the other countries of the earth.[189] But, amid this pomp and
+splendour of Nature, no place is left for Man. He is reduced to
+insignificance by the majesty with which he is surrounded. The forces
+that oppose him are so formidable that he has never been able to make
+head against them, never able to rally against their accumulated
+pressure. The whole of Brazil, notwithstanding its immense apparent
+advantages, has always remained entirely uncivilized; its inhabitants
+wandering savages, incompetent to resist those obstacles which the very
+bounty of Nature had put in their way. For the natives, like every
+people in the infancy of society, are averse to enterprise; and being
+unacquainted with the arts by which physical impediments are removed,
+they have never attempted to grapple with the difficulties that stopped
+their social progress. Indeed, those difficulties are so serious, that
+during more than three hundred years the resources of European knowledge
+have been vainly employed in endeavouring to get rid of them. Along the
+coast of Brazil, there has been introduced from Europe a certain amount
+of that civilization, which the natives by their own efforts could never
+have reached. But such civilization, in itself very imperfect, has never
+penetrated the recesses of the country; and in the interior there is
+still found a state of things similar to that which has always existed.
+The people, ignorant, and therefore brutal, practising no restraint, and
+recognizing no law, continue to live on in their old and inveterate
+barbarism.[190] In their country, the physical causes are so active,
+and do their work on a scale of such unrivalled magnitude, that it has
+hitherto been found impossible to escape from the effects of their
+united action. The progress of agriculture is stopped by impassable
+forests, and the harvests are destroyed by innumerable insects.[191] The
+mountains are too high to scale, the rivers are too wide to bridge;
+every thing is contrived to keep back the human mind, and repress its
+rising ambition. It is thus that the energies of Nature have hampered
+the spirit of Man. Nowhere else is there so painful a contrast between
+the grandeur of the external world and the littleness of the internal.
+And the mind, cowed by this unequal struggle, has not only been unable
+to advance, but without foreign aid it would undoubtedly have receded.
+For even at present, with all the improvements constantly introduced
+from Europe, there are no signs of real progress; while, notwithstanding
+the frequency of colonial settlements, less than one-fiftieth of the
+land is cultivated.[192] The habits of the people are as barbarous as
+ever; and as to their numbers, it is well worthy of remark, that Brazil,
+the country where, of all others, physical resources are most powerful,
+where both vegetables and animals are most abundant, where the soil is
+watered by the noblest rivers, and the coast studded by the finest
+harbours--this immense territory, which is more than twelve times the
+size of France, contains a population not exceeding six millions of
+people.[193]
+
+  [189] This extraordinary richness has excited the astonishment of all
+        who have seen it. Mr. Walsh, who had travelled in some very
+        fertile countries, mentions 'the exceeding fecundity of nature
+        which characterizes Brazil.' _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 19.
+        And a very eminent naturalist, Mr. Darwin, says (_Journal_, p.
+        29), 'In England, any person fond of natural history enjoys in
+        his walks a great advantage, by always having something to
+        attract his attention; but in these fertile climates, teeming
+        with life, the attractions are so numerous that he is scarcely
+        able to walk at all.'
+
+  [190] Azara (_Amerique Meridionale_, vol. ii. pp. 1-168) gives a
+        curious, but occasionally a disgusting account of the savage
+        natives in that part of Brazil south of 16 deg., to which his
+        observations were limited. And as to the inhabitants of other
+        parts, see _Henderson's History of Brazil_, pp. 28, 29, 107, 173,
+        248, 315, 473; _M'Culloh's Researches concerning America_, p. 77;
+        and the more recent account of Dr. Martius, in _Journal of
+        Geograph. Society_, vol. ii. pp. 191-199. Even in 1817, it was
+        rare to see a native in Rio de Janeiro (_Spix and Martius's
+        Travels in Brazil_, vol. i. p. 142); and Dr. Gardner (_Travels in
+        Brazil_, pp. 61, 62) says, that 'more than one nation of Indians
+        in Brazil' have returned to that savage life from which they had
+        apparently been reclaimed.
+
+  [191] Sir C. Lyell (_Principles of Geology_, p. 682) notices 'the
+        incredible number of insects which lay waste the crops in
+        Brazil;' and Mr. Swainson, who had travelled in that country,
+        says 'The red ants of Brazil are so destructive, and at the same
+        time so prolific, that they frequently dispute possession of the
+        ground with the husbandman, defy all his skill to extirpate their
+        colonies, and fairly compel him to leave his fields
+        uncultivated.' _Swainson on the Geography and Classification of
+        Animals_, p. 87. See more about these insects in _Darwin's
+        Journal_, pp. 37-43; _Southey's History of Brazil_, vol. i. pp.
+        144, 256, 333-335, 343, vol. ii. pp. 365, 642, vol. iii. p. 876;
+        _Spix and Martius's Travels in Brazil_, vol. i. p. 259, vol. ii.
+        p. 117; _Cuvier_, _Regne Animal_, vol. iv. p. 320.
+
+  [192] The cultivated land is estimated at from 1-1/2 to 2 per cent. See
+        _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849, vol. i. p. 430.
+
+  [193] During the present century, the population of Brazil has been
+        differently stated at different times; the highest computation
+        being 7,000,000, and the lowest 4,000,000. Comp. _Humboldt_,
+        _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 855; _Gardner's Brazil_, p. 12;
+        _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849, vol. i. pp. 430, 434. Mr. Walsh
+        describes Brazil as 'abounding in lands of the most exuberant
+        fertility, but nearly destitute of inhabitants.' _Walsh's
+        Brazil_, vol. i. p. 248. This was in 1828 and 1829, since which
+        the European population has increased; but, on the whole,
+        6,000,000 seems to be a fair estimate of what can only be known
+        approximatively. In _Alison's History_, vol. x. p. 229, the
+        number given is 5,000,000; but the area also is rather
+        understated.
+
+These considerations sufficiently explain why it is, that in the whole
+of Brazil there are no monuments even of the most imperfect
+civilization; no evidence that the people had, at any period, raised
+themselves above the state in which they were found when their country
+was first discovered. But immediately opposite to Brazil there is
+another country, which, though situated in the same continent, and lying
+under the same latitude, is subjected to different physical conditions,
+and therefore was the scene of different social results. This is the
+celebrated kingdom of Peru, which included the whole of the southern
+tropic, and which, from the circumstances just stated, was naturally the
+only part of South America where any thing approaching to civilization
+could be attained. In Brazil, the heat of the climate was accompanied by
+a twofold irrigation, arising first from the immense river-system
+incidental to the eastern coast; and secondly, from the abundant
+moisture deposited by the trade-winds. From this combination there
+resulted that unequalled fertility, which, so far as Man was concerned,
+defeated its own ends, stopping his progress by an exuberance, which,
+had it been less excessive, it would have aided. For, as we have clearly
+seen, when the productive powers of Nature are carried beyond a certain
+point, the imperfect knowledge of uncivilized men is unable to cope with
+them, or in any way turn them to their own advantage. If, however, those
+powers, being very active, are nevertheless confined within manageable
+limits, there arises a state of things similar to that noticed in Asia
+and Africa; where the profusion of Nature, instead of hindering social
+progress, favoured it, by encouraging that accumulation of wealth,
+without some share of which progress is impossible.
+
+In estimating, therefore, the physical conditions by which civilization
+was originally determined, we have to look, not merely at the
+exuberance, but also at what may be called the manageability of Nature;
+that is, we have to consider the ease with which the resources may be
+used, as well as the number of the resources themselves. Applying this
+to Mexico and Peru, we find that they were the countries of America
+where this combination most happily occurred. For though their resources
+were much less numerous than those of Brazil, they were far more easy to
+control; while at the same time the heat of the climate brought into
+play those other laws by which, as I have attempted to show, all the
+early civilizations were greatly influenced. It is a very remarkable
+fact, which, I believe, has never been observed, that even in reference
+to latitude, the present limit of Peru to the south corresponds with the
+ancient limit of Mexico to the north; while, by a striking, but to me
+perfectly natural coincidence, both these boundaries are reached before
+the tropical line is passed; the boundary of Mexico being 21 deg. N. lat.,
+that of Peru 21-1/2 deg. S. lat.[194]
+
+  [194] Vidaca being the most southerly point of the present Peruvian
+        coast; though the conquests of Peru, incorporated with the
+        empire, extended far into Chili, and within a few degrees of
+        Patagonia. In regard to Mexico, the northern limit of the empire
+        was 21 deg., on the Atlantic coast, and 19 deg. on the Pacific.
+        _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 2.
+
+Such is the wonderful regularity which history, when comprehensively
+studied, presents to our view. And if we compare Mexico and Peru with
+those countries of the Old World which have been already noticed, we
+shall find, as in all the civilizations anterior to those of Europe,
+that their social phenomena were subordinate to their physical laws. In
+the first place, the characteristics of their national food were
+precisely those met with in the most flourishing parts of Asia and
+Africa. For although few of the nutritious vegetables belonging to the
+Old World were found in the New, their place was supplied by others
+exactly analogous to rice and dates; that is to say, marked by the same
+abundance, by the same facility of growth, and by the same exuberant
+returns; therefore, followed by the same social results. In Mexico and
+Peru, one of the most important articles of food has always been maize,
+which, we have every reason to believe, was peculiar to the American
+continent.[195] This, like rice and dates, is eminently the product of a
+hot climate; and although it is said to grow at an elevation of upwards
+of 7,000 feet,[196] it is rarely seen beyond the fortieth parallel,[197]
+and its exuberance rapidly diminishes with the diminution of
+temperature. Thus, for example, in New California, its average yield is
+seventy or eighty fold;[198] but in Mexico Proper the same grain yields
+three or four hundred fold, and, under very favourable circumstances,
+even eight hundred fold.[199]
+
+  [195] A question has been raised as to the Asiatic origin of maize:
+        _Reynier_, _Economie des Arabes_, pp. 94, 95. But later and more
+        careful researches seem to have ascertained beyond much doubt
+        that it was unknown before America was discovered. Compare
+        _Meyen's Geography of Plants_, pp. 44, 303, 304; _Walckenaer's
+        note in Azara, Amerique Meridionale_, vol. i. p. 149; _Cuvier_,
+        _Progres des Sciences Naturelles_, vol. ii. p. 354; _Cuvier_,
+        _Eloges Historiques_, vol. ii. p. 178; _Loudon's Encyclopaedia of
+        Agriculture_, p. 829; _M'Culloch's Dict. of Commerce_, 1849, p.
+        831. The casual notices of maize by Ixtlilxochitl, the native
+        Mexican historian, show its general use as an article of food
+        before the arrival of the Spaniards: see _Ixtlilxochitl_,
+        _Histoire des Chichimeques_, vol. i. pp. 53, 64, 240, vol. ii.
+        p. 19.
+
+  [196] 'Maize, indeed, grows to the height of 7,200 feet above the level
+        of the sea, but only predominates between 3,000 and 6,000 of
+        elevation.' _Lindley's Vegetable Kingdom_, 1847, p. 112. This
+        refers to the tropical parts of South America; but the Zea Mais
+        is said to have been raised on the slopes of the Pyrenees 'at an
+        elevation of 3,000 to 4,000 feet.' See _Austen on the Forty Days'
+        Maize_, in _Report of Brit. Assoc. for_ 1849, _Trans. of Sec._
+        p. 68.
+
+  [197] M. Meyen (_Geog. of Plants_, p. 302) and Mr. Balfour (_Botany_, p.
+        567) suppose that in America 40 deg. is about its limit; and this is
+        the case in regard to its extensive cultivation; but it is grown
+        certainly as high as 52 deg., perhaps as high as 54 deg., north latitude:
+        see _Richardson's Arctic Expedition_, 1851, vol. ii. pp. 49, 234.
+
+  [198] 'Sous la zone temperee, entre les 33 et 38 degres de latitude, par
+        exemple dans la Nouvelle Californie, le mais ne produit, en
+        general, annee commune, que 70 a 80 grains pour un.' _Humboldt_,
+        _la Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 375.
+
+  [199] 'La fecondite du Tlaolli, ou mais mexicain, est au-dela de tout ce
+        que l'on peut imaginer en Europe. La plante, favorisee par de
+        fortes chaleurs et par beaucoup d'humidite, acquiert une hauteur
+        de deux a trois metres. Dans les belles plaines qui s'etendent
+        depuis San Juan del Rio a Queretaro, par exemple dans les terres
+        de la grande metairie de l'Esperanza, une fanegue de mais en
+        produit quelquefois huit cents. Des terrains fertiles en donnent,
+        annee commune, trois a quatre cents.' _Humboldt_, _Nouv.
+        Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 374. Nearly the same estimate is given by
+        Mr. Ward: see _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i. p. 32, vol. ii. p. 230. In
+        Central America (Guatemala), maize returns three hundred for one.
+        _Mexique et Guatemala, par Larenaudiere_, p. 257.
+
+A people who derived their sustenance from a plant of such extraordinary
+fecundity, had little need to exercise their industrious energies; while
+at the same time they had every opportunity of increasing their numbers,
+and thus producing a train of social and political consequences similar
+to those which I have noticed in India and in Egypt. Besides this, there
+were, in addition to maize, other kinds of food to which the same
+remarks are applicable. The potato, which, in Ireland, has brought about
+such injurious effects by stimulating the growth of population, is said
+to be indigenous to Peru; and although this is denied by a very high
+authority,[200] there is, at all events, no doubt that it was found
+there in great abundance when the country was first discovered by the
+Europeans.[201] In Mexico, potatoes were unknown till the arrival of
+the Spaniards; but both Mexicans and Peruvians lived to a great extent
+on the produce of the banana; a vegetable whose reproductive powers are
+so extraordinary, that nothing but the precise and unimpeachable
+testimony of which we are possessed could make them at all credible.
+This remarkable plant is, in America, intimately connected with the
+physical laws of climate; since it is an article of primary importance
+for the subsistence of man whenever the temperature passes a certain
+point.[202] Of its nutritive powers, it is enough to say, that an acre
+sown with it will support more than fifty persons; whereas the same
+amount of land sown with wheat in Europe will only support two
+persons.[203] As to the exuberance of its growth, it is calculated that,
+other circumstances remaining the same, its produce is forty-four times
+greater than that of potatoes, and a hundred and thirty-three times
+greater than that of wheat.[204]
+
+  [200] 'La pomme de terre n'est pas indigene au Perou.' _Humboldt_,
+        _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 400. On the other hand, Cuvier
+        (_Histoire des Sciences Naturelles_, part ii. p. 185)
+        peremptorily says, 'il est impossible de douter qu'elle ne soit
+        originaire du Perou:' see also his _Eloges Historiques_, vol. ii.
+        p. 171. Compare _Winckler_, _Gesch. der Botanik_, p. 92: 'Von
+        einem gewissen Carate unter den Gewaechsen Peru's mit dem Namen
+        papas aufgefuehrt.'
+
+  [201] And has been used ever since for food. On the Peruvian potato
+        compare _Tschudi's Travels in Peru_, pp. 178, 368, 386; _Ulloa's
+        Voyage to South America_, vol. i. pp. 287, 288. In Southern Peru,
+        at the height of 13,000 or 14,000 feet, a curious process takes
+        place, the starch of the potato being frozen into saccharine. See
+        a valuable paper by Mr. Bollaert in _Journal of Geograph.
+        Society_, vol. xxi. p. 119.
+
+  [202] Humboldt (_Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 359) says, 'partout ou la
+        chaleur moyenne de l'annee excede vingt-quatre degres
+        centigrades, le fruit du bananier est un objet de culture du plus
+        grand interet pour la subsistance de l'homme.' Compare _Bullock's
+        Mexico_, p. 281.
+
+  [203] _M'Culloch's Geograph. Dict._, 1849, vol. ii. p. 315.
+
+  [204] 'Je doute qu'il existe une autre plante sur le globe, qui, sur un
+        petit espace de terrain, puisse produire une masse de substance
+        nourrissante aussi considerable.' ... 'Le produit des bananes
+        est par consequent a celui du froment comme 133: 1--a celui des
+        pommes de terre comme 44: l'_Humboldt_, _Nouvelle Espagne_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 362, 363. See also _Prout's Bridgewater Treatise_, p.
+        333, edit. 1845; _Prescott's Peru_, vol. i. pp. 131, 132;
+        _Prescott's Mexico_, vol. i. p. 114. Earlier notices, but very
+        imperfect ones, of this remarkable vegetable may be found in
+        _Ulloa's South America_, vol. i. p. 74; and in _Boyle's Works_,
+        vol. iii. p. 590.
+
+It will now be easily understood why it was that, in all important
+respects, the civilizations of Mexico and Peru were strictly analogous
+to those of India and Egypt. In these four countries, as well as in a
+few others in Southern Asia and Central America, there existed an
+amount of knowledge, despicable indeed if tried by an European standard,
+but most remarkable if contrasted with the gross ignorance which
+prevailed among the adjoining and cotemporary nations. But in all of
+them there was the same inability to diffuse even that scanty
+civilization which they really possessed; there was the same utter
+absence of any thing approaching to the democratic spirit; there was the
+same despotic power on the part of the upper classes, and the same
+contemptible subservience on the part of the lower. For, as we have
+clearly seen, all these civilizations were affected by certain physical
+causes, which, though favourable to the accumulation of wealth, were
+unfavourable to a just subdivision of it. And as the knowledge of men
+was still in its infancy,[205] it was found impossible to struggle
+against these physical agents, or prevent them from producing those
+effects on the social organization which I have attempted to trace. Both
+in Mexico and in Peru, the arts, and particularly those branches of them
+which minister to the luxury of the wealthy classes, were cultivated
+with great success. The houses of the higher ranks were filled with
+ornaments and utensils of admirable workmanship; their chambers were
+hung with splendid tapestries; their dresses and their personal
+decorations betrayed an almost incredible expense; their jewels of
+exquisite and varied form; their rich and flowing robes embroidered with
+the rarest feathers, collected from the most distant parts of the
+empire: all supplying evidence of the possession of unlimited wealth,
+and of the ostentatious prodigality with which that wealth was
+wasted.[206] Immediately below this class came the people; and what
+their condition was, may be easily imagined. In Peru the whole of the
+taxes were paid by them; the nobles and the clergy being altogether
+exempt.[207] But as, in such a state of society, it was impossible for
+the people to accumulate property, they were obliged to defray the
+expenses of government by their personal labour, which was placed under
+the entire command of the state.[208] At the same time, the rulers of
+the country were well aware that, with a system like this, feelings of
+personal independence were incompatible; they therefore contrived laws
+by which, even in the most minute matters, freedom of action was
+controlled. The people were so shackled, that they could neither change
+their residence, nor alter their clothes, without permission from the
+governing powers To each man the law prescribed the trade he was to
+follow, the dress he was to wear, the wife he was to marry, and the
+amusements he was to enjoy.[209] Among the Mexicans the course of
+affairs was similar; the same physical conditions being followed by the
+same social results. In the most essential particular for which history
+can be studied, namely, the state of the people, Mexico and Peru are the
+counterpart of each other. For though there were many minor points of
+difference,[210] both were agreed in this, that there were only two
+classes--the upper class being tyrants, and the lower class being
+slaves. This was the state in which Mexico was found when it was
+discovered by the Europeans,[211] and towards which it must have been
+tending from the earliest period. And so insupportable had all this
+become, that we know, from the most decisive evidence, that the general
+disaffection it produced among the people was one of the causes which,
+by facilitating the progress of the Spanish invaders, hastened the
+downfall of the Mexican empire.[212]
+
+  [205] The only science with which they had much acquaintance was
+        astronomy, which the Mexicans appear to have cultivated with
+        considerable success. Compare the remark of La Place, in
+        _Humboldt_, _Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i. p. 92, with _Prichard's
+        Physical History_, vol. v. pp. 323, 329; _M'Culloch's
+        Researches_, pp. 201-225; _Larenaudiere's Mexique_, pp. 51, 52;
+        _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. iv. p. 456; _Journal of Geog. Society_,
+        vol. vii. p. 3. However, their astronomy, as might be expected,
+        was accompanied by astrology: see _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Histoire des
+        Chichimeques_, vol. i. p. 168, vol. ii. pp. 94, 111.
+
+  [206] The works of art produced by the Mexicans and Peruvians are
+        under-rated by Robertson: who, however, admits that he had never
+        seen them. _History of America_, book vii., in _Robertson's
+        Works_, pp. 909, 920. But during the present century considerable
+        attention has been paid to this subject: and in addition to the
+        evidence of skill and costly extravagance collected by Mr.
+        Prescott, _History of Peru_, vol. i. pp. 28, 142; _History of
+        Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 27, 28, 122, 256, 270, 307, vol. ii. pp.
+        115, 116, I may refer to the testimony of M. Humboldt, the only
+        traveller in the New World who has possessed a competent amount
+        of physical as well as historical knowledge. _Humboldt, Nouvelle
+        Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 483, and elsewhere. Compare Mr. Pentland's
+        observations on the tombs in the neighbourhood of Titicaca
+        (_Jour. of Geog. Soc._ vol. x. p. 554) with _M'Culloh's
+        Researches_, pp. 364-366; _Mexique par Larenaudiere_, pp. 41, 42,
+        66; _Ulloa's South America_, vol. i. pp. 465, 466.
+
+  [207] 'The members of the royal house, the great nobles, even the public
+        functionaries, and the numerous body of the priesthood, were all
+        exempt from taxation. The whole duty of defraying the expenses of
+        the government belonged to the people.' _Prescott's History of
+        Peru_, vol. i. p. 56.
+
+  [208] Ondegardo emphatically says, 'Solo el trabajo de las personas era
+        el tributo que se dava, porque ellos no poseian otra cosa.'
+        _Prescott's Peru_, vol. i. p. 57. Compare _M'Culloh's
+        Researches_, p. 359. In Mexico the state of things was just the
+        same: 'Le petit peuple, qui ne possedait point de biens-fonds, et
+        qui ne faisait point de commerce, payait sa part des taxes en
+        travaux de differents genres; c'etait par lui que les terres de
+        la couronne etaient cultivees, les ouvrages publics executes, et
+        les diverses maisons appartenantes a l'empereur construites ou
+        entretenues.' _Larenaudiere's Mexique_, p. 39.
+
+  [209] Mr. Prescott notices this with surprise, though, under the
+        circumstances, it was in truth perfectly natural. He says (_Hist.
+        of Peru_, vol. i. p. 159), 'Under this extraordinary polity, a
+        people, advanced in many of the social refinements, well skilled
+        in manufactures and agriculture, were unacquainted, as we have
+        seen, with money. They had nothing that deserved to be called
+        property. They could follow no craft, could engage in no labour,
+        no amusement, but such as was specially provided by law. They
+        could not change their residence or their dress without a licence
+        from the government. They could not even exercise the freedom
+        which is conceded to the most abject in other countries--that of
+        selecting their own wives.'
+
+  [210] The Mexicans being, as Prichard says (_Physical History_, vol. v.
+        p. 467), of a more cruel disposition than the Peruvians; but our
+        information is too limited to enable us to determine whether this
+        was mainly owing to physical causes or to social ones. Herder
+        preferred the Peruvian civilization: 'der gebildetste Staat
+        dieses Welttheils, Peru.' _Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit_,
+        vol. i. p. 33.
+
+  [211] See in _Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i. p. 101, a striking
+        summary of the state of the Mexican people at the time of the
+        Spanish Conquest: see also _History of America_, book vii., in
+        _Robertson's Works_, p. 907.
+
+  [212] _Prescott's History of the Conquest of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 34.
+        Compare a similar remark on the invasion of Egypt in _Bunsen's
+        Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 414.
+
+The further this examination is carried, the more striking becomes the
+similarity between those civilizations which flourished anterior to what
+may be called the European epoch of the human mind. The division of a
+nation into castes would be impossible in the great European countries;
+but it existed from a remote antiquity in Egypt, in India, and
+apparently in Persia.[213] The very same institution was rigidly
+enforced in Peru;[214] and what proves how consonant it was to that
+stage of society, is, that in Mexico, where castes were not established
+by law, it was nevertheless a recognised custom that the son should
+follow the occupation of his father.[215] This was the political symptom
+of that stationary and conservative spirit, which, as we shall hereafter
+see, has marked every country in which the upper classes have
+monopolized power. The religious symptom of the same spirit was
+displayed in that inordinate reverence for antiquity, and in that hatred
+of change, which the greatest of all the writers on America has well
+pointed out as an analogy between the natives of Mexico and those of
+Hindostan.[216] To this may be added, that those who have studied the
+history of the ancient Egyptians, have observed among that people a
+similar tendency. Wilkinson, who is well known to have paid great
+attention to their monuments, says that they were more unwilling than
+any other nation to alter their religious worship;[217] and Herodotus,
+who travelled in their country two thousand three hundred years ago,
+assures us that, while they preserved old customs, they never acquired
+new ones.[218] In another point of view, the similarity between these
+distant countries is equally interesting, since it evidently arises from
+the causes already noticed as common to both. In Mexico and Peru, the
+lower classes being at the disposal of the upper, there followed that
+frivolous waste of labour which we have observed in Egypt, and evidence
+of which may also be seen in the remains of those temples and palaces
+which are still found in several parts of Asia. Both Mexicans and
+Peruvians erected immense buildings, which were as useless as those of
+Egypt, and which no country could produce, unless the labour of the
+people were ill-paid and ill directed.[219] The cost of these monuments
+of vanity is unknown; but it must have been enormous; since the
+Americans, being ignorant of the use of iron,[220] were unable to employ
+a resource by which, in the construction of large works, labour is
+greatly abridged. Some particulars, however, have been preserved, from
+which an idea may be formed on this subject. To take, for instance, the
+palaces of their kings: we find that in Peru, the erection of the royal
+residence occupied, during fifty years, 20,000 men;[221] while that of
+Mexico cost the labour of no less than 200,000: striking facts, which,
+if all other testimonies had perished, would enable us to appreciate the
+condition of countries in which, for such insignificant purposes, such
+vast power was expended.[222]
+
+  [213] That there were castes in Persia is stated by Firdousi; and his
+        assertion, putting aside its general probability, ought to
+        outweigh the silence of the Greek historians, who, for the most
+        part, knew little of any country except their own. According to
+        Malcolm, the existence of caste in the time of Jemsheed, is
+        confirmed by some 'Mahomedan authors;' but he does not say who
+        they were. _Malcolm's History of Persia_, vol. i. pp. 505, 506.
+        Several attempts have been made, but very unsuccessfully, to
+        ascertain the period in which castes were first instituted.
+        Compare _Asiatic Researches_, vol. vi. p. 251; Heeren's _African
+        Nations_, vol. ii. p. 121; _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 410;
+        _Rammohun Roy on the Veds_, p. 269.
+
+  [214] _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. pp. 143, 156.
+
+  [215] _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 124.
+
+  [216] 'Les Americains, comme les habitans de l'Indoustan, et comme tous
+        les peuples qui ont gemi long-temps sous le despotisme civil et
+        religieux, tiennent avec une opiniatrete extraordinaire a leurs
+        habitudes, a leurs m[oe]urs, a leurs opinions.... Au Mexique,
+        comme dans l'Indoustan, il n'etoit pas permis aux fideles de
+        changer la moindre chose aux figures des idoles. Tout ce qui
+        appartenoit au rite des Azteques et des Hindous etoit assujeti a
+        des lois immuables.' _Humboldt_, _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. i. pp. 95,
+        97. Turgot (_[OE]uvres_, vol. ii. pp. 226, 313, 314) has some
+        admirable remarks on this fixity of opinion natural to certain
+        states of society. See also _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 34, 35; and for other illustrations of this unpliancy of
+        thought, and adherence to old customs, which many writers suppose
+        to be an eastern peculiarity but which is far more widely spread,
+        and is, as Humboldt clearly saw, the result of an unequal
+        distribution of power, compare _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p.
+        41; _Forbes's Oriental Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 15, 164, vol. ii. p.
+        236; _Mill's History of India_, vol. ii. p. 214; _Elphinstone's
+        History of India_, p. 48; _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. ii. p.
+        109; _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. p. 64; _Journal of
+        Asiat. Society_, vol. viii. p. 116.
+
+  [217] 'How scrupulous the Egyptians were, above all people, in
+        permitting the introduction of new customs in matters relating to
+        the gods.' _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iii. p. 262.
+        Compare p. 275. Thus, too, M. Bunsen notices the 'tenacity with
+        which the Egyptians adhered to old manners and customs.'
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 64. See also some remarks on the
+        difference between this spirit and the love of novelty among the
+        Greeks, in _Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv. pp.
+        625, 626.
+
+  [218] _Herodot._ book ii. chap. 79: [Greek: patriosi de chreomenoi
+        nomoisi allon oudena epikteontai]: and see the note in _Baehr_,
+        vol. i. p. 660: '[Greek: nomous] priores interpretes explicarunt
+        _cantilenas_, _hymnos_; Schweighaeuserus rectius intellexit
+        _instituta ac mores_.' In the same way, in Timaeus, Plato
+        represents an Egyptian priest saying to Solon, [Greek: Hellenes
+        aei paides este, geron de Hellen ouk estin]. And when Solon asked
+        what he meant, [Greek: Neoi este], was the reply, [Greek: tas
+        psychas pantes; oudemian gar en autais echete di archaian akoen
+        palaian doxan oude mathema chronps polion ouden]. Chap. v. in
+        _Platonis Opera_, vol. vii. p. 242, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826.
+
+  [219] The Mexicans appear to have been even more wantonly prodigal than
+        the Peruvians. See, respecting their immense pyramids, one of
+        which, Cholula had a base 'twice as broad as the largest Egyptian
+        pyramid,' _M'Culloh's Researches_, pp. 252-256; _Bullock's
+        Mexico_, pp. 111-115, 414; _Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne_, vol. i.
+        pp. 240, 241.
+
+        [220] _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 117, vol. iii.
+        p. 341; and _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. p. 145. See
+        also _Hauey_, _Traite de Mineralogie_, Paris, 1801, vol. iv. p.
+        372.
+
+  [221] _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. p. 18.
+
+  [222] Mr. Prescott (_History of Mexico_, vol. i. p. 153) says, 'We are
+        not informed of the time occupied in building this palace; but
+        200,000 workmen, it is said, were employed on it. However this
+        may be, it is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs, like those of
+        Asia and ancient Egypt, had the control of immense masses of men,
+        and would sometimes turn the whole population of a conquered
+        city, including the women, into the public works. The most
+        gigantic monuments of architecture which the world has witnessed
+        would never have been reared by the hands of freemen.' The
+        Mexican historian, Ixtlilxochitl, gives a curious account of one
+        of the royal palaces. See his _Histoire de Chichimeques_,
+        translated by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840, vol. i. pp. 257-262,
+        chap. xxxvii.
+
+The preceding evidence, collected from sources of unquestioned
+credibility, proves the force of those great physical laws, which, in
+the most flourishing countries out of Europe, encouraged the
+accumulation of wealth, but prevented its dispersion; and thus secured
+to the upper classes a monopoly of one of the most important elements of
+social and political power. The result was, that in all those
+civilizations the great body of the people derived no benefit from the
+national improvements; hence, the basis of the progress being very
+narrow, the progress itself was very insecure.[223] When, therefore,
+unfavourable circumstances arose from without, it was but natural that
+the whole system should fall to the ground. In such countries, society,
+being divided against itself, was unable to stand. And there can be no
+doubt that long before the crisis of their actual destruction, these
+one-sided and irregular civilizations had begun to decay; so that their
+own degeneracy aided the progress of foreign invaders, and secured the
+overthrow of those ancient kingdoms, which, under a sounder system,
+might have been easily saved.
+
+  [223] This may be illustrated by a good remark of M. Matter, to the
+        effect that when the Egyptians had once lost their race of kings,
+        it was found impossible for the nation to reconstruct itself.
+        _Matter_, _Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 68; a
+        striking passage. In Persia, again, when the feeling of loyalty
+        decayed, so also did the feeling of national power. _Malcolm's
+        History of Persia_, vol. ii. p. 130. The history of the most
+        civilized parts of Europe presents a picture exactly the reverse
+        of this.
+
+Thus far as to the way in which the great civilizations exterior to
+Europe have been affected by the peculiarities of their food, climate,
+and soil. It now remains for me to examine the effect of those other
+physical agents to which I have given the collective name of Aspects of
+Nature, and which will be found suggestive of some very wide and
+comprehensive inquiries into the influence exercised by the external
+world in predisposing men to certain habits of thought, and thus giving
+a particular tone to religion, arts, literature, and, in a word, to all
+the principal manifestations of the human mind. To ascertain how this is
+brought about, forms a necessary supplement to the investigations just
+concluded. For, as we have seen that climate, food, and soil mainly
+concern the accumulation and distribution of wealth, so also shall we
+see that the Aspects of Nature concern the accumulation and distribution
+of thought. In the first case, we have to do with the material interests
+of Man; in the other case with his intellectual interests. The former I
+have analyzed as far as I am able, and perhaps as far as the existing
+state of knowledge will allow.[224] But the other, namely, the relation
+between the Aspects of Nature and the mind of Man, involves speculations
+of such magnitude, and requires such a mass of materials drawn from
+every quarter, that I feel very apprehensive as to the result; and I
+need hardly say, that I make no pretensions to anything approaching an
+exhaustive analysis, nor can I hope to do more than generalize a few of
+the laws of that complicated, but as yet unexplored, process by which
+the external world has affected the human mind, has warped its natural
+movements, and too often checked its natural progress.
+
+  [224] I mean in regard to the physical and economical generalizations.
+        As to the literature of the subject, I am conscious of many
+        deficiencies, particularly in respect to the Mexican and Peruvian
+        histories.
+
+The Aspects of Nature, when considered from this point of view, are
+divisible into two classes: the first class being those which are most
+likely to excite the imagination; and the other class being those which
+address themselves to the understanding commonly so called, that is, to
+the mere logical operations of the intellect. For although it is true
+that, in a complete and well-balanced mind, the imagination and the
+understanding each play their respective parts, and are auxiliary to
+each other, it is also true that, in a majority of instances, the
+understanding is too weak to curb the imagination and restrain its
+dangerous licence. The tendency of advancing civilization is to remedy
+this disproportion, and invest the reasoning powers with that authority,
+which, in an early stage of Society, the imagination exclusively
+possesses. Whether or not there is ground for fearing that the reaction
+will eventually proceed too far, and that the reasoning faculties will
+in their turn tyrannize over the imaginative ones, is a question of the
+deepest interest; but, in the present condition of our knowledge, it is
+probably an insoluble one. At all events, it is certain that nothing
+like such a state has yet been seen; since, even in this age, when the
+imagination is more under control than in any preceding one, it has far
+too much power; as might be easily proved, not only from the
+superstitions which in every country still prevail among the vulgar, but
+also from that poetic reverence for antiquity, which, though it has been
+long diminishing, still hampers the independence, blinds the judgment,
+and circumscribes the originality of the educated classes.
+
+Now, so far as natural phenomena are concerned, it is evident, that
+whatever inspires feelings of terror, or of great wonder, and whatever
+excites in the mind an idea of the vague and uncontrollable, has a
+special tendency to inflame the imagination, and bring under its
+dominion the slower and more deliberate operations of the understanding.
+In such cases, Man, contrasting himself with the force and majesty of
+Nature, becomes painfully conscious of his own insignificance. A sense
+of inferiority steals over him. From every quarter innumerable obstacles
+hem him in, and limit his individual will. His mind, appalled by the
+indefined and indefinable, hardly cares to scrutinize the details of
+which such imposing grandeur consists.[225] On the other hand, where
+the works of Nature are small and feeble, Man regains confidence; he
+seems more able to rely on his own power; he can, as it were, pass
+through and exercise authority in every direction. And as the phenomena
+are more accessible, it becomes easier for him to experiment on them, or
+to observe them with minuteness; an inquisitive and analytic spirit is
+encouraged, and he is tempted to generalize the appearances of Nature,
+and refer them to the laws by which they are governed.
+
+  [225] The sensation of fear, even when there is no danger, becomes
+        strong enough to destroy the pleasure that would otherwise be
+        felt. See, for instance, a description of the great mountain
+        boundary of Hindostan, in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xi. p. 469:
+        'It is necessary for a person to place himself in our situation
+        before he can form a just conception of the scene. The depth of
+        the valley below, the progressive elevation of the intermediate
+        hills, and the majestic splendour of the cloud-capped Himalaya,
+        formed so grand a picture, that the mind was impressed with a
+        sensation of dread rather than of pleasure.' Compare vol. xiv. p.
+        116, Calcutta, 1822. In the Tyrol, it has been observed, that the
+        grandeur of the mountain scenery imbues the minds of the natives
+        with fear, and has caused the invention of many superstitious
+        legends. _Alison's Europe_, vol. ix. pp. 79, 80.
+
+Looking in this way at the human mind as affected by the Aspects of
+Nature, it is surely a remarkable fact, that all the great early
+civilizations were situated within and immediately adjoining the
+tropics, where those aspects are most sublime, most terrible, and where
+Nature is, in every respect, most dangerous to Man. Indeed, generally,
+in Asia, Africa, and America, the external world is more formidable than
+in Europe. This holds good not only of the fixed and permanent
+phenomena, such as mountains, and other great natural barriers, but also
+of occasional phenomena, such as earthquakes, tempests, hurricanes,
+pestilences; all of which are in those regions very frequent and very
+disastrous. These constant and serious dangers produce effects analogous
+to those caused by the sublimity of Nature, in so far, that in both
+cases there is a tendency to increase the activity of the imagination.
+For the peculiar province of the imagination being to deal with the
+unknown, every event which is unexplained, as well as important, is a
+direct stimulus to our imaginative faculties. In the tropics, events of
+this kind are more numerous than elsewhere; it therefore follows that in
+the tropics the imagination is most likely to triumph. A few
+illustrations of the working of this principle will place it in a
+clearer light, and will prepare the reader for the arguments based upon
+it.
+
+Of those physical events which increase the insecurity of Man,
+earthquakes are certainly among the most striking, in regard to the loss
+of life which they cause, as also in regard to their sudden and
+unexpected occurrence. There is reason to believe that they are always
+preceded by atmospheric changes which strike immediately at the nervous
+system, and thus have a direct physical tendency to impair the
+intellectual powers.[226] However this may be, there can be no doubt as
+to the effect they produce in encouraging particular associations and
+habits of thought. The terror which they inspire excites the imagination
+even to a painful extent, and, overbalancing the judgment, predisposes
+men to superstitious fancies. And what is highly curious, is, that
+repetition, so far from blunting such feelings, strengthens them. In
+Peru, where earthquakes appear to be more common than in any other
+country,[227] every succeeding visitation increases the general dismay;
+so that, in some cases, the fear becomes almost insupportable.[228] The
+mind is thus constantly thrown into a timid and anxious state: and men
+witnessing the most serious dangers, which they can neither avoid nor
+understand, become impressed with a conviction of their own inability,
+and of the poverty of their own resources.[229] In exactly the same
+proportion, the imagination is aroused, and a belief in supernatural
+interference actively encouraged. Human power failing, superhuman power
+is called in; the mysterious and the invisible are believed to be
+present; and there grow up among the people those feelings of awe and of
+helplessness, on which all superstition is based, and without which no
+superstition can exist.[230]
+
+  [226] 'Une augmentation d'electricite s'y manifeste aussi presque
+        toujours, et ils sont generalement annonces par le mugissement
+        des bestiaux, par l'inquietude des animaux domestiques, et dans
+        les hommes par cette sorte de malaise qui, en Europe, precede les
+        orages dans les personnes nerveuses.' _Cuvier_, _Prog. des
+        Sciences_, vol. i. p. 265. See also, on this 'Vorgefuehl,' the
+        observation of Von Hoff, in Mr. Mallet's valuable essay on
+        earthquakes (_Brit. Assoc. for_ 1850, p. 68); and the
+        'foreboding' in _Tschudi's Peru_, p. 165; and a letter in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv. p.
+        504. The probable connexion between earthquakes and electricity
+        is noticed in _Bakewell's Geology_, p. 434.
+
+  [227] 'Peru is more subject perhaps than any other country to the
+        tremendous visitation of earthquakes.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._
+        1849. vol. ii. p. 499. Dr. Tschudi (_Travels in Peru_, p. 162)
+        says of Lima, 'at an average forty-five shocks may be counted on
+        in the year.' See also on the Peruvian earthquakes, pp. 43, 75,
+        87, 90.
+
+  [228] A curious instance of association of ideas conquering the
+        deadening effect of habit. Dr. Tschudi (_Peru_, p. 170),
+        describing the panic, says, 'no familiarity with the phenomenon
+        can blunt this feeling.' Beale (_South-Sea Whaling Voyage_, Lond.
+        1839, p. 205) writes, 'it is said at Peru, that the oftener the
+        natives of the place feel those vibrations of the earth, instead
+        of becoming habituated to them, as persons do who are constantly
+        exposed to other dangers, they become more filled with dismay
+        every time the shock is repeated, so that aged people often find
+        the terror a slight shock will produce almost insupportable.'
+        Compare _Darwin's Journal_, pp. 422, 423. So, too, in regard to
+        Mexican earthquakes, Mr. Ward observes, that 'the natives are
+        both more sensible than strangers of the smaller shocks, and more
+        alarmed by them.' _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 55. On the
+        physiological effects of the fear caused by earthquakes, see the
+        remarkable statement by Osiander in _Burdach's Physiologie comme
+        Science d'Observation_, vol. ii. pp. 223, 224. That the fear
+        should be not deadened by familiarity, but increased by it, would
+        hardly be expected by speculative reasoners unacquainted with the
+        evidence; and we find, in fact, that the Pyrrhonists asserted
+        that [Greek: hoi goun seisma par' hois synechos apotelountai, ou
+        thaumazontai; oud' ho helios, hoti kath' hemeran horatai.] _Diog.
+        Laert. de Vitis Philos._ lib. ix. segm. 87, vol. i. p. 591.
+
+  [229] Mr. Stephens, who gives a striking description of ancearthquake
+        in Central America, emphatically says, 'I never felt myself so
+        feeble a thing before.' _Stephens's Central America_, vol. i. p.
+        383. See also the account of the effects produced on the mind by
+        an earthquake, in _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 98,
+        and the note at p. 105.
+
+  [230] The effect of earthquakes in encouraging superstition, is noticed
+        in Lyell's admirable work, _Principles of Geology_, p. 492.
+        Compare a myth on the origin of earthquakes in _Beausobre_,
+        _Histoire Critique de Manichee_, vol. i. p. 243.
+
+Further illustration of this may be found even in Europe, where such
+phenomena are, comparatively speaking, extremely rare. Earthquakes and
+volcanic eruptions are more frequent and more destructive in Italy, and
+in the Spanish and Portuguese peninsula, than in any other of the great
+countries; and it is precisely there that superstition is most rife,
+and the superstitious classes most powerful. Those were the countries
+where the clergy first established their authority, where the worst
+corruptions of Christianity took place, and where superstition has
+during the longest period retained the firmest hold. To this may be
+added another circumstance, indicative of the connexion between these
+physical phenomena and the predominance of the imagination. Speaking
+generally, the fine arts are addressed more to the imagination; the
+sciences to the intellect.[231] Now it is remarkable, that all the
+greatest painters, and nearly all the greatest sculptors, modern Europe
+has possessed, have been produced by the Italian and Spanish peninsulas.
+In regard to science, Italy has no doubt had several men of conspicuous
+ability; but their numbers are out of all proportion small when compared
+with her artists and poets. As to Spain and Portugal, the literature of
+those two countries is eminently poetic, and from their schools have
+proceeded some of the greatest painters the world has ever seen. On the
+other hand, the purely reasoning faculties have been neglected, and the
+whole Peninsula, from the earliest period to the present time, does not
+supply to the history of the natural sciences a single name of the
+highest merit; not one man whose works form an epoch in the progress of
+European knowledge.[232]
+
+  [231] The greatest men in science, and in fact all very great men, have
+        no doubt been remarkable for the powers of their imagination. But
+        in art the imagination plays a far more conspicuous part than in
+        science; and this is what I mean to express by the proposition in
+        the text. Sir David Brewster, indeed, thinks that Newton was
+        deficient in imagination: 'the weakness of his imaginative
+        powers.' _Brewster's Life of Newton_, 1855, vol. ii. p. 133. It
+        is impossible to discuss so large a question in a note; but to my
+        apprehension, no poet, except Dante and Shakespeare, ever had an
+        imagination more soaring and more audacious than that possessed
+        by Sir Isaac Newton.
+
+  [232] The remarks made by Mr. Ticknor on the absence of science in
+        Spain, might be extended even further than he has done. See
+        _Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. pp. 222,
+        223. He says, p. 237, that in 1771, the University of Salamanca
+        being urged to teach the physical sciences, replied, 'Newton
+        teaches nothing that would make a good logician or metaphysician,
+        and Gassendi and Descartes do not agree so well with revealed
+        truth as Aristotle does.'
+
+The manner in which the Aspects of Nature, when they are very
+threatening, stimulate the imagination,[233] and by encouraging
+superstition discourage knowledge, may be made still more apparent by
+one or two additional facts. Among an ignorant people, there is a direct
+tendency to ascribe all serious dangers to supernatural intervention;
+and a strong religious sentiment being thus aroused,[234] it constantly
+happens, not only that the danger is submitted to, but that it is
+actually worshipped. This is the case with some of the Hindus in the
+forest of Malabar;[235] and many similar instances will occur to whoever
+has studied the condition of barbarous tribes.[236] Indeed, so far is
+this carried, that in some countries the inhabitants, from feelings of
+reverential fear, refuse to destroy wild-beasts and noxious reptiles;
+the mischief these animals inflict being the cause of the impunity they
+enjoy.[237]
+
+  [233] In _Asiatic Researches_, vol. vi. pp. 35, 36, there is a good
+        instance of an earthquake giving rise to a theological fiction.
+        See also vol. i. pp. 154-157; and compare _Coleman's Mythology of
+        the Hindus_, p. 17.
+
+  [234] See for example, _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iv. pp. 56, 57, vol.
+        vii. p. 94; and the effect produced by a volcano, in _Journal of
+        Geograph. Society_, vol. v. p. 388. See also vol. xx. p. 8, and a
+        practical recognition of the principle by Sextus Empiricus, in
+        _Tennemann's Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 292. Compare
+        the use the clergy made of a volcanic eruption in Iceland
+        (_Wheaton's History of the Northmen_, p. 42); and see further
+        _Raffles' History of Java_, vol. i. pp. 29, 274, and _Tschudi's
+        Peru_, pp. 64, 167, 171.
+
+  [235] The Hindus in the Iruari forests, says Mr. Edye, 'worship and
+        respect everything from which they apprehend danger.' _Edye on the
+        Coast of Malabar_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii.
+        p. 337.
+
+  [236] Dr. Prichard (_Physical History_, vol. iv. p. 501) says 'The tiger
+        is worshipped by the Hajin tribe in the vicinity of the Garrows
+        or Garrudus.' Compare _Transactions of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii.
+        p. 66. Among the Garrows themselves, this feeling is so strong,
+        that 'the tiger's nose strung round a woman's neck is considered
+        as a great preservative in childbirth.' _Coleman's Mythology of
+        the Hindus_, p. 321. The Seiks have a curious superstition
+        respecting wounds inflicted by tigers (_Burne's Bokhara_, 1834,
+        vol. iii. p. 140); and the Malasir believe that these animals are
+        sent as a punishment for irreligion. _Buchanan's Journey through
+        the Mysore_, vol. ii. p. 385.
+
+  [237] The inhabitants of Sumatra are, for superstitious reasons, most
+        unwilling to destroy tigers, though they commit frightful
+        ravages. _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, pp. 149, 254. The
+        Russian account of the Kamtschatkans says, 'besides the
+        above-mentioned gods, they pay a religious regard to several
+        animals from which they apprehend danger.' _Grieve's History of
+        Kamtschatka_, p. 205. Bruce mentions that in Abyssinia, hyaenas
+        are considered 'enchanters' and the inhabitants 'will not touch
+        the skin of a hyaena till it has been prayed over and exorcised by
+        a priest.' _Murray's Life of Bruce_, p. 472. Allied to this, is
+        the respect paid to bears (_Erman's Siberia_, vol. i. p. 492,
+        vol. ii. pp. 42, 43); also the extensively-diffused worship of
+        the serpent, whose wily movements are well calculated to inspire
+        fear, and therefore rouse the religious feelings. The danger
+        apprehended from noxious reptiles is connected with the Dews of
+        the Zendavesta. See _Matter's Histoire du Gnosticisme_, vol. i.
+        p. 380, Paris, 1828.
+
+It is in this way, that the old tropical civilizations had to struggle
+with innumerable difficulties unknown to the temperate zone, where
+European civilization has long flourished. The devastations of animals
+hostile to man, the ravages of hurricanes, tempests, earthquakes,[238]
+and similar perils, constantly pressed upon them, and affected the tone
+of their national character. For the mere loss of life was the smallest
+part of the inconvenience. The real mischief was, that there were
+engendered in the mind, associations which made the imagination
+predominate over the understanding; which infused into the people a
+spirit of reverence instead of a spirit of inquiry; and which encouraged
+a disposition to neglect the investigation of natural causes, and
+ascribe events to the operation of supernatural ones.
+
+  [238] To give one instance of the extent to which these operate, it may
+        be mentioned, that in 1815 an earthquake and volcanic eruption
+        broke forth in Sumbawa, which shook the ground 'through an area
+        of 1,000 miles in circumference,' and the detonations of which
+        were heard at a distance of 970 geographical miles. _Somerville's
+        Connexion of the Physical Sciences_, p. 283; _Hitchcock's
+        Religion of Geology_, p. 190; _Low's Sarawak_, p. 10; _Bakewell's
+        Geology_, p. 438.
+
+Everything we know of those countries proves how active this tendency
+must have been. With extremely few exceptions, health is more
+precarious, and disease more common, in tropical climates than in
+temperate ones. Now, it has been often observed, and indeed is very
+obvious, that the fear of death makes men more prone to seek
+supernatural aid than they would otherwise be. So complete is our
+ignorance respecting another life, that it is no wonder if even the
+stoutest heart should quail at the sudden approach of that dark and
+untried future. On this subject the reason is perfectly silent; the
+imagination, therefore, is uncontrolled. The operation of natural causes
+being brought to an end, supernatural causes are supposed to begin.
+Hence it is, that whatever increases in any country the amount of
+dangerous disease, has an immediate tendency to strengthen superstition,
+and aggrandize the imagination at the expense of the understanding. This
+principle is so universal, that, in every part of the world, the vulgar
+ascribe to the intervention of the Deity those diseases which are
+peculiarly fatal, and especially those which have a sudden and
+mysterious appearance. In Europe it used to be believed that every
+pestilence was a manifestation of the divine anger;[239] and this
+opinion, though it has long been dying away, is by no means extinct,
+even in the most civilized countries.[240] Superstition of this kind
+will of course be strongest, either where medical knowledge is most
+backward, or where disease is most abundant. In countries where both
+these conditions are fulfilled, the superstition is supreme; and even
+where only one of the conditions exists, the tendency is so
+irresistible, that, I believe, there are no barbarous people who do not
+ascribe to their good or evil deities, not only extraordinary diseases,
+but even many of the ordinary ones to which they are liable.[241]
+
+  [239] In the sixteenth century, 'Les differentes sectes s'accorderent
+        neanmoins a regarder les maladies graves et dangereuses comme un
+        effet immediat de la puissance divine; idee que Fernel contribua
+        encore a repandre davantage. On trouve dans Pare plusieurs
+        passages de la Bible, cites pour prouver que la colere de Dieu
+        est la seule cause de la peste, qu'elle suffit pour provoquer ce
+        fleau, et que sans elle les causes eloignees ne sauraient agir.'
+        _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. iii. p. 112. The same
+        learned writer says of the Middle Ages (vol. ii. p. 372),
+        'D'apres l'esprit generalement repandu dans ces siecles de
+        barbarie, on croyait la lepre envoyee d'une maniere immediate par
+        Dieu.' See also pp. 145, 346, 431. Bishop Heber says that the
+        Hindus deprive lepers of caste and of the right of possessing
+        property, because they are objects of 'Heaven's wrath.' _Heber's
+        Journey through India_, vol. ii. p. 330. On the Jewish opinion,
+        see _Le Clerc_, _Bibliotheque Universelle_, vol. iv. p. 402,
+        Amsterdam, 1702. And as to the early Christians, see _Maury_,
+        _Legendes Pieuses_, p. 68, Paris, 1843: though M. Maury ascribes
+        to 'les idees orientales recues par le christianisme,' what is
+        due to the operation of a much wider principle.
+
+  [240] Under the influence of the inductive philosophy, the theological
+        theory of disease was seriously weakened before the middle of the
+        seventeenth century; and by the middle, or at all events the
+        latter half, of the eighteenth century, it had lost all its
+        partisans among scientific men. At present it still lingers on
+        among the vulgar; and traces of it may be found in the writings
+        of the clergy, and in the works of other persons little
+        acquainted with physical knowledge. When the cholera broke out in
+        England, attempts were made to revive the old notion; but the
+        spirit of the age was too strong for such efforts to succeed; and
+        it may be safely predicted that men will never return to their
+        former opinions, unless they first return to their former
+        ignorance. As a specimen of the ideas which the cholera tended to
+        excite, and of their antagonism to all scientific investigation,
+        I may refer to a letter written in 1832 by Mrs. Grant, a woman of
+        some accomplishments, and not devoid of influence
+        (_Correspondence of Mrs. Grant_, London, 1844, vol. iii. pp. 216,
+        217), where she states that 'it appears to me great presumption
+        to indulge so much as people do in speculation and conjecture
+        about a disease so evidently a peculiar infliction, and different
+        from all other modes of suffering hitherto known.' This desire to
+        limit human speculation is precisely the feeling which long
+        retained Europe in darkness; since it effectually prevented those
+        free inquiries to which we are indebted for all the real
+        knowledge we possess. The doubts of Boyle upon this subject
+        supply a curious instance of the transitory state through which
+        the mind was passing in the seventeenth century, and by which the
+        way was prepared for the great liberating movement of the next
+        age. Boyle, after stating both sides of the question, namely, the
+        theological and the scientific, adds, 'and it is the less likely
+        that these sweeping and contagious maladies should be always sent
+        for the punishment of impious men, because I remember to have
+        read in good authors, that as some plagues destroyed both men and
+        beasts, so some other did peculiarly destroy brute animals of
+        very little consideration or use to men, as cats,' &c.
+
+        'Upon these and the like reasons, I have sometimes suspected that
+        in the controversy about the origin of the plague, namely,
+        whether it be natural or supernatural, neither of the contending
+        parties is altogether in the right; since it is very possible
+        that some pestilences may not break forth without an
+        extraordinary, though perhaps not immediate, interposition of
+        Almighty God, provoked by the sins of men; and yet other plagues
+        may be produced by a tragical concourse of merely natural
+        causes.' _Discourse on the Air_, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. iv. pp.
+        288, 289. '_Neither of the contending parties is altogether in
+        the right!_'--an instructive passage towards understanding the
+        compromising spirit of the seventeenth century; standing midway,
+        as it did, between the credulity of the sixteenth, and the
+        scepticism of the eighteenth.
+
+  [241] To the historian of the human mind, the whole question is so full
+        of interest, that I shall refer in this note to all the evidence
+        I have been able to collect: and whoever will compare the
+        following passages may satisfy himself that there is in every
+        part of the world an intimate relation between ignorance
+        respecting the nature and proper treatment of a disease, and the
+        belief that such disease is caused by supernatural power, and is
+        to be cured by it. _Burton's Sindh_, p. 146, London, 1851;
+        _Ellis's Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. p. 395, vol. iii. pp.
+        36, 41, vol. iv. pp. 293, 334, 375; _Cullen's Works_, Edinb.
+        1827, vol. ii. pp. 414, 434; _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_,
+        vol. i. pp. 274, 482; _Cabanis_, _Rapports du Physique et du
+        Moral_, p. 277; _Volney_, _Voyage en Syrie_, vol. i. p. 426;
+        _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p. 104; _Syme's Embassy to Ava_,
+        vol. ii. p. 211; _Ellis's Tour through Hawaii_, pp. 282, 283,
+        332, 333; _Renouard_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. i. p. 398;
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. i. pp. 261,
+        262; _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 485 (compare p. 251,
+        and vol. vi. p. 213); _Grieve's History of Kamtschatka_, p. 217;
+        _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. x. p. 10; _Buchanan's North
+        American Indians_, pp. 256, 257; _Halkett's North American
+        Indians_, pp. 36, 37, 388, 393, 394; _Catlin's North American
+        Indians_, vol. i. pp. 35-41; _Briggs on the Aboriginal Tribes of
+        India_, in _Report of Brit. Assoc. for 1850_, p. 172;
+        _Transactions of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. ii. p. 30; _Percival's
+        Ceylon_, p. 201; _Buchanan's Journey through the Mysore_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 27, 152, 286, 528, vol. iii. pp. 23, 188, 253 (so, too,
+        M. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire, _Anomalies de l'Organization_, vol.
+        iii. p. 380, says that when we were quite ignorant of the cause
+        of monstrous births, the phenomenon was ascribed to the
+        Deity,--'de la aussi l'intervention supposee de la divinite;' and
+        for an exact verification of this, compare _Burdach_, _Traite de
+        Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 247, with _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol.
+        xvi. p. 113); _Ellis's History of Madagascar_, vol. i. pp. 224,
+        225; _Prichard's Physical History_, vol. i. p. 207, vol. v. p.
+        492; _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iii. p. 230, vol. iv. p.
+        158; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii. pp. 29, 156, vol. iv. pp.
+        56, 58, 74, vol. xvi. pp. 215, 280; _Neander's History of the
+        Church_, vol. iii. p. 119; _Crawfurd's History of the Indian
+        Archipelago_, vol. i. p. 328; _Low's Sarawak_, pp. 174, 261;
+        _Cook's Voyages_, vol. i. p. 229; _Mariner's Tonga Islands_, vol.
+        i. pp. 194, 350-360, 374, 438, vol. ii. pp. 172, 230; _Huc's
+        Travels in Tartary and Thibet_, vol. i. pp. 74-77; _Richardson's
+        Travels in the Sahara_, vol. i. p. 27; _M'Culloh's Researches_,
+        p. 105; _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. i. p. 41, vol. iv. p. 260,
+        vol. xiv. p. 37. And in regard to Europe, compare _Spence_,
+        _Origin of the Laws of Europe_, p. 322; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 443; _Phillips on Scrofula_, p. 255;
+        _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. i. pp. 265, 266, which may be
+        illustrated by the 'sacred' disease of Cambyses, no doubt
+        epilepsy; see _Herodot._ lib. iii. chap. xxxiv. vol. ii. p. 63.
+
+Here, then, we have another specimen of the unfavourable influence,
+which, in the old civilizations, external phenomena exercised over the
+human mind. For those parts of Asia where the highest refinement was
+reached, are, from various physical causes, much more unhealthy than
+the most civilized parts of Europe.[242] This fact alone must have
+produced a considerable effect on the national character,[243] and the
+more so, as it was aided by those other circumstances which I have
+pointed out, all tending in the same direction. To this may be added,
+that the great plagues by which Europe has at different periods been
+scourged, have, for the most part, proceeded from the East, which is
+their natural birthplace, and where they are most fatal. Indeed, of
+those cruel diseases now existing in Europe, scarcely one is indigenous;
+and the worst of them were imported from tropical countries in and after
+the first century of the Christian era.[244]
+
+  [242] Heat, moisture, and consequent rapid decomposition of vegetable
+        matter, are certainly among the causes of this; and to them may
+        perhaps be added the electrical state of the atmosphere in the
+        tropics. Compare _Holland's Medical Notes_, p. 477; _M'William's
+        Medical Expedition to the Niger_, pp. 157, 185; _Simon's
+        Pathology_, p. 269; _Forry's Climate and its Endemic Influences_,
+        p. 158. M. Lepelletier says, rather vaguely (_Physiologie
+        Medicale_, vol. iv. p. 527), that the temperate zones are
+        'favorables a l'exercice complet et regulier des phenomenes
+        vitaux.'
+
+  [243] And must have strengthened the power of the clergy; for, as
+        Charlevoix says with great frankness, 'pestilences are the
+        harvests of the ministers of God.' _Southey's History of Brazil_,
+        vol. ii. p. 254.
+
+  [244] For evidence of the extra-European origin of European diseases,
+        some of which, such as the small-pox, have passed from epidemics
+        into endemics, compare _Encyclop. of the Medical Sciences_, 4to,
+        1847, p. 728; _Transactions of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. pp. 54,
+        55; _Michaelis on the Laws of Moses_, vol. iii. p. 313;
+        _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. ii. pp. 33, 195;
+        _Wallace's Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind_, pp. 81, 82;
+        _Huetiana_, Amst. 1723, pp. 132-135; _Sanders on the Small Pox_,
+        Edinb. 1813, pp. 3-4; _Wilks's Hist. of the South of India_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 16-21; _Clot-Bey de la Peste_, Paris, 1840, p. 227.
+
+Summing up these facts, it may be stated, that in the civilizations
+exterior to Europe, all nature conspired to increase the authority of
+the imaginative faculties, and weaken the authority of the reasoning
+ones. With the materials now existing, it would be possible to follow
+this vast law to its remotest consequences, and show how in Europe it is
+opposed by another law diametrically opposite, and by virtue of which
+the tendency of natural phenomena is, on the whole, to limit the
+imagination, and embolden the understanding: thus inspiring Man with
+confidence in his own resources, and facilitating the increase of his
+knowledge, by encouraging that bold, inquisitive, and scientific spirit,
+which is constantly advancing, and on which all future progress must
+depend.
+
+It is not to be supposed that I can trace in detail the way in which,
+owing to these peculiarities, the civilization of Europe has diverged
+from all others that preceded it. To do this, would require a learning
+and a reach of thought to which hardly any single man ought to pretend;
+since it is one thing to have a perception of a large and general truth,
+and it is another thing to follow out that truth in all its
+ramifications, and prove it by such evidence as will satisfy ordinary
+readers. Those, indeed, who are accustomed to speculations of this
+character, and are able to discern in the history of man something more
+than a mere relation of events, will at once understand that in these
+complicated subjects, the wider any generalization is, the greater will
+be the chance of apparent exceptions; and that when the theory covers a
+very large space, the exceptions may be innumerable, and yet the theory
+remain perfectly accurate. The two fundamental propositions which I
+hope to have demonstrated, are, 1st, That there are certain natural
+phenomena which act on the human mind by exciting the imagination; and
+2dly, That those phenomena are much more numerous out of Europe than in
+it. If these two propositions are admitted, it inevitably follows, that
+in those countries where the imagination has received the stimulus, some
+specific effects must have been produced; unless, indeed, the effects
+have been neutralized by other causes. Whether or not there have been
+antagonistic causes, is immaterial to the truth of the theory, which is
+based on the two propositions just stated. In a scientific point of
+view, therefore, the generalization is complete; and it would perhaps be
+prudent to leave it as it now stands, rather than attempt to confirm it
+by further illustrations, since all particular facts are liable to be
+erroneously stated, and are sure to be contradicted by those who dislike
+the conclusions they corroborate. But in order to familiarize the reader
+with the principles I have put forward, it does seem advisable that a
+few instances should be given of their actual working: and I will,
+therefore, briefly notice the effects they have produced in the three
+great divisions of Literature, Religion, and Art. In each of these
+departments, I will endeavour to indicate how the leading features have
+been affected by the Aspects of Nature; and with a view of simplifying
+the inquiry, I will take the two most conspicuous instances on each
+side, and compare the manifestations of the intellect of Greece with
+those of the intellect of India: these being the two countries
+respecting which the materials are most ample, and in which the physical
+contrasts are most striking.
+
+If, then, we look at the ancient literature of India, even during its
+best period, we shall find the most remarkable evidence of the
+uncontrolled ascendency of the imagination. In the first place, we have
+the striking fact that scarcely any attention has been paid to prose
+composition; all the best writers having devoted themselves to poetry,
+as being most congenial to the national habits of thought. Their works
+on grammar, on law, on history, on medicine, on mathematics, on
+geography, and on metaphysics, are nearly all poems, and are put
+together according to a regular system of versification.[245] The
+consequence is, that while prose writing is utterly despised, the art of
+poetry has been cultivated so assiduously, that the Sanscrit can boast
+of metres more numerous and more complicated than have ever been
+possessed by any of the European languages.[246]
+
+  [245] 'So verwandelt das geistige Leben des Hindu sich in wahre Poesie,
+        und das bezeichnende Merkmal seiner ganzen Bildung ist:
+        Herrschaft der Einbildungskraft ueber den Verstand; im geraden
+        Gegensatz mit der Bildung des Europaeers, deren allgemeiner
+        Charakter in der Herrschaft des Verstandes ueber die
+        Einbildungskraft besteht. Es wird dadurch begreiflich, dass die
+        Literatur der Hindus nur eine poetische ist; dass sie ueberreich
+        an Dichterwerken, aber arm am wissenschaftlichen Schriften sind;
+        dass ihre heiligen Schriften, ihre Gesetze und Sagen poetisch,
+        und groesstentheils in Versen geschrieben sind; ja dass Lehrbuecher
+        der Grammatik, der Heilkunde, der Mathematik und Erdbeschreibung
+        in Versen verfasst sind.' _Rhode_, _Religioese Bildung der
+        Hindus_, vol. ii. p. 626. Thus, too, we are told respecting one of
+        their most celebrated metaphysical systems, that 'the best text
+        of the Sanchya is a short treatise in verse.' _Colebrooke on the
+        Philosophy of the Hindus_, in _Transactions of Asiatic Society_,
+        vol. i. p. 23. And in another place the same high authority says
+        (_Asiatic Researches_, vol. x. p. 439), 'the metrical treatises
+        on law and other sciences are almost entirely composed in this
+        easy verse.' M. Klaproth, in an analysis of a Sanscrit history of
+        Cashmere, says, 'comme presque toutes les compositions hindoues,
+        il est ecrit en vers.' _Journal Asiatique_, I. serie, vol. vii.
+        p. 8, Paris, 1825. See also, in vol. vi. pp. 175, 176, the
+        remarks of M. Burnouf: 'Les philosophes indiens, comme s'ils ne
+        pouvaient echapper aux influences poetiques de leur climat,
+        traitent les questions de la metaphysique le plus abstraite par
+        similitudes et metaphores.' Compare vol. vi. p. 4, 'le genie
+        indien si poetique et si religieux;' and see _Cousin_, _Hist. de
+        la Philosophie_, II. serie, vol. i. p. 27.
+
+  [246] Mr. Yates says of the Hindus, that no other people have ever
+        'presented an equal variety of poetic compositions. The various
+        metres of Greece and Rome have filled Europe with astonishment;
+        but what are these, compared with the extensive range of Sanscrit
+        metres under its three classes of poetical writing?' _Yates on
+        Sanscrit Alliteration_, in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xx. p. 159,
+        Calcutta, 1836. See also on the Sanscrit metres, p. 321, and an
+        Essay by Colebrooke, vol. x. pp. 389-474. On the metrical system
+        of the Vedas, see Mr. Wilson's note in the _Rig Veda Sanhita_,
+        vol. ii. p. 135.
+
+This peculiarity in the form of Indian literature is accompanied by a
+corresponding peculiarity in its spirit. For it is no exaggeration to
+say, that in that literature every thing is calculated to set the reason
+of man at open defiance. An imagination, luxuriant even to disease, runs
+riot on every occasion. This is particularly seen in those productions
+which are most eminently national, such as the Ramayana, the Mahabharat,
+and the Puranas in general. But we also find it even in their
+geographical and chronological systems, which of all others might be
+supposed least liable to imaginative flights. A few examples of the
+statements put forward in the most authoritative books, will supply the
+means of instituting a comparison with the totally opposite condition of
+the European intellect, and will give the reader some idea of the extent
+to which credulity can proceed, even among a civilized people.[247]
+
+  [247] In Europe, as we shall see in the sixth chapter of this volume;
+        the credulity was at one time extraordinary; but the age was then
+        barbarous, and barbarism is always credulous. On the other hand,
+        the examples gathered from Indian literature will be taken from
+        the works of a lettered people, written in a language extremely
+        rich, and so highly polished, that some competent judges have
+        declared it equal, if not superior, to the Greek.
+
+Of all the various ways in which the imagination has distorted truth,
+there is none that has worked so much harm as an exaggerated respect for
+past ages. This reverence for antiquity is repugnant to every maxim of
+reason, and is merely the indulgence of a poetic sentiment in favour of
+the remote and unknown. It is, therefore, natural that, in periods when
+the intellect was comparatively speaking inert, this sentiment should
+have been far stronger than it now is; and there can be little doubt
+that it will continue to grow weaker, and that in the same proportion
+the feeling of progress will gain ground; so that veneration for the
+past will be succeeded by hope for the future. But formerly the
+veneration was supreme, and innumerable traces of it may be found in the
+literature and popular creed of every country. It is this, for instance,
+which inspired the poets with their notion of a golden age, in which
+the world was filled with peace, in which evil passions were stilled,
+and crimes were unknown. It is this, again, which gave to theologians
+their idea of the primitive virtue and simplicity of man, and of his
+subsequent fall from that high estate. And it is this same principle
+which diffused a belief that in the olden times, men were not only more
+virtuous and happy, but also physically superior in the structure of
+their bodies; and that by this means they attained to a larger stature,
+and lived to a greater age, than is possible for us, their feeble and
+degenerate descendants.
+
+Opinions of this kind, being adopted by the imagination in spite of the
+understanding, it follows that the strength of such opinions becomes, in
+any country, one of the standards by which we may estimate the
+predominance of the imaginative faculties. Applying this test to the
+literature of India, we shall find a striking confirmation of the
+conclusions already drawn. The marvellous feats of antiquity with which
+the Sanscrit books abound, are so long and so complicated, that it would
+occupy too much space to give even an outline of them; but there is one
+class of these singular fictions which is well worth attention, and
+admits of being briefly stated. I allude to the extraordinary age which
+man was supposed to have attained in former times. A belief in the
+longevity of the human race, at an early period of the world, was the
+natural product of those feelings which ascribed to the ancients an
+universal superiority over the moderns; and this we see exemplified in
+some of the Christian, and in many of the Hebrew writings. But the
+statements in these works are tame and insignificant when compared with
+what is preserved in the literature of India. On this, as on every
+subject, the imagination of the Hindus distanced all competition. Thus,
+among an immense number of similar facts, we find it recorded that in
+ancient times the duration of the life of common men was 80,000
+years,[248] and that holy men lived to be upwards of 100,000.[249] Some
+died a little sooner, others a little later; but in the most flourishing
+period of antiquity, if we take all classes together, 100,000 years was
+the average.[250] Of one king, whose name was Yudhishthir, it is
+casually mentioned that he reigned 27,000 years;[251] while another,
+called Alarka, reigned 66,000.[252] They were cut off in their prime,
+since there are several instances of the early poets living to be about
+half-a-million.[253] But the most remarkable case is that of a very
+shining character in Indian history, who united in his single person the
+functions of a king and a saint. This eminent man lived in a pure and
+virtuous age, and his days were, indeed, long in the land; since, when
+he was made king, he was two million years old: he then reigned
+6,300,000 years; having done which, he resigned his empire, and lingered
+on for 100,000 years more.[254]
+
+  [248] 'The limit of life was vol. xvi. p. 456, Calcutta, 1828. 80,000
+        years.' _Asiatic Researches_. This was likewise the estimate of
+        the Tibetan divines, according to whom men formerly 'parvenaient
+        a l'age de 80,000 ans.' _Journal Asiatique_, I. serie, vol. iii.
+        p. 199, Paris, 1823.
+
+  [249] 'Den Hindu macht dieser Widerspruch nicht verlegen, da er seine
+        Heiligen 100,000 Jahre und laenger leben laesst.' _Rhode_, _Relig.
+        Bildung der Hindus_, vol. i. p. 175.
+
+  [250] In the _Dabistan_, vol. ii. p. 47, it is stated of the earliest
+        inhabitants of the world, that 'the duration of human life in
+        this age extended to one hundred thousand common years.'
+
+  [251] Wilford (_Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. p. 242) says, 'When the
+        Puranics speak of the kings of ancient times, they are equally
+        extravagant. According to them, King Yudhishthir reigned
+        seven-and-twenty thousand years.'
+
+  [252] 'For sixty thousand and sixty hundred years no other youthful
+        monarch except Alarka reigned over the earth.' _Vishnu Purana_,
+        p. 408.
+
+  [253] And sometimes more. In the Essay on Indian Chronology in _Works of
+        Sir W. Jones_, vol. i. p. 325, we hear of 'a conversation between
+        Valmic and Vyasa, ... two bards whose ages were separated by a
+        period of 864,000 years.' This passage is also in _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. ii. p. 399.
+
+  [254] 'He was the first king, first anchoret, and first saint; and is
+        therefore entitled Prathama-Raja, Prathama Bhicshacara, Prathama
+        Jina, and Prathama Tirthancara. At the time of his inauguration
+        as king, his age was 2,000,000 years. He reigned 6,300,000 years,
+        and then resigned his empire to his sons: and having employed
+        100,000 years in passing through the several stages of austerity
+        and sanctity, departed from this world on the summit of a
+        mountain named Ashtapada.' _Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix. p. 305.
+
+The same boundless reverence for antiquity made the Hindus refer every
+thing important to the most distant periods; and they frequently assign
+a date which is absolutely bewildering.[255] Their great collection of
+laws, called the _Institutes of Menu_, is certainly less than 3,000
+years old; but the Indian chronologists, so far from being satisfied
+with this, ascribe to them an age that the sober European mind finds a
+difficulty even in conceiving. According to the best native authorities,
+these Institutes were revealed to man about two thousand million years
+before the present era.[256]
+
+  [255] 'Speculationen ueber Zahlen sind dem Inder so gelaeufig, dass selbst
+        die Sprache einen Ausdruck hat fuer eine Unitaet mit 63 Nullen,
+        naemlich Asanke, eben weil die Berechnung der Weltperioden diese
+        enorme Groessen nothwendig machte, denn jene einfachen 12,000
+        Jahre schienen einem Volke, welches so gerne die hoechstmoegliche
+        Potenz auf seine Gottheit uebertragen moegte, viel zu geringe zu
+        seyn.' _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. ii. p. 298.
+
+  [256] _Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 136, 'a period exceeding
+        4,320,000 multiplied by six times seventy-one.'
+
+All this is but a part of that love of the remote, that straining after
+the infinite, and that indifference to the present, which characterizes
+every branch of the Indian intellect. Not only in literature, but also
+in religion and in art, this tendency is supreme. To subjugate the
+understanding, and exalt the imagination, is the universal principle. In
+the dogmas of their theology, in the character of their gods, and even
+in the forms of their temples, we see how the sublime and threatening
+aspects of the external world have filled the mind of the people with
+those images of the grand and the terrible, which they strive to
+reproduce in a visible form, and to which they owe the leading
+peculiarities of their national culture.
+
+Our view of this vast process may be made clearer by comparing it with
+the opposite condition of Greece. In Greece, we see a country altogether
+the reverse of India. The works of nature, which in India are of
+startling magnitude, are in Greece far smaller, feebler, and in every
+way less threatening to man. In the great centre of Asiatic
+civilization, the energies of the human race are confined, and as it
+were intimidated, by the surrounding phenomena. Besides the dangers
+incidental to tropical climates, there are those noble mountains, which
+seem to touch the sky, and from whose sides are discharged mighty
+rivers, which no art can divert from their course, and which no bridge
+has ever been able to span. There, too, are impassable forests, whole
+countries lined with interminable jungle, and beyond them, again, dreary
+and boundless deserts; all teaching Man his own feebleness, and his
+inability to cope with natural forces. Without, and on either side,
+there are great seas, ravaged by tempests far more destructive than any
+known in Europe, and of such sudden violence, that it is impossible to
+guard against their effects. And, as if in those regions every thing
+combined to cramp the activity of Man, the whole line of coast, from the
+mouth of the Ganges to the extreme south of the peninsula, does not
+contain a single safe and capacious harbour, not one port that affords a
+refuge, which is perhaps more necessary there than in any other part of
+the world.[257]
+
+  [257] Symes (_Embassy to Ava_, vol. iii. p. 278) says: 'From the mouth
+        of the Ganges to Cape Comorin, the whole range of our continental
+        territory, there is not a single harbour capable of affording
+        shelter to a vessel of 500 tons burden.' Indeed, according to
+        Percival, there is with the exception of Bombay, no harbour,
+        'either on the Coromandel or Malabar coasts, in which ships can
+        moor in safety at all seasons of the year.' _Percival's Account
+        of Ceylon_, pp. 2, 15, 66.
+
+But in Greece, the aspects of nature are so entirely different, that the
+very conditions of existence are changed. Greece, like India, forms a
+peninsula; but while in the Asiatic country every thing is great and
+terrible, in the European country every thing is small and feeble. The
+whole of Greece occupies a space somewhat less than the kingdom of
+Portugal,[258] that is about a fortieth part of what is now called
+Hindustan.[259] Situated in the most accessible part of a narrow sea, it
+had easy contact on the east with Asia Minor, on the west with Italy, on
+the south with Egypt. Dangers of all kinds were far less numerous than
+in the tropical civilizations. The climate was more healthy;[260]
+earthquakes were less frequent; hurricanes were less disastrous;
+wild-beasts and noxious animals less abundant. In regard to the other
+great features, the same law prevails. The highest mountains in Greece
+are less than one-third of the Himalaya, so that nowhere do they reach
+the limit of perpetual snow.[261] As to rivers, not only is there
+nothing approaching those imposing volumes which are poured down from
+the mountains of Asia, but nature is so singularly sluggish, that
+neither in Northern nor in Southern Greece do we find any thing beyond a
+few streams, which are easily forded, and which, indeed, in the summer
+season, are frequently dried up.[262]
+
+  [258] 'Altogether its area is somewhat less than that of Portugal.'
+        _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 302; and the same remark
+        in _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 2, and in
+        _Heeren's Ancient Greece_, 1845, p. 16. M. Heeren says, 'But even
+        if we add all the islands, its square contents are a third less
+        than those of Portugal.'
+
+  [259] The area of Hindostan being, according to Mr. M'Culloch (_Geog.
+        Dict._ 1849, vol. i. p. 993), 'between 1,200,000 and 1,300,000
+        square miles.'
+
+  [260] In the best days of Greece, those alarming epidemics, by which the
+        country was subsequently ravaged, were comparatively little
+        known: see _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. iii. p. 134,
+        vol. viii. p. 471. This may be owing to large cosmical causes, or
+        to the simple fact, that the different forms of pestilence had
+        not yet been imported from the East by actual contact. On the
+        vague accounts we possess of the earlier plagues, see _Clot-Bey
+        de la Peste_, Paris, 1840. pp. 21, 46, 184. The relation even of
+        Thucydides is more satisfactory to scholars than to pathologists.
+
+  [261] 'Mount Guino, the highest point in Greece, and near its northern
+        boundary, is 8,239 feet high.... No mountain in Greece reaches
+        the limit of perpetual snow.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849,
+        vol. i. p. 924. Compare the table of mountains in Baker's Memoir
+        on North Greece, in _Journal of Geographical Society_, vol. vii.
+        p. 94, with _Bakewell's Geology_, pp. 621, 622.
+
+  [262] 'Greece has no navigable river.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ vol. i.
+        p. 924. 'Most of the rivers of Greece are torrents in early
+        spring, and dry before the end of the summer.' _Grote's History
+        of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 286.
+
+These striking differences in the material phenomena of the two
+countries gave rise to corresponding differences in their mental
+associations. For as all ideas must arise partly from what are called
+spontaneous operations in the mind, and partly from what is suggested to
+the mind by the external world, it was natural that so great an
+alteration in one of the causes should produce an alteration in the
+effects. The tendency of the surrounding phenomena was in India to
+inspire fear; in Greece to give confidence. In India Man was
+intimidated; in Greece he was encouraged. In India obstacles of every
+sort were so numerous, so alarming, and apparently so inexplicable, that
+the difficulties of life could only be solved by constantly appealing to
+the direct agency of supernatural causes. Those causes being beyond the
+province of the understanding, the resources of the imagination were
+incessantly occupied in studying them; the imagination itself was
+overworked, its activity became dangerous, it encroached on the
+understanding, and the equilibrium of the whole was destroyed. In Greece
+opposite circumstances were followed by opposite results. In Greece
+Nature was less dangerous, less intrusive, and less mysterious than in
+India. In Greece, therefore, the human mind was less appalled, and less
+superstitious; natural causes began to be studied; physical science
+first became possible; and Man, gradually waking to a sense of his own
+power, sought to investigate events with a boldness not to be expected
+in those other countries, where the pressure of Nature troubled his
+independence, and suggested ideas with which knowledge is incompatible.
+
+The effect of these habits of thought on the national religion must be
+very obvious to whoever has compared the popular creed of India with
+that of Greece. The mythology of India, like that of every tropical
+country, is based upon terror, and upon terror, too, of the most
+extravagant kind. Evidence of the universality of this feeling abounds
+in the sacred books of the Hindus, in their traditions, and even in the
+very form and appearance of their gods. And so deeply is all this
+impressed on the mind, that the most popular deities are invariably
+those with whom images of fear are most intimately associated. Thus, for
+example, the worship of Siva is more general than any other; and as to
+its antiquity, there is reason to believe that it was borrowed by the
+Brahmins from the original Indians.[263] At all events, it is very
+ancient, and very popular; and Siva himself forms, with Brahma and
+Vishnu, the celebrated Hindu Triad. We need not, therefore, be surprised
+that with this god are connected images of terror, such as nothing but a
+tropical imagination could conceive. Siva is represented to the Indian
+mind as a hideous being, encircled by a girdle of snakes, with a human
+skull in his hand, and wearing a necklace composed of human bones. He
+has three eyes; the ferocity of his temper is marked by his being
+clothed in a tiger's skin; he is represented as wandering about like a
+madman, and over his left shoulder the deadly cobra di capella rears its
+head. This monstrous creation of an awe-struck fancy has a wife Doorga,
+called sometimes Kali, and sometimes by other names.[264] She has a body
+of dark blue; while the palms of her hands are red, to indicate her
+insatiate appetite for blood. She has four arms, with one of which she
+carries the skull of a giant; her tongue protrudes, and hangs lollingly
+from her mouth; round her waist are the hands of her victims; and her
+neck is adorned with human heads strung together in a ghastly row.[265]
+
+  [263] See Stevenson on _The Anti-Brahmanical Religion of the Hindus_, in
+        _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. viii. pp. 331, 332, 336, 338.
+        Mr. Wilson (_Journal_, vol. iii. p. 204) says, 'The prevailing
+        form of the Hindu religion in the south of the peninsula was, at
+        the commencement of the Christian era, and some time before it
+        most probably, that of Siva.' See also vol. v. p. 85, where it is
+        stated that Siva 'is the only Hindu god to whom honour is done at
+        Ellora.' Compare _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 521;
+        _Heeren's Asiatic Nations_, 1846, vol. ii. pp. 62, 66. On the
+        philosophical relations between the followers of Siva and those
+        of Vishnu, see _Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iv.
+        pp. 334, 335; and the noticeable fact (_Buchanan's Mysore_, vol.
+        ii. p. 410), that even the Naimar caste, whose 'proper deity' is
+        Vishnu, 'wear on their foreheads the mark of Siva.' As to the
+        worship of Siva in the time of Alexander the Great, see
+        _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. vii. p. 36; and for further
+        evidence of its extent, _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_, vol. i. pp.
+        29, 147, 206, and _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. ii. pp. 50,
+        294.
+
+  [264] So it is generally stated by the Hindu theologians; but, according
+        to Rammohun Roy, Siva had two wives. See _Rammohun Roy on the
+        Veds_, p. 90.
+
+  [265] On these attributes and representations of Siva and Doorga, see
+        _Rhode_, _Religioese Bildung der Hindus_, vol. ii. p. 241;
+        _Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus_, pp. 63, 92; _Bohlen_, _das
+        alte Indien_, vol. i. p. 207; _Ward's Religion of the Hindoos_,
+        vol. i. pp. xxxvii. 27, 145; _Transac. of Society of Bombay_,
+        vol. i. pp. 215, 221. Compare the curious account of an image
+        supposed to represent Mahadeo, in _Journal Asiatique_, I. serie,
+        vol. i. p. 354, Paris, 1822.
+
+If we now turn to Greece, we find, even in the infancy of its religion,
+not the faintest trace of any thing approaching to this. For, in Greece,
+the causes of fear being less abundant, the expression of terror was
+less common. The Greeks, therefore, were by no means disposed to
+incorporate into their religion those feelings of dread natural to the
+Hindus. The tendency of Asiatic civilization was to widen the distance
+between men and their deities; the tendency of Greek civilization was to
+diminish it. Thus it is, that in Hindostan all the gods had something
+monstrous about them; as Vishnu with four hands, Brahma with five heads,
+and the like.[266] But the gods of Greece were always represented in
+forms entirely human.[267] In that country, no artist would have gained
+attention, if he had presumed to portray them in any other shape. He
+might make them stronger than men, he might make them more beautiful;
+but still they must be men. The analogy between God and Man, which
+excited the religious feelings of the Greeks, would have been fatal to
+those of the Hindus.
+
+  [266] _Ward on the Religion of the Hindoos_, vol. i. p. 35; _Transac. of
+        Society of Bombay_, vol. i. p. 223. Compare the gloss in the
+        _Dabistan_, vol. ii. p. 202.
+
+  [267] 'The Greek gods were formed like men, with greatly increased
+        powers and faculties, and acted as men would do if so
+        circumstanced, but with a dignity and energy suited to their
+        nearer approach to perfection. The Hindu gods, on the other hand,
+        though endued with human passions, have always something
+        monstrous in their appearance, and wild and capricious in their
+        conduct. They are of various colours, red, yellow, and blue; some
+        have twelve heads, and most have four hands. They are often
+        enraged without a cause, and reconciled without a motive.'
+        _Elphinstone's History of India_, pp. 96, 97. See also _Erskine
+        on the Temple of Elephanta_, in _Transac. of Society of Bombay_,
+        vol. i. p. 246; and the _Dabistan_, vol. i. p. cxi.
+
+This difference between the artistic expressions of the two religions
+was accompanied by an exactly similar difference between their
+theological traditions. In the Indian books, the imagination is
+exhausted in relating the feats of the gods; and the more obviously
+impossible any achievement is, the greater the pleasure with which it
+was ascribed to them. But the Greek gods had not only human forms, but
+also human attributes, human pursuits, and human tastes.[268] The men of
+Asia, to whom every object of nature was a source of awe, acquired such
+habits of reverence, that they never dared to assimilate their own
+actions with the actions of their deities. The men of Europe, encouraged
+by the safety and inertness of the material world, did not fear to
+strike a parallel, from which they would have shrunk had they lived amid
+the dangers of a tropical country. It is thus that the Greek divinities
+are so different from those of the Hindus, that in comparing them we
+seem to pass from one creation into another. The Greeks generalized
+their observations upon the human mind, and then applied them to the
+gods.[269] The coldness of women was figured in Diana; their beauty and
+sensuality in Venus; their pride in Juno; their accomplishments in
+Minerva. To the ordinary avocations of the gods the same principle was
+applied. Neptune was a sailor; Vulcan was a smith; Apollo was sometimes
+a fiddler, sometimes a poet, sometimes a keeper of oxen. As to Cupid, he
+was a wanton boy, who played with his bow and arrows; Jupiter was an
+amorous and good-natured king; while Mercury was indifferently
+represented either as a trustworthy messenger, or else as a common and
+notorious thief.
+
+  [268] 'In the material polytheism of other leading ancient nations, the
+        Egyptians, for example, the incarnation of the Deity was chiefly,
+        or exclusively, confined to animals, monsters, or other fanciful
+        emblems.... In Greece, on the other hand, it was an almost
+        necessary result of the spirit and grace with which the deities
+        were embodied in human forms, that they should also be burdened
+        with human interests and passions. Heaven, like earth, had its
+        courts and palaces, its trades and professions, its marriages,
+        intrigues, divorces.' _Mure's History of the Literature of
+        Ancient Greece_, vol. i. pp. 471, 472. So, too, Tennemann
+        (_Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. iii. p. 419): 'Diese Goetter
+        haben Menschengestalt.... Haben die Goetter aber nicht nur
+        menschliche Gestalt, sondern auch einen menschlichen Koerper, so
+        sind sie als Menschen auch denselben Unvollkommenheiten,
+        Krankheiten und dem Tode unterworfen; dieses streitet mit dem
+        Begriffe,' _i.e._ of Epicurus. Compare _Grote's History of
+        Greece_, vol. i. p. 596: 'The mythical age was peopled with a
+        mingled aggregate of gods, heroes, and men, so confounded
+        together, that it was often impossible to distinguish to which
+        class any individual name belonged.' See also the complaint of
+        Xenophanes, in _Mueller's Hist. of Lit. of Greece_, London, 1856,
+        p. 251.
+
+  [269] The same remark applies to beauty of form, which they first aimed
+        at in the statues of men, and then brought to bear upon the
+        statues of the gods. This is well put in Mr. Grote's important
+        work, _History of Greece_, vol. iv. pp. 133, 134, edit. 1847.
+
+Precisely the same tendency to approximate human forces towards
+superhuman ones, is displayed in another peculiarity of the Greek
+religion. I mean, that in Greece we for the first time meet with
+hero-worship, that is, the deification of mortals. According to the
+principles already laid down, this could not be expected in a tropical
+civilization, where the Aspects of Nature filled Man with a constant
+sense of his own incapacity. It is, therefore, natural that it should
+form no part of the ancient Indian religion;[270] neither was it known
+to the Egyptians,[271] nor to the Persians,[272] nor, so far as I am
+aware, to the Arabians.[273] But in Greece, Man being less humbled,
+and, as it were, less eclipsed, by the external world, thought more of
+his own powers, and human nature did not fall into that discredit in
+which it elsewhere sank. The consequence was, that the deification of
+mortals was a recognized part of the national religion at a very early
+period in the history of Greece;[274] and this has been found so natural
+to Europeans, that the same custom was afterwards renewed with eminent
+success by the Romish Church. Other circumstances, of a very different
+character, are gradually eradicating this form of idolatry; but its
+existence is worth observing, as one of the innumerable illustrations of
+the way in which European civilization has diverged from all those that
+preceded it.[275]
+
+  [270] 'But the worship of deified heroes is no part of that system.'
+        _Colebrooke on the Vedas_, in _Asiatic Researches_, vol. viii.
+        p. 495.
+
+  [271] _Mackay's Religious Development_, vol. ii. p. 53, Lond. 1850.
+        Compare _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. iv. pp. 148, 318;
+        and _Matter_, _Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. i. p. 2;
+        the 'culte des grands hommes,' which afterwards arose in
+        Alexandria (_Matter_, vol. i. p. 54), must have been owing to
+        Greek influence.
+
+  [272] There are no indications of it in the Zendavesta; and Herodotus
+        says, that the Persians were unlike the Greeks, in so far as they
+        disbelieved in a god having a human form; book i. chap. cxxxi.
+        vol. i. p. 308: [Greek: ouk anthropophyeas enomisan tous theous,
+        kataper hoi Hellenes einai].
+
+  [273] I am not acquainted with any evidence connecting this worship with
+        the old Arabian religion; and it was certainly most alien to the
+        spirit of Mohammedanism.
+
+  [274] _Mure's History of the Literature of Greece_, vol. i. pp. 28, 500,
+        vol. ii. p. 402: very good remarks on a subject handled
+        unsatisfactorily by Coleridge; _Literary Remains_, vol. i. p.
+        185. Thirlwall (_History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 207) admits that
+        'the views and feelings out of which it (the worship of heroes)
+        arose, seem to be clearly discernible in the Homeric poems.'
+        Compare _Cudworth's Intellectual System_, vol. ii. pp. 226, 372.
+        In the Cratylus, chap. xxxiii., Socrates is represented as
+        asking, [Greek: Ouk oistha hoti hemitheoi oi heroes]; _Platonis
+        Opera_, vol. iv. p. 227, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826. And in the
+        next century, Alexander obtained for his friend, Hephaestion, the
+        right of being 'worshipped as a hero' _Grote's History of
+        Greece_, vol. xii. p. 339.
+
+  [275] The adoration of the dead, and particularly the adoration of
+        martyrs, was one great point of opposition between the orthodox
+        church and the Manichaeans (_Beausobre_, _Histoire Critique de
+        Manichee_, vol. i. p. 316, vol. ii. pp. 651, 669); and it is easy
+        to understand how abhorrent such a practice must have been to the
+        Persian heretics.
+
+It is thus, that in Greece every thing tended to exalt the dignity of
+man, while in India every thing tended to depress it.[276] To sum up the
+whole, it may be said that the Greeks had more respect for human
+powers; the Hindus for superhuman. The first dealt more with the known
+and available; the other with the unknown and mysterious.[277] And by a
+parity of reasoning, the imagination, which the Hindus, being oppressed
+by the pomp and majesty of nature, never sought to control, lost its
+supremacy in the little peninsula of ancient Greece. In Greece, for the
+first time in the history of the world, the imagination was, in some
+degree, tempered and confined by the understanding. Not that its
+strength was impaired, or its vitality diminished. It was broken-in and
+tamed; its exuberance was checked, its follies were chastised. But that
+its energy remained, we have ample proof in those productions of the
+Greek mind which have survived to our own time. The gain, therefore, was
+complete; since the inquiring and sceptical faculties of the human
+understanding were cultivated, without destroying the reverential and
+poetic instincts of the imagination. Whether or not the balance was
+accurately adjusted, is another question; but it is certain that the
+adjustment was more nearly arrived at in Greece than in any previous
+civilization.[278] There can, I think, be little doubt that,
+notwithstanding what was effected, too much authority was left to the
+imaginative faculties, and that the purely reasoning ones did not
+receive, and never have received, sufficient attention. Still, this does
+not affect the great fact, that the Greek literature is the first in
+which this deficiency was somewhat remedied, and in which there was a
+deliberate and systematic attempt to test all opinions by their
+consonance with human reason, and thus vindicate the right of Man to
+judge for himself on matters which are of supreme and incalculable
+importance.
+
+  [276] M. Cousin, in his eloquent and ingenious work (_Histoire de la
+        Philosophie_, 3e serie, vol. i. pp. 183, 187), has some judicious
+        observations on what he calls 'l'epoque de l'infini' of the East,
+        contrasted with that 'du fini,' which began in Europe. But as to
+        the physical causes of this, he only admits the grandeur of
+        nature, overlooking those natural elements of mystery and of
+        danger by which religious sentiments were constantly excited.
+
+  [277] A learned orientalist says, that no people have made such efforts
+        as the Hindus 'to solve, exhaust, comprehend, what is insolvable,
+        inexhaustible, incomprehensible.' _Troyer's Preliminary Discourse
+        on the Dabistan_, vol. i. p. cviii.
+
+  [278] This is noticed by Tennemann, who, however, has not attempted to
+        ascertain the cause: 'Die Einbildungskraft des Griechen war
+        schoepferisch, sie schuf in seinem Innern neue Ideenwelten; aber
+        er wurde doch nie verleitet, die idealische Welt mit der
+        wirklichen zu verwechseln, weil sie immer mit einem richtigen
+        Verstande und gesunder Beurtheilungskraft verbunden war.'
+        _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 8; and vol. vi. p. 490,
+        he says, 'Bei allen diesen Maengeln und Fehlern sind doch die
+        Griechen die einzige Nation der alten Welt, welche Sinn fuer
+        Wissenschaft hatte, und zu diesem Behufe forschte. Sie haben doch
+        die Bahn gebrochen, und den Weg zur Wissenschaft geebnet.' To the
+        same effect, _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. i. p.
+        215. And on this difference between the Eastern and the European
+        mind, see _Matter_, _Histoire du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. pp. 18,
+        233, 234. So, too, Kant (_Logik_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. i. p.
+        350), 'Unter allen Voelkern haben also die Griechen erst
+        angefangen zu philosophiren. Denn sie haben zuerst versucht,
+        nicht an dem Leitfaden der Bilder die Vernunfterkenntnisse zu
+        cultiviren, sondern _in abstracto_; statt dass die anderen Voelker
+        sich die Begriffe immer nur durch Bilder _in concreto_
+        verstaendlich zu machen suchten.'
+
+I have selected India and Greece as the two terms of the preceding
+comparison, because our information respecting those countries is most
+extensive, and has been most carefully arranged. But every thing we know
+of the other tropical civilizations confirms the views I have advocated
+respecting the effects produced by the Aspects of Nature. In Central
+America extensive excavations have been made; and what has been brought
+to light proves that the national religion was, like that of India, a
+system of complete and unmitigated terror.[279] Neither there nor in
+Mexico, nor in Peru, nor in Egypt, did the people desire to represent
+their deities in human forms, or ascribe to them human attributes. Even
+their temples are huge buildings, often constructed with great skill,
+but showing an evident wish to impress the mind with fear, and offering
+a striking contrast to the lighter and smaller structures which the
+Greeks employed for religious purposes. Thus, even in the style of
+architecture do we see the same principle at work; the dangers of the
+tropical civilization being more suggestive of the infinite, while the
+safety of the European civilization was more suggestive of the finite.
+To follow out the consequences of this great antagonism, it would be
+necessary to indicate how the infinite, the imaginative, the synthetic,
+and the deductive, are all connected; and are opposed, on the other
+hand, by the finite, the sceptical, the analytic, and the inductive. A
+complete illustration of this would carry me beyond the plan of this
+Introduction and would perhaps exceed the resources of my own knowledge;
+and I must now leave to the candour of the reader what I am conscious is
+but an imperfect sketch, but what may, nevertheless, suggest to him
+materials for future thought, and, if I might indulge the hope, may open
+to historians a new field, by reminding them that every where the hand
+of Nature is upon us, and that the history of the human mind can only be
+understood by connecting with it the history and the aspects of the
+material universe.
+
+  [279] Thus, of one of the idols at Copan, 'The intention of the sculptor
+        seems to have been to excite terror.' _Stephens's Central
+        America_, vol. i. p. 152; at p. 159, 'The form of sculpture most
+        generally used was a death's head.' At Mayapan (vol. iii. p.
+        133), 'representations of human figures or animals with hideous
+        features and expressions, in producing which the skill of the
+        artist seems to have been expended;' and again, p. 412,
+        'unnatural and grotesque faces.'
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                            NOTE 36 to p. 61.
+
+As these views have a social and economical importance quite independent
+of their physiological value, I will endeavour, in this note, to fortify
+them still further, by showing that the connexion between carbonized
+food and the respiratory functions may be illustrated by a wider survey
+of the animal kingdom.
+
+The gland most universal among the different classes of animals is the
+liver;(a) and its principal business is to relieve the system of its
+superfluous carbon, which it accomplishes by secreting bile, a highly
+carbonized fluid.(b) Now, the connexion between this process and the
+respiratory functions is highly curious. For, if we take a general view
+of animal life, we shall find that the liver and lungs are nearly always
+compensatory; that is to say, when one organ is small and inert, the
+other is large and active. Thus, reptiles have feeble lungs, but a
+considerable liver;(c) and thus, too, in fishes, which have no lungs, in
+the ordinary sense of the word, the size of the liver is often
+enormous.(d) On the other hand, insects have a very large and
+complicated system of air tubes; but their liver is minute, and its
+functions are habitually sluggish.(e) If, instead of comparing the
+different classes of animals, we compare the different stages through
+which the same animal passes, we shall find further confirmation of this
+wide and striking principle. For the law holds good even before birth;
+since in the unborn infant the lungs have scarcely any activity, but
+there is an immense liver, which is full of energy and pours out bile in
+profusion.(f) And so invariable is this relation, that in man the liver
+is the first organ which is formed: it is preponderant during the whole
+period of f[oe]tal life; but it rapidly diminishes when, after birth,
+the lungs come into play, and a new scheme of compensation is
+established in the system.(g)
+
+  [a] 'The most constant gland in the animal kingdom is the liver.'
+      _Grant's Comp. Anat._ p. 576. See also _Beclard_, _Anat. Gen._ p.
+      18, and _Burdach_, _Traite de Physiol._ vol. ix. p. 580. Burdach
+      says, 'Il existe dans presque tout le regne animal;' and the latest
+      researches have detected the rudiments of a liver even in the
+      Entozoa and Rotifera. _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, 1855, p. 183,
+      and _Owen's Invertebrata_, 1855, p. 104.
+
+  [b] Until the analysis made by Demarcay in 1837, hardly any thing was
+      known of the composition of bile; but this accomplished chemist
+      ascertained that its essential constituent is choleate of soda, and
+      that the choleic acid contains nearly sixty-three per cent. of
+      carbon. Compare _Thomson's Animal Chemistry_, pp. 59, 60, 412, 602,
+      with _Simon's Chemistry_, vol. ii. pp. 17-21.
+
+  [c] 'The size of the liver and the quantity of the bile are not
+      proportionate to the quantity of the food and frequency of eating;
+      but inversely to the size and perfection of the lungs.... The
+      liver is proportionately larger in reptiles, which have lungs with
+      large cells incapable of rapidly decarbonizing the blood.' _Good's
+      Study of Medicine_, 1829, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See _Cuvier_, _Regne
+      Animal_, vol. ii. p. 2, on 'la petitesse des vaisseaux pulmonaires'
+      of reptiles.
+
+  [d] _Carus's Comparative Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 230; _Grant's Comp.
+      Anat._ pp. 385, 596; _Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom_, p. 646.
+
+  [e] Indeed it has been supposed by M. Gaede that the 'vaisseaux
+      biliares' of some insects were not 'secreteurs;' but this opinion
+      appears to be erroneous. See Latreille, in _Cuvier_, _Regne
+      Animal_, vol. iv. pp. 297, 298.
+
+  [f] 'La predominance du foie avant la naissance' is noticed by Bichat
+      (_Anatomie Generale_, vol. ii. p. 272), and by many other
+      physiologists; but Dr. Elliotson appears to have been one of the
+      first to understand a fact, the explanation of which we might
+      vainly seek for in the earlier writers. 'The hypothesis, that one
+      great use of the liver was, like that of the lungs, to remove
+      carbon from the system, with this difference, that the alteration
+      of the capacity of the air caused a reception of caloric into the
+      blood, in the case of the lungs, while the hepatic excretion takes
+      place without introduction of caloric, was, I recollect, a great
+      favourite with me when a student.... The Heidelberg professors
+      have adduced many arguments to the same effect. In the f[oe]tus,
+      for whose temperature the mother's heat must be sufficient, the
+      lungs perform no function; but the liver is of great size, and bile
+      is secreted abundantly, so that the meconium accumulates
+      considerably during the latter months of pregnancy.' _Elliotson's
+      Human Physiology_, 1840, p. 102. In _Lepelletier's Physiologie
+      Medicale_, vol. i. p. 466, vol. ii. pp. 14, 546, 550, all this is
+      sadly confused.
+
+  [g] 'The liver is the first-formed organ in the embryo. It is
+      developed from the alimentary canal, and at about the third week
+      fills the whole abdomen, and is one-half the weight of the entire
+      embryo.... At birth it is of very large size, and occupies the
+      whole upper part of the abdomen.... The liver diminishes rapidly
+      after birth, probably from obliteration of the umbilical vein.'
+      _Wilson's Human Anatomy_, 1851, p. 638. Compare _Burdach's
+      Physiologie_, vol. iv. p. 447, where it is said of the liver in
+      childhood, 'Cet organe croit avec lenteur, surtout comparativement
+      aux poumons; le rapport de ceux-ci au foie etant a peu pres de 1:3
+      avant la respiration, il etait de 1:1.86 apres l'etablissement de
+      cette derniere fonction.' See also p. 91, and vol. iii. p. 483; and
+      on the predominance of the liver in f[oe]tal life, see the remarks
+      of Serres (_Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de l'Organisation_,
+      vol. ii. p. 11), whose generalization is perhaps a little
+      premature.
+
+These facts, interesting to the philosophic physiologist, are of great
+moment in reference to the doctrines advocated in this chapter. Inasmuch
+as the liver and lungs are compensatory in the history of their
+organization, it is highly probable that they are also compensatory in
+the functions they perform; and that what is left undone by one will
+have to be accomplished by the other. The liver, therefore, fulfilling
+the duty, as chemistry teaches us, of decarbonizing the system by
+secreting a carbonized fluid, we should expect, even in the absence of
+any further evidence, that the lungs would be likewise decarbonizing; in
+other words, we should expect that if, from any cause, we are surcharged
+with carbon, our lungs must assist in remedying the evil. This brings
+us, by another road, to the conclusion that highly carbonized food has a
+tendency to tax the lungs; so that the connexion between a carbonized
+diet and the respiratory functions, instead of being, as some assert, a
+crude hypothesis, is an eminently scientific theory, and is corroborated
+not only by chemistry, but by the general scheme of the animal kingdom,
+and even by the observation of embryological phenomena. The views of
+Liebig, and of his followers, are indeed supported by so many analogies,
+and harmonize so well with other parts of our knowledge, that nothing
+but a perverse hatred of generalization, or an incapacity for dealing
+with large speculative truths, can explain the hostility directed
+against conclusions which have been gradually forcing themselves upon us
+since Lavoisier, seventy years ago, attempted to explain the respiratory
+functions by subjecting them to the laws of chemical combination.
+
+In this, and previous notes (see in particular notes 30, 31, 35), I have
+considered the connexion between food respiration, and animal heat, at a
+length which will appear tedious to readers uninterested in
+physiological pursuits; but the investigation has become necessary, on
+account of the difficulties raised by experimenters, who, not having
+studied the subject comprehensively, object to certain parts of it. To
+mention what, from the ability and reputation of the author, is a
+conspicuous instance of this, Sir Benjamin Brodie has recently published
+a volume (_Physiological Researches_, 1851) containing some ingeniously
+contrived experiments on dogs and rabbits, to prove that heat is
+generated rather by the nervous system than by the respiratory organs.
+Without following this eminent surgeon into all its details, I may be
+permitted to observe, 1st, That, as a mere matter of history, no great
+physiological truth has ever yet been discovered, nor has any great
+physiological fallacy been destroyed, by such limited experiments on a
+single class of animals; and this is partly because in physiology a
+crucial instance is impracticable, owing to the fact that we deal with
+resisting and living bodies, and partly because every experiment
+produces an abnormal condition, and thus lets in fresh causes, the
+operation of which is incalculable; unless, as often happens in the
+inorganic world, we can control the whole phenomenon. 2nd, That the
+other department of the organic world, namely, the vegetable kingdom,
+has, so far as we are aware, no nervous system, but nevertheless
+possesses heat; and we moreover know that the heat is a product of
+oxygen and carbon (see note 32 to chapter ii.). 3d, That the evidence of
+travellers respecting the different sorts of food, and the different
+quantities of food, used in hot countries and in cold ones, is
+explicable by the respiratory and chemical theories of the origin of
+animal heat, but is inexplicable by the theory of the nervous origin of
+heat.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+  EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOR DISCOVERING
+                              MENTAL LAWS.
+
+
+The evidence that I have collected seems to establish two leading facts,
+which, unless they can be impugned, are the necessary basis of universal
+history. The first fact is, that in the civilizations out of Europe, the
+powers of nature have been far greater than in those in Europe. The
+second fact is, that those powers have worked immense mischief; and that
+while one division of them has caused an unequal distribution of wealth,
+another division of them has caused an unequal distribution of thought,
+by concentrating attention upon subjects which inflame the imagination.
+So far as the experience of the past can guide us, we may say, that in
+all the extra European civilizations, these obstacles are insuperable:
+certainly no nation has ever yet overcome them. But Europe, being
+constructed upon a smaller plan than the other quarters of the
+world--being also in a colder region, having a less exuberant soil, a
+less imposing aspect, and displaying in all her physical phenomena much
+greater feebleness--it was easier for Man to discard the superstitions
+which Nature suggested to his imagination; and it was also easier for
+him to effect, not, indeed, a just division of wealth, but something
+nearer to it, than was practicable in the older countries.
+
+Hence it is that, looking at the history of the world as a whole, the
+tendency has been, in Europe, to subordinate nature to man; out of
+Europe, to subordinate man to nature. To this there are, in barbarous
+countries, several exceptions; but in civilized countries the rule has
+been universal. The great division, therefore, between European
+civilization and non-European civilization, is the basis of the
+philosophy of history, since it suggests the important consideration,
+that if we would understand, for instance, the history of India, we must
+make the external world our first study, because it has influenced man
+more than man has influenced it. If, on the other hand, we would
+understand the history of a country like France or England, we must make
+man our principal study, because nature being comparatively weak, every
+step in the great progress has increased the dominion of the human mind
+over the agencies of the external world. Even in those countries where
+the power of man has reached the highest point, the pressure of nature
+is still immense; but it diminishes in each succeeding generation,
+because our increasing knowledge enables us not so much to control
+nature as to foretell her movements, and thus obviate many of the evils
+she would otherwise occasion. How successful our efforts have been, is
+evident from the fact, that the average duration of life constantly
+becomes longer, and the number of inevitable dangers fewer; and what
+makes this the more remarkable is, that the curiosity of men is keener,
+and their contact with each other closer, than in any former period; so
+that while apparent hazards are multiplied, we find from experience that
+real hazards are, on the whole, diminished.[280]
+
+  [280] This diminution of casualties is undoubtedly one cause, though a
+        slight one, of the increased duration of life; but the most
+        active cause is a general improvement in the physical condition
+        of man: see _Sir B. Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_,
+        p. 212; and for proof that civilized men are stronger than
+        uncivilized ones, see _Quetelet_, _sur l'Homme_, vol. ii. pp. 67,
+        272; _Lawrence's Lectures on Man_, pp. 275, 276; _Ellis's
+        Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. p. 98; _Whately's Lectures on
+        Political Economy_, 8vo. 1831, p. 59; _Journal of the Statistical
+        Society_, vol. xvii. pp. 32, 33; _Dufau_, _Traite de
+        Statistique_, p. 107; _Hawkins's Medical Statistics_, p. 232.
+
+If, therefore, we take the largest possible view of the history of
+Europe, and confine ourselves entirely to the primary cause of its
+superiority over other parts of the world, we must resolve it into the
+encroachment of the mind of man upon the organic and inorganic forces
+of nature. To this all other causes are subordinate.[281] For we have
+seen that wherever the powers of nature reached a certain height, the
+national civilization was irregularly developed, and the advance of the
+civilization stopped. The first essential was, to limit the interference
+of these physical phenomena; and that was most likely to be accomplished
+where the phenomena were feeblest and least imposing. This was the case
+with Europe; it is accordingly in Europe alone, that man has really
+succeeded in taming the energies of nature, bending them to his own
+will, turning them aside from their ordinary course, and compelling them
+to minister to his happiness, and subserve the general purposes of human
+life.
+
+  [281] The general social consequences of this I shall hereafter
+        consider; but the mere economical consequences are well expressed
+        by Mr. Mill: 'Of the features which characterize this progressive
+        economical movement of civilized nations, that which first
+        excites attention, through its intimate connexion with the
+        phenomena of Production, is the perpetual, and, so far as human
+        foresight can extend, the unlimited, growth of man's power over
+        nature. Our knowledge of the properties and laws of physical
+        objects shows no sign of approaching its ultimate boundaries; it
+        is advancing more rapidly, and in a greater number of directions
+        at once, than in any previous age or generation, and affording
+        such frequent glimpses of unexplored fields beyond, as to justify
+        the belief that our acquaintance with nature is still almost in
+        its infancy.' _Mill's Principles of Polit. Economy_, vol. ii. pp.
+        246-7.
+
+All around us are the traces of this glorious and successful struggle.
+Indeed, it seems as if in Europe there was nothing man feared to
+attempt. The invasions of the sea repelled, and whole provinces, as in
+the case of Holland, rescued from its grasp, mountains cut through and
+turned into level roads; soils of the most obstinate sterility becoming
+exuberant, from the mere advance of chemical knowledge; while, in regard
+to electric phenomena, we see the subtlest, the most rapid, and the most
+mysterious of all forces, made the medium of thought, and obeying even
+the most capricious behests of the human mind.
+
+In other instances, where the products of the external world have been
+refractory, man has succeeded in destroying what he could hardly hope to
+subjugate. The most cruel diseases, such as the plague, properly so
+called, and the leprosy of the Middle Ages,[282] have entirely
+disappeared from the civilized parts of Europe; and it is scarcely
+possible that they should ever again be seen there. Wild beasts and
+birds of prey have been extirpated, and are no longer allowed to infest
+the haunts of civilised men. Those frightful famines, by which Europe
+used to be ravaged several times in every century,[283] have ceased; and
+so successfully have we grappled with them, that there is not the
+slightest fear of their ever returning with any thing like their former
+severity. Indeed, our resources are now so great, that we could at
+worst, only suffer from a slight and temporary scarcity: since, in the
+present state of knowledge, the evil would be met at the outset by
+remedies which chemical science could easily suggest.[284]
+
+  [282] What this horrible disease once was, may be estimated from the
+        fact, 'qu'au treizieme siecle on comptait en France seulement,
+        deux mille leproseries, et que l'Europe entiere renfermait
+        environ dix-neuf mille etablissemens semblables.' _Sprengel_,
+        _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 374. As to the mortality
+        caused by the plague, see _Clot-Bey_, _de la Peste_, Paris, 1840,
+        pp. 62, 63, 185, 292.
+
+  [283] For a curious list of famines, see an essay by Mr. Farr, in
+        _Journal of the Statistical Society_, vol. ix. pp. 159-163. He
+        says, that in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries,
+        the average was, in England, one famine every fourteen years.
+
+  [284] In the opinion of one of the highest living authorities, famine
+        is, even in the present state of chemistry, 'next to impossible.'
+        _Herschel's Discourse on Natural Philosophy_, p. 65. Cuvier
+        (_Recueil des Eloges_, vol. i. p. 10) says that we have succeeded
+        'a rendre toute famine impossible.' See also _Godwin on
+        Population_, p. 500; and for a purely economical argument to
+        prove the impossibility of famine, see _Mill's Principles of
+        Political Economy_, vol. ii. p. 258; and compare a note in
+        _Ricardo's Works_, p. 191. The Irish famine may seem an
+        exception: but it could have been easily baffled except for the
+        poverty of the people, which frustrated our efforts to reduce it
+        to a dearth.
+
+It is hardly necessary to notice how, in numerous other instances, the
+progress of European civilization has been marked by the diminished
+influence of the external world: I mean, of course, those peculiarities
+of the external world which have an existence independent of the wishes
+of man, and were not created by him. The most advanced nations do, in
+their present state, owe comparatively little to those original features
+of nature which, in every civilization out of Europe, exercised
+unlimited power. Thus, in Asia and elsewhere, the course of trade, the
+extent of commerce, and many similar circumstances, were determined by
+the existence of rivers, by the facility with which they could be
+navigated, and by the number and goodness of the adjoining harbours.
+But, in Europe, the determining cause is, not so much these physical
+peculiarities, as the skill and energy of man. Formerly the richest
+countries were those in which nature was most bountiful; now the richest
+countries are those in which man is most active. For, in our age of the
+world, if nature is parsimonious, we know how to compensate her
+deficiencies. If a river is difficult to navigate, or a country
+difficult to traverse, our engineers can correct the error, and remedy
+the evil. If we have no rivers, we make canals; if we have no natural
+harbours, we make artificial ones. And so marked is this tendency to
+impair the authority of natural phenomena, that it is seen even in the
+distribution of the people, since, in the most civilized parts of
+Europe, the population of the towns is everywhere outstripping that of
+the country; and it is evident that the more men congregate in great
+cities, the more they will become accustomed to draw their materials of
+thought from the business of human life, and the less attention they
+will pay to those peculiarities of nature, which are the fertile source
+of superstition, and by which, in every civilization out of Europe, the
+progress of man was arrested.
+
+From these facts it may be fairly inferred, that the advance of European
+civilization is characterized by a diminishing influence of physical
+laws, and an increasing influence of mental laws. The complete proof of
+this generalization can be collected only from history; and therefore I
+must reserve a large share of the evidence on which it is founded for
+the future volumes of this work. But that the proposition is
+fundamentally true must be admitted by whoever, in addition to the
+arguments just adduced, will concede two premiss is, neither of which
+seem susceptible of much dispute. The first premiss is, that we are in
+possession of no evidence that the powers of nature have ever been
+permanently increased; and that we have no reason to expect that any
+such increase can take place. The other premiss is, that we have
+abundant evidence that the resources of the human mind have become more
+powerful, more numerous, and more able to grapple with the difficulties
+of the external world; because every fresh accession to our knowledge
+supplies fresh means with which we can either control the operations of
+nature, or, failing in that, can foresee the consequences, and thus
+avoid what it is impossible to prevent; in both instances, diminishing
+the pressure exercised on us by external agents.
+
+If these premisses are admitted, we are led to a conclusion which is of
+great value for the purpose of this Introduction. For, if the measure of
+civilization is the triumph of the mind over external agents, it becomes
+clear, that of the two classes of laws which regulate the progress of
+mankind, the mental class is more important than the physical. This,
+indeed, is assumed by one school of thinkers as a matter of course,
+though I am not aware that its demonstration has been hitherto attempted
+by any thing even approaching an exhaustive analysis. The question,
+however, as to the originality of my arguments, is one of very trifling
+moment; but what we have to notice is, that in the present stage of our
+inquiry, the problem with which we started has become simplified, and a
+discovery of the laws of European history is resolved, in the first
+instance, into a discovery of the laws of the human mind. These mental
+laws, when ascertained, will be the ultimate basis of the history of
+Europe; the physical laws will be treated as of minor importance, and as
+merely giving rise to disturbances, the force and the frequency of which
+have, during several centuries, perceptibly diminished.
+
+If we now inquire into the means of discovering the laws of the human
+mind, the metaphysicians are ready with an answer; and they refer us to
+their own labours as supplying a satisfactory solution. It therefore
+becomes necessary to ascertain the value of their researches, to measure
+the extent of their resources, and, above all, to test the validity of
+that method which they always follow, and by which alone, as they
+assert, great truths can be elicited.
+
+The metaphysical method, though necessarily branching into two
+divisions, is, in its origin, always the same, and consists in each
+observer studying the operations of his own mind.[285] This is the
+direct opposite of the historical method; the metaphysician studying one
+mind, the historian studying many minds. Now, the first remark to make
+on this is, that the metaphysical method is one by which no discovery
+has ever yet been made in any branch of knowledge. Every thing we at
+present know has been ascertained by studying phenomena, from which all
+casual disturbances having been removed, the law remains as a
+conspicuous residue.[286] And this can only be done by observations so
+numerous as to eliminate the disturbances, or else by experiments so
+delicate as to isolate the phenomena. One of these conditions is
+essential to all inductive science; but neither of them does the
+metaphysician obey. To isolate the phenomenon is for him an
+impossibility; since no man, into whatever state of reverie he may be
+thrown, can entirely cut himself off from the influence of external
+events, which must produce an effect on his mind, even when he is
+unconscious of their presence. As to the other condition, it is by the
+metaphysician set at open defiance; for his whole system is based on the
+supposition that, by studying a single mind, he can get the laws of all
+minds; so that while he, on the one hand, is unable to isolate his
+observations from disturbances, he, on the other hand, refuses to adopt
+the only remaining precaution--he refuses so to enlarge his survey as to
+eliminate the disturbances by which his observations are troubled.[287]
+
+  [285] 'As the metaphysician carries within himself the materials of his
+        reasoning, he is not under a necessity of looking abroad for
+        subjects of speculation or amusement.' _Stewart's Philosophy of
+        the Mind_, vol. i. p. 462; and the same remark, almost literally
+        repeated, at vol. iii. p. 260. Locke makes what passes in each
+        man's mind the sole source of metaphysics, and the sole test of
+        their truth. _Essay concerning Human Understanding_, in _Locke's
+        Works_, vol. i. pp. 18, 76, 79, 121, 146, 152, 287, vol. ii. pp.
+        141, 243.
+
+  [286] The deductive sciences form, of course, an exception to this; but
+        the whole theory of metaphysics is founded on its inductive
+        character, and on the supposition that it consists of generalized
+        observations, and that from them alone the science of mind can be
+        raised.
+
+  [287] These remarks are only applicable to those who follow the purely
+        metaphysical method of investigation. There is, however, a very
+        small number of metaphysicians, among whom M. Cousin is the most
+        eminent in France, in whose works we find larger views, and an
+        attempt to connect historical inquiries with metaphysical ones;
+        thus recognizing the necessity of verifying their original
+        speculations. To this method there can be no objection, provided
+        the metaphysical conclusions are merely regarded as hypothesis,
+        which require verification to raise them to theories. But,
+        instead of this cautious proceeding, the almost invariable plan
+        is, to treat the hypothesis as if it were a theory already
+        proved, and as if there remained nothing to do but to give
+        historical illustrations of truths established by the
+        psychologist. This confusion between illustration and
+        verification appears to be the universal failing of those who,
+        like Vico and Fichte, speculate upon historical phenomena _a
+        priori_.
+
+This is the first and fundamental objection to which metaphysicians are
+exposed, even on the threshold of their science. But if we penetrate a
+little deeper, we shall meet with another circumstance, which, though
+less obvious, is equally decisive. After the metaphysician has taken for
+granted that, by studying one mind, he can discover the laws of all
+minds, he finds himself involved in a singular difficulty as soon as he
+begins to apply even this imperfect method. The difficulty to which I
+allude is one which, not being met with in any other pursuit, seems to
+have escaped the attention of those who are unacquainted with
+metaphysical controversies. To understand, therefore, its nature, it is
+requisite to give a short account of those two great schools, to one of
+which all metaphysicians must necessarily belong.
+
+In investigating the nature of the human mind, according to the
+metaphysical scheme, there are two methods of proceeding, both of which
+are equally obvious, and yet both of which lead to entirely different
+results. According to the first method, the inquirer begins by examining
+his sensations. According to the other method, he begins by examining
+his ideas. These two methods always have led, and always must lead, to
+conclusions diametrically opposed to each other. Nor are the reasons of
+this difficult to understand. In metaphysics, the mind is the instrument
+as well as the material on which the instrument is employed. The means
+by which the science must be worked out, being thus the same as the
+object upon which it works, there arises a difficulty of a very peculiar
+kind. This difficulty is, the impossibility of taking a comprehensive
+view of the whole of the mental phenomena; because, however extensive
+such a view may be, it must exclude the state of the mind by which, or
+in which, the view itself is taken. Hence we may perceive what, I think,
+is a fundamental difference between physical and metaphysical inquiries.
+In physics, there are several methods of proceeding, all of which lead
+to the same results. But in metaphysics, it will invariably be found,
+that if two men of equal ability, and equal honesty, employ different
+methods in the study of the mind, the conclusions which they obtain will
+also be different. To those who are unversed in these matters, a few
+illustrations will set this in a clearer light. Metaphysicians who begin
+by the study of ideas observe in their own minds an idea of space.
+Whence, they ask, can this arise? It cannot, they say, owe its origin to
+the senses, because the senses only supply what is finite and
+contingent; whereas the idea of space is infinite and necessary.[288] It
+is infinite, since we cannot conceive that space has an end; and it is
+necessary, since we cannot conceive the possibility of its
+non-existence. Thus far the idealist. But the sensualist, as he is
+called,[289]--he who begins, not with ideas, but with sensations,
+arrives at a very different conclusion. He remarks that we can have no
+idea of space until we have first had an idea of objects; and that the
+ideas of objects can only be the results of the sensations which those
+objects excite. As to the idea of space being necessary, this, he says,
+only results from the circumstance that we never can perceive an object
+which does not bear a certain position to some other object. This forms
+an indissoluble association between the idea of position and the idea of
+an object; and as this association is constantly repeated before us, we
+at length find ourselves unable to conceive an object without position,
+or, in other words, without space.[290] As to space being infinite,
+this, he says, is a notion we get by conceiving a continual addition to
+lines, or to surfaces, or to bulk, which are the three modifications of
+extension.[291] On innumerable other points we find the same discrepancy
+between the two schools. The idealist,[292] for example, asserts that
+our notions of cause, of time, of personal identity, and of substance,
+are universal and necessary; that they are simple; and that not being
+susceptible of analysis, they must be referred to the original
+constitution of the mind.[293] On the other hand, the sensationalist, so
+far from recognizing the simplicity of these ideas, considers them to be
+extremely complex, and looks upon their universality and necessity as
+merely the result of a frequent and intimate association.[294]
+
+  [288] Compare _Stewart's Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 194, with
+        _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, II. serie, vol. ii. p. 92.
+        Among the Indian metaphysicians, there was a sect which declared
+        space to be the cause of all things. _Journal of Asiatic Soc._
+        vol. vi. pp. 268, 290. See also the _Dabistan_, vol. ii. p. 40,
+        which, however, was contrary to the Vedas. _Rammohun Roy on the
+        Veds_, 1832, pp. 8, 111. In Spain, the doctrine of the infinity
+        of space is heretical. _Doblado's Letters_, p. 96; which should
+        be compared with the objection of Irenaeus against the
+        Valentinians, in _Beausobre_, _Histoire de Manichee_, vol. ii. p.
+        275. For the different theories of space, I may, moreover, refer
+        to _Ritter's Hist. of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 451, 473,
+        477, vol. ii. p. 314, vol. iii. pp. 195-204; _Cudworth's
+        Intellectual System_, vol. i. p. 191, vol. iii. pp. 230, 472;
+        _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 23,
+        62, 81, 120, 139, 147, 256, 334, 347; _Tennemann_, _Geschichte
+        der Philosophie_, vol. i. p. 109, vol. ii. p. 303, vol. iii. pp.
+        130-137, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v. pp. 384-387, vol. vi. p. 99,
+        vol. viii. pp. 87, 88, 683, vol. ix. pp. 257, 355, 410, vol. x.
+        p. 79, vol. xi. pp. 195, 385-389.
+
+  [289] This is the title conferred by M. Cousin upon nearly all the
+        greatest English metaphysicians, and upon Condillac and all his
+        disciples in France, their system having 'le nom merite de
+        sensualisme.' _Cousin_, _Histoire de la Philosophie_, II. serie,
+        vol. ii. p. 88. The same name is given to the same school, in
+        _Feuchtersleben's Medical Psychology_, p. 52, and in _Renouard's
+        Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. i. p. 346, vol. ii. p. 368. In
+        _Jobert's New System of Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 334, 8vo. 1849,
+        it is called 'sensationalism,' which seems a preferable
+        expression.
+
+  [290] This is very ably argued by Mr. James Mill in his _Analysis of the
+        Phenomena of the Human Mind_, vol. ii. pp. 32, 93-95, and
+        elsewhere. Compare _Essay concerning Human Understanding_, in
+        _Locke's Works_, vol. i. pp. 147, 148, 154, 157, and the
+        ingenious distinction, p. 198, 'between the idea of the infinity
+        of space, and the idea of a space infinite.' At p. 208, Locke
+        sarcastically says, 'But yet, after all this, there being men who
+        persuade themselves that they have clear, positive, comprehensive
+        ideas of infinity, it is fit they enjoy their privilege; and I
+        should be very glad (with some others that I know, who
+        acknowledge they have none such) to be better informed by their
+        communication.'
+
+  [291] _Mill's Analysis of the Mind_, vol. ii. pp. 96, 97. See also the
+        _Examination of Malebranche_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. viii. pp.
+        248, 249; and _Mueller's Elements of Physiology_, vol. ii. p.
+        1081, which should be compared with _Comte_, _Philosophie
+        Positive_, vol. i. p. 354.
+
+  [292] I speak of idealists in opposition to sensationalists; though the
+        word idealist is often used by metaphysicians in a very different
+        sense. On the different kinds of idealism, see _Kritik der reinen
+        Vernunft_, and _Prolegomena zu jeder kuenftigen Metaphysik_, in
+        _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 223, 389, vol. iii. pp. 204, 210,
+        306, 307. According to him, the Cartesian idealism is empirical.
+
+  [293] Thus, Dugald Stewart (_Philosophical Essays_, Edin. 1810, p. 33)
+        tells us of 'the simple idea of personal identity.' And Reid
+        (_Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 354) says, 'I
+        know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim to be
+        accounted simple and original than those of space and time.' In
+        the Sanscrit metaphysics, time is 'an independent cause.' See the
+        _Vishnu Purana_, pp. 10, 216.
+
+  [294] 'As Space is a comprehensive word, including all positions, or the
+        whole of synchronous order, so Time is a comprehensive word,
+        including all successions, or the whole of successive order.'
+        _Mill's Analysis of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 100; and on the
+        relation of time to memory, vol. i. p. 252. In _Jobert's New
+        System of Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 33, it is said that 'time is
+        nothing but the succession of events, and we know events by
+        experience only.' See also p. 133, and compare respecting time
+        _Condillac_, _Traite des Sensations_, pp. 104-114, 222, 223,
+        331-333. To the same effect is _Essay concerning Human
+        Understanding_, book ii. chap. xiv., in _Locke's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 163; and see his second reply to the Bishop of Worcester, in
+        _Works_, vol. iii. pp. 414-416; and as to the idea of substance,
+        see vol. i. pp. 285-290, 292, 308, vol. iii. pp. 5, 10, 17.
+
+This is the first important difference which is inevitably consequent on
+the adoption of different methods. The idealist is compelled to assert,
+that necessary truths and contingent truths have a different
+origin.[295] The sensationalist is bound to affirm that they have the
+same origin.[296] The further these two great schools advance, the more
+marked does their divergence become. They are at open war in every
+department of morals, of philosophy, and of art. The idealists say that
+all men have essentially the same notion of the good, the true, and the
+beautiful. The sensationalists affirm that there is no such standard,
+because ideas depend upon sensations, and because the sensations of men
+depend upon the changes in their bodies, and upon the external events by
+which their bodies are affected.
+
+  [295] Reid (_Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 281) says,
+        that necessary truths 'cannot be the conclusions of the senses;
+        for our senses testify only what is, and not what must
+        necessarily be.' See also vol. ii. pp. 53, 204, 239, 240, 281.
+        The same distinction is peremptorily asserted in _Whewell's
+        Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences_, 8vo, 1847, vol. i. pp.
+        60-73, 140; and see _Dugald Stewart's Philosophical Essays_, pp.
+        123, 124. Sir W. Hamilton (_Additions to Reid's Works_, p. 754)
+        says, that non-contingent truths 'have their converse absolutely
+        incogitable.' But this learned writer does not mention how we are
+        to know when anything is 'absolutely incogitable.' That we cannot
+        cogitate an idea, is certainly no proof of its being incogitable;
+        for it may be cogitated at some later period, when knowledge is
+        more advanced.
+
+  [296] This is asserted by all the followers of Locke; and one of the
+        latest productions of that school declares, that 'to say that
+        necessary truths cannot be acquired by experience, is to deny the
+        most clear evidence of our senses and reason.' _Jobert's New
+        System of Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 58.
+
+Such is a short specimen of the opposite conclusions to which the ablest
+metaphysicians have been driven, by the simple circumstance that they
+have pursued opposite methods of investigation. And this is the more
+important to observe, because, after these two methods have been
+employed, the resources of metaphysics are evidently exhausted.[297]
+Both parties agree that mental laws can only be discovered by studying
+individual minds, and that there is nothing in the mind which is not the
+result either of reflection or of sensation. The only choice, therefore,
+they have to make, is between subordinating the results of sensation to
+the laws of reflection, or else subordinating the results of reflection
+to the laws of sensation. Every system of metaphysics has been
+constructed according to one of these schemes; and this must always
+continue to be the case, because, when the two schemes are added
+together, they include the totality of metaphysical phenomena. Each
+process is equally plausible;[298] the supporters of each are equally
+confident; and, by the very nature of the dispute, it is impossible that
+any middle term should be found; nor can there ever be an umpire,
+because no one can mediate between metaphysical controversies without
+being a metaphysician, and no one can be a metaphysician without being
+either a sensationalist or an idealist; in other words, without
+belonging to one of those very parties whose claims he professes to
+judge.[299]
+
+  [297] To avoid misapprehension, I may repeat, that, here and elsewhere,
+        I mean by metaphysics, that vast body of literature which is
+        constructed on the supposition that the laws of the human mind
+        can be generalized _solely_ from the facts of individual
+        consciousness. For this scheme, the word 'metaphysics' is rather
+        inconvenient, but it will cause no confusion if this definition
+        of it is kept in view by the reader.
+
+  [298] What a celebrated historian of philosophy says of Platonism, is
+        equally true of all the great metaphysical systems: 'Dass sie ein
+        zusammenhaengendes harmonisches Ganzes ausmachen (_i.e._ the
+        leading propositions of it) faellt in die Augen.' _Tennemann_,
+        _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. ii. p. 527. And yet he
+        confesses (vol. iii. p. 52) of it and the opposite system: 'und
+        wenn man auf die Beweise siehet, so ist der Empirismus des
+        Aristoteles nicht besser begruendet als der Rationalismus des
+        Plato.' Kant admits that there can be only one true system, but
+        is confident that he has discovered what all his predecessors
+        have missed. _Die Metaphysik der Sitten_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol.
+        v. p. 5, where he raises the question, 'ob es wohl mehr, als eine
+        Philosophie geben koenne.' In the _Kritik_, and in the
+        _Prolegomena zujeder kuenftigen Metaphysik_, he says that
+        metaphysics have made no progress, and that the study can hardly
+        be said to exist. _Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, vol. iii. pp.
+        166, 246.
+
+  [299] We find a curious instance of this, in the attempt made by M.
+        Cousin to found an eclectic school; for this very able and
+        learned man has been quite unable to avoid the one-sided view
+        which is to every metaphysician an essential preliminary; and he
+        adopts that fundamental distinction between necessary ideas and
+        contingent ideas, by which the idealist is separated from the
+        sensationalist: 'la grande division des idees aujourd'hui etablie
+        est la division des idees contingentes et des idees necessaires.'
+        _Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, II. serie, vol. i. p. 82:
+        see also vol. ii. p. 92, and the same work, I. serie, vol. i. pp.
+        249, 267, 268, 311, vol. iii. pp. 51-54. M. Cousin constantly
+        contradicts Locke, and then says he has refuted that profound and
+        vigorous thinker; while he does not even state the arguments of
+        James Mill, who, as a metaphysician, is the greatest of our
+        modern sensationalists, and whose views, whether right or wrong,
+        certainly deserve notice from an eclectic historian of
+        philosophy.
+
+        Another eclectic, Sir W. Hamilton, announces (_Discussions on
+        Philosophy_, p. 597) 'an undeveloped philosophy, which, I am
+        confident, is founded upon truth. To this confidence I have come,
+        not merely through the convictions of my own consciousness, but
+        by finding in this system a centre and conciliation for the most
+        opposite of philosophical opinions.' But, at p. 589, he summarily
+        disposes of one of the most important of these philosophical
+        opinions as 'the superficial edifice of Locke.'
+
+On these grounds, we must, I think, arrive at the conclusion, that as
+metaphysicians are unavoidably, and by the very nature of their inquiry,
+broken up into two completely antagonistic schools, the relative truth
+of which there are no means of ascertaining; as they, moreover, have but
+few resources, and as they use those resources according to a method by
+which no other science has ever been developed,--we, looking at these
+things, ought not to expect that they can supply us with sufficient data
+for solving those great problems which the history of the human mind
+presents to our view. And whoever will take the pains fairly to estimate
+the present condition of mental philosophy, must admit that,
+notwithstanding the influence it has always exercised over some of the
+most powerful minds, and through them over society at large, there is,
+nevertheless, no other study which has been so zealously prosecuted, so
+long continued, and yet remains so barren of results. In no other
+department has there been so much movement, and so little progress. Men
+of eminent abilities, and of the greatest integrity of purpose, have in
+every civilized country, for many centuries, been engaged in
+metaphysical inquiries; and yet at the present moment their systems, so
+far from approximating towards truth, are diverging from each other with
+a velocity which seems to be accelerated by the progress of knowledge.
+The incessant rivalry of the hostile schools, the violence with which
+they have been supported, and the exclusive and unphilosophic confidence
+with which each has advocated its own method,--all these things have
+thrown the study of the mind into a confusion only to be compared to
+that in which the study of religion has been thrown by the controversies
+of the theologians.[300] The consequence is, that if we except a very
+few of the laws of association, and perhaps I may add the modern
+theories of vision and of touch,[301] there is not to be found in the
+whole compass of metaphysics a single principle of importance, and at
+the same time of incontestable truth. Under these circumstances, it is
+impossible to avoid a suspicion that there is some fundamental error in
+the manner in which these inquiries have been prosecuted. For my own
+part, I believe that, by mere observation of our own minds, and even by
+such rude experiments as we are able to make upon them, it will be
+impossible to raise psychology to a science; and I entertain very little
+doubt that metaphysics can only be successfully studied by an
+investigation of history so comprehensive as to enable us to understand
+the conditions which govern the movements of the human race.[302]
+
+  [300] Berkeley, in a moment of candour, inadvertently confesses what is
+        very damaging to the reputation of his own pursuits: 'Upon the
+        whole, I am inclined to think that the far greater part, if not
+        all, of those difficulties which have hitherto amused
+        philosophers, and blocked up the way to knowledge, are entirely
+        owing to ourselves. That we have first raised a dust, and then
+        complain we cannot see.' _Principles of Human Knowledge_, in
+        _Berkeley's Works_, vol. i. p. 74. Every metaphysician and
+        theologian should get this sentence by heart: 'That we have first
+        raised a dust, and then complain we cannot see.'
+
+  [301] Some of the laws of association, as stated by Hume and Hartley,
+        are capable of historical verification, which would change the
+        metaphysical hypothesis into a scientific theory. Berkeley's
+        theory of vision, and Brown's theory of touch, have, in the same
+        way, been verified physiologically; so that we now know what
+        otherwise we could only have suspected.
+
+  [302] In regard to one of the difficulties stated in this chapter as
+        impeding metaphysicians, it is only just to quote the remarks of
+        Kant: 'Wie aber das Ich, der ich denke, von dem Ich, das sich
+        selbst anschaut, unterschieden (indem ich mir noch andere
+        Anschauungsart wenigstens als moeglich vorstellen kann), und doch
+        mit diesem letzteren als dasselbe Subject einerlei sei, wie ich
+        also sagen koenne: Ich als Intelligenz und denkend Subject,
+        erkenne mich selbst als gedachtes Object, so fern ich mir noch
+        ueber das in der Anschauung gegeben bin, nur, gleich anderen
+        Phaenomenen, nicht wie ich vor dem Verstande bin, sondern wie ich
+        mir erscheine, hat nicht mehr auch nicht weniger Schwierigkeit
+        bei sich, als wie ich mir selbst ueberhaupt ein Object und zwar
+        der Anschauung und innerer Wahrnehmungen sein koenne.' _Kritik der
+        reinen Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. p. 144. I am very
+        willing to let the question rest on this: for to me it appears
+        that both cases are not only equally difficult, but, in the
+        present state of our knowledge, are equally impossible.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER IV.
+
+  MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND
+  INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE
+                          PROGRESS OF SOCIETY.
+
+
+In the preceding chapter, it has, I trust, been made apparent, that,
+whatever may hereafter be the case, we, looking merely at the present
+state of our knowledge, must pronounce the metaphysical method to be
+unequal to the task, often imposed upon it, of discovering the laws
+which regulate the movements of the human mind. We are, therefore,
+driven to the only remaining method, according to which mental phenomena
+are to be studied, not simply as they appear in the mind of the
+individual observer, but as they appear in the actions of mankind at
+large. The essential opposition between these two plans is very obvious:
+but it may perhaps be well to bring forward further illustration of the
+resources possessed by each for the investigation of truth; and for this
+purpose, I will select a subject which, though still imperfectly
+understood, supplies a beautiful instance of the regularity with which,
+under the most conflicting circumstances, the great Laws of Nature are
+able to hold their course.
+
+The case to which I refer, is that of the proportion kept up in the
+births of the sexes; a proportion which if it were to be greatly
+disturbed in any country, even for a single generation, would throw
+society into the most serious confusion, and would infallibly cause a
+great increase in the vices of the people.[303] Now, it has always been
+suspected that, on an average, the male and female births are tolerably
+equal; but, until very recently, no one could tell whether or not they
+are precisely equal, or, if unequal, on which side there is an
+excess.[304] The births being the physical result of physical
+antecedents, it was clearly seen that the laws of the births must be in
+those antecedents; that is to say, that the causes of the proportion of
+the sexes must reside in the parents themselves.[305] Under these
+circumstances, the question arose, if it was not possible to elucidate
+this difficulty by our knowledge of animal physiology; for it was
+plausibly said, 'Since physiology is a study of the laws of the
+body,[306] and since all births are products resulting from the body,
+it follows that if we know the laws of the body, we shall know the laws
+of the birth.' This was the view taken by physiologists of our
+origin;[307] and this is precisely the view taken by metaphysicians of
+our history. Both parties believed that it was possible at once to rise
+to the cause of the phenomenon, and by studying its laws predict the
+phenomenon itself. The physiologist said, 'By studying individual
+bodies, and thus ascertaining the laws which regulate the union of the
+parents, I will discover the proportion of the sexes, because the
+proportion is merely the result to which the union gives rise.' Just in
+the same way, the metaphysician says, 'By studying individual minds, I
+will ascertain the laws which govern their movements; and in that way I
+will predict the movements of mankind, which are obviously compounded of
+the individual movements.'[308] These are the expectations which have
+been confidently held out, by physiologists respecting the laws of the
+sexes, and by metaphysicians respecting the laws of history. Towards the
+fulfilment, however, of these promises the metaphysicians have done
+absolutely nothing; nor have the physiologists been more successful,
+although their views have the support of anatomy, which admits of the
+employment of direct experiment, a resource unknown to metaphysics. But
+towards settling the present question, all this availed them nothing;
+and physiologists are not yet possessed of a single fact which throws
+any light on this problem: Is the number of male births equal to female
+births--is it greater, or is it less?
+
+  [303] Thus we find that the Crusades, by diminishing the proportion of
+        men to women in Europe, increased licentiousness. See a curious
+        passage in _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p.
+        376. In Yucatan, there is generally a considerable excess of
+        women, and the result is prejudicial to morals. _Stephens's
+        Central America_, vol. iii. pp. 380, 429. On the other hand,
+        respecting the state of society produced by an excess of males,
+        see _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, p. 259; _Journal of
+        Geographical Society_, vol. xv. p. 45, vol. xvi. p. 307;
+        _Southey's Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 579.
+
+  [304] On this question a variety of conflicting statements may be seen
+        in the old writers. Goodman, early in the seventeenth century,
+        supposed that more females were born than males. _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 696. Turgot (_[OE]uvres_,
+        vol. ii. p. 247) rightly says, 'il nait un peu plus d'hommes que
+        de femmes;' but the evidence was too incomplete to make this more
+        than a lucky guess; and I find that even Herder, writing in 1785,
+        takes for granted that the proportion was about equal: 'ein
+        ziemliches Gleichmass in den Geburten beider Geschlechter'
+        (_Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. ii. p. 149), and was sometimes in
+        favour of girls, 'ja, die Nachrichten mehrerer Reisenden machen
+        es wahrscheinlich, dass in manchen dieser Gegenden wirklich mehr
+        Toechter als Soehne geboren werden.'
+
+  [305] A question, indeed, has been raised as to the influence exercised
+        by the state of the mind during the period of orgasm. But
+        whatever this influence may be, it can only affect the subsequent
+        birth through and by physical antecedents, which in every case
+        must be regarded as the proximate cause. If, therefore, the
+        influence were proved to exist, we should still have to search
+        for physical laws: though such laws would of course be considered
+        merely as secondary ones, resolvable into some higher
+        generalization.
+
+  [306] Some writers treat physiology as a study of the laws of life. But
+        this, looking at the subject as it now stands, is far too bold a
+        step, and several branches of knowledge will have to be raised
+        from their present empirical state, before the phenomena of life
+        can be scientifically investigated. The more rational mode seems
+        to be, to consider physiology and anatomy as correlative; the
+        first forming the dynamical, and the second forming the statical
+        part of the study of organic structure.
+
+  [307] 'Voulez-vous savoir de quoi depend le sexe des enfants? Fernel
+        vous repond, sur la foi des anciens, qu'il depend des qualites de
+        la semence du pere et de la mere.' _Renouard_, _Histoire de la
+        Medecine_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 106; see also, at p. 185, the
+        opinion of Hippocrates, adopted by Galen; and similar views in
+        _Lepelletier_, _Physiologie Medicale_, vol. iv. p. 332, and
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. i. pp. 252, 10, vol. ii.
+        p. 115, vol. iv. p. 62. For further information as to the
+        opinions which have been held respecting the origin of sexes, see
+        _Beausobre_, _Histoire de Manichee_, vol. ii. p. 417; _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. iii. pp. 358, 361; _Vishnu Purana_, p. 349;
+        _Works of Sir William Jones_, vol. iii. p. 126; _Ritter's History
+        of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. iii. p. 191; _Denham and
+        Clapperton's Africa_, pp. 323, 324; _Maintenon_, _Lettres
+        Inedites_, vol. ii. p. 62; and the view of Hohl (_Burdach's
+        Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 472), 'que les femmes chez lesquelles
+        predomine le systeme arteriel procreent des garcons, au lieu que
+        celles dont le systeme veineux a la predominance mettent au monde
+        des filles.' According to Anaxagoras the question was extremely
+        simple: [Greek: kai arrena men apo ton dexion, thelea de apo ton
+        aristeron.] _Diog. Laert._ ii. 9, vol. i. p. 85.
+
+  [308] 'Le metaphysicien se voit comme la source de l'evidence et le
+        confident de la nature: Moi seul, dit-il, je puis generaliser les
+        idees, et decouvrir le germe des evenements qui se developpent
+        journellement dans le monde physique et moral; et c'est par moi
+        seul que l'homme peut etre eclaire.' _Helvetius_, _de l'Esprit_,
+        vol. i. p. 86. Compare _Herder_, _Ideen zur Geschichte der
+        Menschheit_, vol. ii. p. 105. Thus, too, M. Cousin (_Hist. de la
+        Philosophie_, II. serie, vol. i. p. 131) says, 'Le fait de la
+        conscience transporte de l'individu dans l'espece et dans
+        l'histoire, est la clef de tous les developpements de
+        l'humanite.'
+
+These are questions to which all the resources of physiologists, from
+Aristotle down to our own time, afford no means of reply.[309] And yet
+at the present day we, by the employment of what now seems a very
+natural method, are possessed of a truth which the united abilities of a
+long series of eminent men failed to discover. By the simple experiment
+of registering the number of births and their sexes; by extending this
+registration over several years, in different countries,--we have been
+able to eliminate all casual disturbances, and ascertain the existence
+of a law which, expressed in round numbers, is, that for every twenty
+girls there are born twenty-one boys: and we may confidently say, that
+although the operations of this law are of course liable to constant
+aberrations, the law itself is so powerful, that we know of no country
+in which during a single year the male births have not been greater than
+the female ones.[310]
+
+  [309] Considering the very long period during which physiology has been
+        studied, it is remarkable how little the physiologists have
+        contributed towards the great and final object of all science,
+        namely, the power of predicting events. To me it appears that the
+        two principal causes of this are, the backwardness of chemistry,
+        and the still extremely imperfect state of the microscope, which
+        even now is so inaccurate an instrument, that when a high power
+        is employed, little confidence can be placed in it; and the
+        examination, for instance, of the spermatozoa has led to the most
+        contradictory results. In regard to chemistry, MM. Robin and
+        Verdeil, in their recent great work, have ably proved what
+        manifold relations there are between it and the further progress
+        of our knowledge of the animal frame; though I venture to think
+        that these eminent writers have shown occasionally an undue
+        disposition to limit the application of chemical laws to
+        physiological phenomena. See _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie
+        Anatomique et Physiologique_, Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 20, 34,
+        167, 337, 338, 437, 661, vol. ii. pp. 136, 137, 508, vol. iii.
+        pp. 135, 144, 183, 281, 283, 351, 547. The increasing tendency of
+        chemistry to bring under its control what are often supposed to
+        be purely organic phenomena, is noticed cautiously in _Turner's
+        Chemistry_, vol. ii. p. 1308, London, 1847; and boldly in
+        _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, 1851, pp. 250, 251. The
+        connexion between chemistry and physiology is touched on rather
+        too hastily in _Bouilland_, _Philosophie Medicale_, pp. 160, 257;
+        _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol. iii. p. 166;
+        _Brodie's Lectures on Pathology_, p. 48; _Henle_, _Traite
+        d'Anatomie_, vol. i. pp. 25, 26; _Feuchtersleben's Medical
+        Psychology_, p. 88; but better in _Holland's Medical Notes_,
+        1839, p. 270, a thoughtful and suggestive work. On the necessity
+        of chemistry for increasing our knowledge of embryology, compare
+        _Wagner's Physiology_, pp. 131, 132 note, with _Burdach_, _Traite
+        de Physiologie_, vol. iv. pp. 59, 168.
+
+  [310] It used to be supposed that some of the eastern countries formed
+        an exception to this; but more precise observations have
+        contradicted the loose statements of the earlier travellers, and
+        in no part of the world, so far as our knowledge extends, are
+        more girls born than boys; while in every part of the world for
+        which we have statistical returns, there is a slight excess on
+        the side of male births. Compare _Marsden's History of Sumatra_,
+        p. 234; _Raffles' History of Java_, vol. i. pp. 81, 82; _Sykes on
+        the Statistics of the Deccan_, in _Reports of British
+        Association_, vol. vi. pp. 246, 261, 262; _Niebuhr_, _Description
+        de l'Arabie_, p. 63; _Humboldt_, _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. i. p. 139;
+        _McWilliam_, _Medical History of Expedition to the Niger_, p.
+        113; _Elliotson's Human Physiology_, p. 795; _Thomson's Hist. of
+        Royal Society_, p. 531; _Sadler's Law of Population_, vol. i. pp.
+        507, 511, vol. ii. pp. 324, 335; _Paris and Fonblanque's Medical
+        Jurisprudence_, vol. i. p. 259; _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol.
+        iii. pp. 263, 264, vol. xvii. pp. 46, 123; _Journal of
+        Geographical Soc._ vol. xx. p. 17; _Fourth Report of British
+        Association_, pp. 687, 689, _Report for_ 1842, pp. 144, 145;
+        _Transac. of Sections for_ 1840, p. 174, _for_ 1847, p. 96, _for_
+        1849, p. 87; _Dufau_, _Traite de Statistique_, pp. 24, 209, 210;
+        _Burdach_, _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. ii. pp. 56, 57, 273,
+        274, 281, vol. v. p. 373; _Hawkins's Medical Statistics_, pp.
+        221, 222.
+
+The importance and the beautiful regularity of this law make us regret
+that it still remains an empirical truth, not having yet been connected
+with the physical phenomena by which its operations are caused.[311]
+But this is immaterial to my present purpose, which is only to notice
+the method by which the discovery has been made. For this method is
+obviously analogous to that by which I propose to investigate the
+operations of the human mind; while the old and unsuccessful method is
+analogous to that employed by the metaphysicians. As long as
+physiologists attempted to ascertain the laws of the proportion of sexes
+by individual experiments, they effected absolutely nothing towards the
+end they hoped to achieve. But when men became dissatisfied with these
+individual experiments, and instead of them, began to collect
+observations less minute, but more comprehensive, then it was that the
+great law of nature, for which during many centuries they had vainly
+searched, first became unfolded to their view. Precisely in the same
+way, as long as the human mind is only studied according to the narrow
+and contracted method of metaphysicians, we have every reason for
+thinking that the laws which regulate its movements will remain unknown.
+If, therefore, we wish to effect anything of real moment, it becomes
+necessary that we should discard those old schemes, the insufficiency of
+which is demonstrated by experience as well as by reason; and that we
+should substitute in their place such a comprehensive survey of facts as
+will enable us to eliminate those disturbances which, owing to the
+impossibility of experiment, we shall never be able to isolate.
+
+  [311] In _Mueller's Physiology_, vol. ii. p. 1657, a work of great
+        authority, it is said, that 'the causes which determine the sex
+        of the embryo are unknown, although it appears that the relative
+        age of the parents has some influence over the sex of the
+        offspring.' That the relative age of the parents does affect the
+        sex of their children, may, from the immense amount of evidence
+        now collected, be considered almost certain; but M. Mueller,
+        instead of referring to physiological writers, ought to have
+        mentioned that the statisticians, and not the physiologists, were
+        the first to make this discovery. On this curious question, see
+        _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, p. 746; _Sadler's Law of
+        Population_, vol. ii. pp. 333, 336, 342; _Journal of Statistical
+        Society_, vol. iii. pp. 263, 264. In regard to animals below man,
+        we find from numerous experiments, that among sheep and horses
+        the age of the parents 'has a very great general influence upon
+        the sex' of the offspring. _Elliotson's Physiology_, pp. 708,
+        709; and see _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences Naturelles_, vol.
+        ii. p. 406. As to the relation between the origin of sex and the
+        laws of arrested development, compare _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_,
+        _Hist. des Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol. ii. pp. 33, 34, 73,
+        vol. iii. p. 278, with _Lindley's Botany_, vol. ii. p. 81. In
+        _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. p. 302, there is a
+        singular case recorded by Lamotte, which would seem to connect
+        this question with pathological phenomena, though it is uncertain
+        whether the epilepsy was an effect or a cognate symptom.
+
+The desire that I feel to make the preliminary views of this
+Introduction perfectly clear, is my sole apology for having introduced a
+digression which, though adding nothing to the strength of the argument,
+may be found useful as illustrating it, and will at all events enable
+ordinary readers to appreciate the value of the proposed method. It now
+remains for us to ascertain the manner in which, by the application of
+this method, the laws of mental progress may be most easily discovered.
+
+If, in the first place, we ask what this progress is, the answer seems
+very simple: that it is a two-fold progress, Moral and Intellectual; the
+first having more immediate relation to our duties, the second to our
+knowledge. This is a classification which has been frequently laid down,
+and with which most persons are familiar. And so far as history is a
+narration of results, there can be no doubt that the division is
+perfectly accurate. There can be no doubt that a people are not really
+advancing, if, on the one hand, their increasing ability is accompanied
+by increasing vice, or if, on the other hand, while they are becoming
+more virtuous, they likewise become more ignorant. This double
+movement, moral and intellectual, is essential to the very idea of
+civilization, and includes the entire theory of mental progress. To be
+willing to perform our duty is the moral part; to know how to perform it
+is the intellectual part: while the closer these two parts are knit
+together, the greater the harmony with which they work; and the more
+accurately the means are adapted to the end, the more completely will
+the scheme of our life be accomplished, and the more securely shall we
+lay a foundation for the further advancement of mankind.
+
+A question, therefore, now arises of great moment: namely, which of
+these two parts or elements of mental progress is the most important.
+For the progress itself being the result of their united action, it
+becomes necessary to ascertain which of them works more powerfully, in
+order that we may subordinate the inferior element to the laws of the
+superior one. If the advance of civilization, and the general happiness
+of mankind, depend more on their moral feelings than on their
+intellectual knowledge, we must of course measure the progress of
+society by those feelings; while if, on the other hand, it depends
+principally on their knowledge, we must take as our standard the amount
+and success of their intellectual activity. As soon as we know the
+relative energy of these two components, we shall treat them according
+to the usual plan for investigating truth; that is to say, we shall look
+at the product of their joint action as obeying the laws of the more
+powerful agent, whose operations are casually disturbed by the inferior
+laws of the minor agent.
+
+In entering into this inquiry, we are met by a preliminary difficulty,
+arising from the loose and careless manner in which ordinary language is
+employed on subjects that require the greatest nicety and precision. For
+the expression, Moral and Intellectual Progress, is suggestive of a
+serious fallacy. In the manner in which it is generally used, it conveys
+an idea that the moral and intellectual faculties of men are, in the
+advance of civilization, naturally more acute and more trustworthy than
+they were formerly. But this, though it may possibly be true, has never
+been proved. It may be that, owing to some physical causes still
+unknown, the average capacity of the brain is, if we compare long
+periods of time, becoming gradually greater; and that therefore the
+mind, which acts through the brain, is, even independently of education,
+increasing in aptitude and in the general competence of its views.[312]
+Such, however, is still our ignorance of physical laws, and so
+completely are we in the dark as to the circumstances which regulate the
+hereditary transmission of character, temperament,[313] and other
+personal peculiarities, that we must consider this alleged progress as
+a very doubtful point; and, in the present state of our knowledge, we
+cannot safely assume that there has been any permanent improvement in
+the moral or intellectual faculties of man, nor have we any decisive
+ground for saying that those faculties are likely to be greater in an
+infant born in the most civilized part of Europe, than in one born in
+the wildest region of a barbarous country.[314]
+
+  [312] That the natural powers of the human brain are improving because
+        they are capable of transmission, is a favourite doctrine with
+        the followers of Gall, and is adopted by M. A. Comte
+        (_Philosophie Positive_, vol. iv. pp. 384, 385); who, whoever,
+        admits that it has never been sufficiently verified: 'sans que
+        toutefois l'experience ait encore suffisamment prononce.' Dr.
+        Prichard, whose habits of thought were very different, seems,
+        nevertheless, inclined to lean in this direction; for his
+        comparison of skulls led him to the conclusion, that the present
+        inhabitants of Britain, 'either as the _result of many ages of
+        greater intellectual cultivation_, or from some other cause,
+        have, as I am persuaded, much more capacious braincases than
+        their forefathers.' _Prichard's Physical History of Mankind_,
+        vol. i. p. 305. Even if this were certain, it would not prove
+        that the contents of the crania were altered, though it might
+        create a presumption; and the general question must, I think,
+        remain unsettled until the researches begun by Blumenbach, and
+        recently continued by Morton, are carried out upon a scale far
+        more comprehensive than has hitherto been attempted. Compare
+        _Burdach_, _Traite de Physiologie_, vol. ii. p. 253; where,
+        however, the question is not stated with sufficient caution.
+
+  [313] None of the laws of hereditary descent connected with the
+        formation of character, have yet been generalized; nor is our
+        knowledge much more advanced respecting the theory of
+        temperaments, which still remains the principal obstacle in the
+        way of the phrenologists. The difficulties attending the study of
+        temperaments, and the obscurity in which this important subject
+        is shrouded, may be estimated by whoever will compare what has
+        been said upon it by the following writers: _Mueller's
+        Physiology_, vol. ii. pp. 1406-1410; _Elliotson's Human
+        Physiology_, pp. 1059-1062; _Blainville_, _Physiologie Generale
+        et Comparee_, vol. i. pp. 168, 264, 265, vol. ii. pp. 43, 130,
+        214, 328, 329, vol. iii. pp. 54, 74, 118, 148, 149, 284, 285;
+        _Williams's Principles of Medicine_, pp. 16, 17, 112, 113;
+        _Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire_, _Anomalies de l'Organisation_, vol. i.
+        pp. 186, 190; _Broussais_, _Examen des Doctrines Medicales_, vol.
+        i. pp. 204, 205, vol. iii. p. 276; _Renouard_, _Hist. de la
+        Medecine_, vol. i. p. 326; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_,
+        vol. i. p. 380, vol. ii. p. 408, vol. iii. p. 21, vol. v. p. 325,
+        vol. vi. p. 492; _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. pp. 39,
+        226, 429, 594, vol. ii. p. 29; _Lepelletier_, _Physiol.
+        Medicale_, vol. i. pp. 139, 281, vol. iii. pp. 372-429, vol. iv.
+        pp. 93, 123, 133, 143, 148, 177; _Henle_, _Anatomie Generale_,
+        vol. i. p. 474, vol. ii. pp. 288, 289, 316; _Bichat_, _Anatomie
+        Generale_, vol. i. p. 207, vol. ii. p. 444, vol. iii. pp. 310,
+        507, vol. iv. pp. 281, 399, 400, 504; _Bichat sur la Vie_, pp.
+        80, 81, 234, 235; _Phillips on Scrofula_, p. 9; _Feuchtersleben's
+        Medical Psychology_, pp. 143-145; _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_,
+        Paris, 1766, vol. v. p. 110; _Cullen's Works_, Edinb. 1827, vol.
+        i. pp. 214-221; _Cabanis_, _Rapports du Physique et du Moral_,
+        pp. 76-83, 229-261, 520-533; _Noble on the Brain_, pp. 370-376;
+        _Combe's North America_, vol. i. pp. 126-128. Latterly, attention
+        has been paid to the chemistry of the blood as it varies in the
+        various temperaments; and this seems a more satisfactory method
+        than the old plan of merely describing the obvious symptoms of
+        the temperament. _Clark on Animal Physiology_, in _Fourth Report
+        of the British Association_, p. 126; _Simon's Animal Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 236; _Wagner's Physiology_, p. 262.
+
+  [314] We often hear of hereditary talents, hereditary vices, and
+        hereditary virtues; but whoever will critically examine the
+        evidence will find that we have no proof of their existence. The
+        way in which they are commonly proved is in the highest degree
+        illogical; the usual course being for writers to collect
+        instances of some mental peculiarity found in a parent and in his
+        child, and then to infer that the peculiarity was bequeathed. By
+        this mode of reasoning we might demonstrate any proposition;
+        since in all large fields of inquiry there are a sufficient
+        number of empirical coincidences to make a plausible case in
+        favour of whatever view a man chooses to advocate. But this is
+        not the way in which truth is discovered; and we ought to inquire
+        not only how many instances there are of hereditary talents, &c.
+        but how many instances there are of such qualities not being
+        hereditary. Until something of this sort is attempted, we can
+        know nothing about the matter inductively: while, until
+        physiology and chemistry are much more advanced, we can know
+        nothing about it deductively.
+
+        These considerations ought to prevent us from receiving
+        statements (_Taylor's Medical Jurisprudence_, pp. 644, 678, and
+        many other books) which positively affirm the existence of
+        hereditary madness and hereditary suicide; and the same remark
+        applies to hereditary disease (on which see some admirable
+        observations in _Phillips on Scrofula_, pp. 101-120, London,
+        1846); and with still greater force does it apply to hereditary
+        vices and hereditary virtues; inasmuch as ethical phenomena have
+        not been registered as carefully as physiological ones, and
+        therefore our conclusions respecting them are even more
+        precarious.
+
+Whatever, therefore, the moral and intellectual progress of men may be,
+it resolves itself not into a progress of natural capacity,[315] but
+into a progress, if I may so say, of opportunity; that is, an
+improvement in the circumstances under which that capacity after birth
+comes into play. Here, then, lies the gist of the whole matter. The
+progress is one, not of internal power, but of external advantage. The
+child born in a civilized land is not likely, as such, to be superior to
+one born among barbarians; and the difference which ensues between the
+acts of the two children will be caused, so far as we know, solely by
+the pressure of external circumstances; by which I mean the surrounding
+opinions, knowledge, associations; in a word, the entire mental
+atmosphere in which the two children are respectively nurtured.
+
+  [315] To what has been already stated, I will add the opinions of two of
+        the most profound among modern thinkers. 'Men, I think, have been
+        much the same for natural endowments in all times.' _Conduct of
+        the Understanding_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 361. 'Les
+        dispositions primitives agissent egalement chez les peuples
+        barbares et chez les peuples polices; ils sont vraisemblablement
+        les memes dans tous les lieux et dans tous les tems.... Plus il
+        y aura d'hommes, et plus vous aurez de grands hommes ou d'hommes
+        propres a devenir grands.' _Progres de l'Esprit Humain_, in
+        _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ii. p. 264. The remarks of Dr. Brown
+        (_Lectures on the Mind_, p. 57), if I rightly understand his
+        rhetorical language, apply not to natural capacity, but to that
+        which is acquired: see the end of his ninth Lecture.
+
+On this account it is evident, that if we look at mankind in the
+aggregate, their moral and intellectual conduct is regulated by the
+moral and intellectual notions prevalent in their own time. There are,
+of course, many persons who will rise above those notions, and many
+others who will sink below them. But such cases are exceptional, and
+form a very small proportion of the total amount of those who are nowise
+remarkable either for good or for evil. An immense majority of men must
+always remain in a middle state, neither very foolish nor very able,
+neither very virtuous nor very vicious, but slumbering on in a peaceful
+and decent mediocrity, adopting without much difficulty the current
+opinions of the day, making no inquiry, exciting no scandal, causing no
+wonder, just holding themselves on a level with their generation, and
+noiselessly conforming to the standard of morals and of knowledge common
+to the age and country in which they live.
+
+Now, it requires but a superficial acquaintance with history to be aware
+that this standard is constantly changing, and that it is never
+precisely the same even in the most similar countries, or in two
+successive generations in the same country. The opinions which are
+popular in any nation vary in many respects almost from year to year;
+and what in one period is attacked as a paradox or a heresy, is in
+another period welcomed as a sober truth; which, however, in its turn is
+replaced by some subsequent novelty. This extreme mutability in the
+ordinary standard of human actions shows that the conditions on which
+the standard depends must themselves be very mutable; and those
+conditions, whatever they may be, are evidently the originators of the
+moral and intellectual conduct of the great average of mankind.
+
+Here, then, we have a basis on which we can safely proceed. We know that
+the main cause of human actions is extremely variable; we have only,
+therefore, to apply this test to any set of circumstances which are
+supposed to be the cause, and if we find that such circumstances are not
+very variable, we must infer that they are not the cause we are
+attempting to discover.
+
+Applying this test to moral motives, or to the dictates of what is
+called moral instinct, we shall at once see how extremely small is the
+influence those motives have exercised over the progress of
+civilization. For there is, unquestionably, nothing to be found in the
+world which has undergone so little change as those great dogmas of
+which moral systems are composed. To do good to others; to sacrifice for
+their benefit your own wishes; to love your neighbour as yourself; to
+forgive your enemies; to restrain your passions; to honour your parents;
+to respect those who are set over you: these, and a few others, are the
+sole essentials of morals; but they have been known for thousands of
+years, and not one jot or tittle has been added to them by all the
+sermons, homilies, and text-books which moralists and theologians have
+been able to produce.[316]
+
+  [316] That the system of morals propounded in the New Testament
+        contained no maxim which had not been previously enunciated, and
+        that some of the most beautiful passages in the Apostolic
+        writings are quotations from pagan authors, is well known to
+        every scholar; and so far from supplying, as some suppose, an
+        objection against Christianity, it is a strong recommendation of
+        it, as indicating the intimate relation between the doctrines of
+        Christ and the moral sympathies of mankind in different ages. But
+        to assert that Christianity communicated to man moral truths
+        previously unknown, argues, on the part of the assertor, either
+        gross ignorance or else wilful fraud. For evidence of the
+        knowledge of moral truths possessed by barbarous nations,
+        independently of Christianity, and for the most part previous to
+        its promulgation, compare _Mackay's Religious Development_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 376-380; _Mure's Hist. of Greek Literature_, vol. ii. p.
+        398, vol. iii. p. 380; _Prescott's History of Mexico_, vol. i. p.
+        31; _Elphinstone's History of India_, p. 47; _Works of Sir W.
+        Jones_, vol. i. pp. 87, 168, vol. iii. pp. 105, 114; _Mill's
+        History of India_, vol. i. p. 419; _Bohlen_, _das alte Indien_,
+        vol. i. pp. 364-366; _Beausobre_, _Histoire de Manichee_, vol. i.
+        pp. 318, 319; _Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus_, p. 193;
+        _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. iii. p. 198; _Transac. of
+        Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 5, vol. iii. pp. 283, 284; _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. vi. p. 271, vol. vii. p. 40, vol. xvi. pp. 130,
+        277, vol. xx. pp. 460, 461; _The Dabistan_, vol. i. pp. 328, 338;
+        _Catlin's North-American Indians_, vol. ii. p. 243; _Syme's
+        Embassy to Ava_, vol. ii. p. 389; _Davis's Chinese_, vol. i. p.
+        196, vol. ii. pp. 136, 233; _Journal Asiatique_, I. serie, vol.
+        iv. p. 77, Paris, 1824.
+
+But, if we contrast this stationary aspect of moral truths with the
+progressive aspect of intellectual truths, the difference is indeed
+startling.[317] All the great moral systems which have exercised much
+influence have been fundamentally the same; all the great intellectual
+systems have been fundamentally different. In reference to our moral
+conduct, there is not a single principle now known to the most
+cultivated Europeans, which was not likewise known to the ancients. In
+reference to the conduct of our intellect, the moderns have not only
+made the most important additions to every department of knowledge that
+the ancients ever attempted to study, but besides this, they have upset
+and revolutionized the old methods of inquiry; they have consolidated
+into one great scheme all those resources of induction which Aristotle
+alone dimly perceived; and they have created sciences, the faintest idea
+of which never entered the mind of the boldest thinker antiquity
+produced.
+
+  [317] Sir James Mackintosh was so struck by the stationary character of
+        moral principles, that he denies the possibility of their
+        advance, and boldly affirms that no further discoveries can be
+        made in morals: 'Morality admits no discoveries.... More than
+        three thousand years have elapsed since the composition of the
+        Pentateuch; and let any man, if he is able, tell me in what
+        important respect the rule of life has varied since that distant
+        period. Let the Institutes of Menu be explored with the same
+        view; we shall arrive at the same conclusion. Let the books of
+        false religion be opened; it will be found that their moral
+        system is, in all its grand features, the same.... The fact is
+        evident that no improvements have been made in practical
+        morality.... The facts which lead to the formation of moral
+        rules are as accessible, and must be as obvious, to the simplest
+        barbarian as to the most enlightened philosopher.... The case of
+        the physical and speculative sciences is directly opposite. There
+        the facts are remote and scarcely accessible.... From the
+        countless variety of the facts with which they are conversant, it
+        is impossible to prescribe any bounds to their future
+        improvement. It is otherwise with morals. They have hitherto been
+        stationary; and, in my opinion, they are likely for ever to
+        continue so.' _Life of Mackintosh, edited by his Son_, London,
+        1835, vol. i. pp. 119-122. Condorcet (_Vie de Turgot_, p. 180)
+        says, 'La morale de toutes les nations a ete la meme;' and Kant
+        (_Logik_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. i. p. 356), 'In der
+        Moral-philosophie sind wir nicht weiter gekommen, als die Alten.'
+
+These are, to every educated man, recognized and notorious facts; and
+the inference to be drawn from them is immediately obvious. Since
+civilization is the product of moral and intellectual agencies, and
+since that product is constantly changing, it evidently cannot be
+regulated by the stationary agent; because, when surrounding
+circumstances are unchanged, a stationary agent can only produce a
+stationary effect. The only other agent is the intellectual one; and
+that this is the real mover may be proved in two distinct ways: first,
+because being, as we have already seen, either moral or intellectual,
+and being, as we have also seen, not moral, it must be intellectual;
+and, secondly, because the intellectual principle has an activity and a
+capacity for adaptation, which, as I undertake to show, is quite
+sufficient to account for the extraordinary progress that, during
+several centuries, Europe has continued to make.
+
+Such are the main arguments by which my view is supported; but there are
+also other and collateral circumstances which are well worthy of
+consideration. The first is, that the intellectual principle is not only
+far more progressive than the moral principle, but is also far more
+permanent in its results. The acquisitions made by the intellect are, in
+every civilized country, carefully preserved, registered in certain
+well-understood formulas, and protected by the use of technical and
+scientific language; they are easily handed down from one generation to
+another, and thus assuming an accessible, or, as it were, a tangible
+form, they often influence the most distant posterity, they become the
+heirlooms of mankind, the immortal bequest of the genius to which they
+owe their birth. But the good deeds effected by our moral faculties are
+less capable of transmission; they are of a more private and retiring
+character; while, as the motives to which they owe their origin are
+generally the result of self-discipline and of self-sacrifice, they have
+to be worked out by every man for himself; and thus, begun by each anew,
+they derive little benefit from the maxims of preceding experience, nor
+can they well be stored up for the use of future moralists. The
+consequence is, that although moral excellence is more amiable, and to
+most persons more attractive, than intellectual excellence, still, it
+must be confessed that, looking at ulterior results, it is far less
+active, less permanent, and, as I shall presently prove, less productive
+of real good. Indeed, if we examine the effects of the most active
+philanthropy, and of the largest and most disinterested kindness, we
+shall find that those effects are, comparatively speaking, short-lived;
+that there is only a small number of individuals they come in contact
+with and benefit; that they rarely survive the generation which
+witnessed their commencement; and that, when they take the more durable
+form of founding great public charities, such institutions invariably
+fall, first into abuse, then into decay, and after a time are either
+destroyed, or perverted from their original intention, mocking the
+effort by which it is vainly attempted to perpetuate the memory even of
+the purest and most energetic benevolence.
+
+These conclusions are no doubt very unpalatable; and what makes them
+peculiarly offensive is, that it is impossible to refute them. For the
+deeper we penetrate into this question, the more clearly shall we see
+the superiority of intellectual acquisitions over moral feeling.[318]
+There is no instance on record of an ignorant man who, having good
+intentions, and supreme power to enforce them, has not done far more
+evil than good. And whenever the intentions have been very eager, and
+the power very extensive, the evil has been enormous. But if you can
+diminish the sincerity of that man, if you can mix some alloy with his
+motives, you will likewise diminish the evil which he works. If he is
+selfish as well as ignorant, it will often happen that you may play off
+his vice against his ignorance, and by exciting his fears restrain his
+mischief. If, however, he has no fear, if he is entirely unselfish, if
+his sole object is the good of others, if he pursues that object with
+enthusiasm, upon a large scale, and with disinterested zeal, then it is
+that you have no check upon him, you have no means of preventing the
+calamities which, in an ignorant age, an ignorant man will be sure to
+inflict. How entirely this is verified by experience, we may see in
+studying the history of religious persecution. To punish even a single
+man for his religious tenets, is assuredly a crime of the deepest dye;
+but to punish a large body of men, to persecute an entire sect, to
+attempt to extirpate opinions, which, growing out of the state of
+society in which they arise, are themselves a manifestation of the
+marvellous and luxuriant fertility of the human mind,--to do this is not
+only one of the most pernicious, but one of the most foolish acts that
+can possibly be conceived. Nevertheless, it is an undoubted fact that an
+overwhelming majority of religious persecutors have been men of the
+purest intentions, of the most admirable and unsullied morals. It is
+impossible that this should be otherwise. For they are not
+bad-intentioned men, who seek to enforce opinions which they believe to
+be good. Still less are they bad men, who are so regardless of temporal
+considerations as to employ all the resources of their power, not for
+their own benefit, but for the purpose of propagating a religion which
+they think necessary to the future happiness of mankind. Such men as
+these are not bad, they are only ignorant; ignorant of the nature of
+truth, ignorant of the consequences of their own acts. But, in a moral
+point of view, their motives are unimpeachable. Indeed, it is the very
+ardour of their sincerity which warms them into persecution. It is the
+holy zeal by which they are fired that quickens their fanaticism into a
+deadly activity. If you can impress any man with an absorbing conviction
+of the supreme importance of some moral or religious doctrine; if you
+can make him believe that those who reject that doctrine are doomed to
+eternal perdition; if you then give that man power, and by means of his
+ignorance blind him to the ulterior consequences of his own act,--he
+will infallibly persecute those who deny his doctrine; and the extent
+of his persecution will be regulated by the extent of his sincerity.
+Diminish the sincerity, and you will diminish the persecution: in other
+words, by weakening the virtue you may check the evil. This is a truth
+of which history furnishes such innumerable examples, that to deny it
+would be not only to reject the plainest and most conclusive arguments,
+but to refuse the concurrent testimony of every age. I will merely
+select two cases, which, from the entire difference in their
+circumstances, are very apposite as illustrations: the first being from
+the history of Paganism, the other from the history of Christianity; and
+both proving the inability of moral feelings to control religious
+persecution.
+
+  [318] One part of the argument is well stated by Cuvier, who says, 'Le
+        bien que l'on fait aux hommes, quelque grand qu'il soit, est
+        toujours passager; les verites qu'on leur laisse sont
+        eternelles.' _Cuvier_, _Eloges Historiques_, vol. ii. p. 304.
+
+I. The Roman emperors, as is well known, subjected the early Christians
+to persecutions, which, though they have been exaggerated, were frequent
+and very grievous. But what to some persons must appear extremely
+strange, is, that among the active authors of these cruelties, we find
+the names of the best men who ever sat on the throne; while the worst
+and most infamous princes were precisely those who spared the
+Christians, and took no heed of their increase. The two most thoroughly
+depraved of all the emperors were certainly Commodus and Elagabalus;
+neither of whom persecuted the new religion, or indeed adopted any
+measures against it. They were too reckless of the future, too selfish,
+too absorbed in their own infamous pleasures, to mind whether truth or
+error prevailed; and being thus indifferent to the welfare of their
+subjects, they cared nothing about the progress of a creed, which they,
+as Pagan emperors, were bound to regard as a fatal and impious delusion.
+They, therefore, allowed Christianity to run its course, unchecked by
+those penal laws which more honest, but more mistaken, rulers would
+assuredly have enacted.[319] We find, accordingly, that the great enemy
+of Christianity was Marcus Aurelius: a man of kindly temper, and of
+fearless, unflinching honesty, but whose reign was characterized by a
+persecution from which he would have refrained had he been less in
+earnest about the religion of his fathers.[320] And to complete the
+argument, it may be added, that the last and one of the most strenuous
+of the opponents of Christianity, who occupied the throne of the Caesars,
+was Julian: a prince of eminent probity, whose opinions are often
+attacked, but against whose moral conduct even calumny itself has hardly
+breathed a suspicion.[321]
+
+  [319] 'The first year of Commodus must be the epocha of the toleration.
+        From all these authorities, it appears beyond exception, that
+        Commodus put a stop to the persecution in the first year of his
+        reign.... Not one writer, either heathen or Christian, makes
+        Commodus a persecutor.' _Letters concerning the Thundering
+        Legion_, in _Moyle's Works_, vol. ii. p. 266, London, 1726.
+        'Heliogabalus also, though in other respects the most infamous of
+        all princes, and perhaps the most odious of all mortals, showed
+        no marks of bitterness or aversion to the disciples of Jesus.'
+        _Mosheim's Eccl. History_, vol. i. p. 66: see also _Milman's
+        Hist. of Christianity_, London, 1840, vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [320] Dr. Milman (_History of Christianity_, 1840, vol. ii. p. 159)
+        says, 'A blameless disciple in the severest school of philosophic
+        morality, the austerity of Marcus rivalled that of the Christians
+        in its contempt of the follies and diversions of life; yet his
+        native kindliness of disposition was not hardened or embittered
+        by the severity or the pride of his philosophy. With Aurelius,
+        nevertheless, Christianity found not only a fair and high-minded
+        competitor for the command of the human mind; not only a rival in
+        the exaltation of the soul of man to higher views and more
+        dignified motives; but a violent and intolerant persecutor.' M.
+        Guizot compares him with Louis IX. of France; and certainly there
+        was in both an evident connexion between sincerity and
+        persecution: 'Marc Aurele et saint Louis sont peut-etre les deux
+        seuls princes qui, en toute occasion, aient fait de leurs
+        croyances morales la premiere regle de leur conduite: Marc
+        Aurele, stoicien; saint Louis, chretien.' _Guizot_, _Civilisation
+        en France_, vol. iv. p. 142. Even Duplessis Mornay (_Mem._ vol.
+        iv. p. 374) calls him 'le meilleur des empereurs payens;' and
+        Ritter (_Hist. of Philos._ vol. iv. p. 222), 'the virtuous and
+        noble emperor.'
+
+  [321] Neander (_History of the Church_, vol. i. p. 122) observes, that
+        the best emperors opposed Christianity, and that the worst ones
+        were indifferent to its encroachments. The same remark, in regard
+        to Marcus and Commodus, is made by Gibbon (_Decline and Fall_,
+        chap. xvi. p. 220, Lond. 1836). Another writer, of a very
+        different character, ascribes this peculiarity to the wiles of
+        the devil: 'In the primitive times, it is observed that the best
+        emperors were some of them stirred up by Satan to be the
+        bitterest persecutors of the Church.' _Memoirs of Colonel
+        Hutchinson_, p. 85.
+
+II. The second illustration is supplied by Spain; a country of which it
+must be confessed, that in no other have religious feelings exercised
+such sway over the affairs of men. No other European nation has produced
+so many ardent and disinterested missionaries, zealous self-denying
+martyrs, who have cheerfully sacrificed their lives in order to
+propagate truths which they thought necessary to be known. Nowhere else
+have the spiritual classes been so long in the ascendant; nowhere else
+are the people so devout, the churches so crowded, the clergy so
+numerous. But the sincerity and the honesty of purpose by which the
+Spanish people, taken as a whole, have always been marked, have not only
+been unable to prevent religious persecution, but have proved the means
+of encouraging it. If the nation had been more lukewarm, it would have
+been more tolerant. As it was, the preservation of the faith became the
+first consideration; and everything being sacrificed to this one object,
+it naturally happened that zeal begat cruelty, and the soil was prepared
+in which the Inquisition took root and flourished. The supporters of
+that barbarous institution were not hypocrites, but enthusiasts.
+Hypocrites are for the most part too supple to be cruel. For cruelty is
+a stern and unbending passion; while hypocrisy is a fawning and flexible
+art, which accommodates itself to human feelings, and flatters the
+weakness of men in order that it may gain its own ends. In Spain, the
+earnestness of the nation, being concentrated on a single topic, carried
+everything before it; and hatred of heresy becoming a habit, persecution
+of heresy was thought a duty. The conscientious energy with which that
+duty was fulfilled is seen in the history of the Spanish Church. Indeed,
+that the inquisitors were remarkable for an undeviating and
+incorruptible integrity, may be proved in a variety of ways, and from
+different and independent sources of evidence. This is a question to
+which I shall hereafter return; but there are two testimonies which I
+cannot omit, because, from the circumstances attending them, they are
+peculiarly unimpeachable. Llorente, the great historian of the
+Inquisition, and its bitter enemy, had access to its private papers; and
+yet, with the fullest means of information, he does not even insinuate a
+charge against the moral character of the inquisitors; but while
+execrating the cruelty of their conduct, he cannot deny the purity of
+their intentions.[322] Thirty years earlier, Townsend, a clergyman of
+the Church of England, published his valuable work on Spain;[323] and
+though, as a Protestant and an Englishman, he had every reason to be
+prejudiced against the infamous system which he describes, he also can
+bring no charge against those who upheld it; but having occasion to
+mention its establishment at Barcelona, one of its most important
+branches, he makes the remarkable admission, that all its members are
+men of worth, and that most of them are of distinguished humanity.[324]
+
+  [322] By which, indeed, he is sorely puzzled. 'On reconnaitra mon
+        impartialite dans quelques circonstances ou je fais remarquer
+        chez les inquisiteurs des dispositions genereuses; ce qui me
+        porte a croire que les atroces sentences rendues par le
+        Saint-Office, sont plutot une consequence de ses lois organiques,
+        qu'un effet du caractere particulier de ses membres.' _Llorente_,
+        _Histoire Critique de l'Inquisition d'Espagne_, vol. i. p.
+        xxiii.: compare vol. ii. pp. 267, 268, vol. iv. p. 153.
+
+  [323] Highly spoken of by the late Blanco White, a most competent judge.
+        See _Doblado's Letters from Spain_, p. 5.
+
+  [324] 'It is, however, universally acknowledged, for the credit of the
+        corps at Barcelona, that all its members are men of worth, and
+        most of them distinguished for humanity.' _Townsend's Journey
+        through Spain, in 1786 and 1787_, vol. i. p. 122, Lond. 1792.
+
+These facts, startling as they are, form a very small part of that vast
+mass of evidence which history contains, and which decisively proves the
+utter inability of moral feelings to diminish religious persecution. The
+way in which the diminution has been really effected by the mere
+progress of intellectual acquirements, will be pointed out in another
+part of this volume; when we shall see that the great antagonist of
+intolerance is not humanity, but knowledge. It is to the diffusion of
+knowledge, and to that alone, that we owe the comparative cessation of
+what is unquestionably the greatest evil men have ever inflicted on
+their own species. For that religious persecution is a greater evil than
+any other, is apparent, not so much from the enormous and almost
+incredible number of its known victims,[325] as from the fact that the
+unknown must be far more numerous, and that history gives no account of
+those who have been spared in the body, in order that they might suffer
+in the mind. We hear much of martyrs and confessors--of those who were
+slain by the sword, or consumed in the fire; but we know little of that
+still larger number who, by the mere threat of persecution, have been
+driven into an outward abandonment of their real opinions; and who, thus
+forced into an apostasy the heart abhors, have passed the remainder of
+their life in the practice of a constant and humiliating hypocrisy. It
+is this which is the real curse of religious persecution. For in this
+way, men being constrained to mask their thoughts, there arises a habit
+of securing safety by falsehood, and of purchasing impunity with deceit.
+In this way fraud becomes a necessary of life; insincerity is made a
+daily custom; the whole tone of public feeling is vitiated, and the
+gross amount of vice and of error fearfully increased. Surely, then, we
+have reason to say, that, compared to this, all other crimes are of
+small account; and we may well be grateful for that increase of
+intellectual pursuits which has destroyed an evil that some among us
+would even now willingly restore.
+
+  [325] In 1546, the Venetian ambassador at the court of the Emperor
+        Charles V. stated, in an official report to his own government on
+        his return home, 'that in Holland and in Friesland, more than
+        30,000 persons have suffered death at the hands of justice for
+        Anabaptist errors.' _Correspondence of Charles V. and his
+        Ambassadors_, edited by William Bradford, Lond. 8vo, 1850, p.
+        471. In Spain, the Inquisition, during the eighteen years of
+        Torquemada's ministry, punished, according to the lowest
+        estimate, upwards of 105,000 persons, of whom 8,800 were burned.
+        _Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. i. p. 265.
+        In Andalusia alone, during a single year, the Inquisition put to
+        death 2,000 Jews, 'besides 17,000 who underwent some form of
+        punishment less severe than that of the stake.' _Ticknor's
+        History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 410. For other
+        statistical evidence on this horrible subject, see _Llorente_,
+        _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. pp. 160, 229, 238, 239, 279,
+        280, 406, 407, 455, vol. ii. pp. 77, 116, 376, vol. iv. p. 31;
+        and, above all, the summary at pp. 242-273.
+
+The principle I am advocating is of such immense importance in practice
+as well as in theory, that I will give yet another instance of the
+energy with which it works. The second greatest evil known to
+mankind--the one by which, with the exception of religious persecution,
+most suffering has been caused--is, unquestionably, the practice of war.
+That this barbarous pursuit is, in the progress of society, steadily
+declining, must be evident, even to the most hasty reader of European
+history.[326] If we compare one country with another, we shall find that
+for a very long period wars have been becoming less frequent; and now so
+clearly is the movement marked, that, until the late commencement of
+hostilities, we had remained at peace for nearly forty years: a
+circumstance unparalleled, not only in our own country, but also in the
+annals of every other country which has been important enough to play a
+leading part in the affairs of the world.[327] The question arises, as
+to what share our moral feelings have had in bringing about this great
+improvement. And if this question is answered, not according to
+preconceived opinions, but according to the evidence we possess, the
+answer will certainly be, that those feelings have had no share at all.
+For it surely will not be pretended that the moderns have made any
+discoveries respecting the moral evils of war. On this head nothing is
+now known that has not been known for many centuries. That defensive
+wars are just, and that offensive wars are unjust, are the only two
+principles which, on this subject, moralists are able to teach. These
+two principles were as clearly laid down, as well understood, and as
+universally admitted, in the Middle Ages, when there was never a week
+without war, as they are at the present moment, when war is deemed a
+rare and singular occurrence. Since, then, the actions of men respecting
+war have been gradually changing, while their moral knowledge respecting
+it has not been changing, it is palpably evident that the changeable
+effect has not been produced by the unchangeable cause. It is impossible
+to conceive an argument more decisive than this. If it can be proved
+that, during the last thousand years, moralists or theologians have
+pointed out a single evil caused by war, the existence of which was
+unknown to their predecessors,--if this can be proved, I will abandon
+the view for which I am contending. But if, as I most confidently
+assert, this cannot be proved, then it must be conceded that, no
+additions having been made on this subject to the stock of morals, no
+additions can have been made to the result which the morals
+produce.[328]
+
+  [326] On the diminished love of war, which is even more marked than the
+        actual diminution of war, see some interesting remarks in
+        _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. iv. pp. 488, 713, vol. vi.
+        pp. 68, 424-436, where the antagonism between the military spirit
+        and the industrial spirit is, on the whole, well worked out;
+        though some of the leading phenomena have escaped the attention
+        of this eminent philosopher, from his want of acquaintance with
+        the history and present state of political economy.
+
+  [327] In _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_, 1847, vol. iii. p. 137, this
+        prolonged peace is gravely ascribed to 'the wisdom of the
+        adjustment of 1815;' in other words, to the proceedings of the
+        Congress of Vienna!
+
+  [328] Unless more zeal has been displayed in the diffusion of moral and
+        religious principles; in which case it would be possible for the
+        principles to be stationary, and yet their effects be
+        progressive. But so far from this, it is certain that in the
+        Middle Ages there were, relatively to the population, more
+        churches than there are now; the spiritual classes were far more
+        numerous, the proselyting spirit far more eager, and there was a
+        much stronger determination to prevent purely scientific
+        inferences from encroaching on ethical ones. Indeed, during the
+        Middle Ages, the moral and religious literature outweighed all
+        the profane literature put together; and surpassed it, not only
+        in bulk, but also in the ability of its cultivators. Now,
+        however, the generalizations of moralists have ceased to control
+        the affairs of men, and have made way for the larger doctrine of
+        expediency, which includes all interests and all classes.
+        Systematic writers on morals reached their zenith in the
+        thirteenth century, fell off rapidly after that period, were, as
+        Coleridge well says, opposed by 'the genius of Protestantism:'
+        and, by the end of the seventeenth century, became extinct in the
+        most civilized countries; the _Ductor Dubitantium_ of Jeremy
+        Taylor being the last comprehensive attempt of a man of genius to
+        mould society solely according to the maxims of moralists.
+        Compare two interesting passages in _Mosheim's Ecclesiast.
+        Hist._, vol. i. p. 338, and _Coleridge's Friend_, vol. iii. p.
+        104.
+
+Thus far as to the influence exercised by moral feelings in increasing
+our distaste for war. But if, on the other hand, we turn to the human
+intellect, in the narrowest sense of the term, we shall find that every
+great increase in its activity has been a heavy blow to the warlike
+spirit. The full evidence for this I shall hereafter detail at
+considerable length; and in this Introduction I can only pretend to
+bring forward a few of those prominent points, which, being on the
+surface of history, will be at once understood.
+
+Of these points, one of the most obvious is, that every important
+addition made to knowledge increases the authority of the intellectual
+classes, by increasing the resources which they have to wield. Now, the
+antagonism between these classes and the military class is evident: it
+is the antagonism between thought and action, between the internal and
+the external, between argument and violence, between persuasion and
+force; or, to sum up the whole, between men who live by the pursuits of
+peace and those who live by the practice of war. Whatever, therefore, is
+favourable to one class, is manifestly unfavourable to the other.
+Supposing the remaining circumstances to be the same, it must happen,
+that as the intellectual acquisitions of a people increase, their love
+of war will diminish; and if their intellectual acquisitions are very
+small, their love of war will be very great.[329] In perfectly barbarous
+countries, there are no intellectual acquisitions; and the mind being a
+blank and dreary waste, the only resource is external activity,[330] the
+only merit personal courage. No account is made of any man, unless he
+has killed an enemy; and the more he has killed, the greater the
+reputation he enjoys.[331] This is the purely savage state; and it is
+the state in which military glory is most esteemed, and military men
+most respected.[332] From this frightful debasement, even up to the
+summit of civilization, there is a long series of consecutive steps;
+gradations, at each of which something is taken from the dominion of
+force, and something given to the authority of thought. Slowly, and one
+by one, the intellectual and pacific classes begin to arise; at first
+held in great contempt by warriors, but nevertheless gradually gaining
+ground, increasing in number and in power, and at each increase
+weakening that old military spirit, in which all other tendencies had
+formerly been absorbed. Trade, commerce, manufactures, law, diplomacy,
+literature, science, philosophy,--all these things, originally unknown,
+became organized into separate studies, each study having a separate
+class, and each class insisting on the importance of its own pursuit. Of
+these classes, some are, no doubt, less pacific than others; but even
+those which are the least pacific, are, of course, more so than men
+whose associations are entirely military, and who see in every fresh war
+that chance of personal distinction, from which, during peace, they are
+altogether debarred.[333]
+
+  [329] Herder boldly asserts that man originally, and by virtue of his
+        organization, is peaceably disposed; but this opinion is
+        decisively refuted by the immense additions which, since the time
+        of Herder, have been made to our knowledge of the feelings and
+        habits of savages. 'Indessen ist's wahr, dass der Bau des
+        Menschen vorzueglich auf die Vertheidigung, nicht auf den Angriff
+        gerichtet ist: in diesem muss ihm die Kunst zu Huelfe kommen, in
+        jener aber ist er von Natur das kraeftigste Geschoepf der Erde.
+        Seine Gestalt selbst lehret ihn also Friedlichkeit, nicht
+        raeuberische Mordverwuestung,--der Humanitaet erstes Merkmal.'
+        _Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. i. p. 185.
+
+  [330] Hence, no doubt, that acuteness of the senses, natural, and indeed
+        necessary, to an early state of society, and which, being at the
+        expense of the reflecting faculties, assimilates man to the lower
+        animals. See _Carpenter's Human Physiology_, p. 404; and a fine
+        passage in _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. ii. p. 12: 'Das
+        abstehende thierische Ohr, das gleichsam immer lauscht und
+        horchet, das kleine scharfe Auge, das in der weitesten Ferne den
+        kleinsten Rauch oder Staub gewahr wird, der weisse
+        hervorbleckende, knochenbenagende Zahn, der dicke Hals und die
+        zurueckgebogene Stellung ihres Kopfes auf demselben.' Compare
+        _Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol. i. pp. 292, 293;
+        _Azara_, _Amerique Meridionale_, vol. ii. p. 18; _Wrangel's Polar
+        Expedition_, p. 384; _Pallme's Travels in Kordofan_, pp. 132,
+        133.
+
+  [331] 'Among some Macedonian tribes, the man who had never slain an
+        enemy was marked by a degrading badge.' _Grote's History of
+        Greece_, vol. xi. p. 397. Among the Dyaks of Borneo, 'a man
+        cannot marry until he has procured a human head; and he that has
+        several may be distinguished by his proud and lofty bearing, for
+        it constitutes his patent of nobility.' _Earl's Account of
+        Borneo_, in _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iv. p. 181. See
+        also _Crawfurd on Borneo_, in _Journal of Geog. Soc._, vol.
+        xxiii. pp. 77, 80. And for similar instances of this absorption
+        of all other ideas into warlike ones, compare _Journal of Geog.
+        Soc._, vol. x. p. 357; _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, pp. 158,
+        159, 195; _Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. pp. 226, 284,
+        vol. viii. p. 209; _Henderson's History of Brazil_, p. 475;
+        _Southey's History of Brazil_, vol. i. pp. 126, 248; _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. ii. p. 188, vol. vii. p. 193; _Transactions of
+        Bombay Society_, vol. ii. pp. 51, 52; _Hoskins's Travels in
+        Ethiopia_, p. 163; _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Michelet_, vol. ii. pp. 333, 334 note. So also the Thracians:
+        [Greek: ges de ergaten atimotaton. to sen apo polemoi kai
+        leistuos, kalliston.] _Herodotus_, book v. chap. 6, vol. iii. p.
+        10, edit. Baehr.
+
+  [332] Malcolm (_History of Persia_, vol. i. p. 204) says of the Tartars,
+        'There is only one path to eminence, that of military renown.'
+        Thus, too, in the _Institutes of Timour_, p. 269: 'He only is
+        equal to stations of power and dignity, who is well acquainted
+        with the military art, and with the various modes of breaking and
+        defeating hostile armies.' The same turn of mind is shown in the
+        frequency and evident delight with which Homer relates battles--a
+        peculiarity noticed in _Mure's Greek Literature_, vol. ii. pp.
+        63, 64, where an attempt is made to turn it into an argument to
+        prove that the Homeric poems are all by the same author; though
+        the more legitimate inference would be that the poems were all
+        composed in a barbarous age.
+
+  [333] To the prospect of personal distinction there was formerly added
+        that of wealth; and in Europe, during the Middle Ages, war was a
+        very lucrative profession, owing to the custom of exacting heavy
+        ransom for the liberty of prisoners. See Barrington's learned
+        work, _Observations on the Statutes_, pp. 390-393. In the reign
+        of Richard II. 'a war with France was esteemed as almost the only
+        method by which an English gentleman could become rich.' Compare
+        _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 21. Sainte Palaye
+        (_Memoires sur l'ancienne Chevalerie_, vol. i. p. 311) says, 'La
+        guerre enrichissoit alors par le butin, et par les rancons, celui
+        qui la faisoit avec le plus de valeur, de vigilance et
+        d'activite. La rancon etoit, ce semble, pour l'ordinaire, une
+        annee des revenus du prisonnier.' For an analogy with this, see
+        _Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. p. 208, sec. 3, and vol. ii. p. 265,
+        sec. 13. In Europe, the custom of paying a ransom for
+        prisoners-of-war survived the Middle Ages, and was only put an
+        end to by the peace of Munster, in 1648. _Manning's Commentaries
+        on the Law of Nations_, 1839, p. 162; and on the profits formerly
+        made, pp. 157, 158.
+
+Thus it is that, as civilization advances, an equipoise is established,
+and military ardour is balanced by motives which none but a cultivated
+people can feel. But among a people whose intellect is not cultivated,
+such a balance can never exist. Of this we see a good illustration in
+the history of the present war.[334] For the peculiarity of the great
+contest in which we are engaged is, that it was produced, not by the
+conflicting interests of civilized countries, but by a rupture between
+Russia and Turkey, the two most barbarous monarchies now remaining in
+Europe. This is a very significant fact. It is highly characteristic of
+the actual condition of society, that a peace of unexampled length
+should have been broken, not, as former peaces were broken, by a quarrel
+between two civilized nations, but by the encroachments of the
+uncivilized Russians on the still more uncivilized Turks. At an earlier
+period, the influence of intellectual, and therefore pacific, habits was
+indeed constantly increasing, but was still too weak, even in the most
+advanced countries, to control the old warlike habits: hence there arose
+a desire for conquest, which often outweighed all other feelings, and
+induced great nations like France and England to attack each other on
+the slightest pretence, and seek every opportunity of gratifying the
+vindictive hatred with which both contemplated the prosperity of their
+neighbour. Such, however, is now the progress of affairs, that these two
+nations, laying aside the peevish and irritable jealousy they once
+entertained, are united in a common cause, and have drawn the sword, not
+for selfish purposes, but to protect the civilized world against the
+incursions of a barbarous foe.
+
+  [334] I wrote this in 1855.
+
+This is the leading feature which distinguishes the present war from its
+predecessors. That a peace should last for nearly forty years, and
+should then be interrupted, not, as heretofore, by hostilities between
+civilized states, but by the ambition of the only empire which is at
+once powerful and uncivilized--is one of many proofs that a dislike to
+war is a cultivated taste peculiar to an intellectual people. For no one
+will pretend that the military predilections of Russia are caused by a
+low state of morals, or by a disregard of religious duties. So far from
+this, all the evidence we have shows that vicious habits are not more
+common in Russia than in France or England;[335] and it is certain that
+the Russians submit to the teachings of the church with a docility
+greater than that displayed by their civilized opponents.[336] It is,
+therefore, clear that Russia is a warlike country, not because the
+inhabitants are immoral, but because they are unintellectual. The fault
+is in the head, not in the heart. In Russia, the national intellect
+being little cultivated, the intellectual classes lack influence; the
+military class, therefore, is supreme. In this early stage of society,
+there is as yet no middle rank,[337] and consequently the thoughtful and
+pacific habits which spring from the middle ranks have no existence. The
+minds of men, deprived of mental pursuits,[338] naturally turn to
+warlike ones, as the only resource remaining to them. Hence it is that,
+in Russia, all ability is estimated by a military standard. The army is
+considered to be the greatest glory of the country: to win a battle, or
+outwit an enemy, is valued as one of the noblest achievements of life;
+and civilians, whatever their merits may be, are despised by this
+barbarous people, as beings of an altogether inferior and subordinate
+character.[339]
+
+  [335] Indeed some have supposed that there is less immorality in Russia
+        than in Western Europe; but this idea is probably erroneous. See
+        _Stirling's Russia_, Lond. 1841, pp. 59, 60. The benevolence and
+        charitable disposition of the Russians are attested by Pinkerton,
+        who had good means of information, and was by no means prejudiced
+        in their favour. See _Pinkerton's Russia_, Lond. 1833, pp. 335,
+        336. Sir John Sinclair also says they are 'prone to acts of
+        kindness and charity.' _Sinclair's Correspondence_, vol. ii. p.
+        241.
+
+  [336] The reverence of the Russian people for their clergy has attracted
+        the attention of many observers, and is, indeed, too notorious to
+        require proof.
+
+  [337] A very observing and intelligent writer says, 'Russia has only two
+        ranks--the highest and the lowest.' _Letters from the Baltic_,
+        Lond. 1841, vol. ii. p. 185. 'Les marchands, qui formeraient une
+        classe moyenne, sont en si petit nombre qu'ils ne peuvent marquer
+        dans l'etat: d'ailleurs presque tous sont etrangers; ... ou donc
+        trouver cette classe moyenne qui fait la force des etats?'
+        _Custine's Russie_, vol. ii. pp. 125, 126: see also vol. iv.
+        p. 74.
+
+  [338] A recent authoress, who had admirable opportunities of studying
+        the society of St. Petersburg, which she estimated with that fine
+        tact peculiar to an accomplished woman, was amazed at this state
+        of things among classes surrounded with every form of luxury and
+        wealth: 'a total absence of all rational tastes or literary
+        topics.... Here it is absolutely _mauvais genre_ to discuss a
+        rational subject--mere _pedanterie_ to be caught upon any topics
+        beyond dressing, dancing, and a _jolie tournure_.' _Letters from
+        the Baltic_, 1841, vol. ii. p. 233. M. Custine (_La Russie en
+        1839_, vol. i. p. 321) says 'Regle generale, personne ne profere
+        jamais un mot qui pourrait interesser vivement quelqu'un.' At
+        vol. ii. p. 195, 'De toutes les facultes de l'intelligence, la
+        seule qu'on estime ici c'est le tact.' Another writer of repute,
+        M. Kohl, contemptuously observes, that in Russia, 'the depths of
+        science are not even guessed at.' _Kohl's Russia_, 1842, Lond. p.
+        142.
+
+  [339] According to Schnitzler, 'Precedence is determined, in Russia, by
+        military rank; and an ensign would take the _pas_ of a nobleman
+        not enrolled in the army, or occupying some situation giving
+        military rank.' _M'Culloch's Geog. Dict._ 1849, vol. ii. p. 614.
+        The same thing is stated in _Pinkerton's Russia_, 1833, p. 321.
+        M. Erman, who travelled through great part of the Russian empire,
+        says, 'In the modern language of St. Petersburg, one constantly
+        hears a distinction of the greatest importance, conveyed in the
+        inquiry which is habitually made respecting individuals of the
+        educated class: Is he a plain-coat or a uniform?' _Erman's
+        Siberia_, vol. i. p. 45. See also on this preponderance of the
+        military classes, which is the inevitable fruit of the national
+        ignorance, _Kohl's Russia_, pp. 28, 194; _Stirling's Russia under
+        Nicholas the First_, p. 7; _Custine's Russie_, vol. i. pp. 147,
+        152, 252, 266, vol. ii. pp. 71, 128, 309, vol. iii. p. 328, vol.
+        iv. p. 284. Sir A. Alison (_History of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 391,
+        392) says, 'The whole energies of the nation are turned towards
+        the army. Commerce, the law, and all civil employments, are held
+        in no esteem; the whole youth of any consideration betake
+        themselves to the profession of arms.' The same writer (vol. x.
+        p. 566) quotes the remark of Bremner, that 'nothing astonishes
+        the Russian or Polish noblemen so much as seeing the estimation
+        in which the civil professions, and especially the bar, are held
+        in Great Britain.'
+
+In England, on the other hand, opposite causes have produced opposite
+results. With us intellectual progress is so rapid, and the authority of
+the middle class so great, that not only have military men no influence
+in the government of the state, but there seemed at one time even a
+danger lest we should push this feeling to an extreme; and lest, from
+our detestation of war, we should neglect those defensive precautions
+which the enmity of other nations makes it advisable to adopt. But this
+at least we may safely say, that, in our country, a love of war is, as a
+national taste, utterly extinct. And this vast result has been effected,
+not by moral teachings, nor by the dictates of moral instinct; but by
+the simple fact, that in the progress of civilization there have been
+formed certain classes of society which have an interest in the
+preservation of peace, and whose united authority is sufficient to
+control those other classes whose interest lies in the prosecution of
+war.
+
+It would be easy to conduct this argument further, and to prove how, by
+an increasing love of intellectual pursuits, the military service
+necessarily declines, not only in reputation, but likewise in ability.
+In a backward state of society men of distinguished talents crowd to the
+army, and are proud to enrol themselves in its ranks. But, as society
+advances, new sources of activity are opened, and new professions arise,
+which, being essentially mental, offer to genius opportunities for
+success more rapid than any formerly known. The consequence is, that in
+England, where these opportunities are more numerous than elsewhere, it
+nearly always happens that if a father has a son whose faculties are
+remarkable, he brings him up to one of the lay professions, where
+intellect, when accompanied by industry, is sure to be rewarded. If,
+however, the inferiority of the boy is obvious, a suitable remedy is at
+hand: he is made either a soldier or a clergyman; he is sent into the
+army, or hidden in the church. And this, as we shall hereafter see, is
+one of the reasons why, as society advances, the ecclesiastical spirit
+and the military spirit never fail to decline. As soon as eminent men
+grow unwilling to enter any profession, the lustre of that profession
+will be tarnished: first its reputation will be lessened, and then its
+power will be abridged. This is the process through which Europe is
+actually passing, in regard both to the church and to the army. The
+evidence, so far as the ecclesiastical profession is concerned, will be
+found in another part of this work. The evidence respecting the military
+profession is equally decisive. For although that profession has in
+modern Europe produced a few men of undoubted genius, their number is so
+extremely small, as to amaze us at the dearth of original ability. That
+the military class, taken as a whole, has a tendency to degenerate, will
+become still more obvious if we compare long periods of time. In the
+ancient world, the leading warriors were not only possessed of
+considerable accomplishments, but were comprehensive thinkers in
+politics as well as in war, and were in every respect the first
+characters of their age. Thus--to give only a few specimens from a
+single people--we find that the three most successful statesmen Greece
+ever produced were Solon, Themistocles, and Epaminondas,--all of whom
+were distinguished military commanders. Socrates, supposed by some to be
+the wisest of the ancients, was a soldier; and so was Plato; and so was
+Antisthenes, the celebrated founder of the Cynics. Archytas, who gave a
+new direction to the Pythagorean philosophy; and Melissus, who developed
+the Eleatic philosophy--were both of them well-known generals, famous
+alike in literature and in war. Among the most eminent orators,
+Pericles, Alcibiades, Andocides, Demosthenes, and AEschines were all
+members of the military profession; as also were the two greatest tragic
+writers, AEschylus and Sophocles. Archilochus, who is said to have
+invented iambic verses, and whom Horace took as a model, was a soldier;
+and the same profession could likewise boast of Tyrtaeus, one of the
+founders of elegiac poetry, and of Alcaeus, one of the best composers of
+lyric poetry. The most philosophic of all the Greek historians was
+certainly Thucydides; but he, as well as Xenophon and Polybius, held
+high military appointments, and on more than one occasion succeeded in
+changing the fortunes of war. In the midst of the hurry and turmoil of
+camps, these eminent men cultivated their minds to the highest point
+that the knowledge of that age would allow: and so wide is the range of
+their thoughts, and such the beauty and dignity of their style, that
+their works are read by thousands who care nothing about the sieges and
+battles in which they were engaged.
+
+These were among the ornaments of the military profession in the ancient
+world; and all of them wrote in the same language, and were read by the
+same people. But in the modern world this identical profession,
+including many millions of men, and covering the whole of Europe, has
+never been able, since the sixteenth century, to produce ten authors who
+have reached the first class either as writers or as thinkers. Descartes
+is an instance of an European soldier combining the two qualities; he
+being as remarkable for the exquisite beauty of his style as for the
+depth and originality of his inquiries. This, however, is a solitary
+case; and there is, I believe, no second one of a modern military writer
+thus excelling in both departments. Certainly, the English army, during
+the last two hundred and fifty years, affords no example of it, and has,
+in fact, only possessed two authors, Raleigh and Napier, whose works are
+recognized as models, and are studied merely for their intrinsic merit.
+Still, this is simply in reference to style; and these two historians,
+notwithstanding their skill in composition, have never been reputed
+profound thinkers on difficult subjects, nor have they added anything of
+moment to the stock of our knowledge. In the same way, among the
+ancients, the most eminent soldiers were likewise the most eminent
+politicians, and the best leaders of the army were generally the best
+governors of the state. But here, again, the progress of society has
+wrought so great a change, that for a long period instances of this have
+been excessively rare. Even Gustavus Adolphus and Frederick the Great
+failed ignominiously in their domestic policy, and showed themselves as
+short-sighted in the arts of peace as they were sagacious in the arts of
+war. Cromwell, Washington, and Napoleon are, perhaps, the only
+first-rate modern warriors of whom it can be fairly said, that they were
+equally competent to govern a kingdom and command an army. And, if we
+look at England as furnishing a familiar illustration, we see this
+remark exemplified in our two greatest generals, Marlborough and
+Wellington. Marlborough was a man not only of the most idle and
+frivolous pursuits, but was so miserably ignorant, that his deficiencies
+made him the ridicule of his contemporaries; and of politics he had no
+other idea but to gain the favour of the sovereign by flattering his
+mistress, to desert the brother of that sovereign at his utmost need,
+and afterwards, by a double treachery, turn against his next benefactor,
+and engage in a criminal, as well as a foolish, correspondence with the
+very man whom a few years before he had infamously abandoned. These were
+the characteristics of the greatest conqueror of his age, the hero of a
+hundred fights, the victor of Blenheim and of Ramilies. As to our other
+great warrior, it is indeed true that the name of Wellington should
+never be pronounced by an Englishman without gratitude and respect:
+these feelings are, however, due solely to his vast military services,
+the importance of which it would ill become us to forget. But whoever
+has studied the civil history of England during the present century
+knows full well that this military chief, who in the field shone without
+a rival, and who, to his still greater glory be it said, possessed an
+integrity of purpose, an unflinching honesty, and a high moral feeling,
+which could not be surpassed, was nevertheless utterly unequal to the
+complicated exigencies of political life. It is notorious, that in his
+views of the most important legislative measures he was always in the
+wrong. It is notorious, and the evidence of it stands recorded in our
+Parliamentary Debates, that every great measure which was carried, every
+great improvement, every great step in reform, every concession to the
+popular wishes, was strenuously opposed by the Duke of Wellington,
+became law in spite of his opposition, and after his mournful
+declarations that by such means the security of England would be
+seriously imperilled. Yet there is now hardly a forward schoolboy who
+does not know that to these very measures the present stability of our
+country is mainly owing. Experience, the great test of wisdom, has
+amply proved, that those vast schemes of reform, which the Duke of
+Wellington spent his political life in opposing, were, I will not say
+expedient or advisable, but were indispensably necessary. That policy of
+resisting the popular will which he constantly advised is precisely the
+policy which has been pursued, since the Congress of Vienna, in every
+monarchy except our own. The result of that policy is written for our
+instruction: it is written in that great explosion of popular passion,
+which in the moment of its wrath upset the proudest thrones, destroyed
+princely families, ruined noble houses, desolated beautiful cities. And
+if the counsel of our great general had been followed, if the just
+demands of the people had been refused--this same lesson would have been
+written in the annals of our own land; and we should most assuredly have
+been unable to escape the consequence of that terrible catastrophe, in
+which the ignorance and selfishness of rulers did, only a few years ago,
+involve a large part of the civilized world.
+
+Thus striking is the contrast between the military genius of ancient
+times, and the military genius of modern Europe. The causes of this
+decay are clearly traceable to the circumstance that, owing to the
+immense increase of intellectual employments, few men of ability will
+now enter a profession into which, in antiquity, men of ability eagerly
+crowded, as supplying the best means of exercising those faculties
+which, in more civilized countries, are turned to a better account.
+This, indeed, is a very important change; and thus to transfer the most
+powerful intellects from the arts of war to the arts of peace, has been
+the slow work of many centuries, the gradual, but constant,
+encroachments of advancing knowledge. To write the history of those
+encroachments would be to write the history of the human intellect--a
+task impossible for any single man adequately to perform. But the
+subject is one of such interest, and has been so little studied, that
+though I have already carried this analysis farther than I had intended,
+I cannot refrain from noticing what appear to me to be the three leading
+ways in which the warlike spirit of the ancient world has been weakened
+by the progress of European knowledge.
+
+The first of these arose out of the invention of Gunpowder; which,
+though a warlike contrivance, has in its results been eminently
+serviceable to the interests of peace.[340] This important invention is
+said to have been made in the thirteenth century;[341] but was not in
+common use until the fourteenth, or even the beginning of the fifteenth,
+century. Scarcely had it come into operation, when it worked a great
+change in the whole scheme and practice of war. Before this time, it was
+considered the duty of nearly every citizen to be prepared to enter the
+military service, for the purpose either of defending his own country,
+or of attacking others.[342] Standing armies were entirely unknown; and
+in their place there existed a rude and barbarous militia, always ready
+for battle, and always unwilling to engage in those peaceful pursuits
+which were then universally despised. Nearly every man being a soldier,
+the military profession, as such, had no separate existence; or, to
+speak more properly, the whole of Europe composed one great army, in
+which all other professions were merged. To this the only exception was
+the ecclesiastical profession; but even that was affected by the general
+tendency, and it was not at all uncommon to see large bodies of troops
+led to the field by bishops and abbots, to most of whom the arts of war
+were in those days perfectly familiar.[343] At all events, between these
+two professions men were necessarily divided: the only avocations were
+war and theology; and if you refused to enter the church, you were bound
+to serve in the army. As a natural consequence, everything of real
+importance was altogether neglected. There were, indeed, many priests
+and many warriors, many sermons and many battles.[344] But, on the other
+hand, there was neither trade, nor commerce, nor manufactures; there was
+no science, no literature: the useful arts were entirely unknown; and
+even the highest ranks of society were unacquainted, not only with the
+most ordinary comforts, but with the commonest decencies of civilized
+life.
+
+  [340] The consequences of the invention of gunpowder are considered very
+        superficially by Frederick Schlegel (_Lectures on the History of
+        Literature_, vol. ii. pp. 37, 38), and by Dugald Stewart
+        (_Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. i. p. 262). They are examined
+        with much greater ability, though by no means exhaustively, in
+        _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. pp. 292, 296, 297;
+        _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit_, vol. iv. p. 301;
+        _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. ii. p. 470.
+
+  [341] From the following authorities, it appears impossible to trace it
+        further back than the thirteenth century; and it is doubtful
+        whether the Arabs were, as is commonly supposed, the inventors:
+        _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 590; _Koch_, _Tableaux des
+        Revolutions_, vol. i. p. 242; _Beckmann's History of Inventions_,
+        1846, vol. ii. p. 505; _Histoire Lit. de la France_, vol. xx. p.
+        236; _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 36; _Hallam's
+        Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 341. The statements in _Erman's
+        Siberia_, vol. i. pp. 370, 371, are more positive than the
+        evidence we are possessed of will justify; but there can be no
+        doubt that a sort of gunpowder was at an early period used in
+        China, and in other parts of Asia.
+
+  [342] _Vattel, le Droit des Gens_, vol. ii. p. 129; _Lingard's History
+        of England_, vol. ii. pp. 356, 357. Among the Anglo-Saxons, 'all
+        free men and proprietors of land, except the ministers of
+        religion, were trained to the use of arms, and always held ready
+        to take the field at a moment's warning.' _Eccleston's English
+        Antiquities_, p. 62. 'There was no distinction between the
+        soldier and the citizen.' _Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth_,
+        vol. i. p. 200.
+
+  [343] On these warlike ecclesiastics, compare _Grose's Military Antiq._
+        vol. i. pp. 67-8; _Lingard's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. pp. 26,
+        183, vol. iii. p. 14; _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p.
+        458, vol. v. pp. 92, 402, 406; _Mosheim's Eccl. History_, vol. i.
+        pp. 173, 193, 241; _Crichton's Scandinavia_, Edinb. 1838, vol. i.
+        p. 220. Such opponents were the more formidable, because in those
+        happy days it was sacrilege for a layman to lay hands on a
+        bishop. In 1095 his Holiness the Pope caused a council to
+        declare, 'Quod qui apprehenderit episcopum omnino exlex fiat.'
+        _Matthaei Paris Historia Major_, p. 18. As the context contains no
+        limitation of this, it would follow that a man became spiritually
+        outlawed if he, even in self-defence, took a bishop prisoner.
+
+  [344] As Sharon Turner observes of England under the Anglo-Saxon
+        government, 'war and religion were the absorbing subjects of this
+        period.' _Turner's History of England_, vol. iii. p. 263. And a
+        recent scientific historian says of Europe generally: 'alle
+        Kuenste und Kenntnisse, die sich nicht auf das edle Kriegs-, Rauf-
+        und Raubhandwerk bezogen, waren ueberfluessig und schaedlich. Nur
+        etwas Theologie war vonnoethen, um die Erde mit dem Himmel zu
+        verbinden.' _Winckler, Geschichte der Botanik_, 1854, p. 56.
+
+But so soon as gunpowder came into use, there was laid the foundation of
+a great change. According to the old system, a man had only to possess,
+what he generally inherited from his father, either a sword or a bow,
+and he was ready equipped for the field.[345] According to the new
+system, new means were required, and the equipment became more costly
+and more difficult. First, there was the supply of gunpowder;[346] then
+there was the possession of muskets, which were expensive weapons, and
+considered difficult to manage.[347] Then, too, there were other
+contrivances to which gunpowder naturally gave rise, such as pistols,
+bombs, mortars, shells, mines, and the like.[348] All these things, by
+increasing the complication of the military art, increased the necessity
+of discipline and practice; while, at the same time, the change that was
+being effected in the ordinary weapons deprived the great majority of
+men of the possibility of procuring them. To suit these altered
+circumstances, a new system was organized: and it was found advisable to
+train up bodies of men for the sole purpose of war, and to separate
+them as much as possible from those other employments in which formerly
+all soldiers were occasionally engaged. Thus it was that there arose
+standing armies; the first of which were formed in the middle of the
+fifteenth century,[349] almost immediately after gunpowder was generally
+known. Thus, too, there arose the custom of employing mercenary troops;
+of which we find a few earlier instances, though the practice was not
+fully established until the latter part of the fourteenth century.[350]
+
+  [345] In 1181, Henry II. of England ordered that every man should have
+        either a sword or bow; which he was not to sell, but leave to his
+        heir: 'caeteri autem omnes haberent wanbasiam, capellum ferreum,
+        lanceam et gladium, vel arcum et sagittas: et prohibuit ne
+        aliquis arma sua venderet vel invadiaret; sed cum moreretur,
+        daret illa propinquiori haeredi suo.' _Rog. de Hov. Annal. in
+        Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 348 rev. In the reign of Edward I., it
+        was ordered that every man possessing land to the value of forty
+        shillings should keep 'a sword, bow and arrows, and a dagger....
+        Those who were to keep bows and arrows might have them out of the
+        forest.' _Grose's Military Antiquities_, vol. ii. pp. 301, 302.
+        Compare _Geijer's History of the Swedes_, part i. p. 94. Even
+        late in the fifteenth century, there were at the Universities of
+        Oxford and Cambridge, 'in each from four to five thousand
+        scholars, all grown up, carrying swords and bows, and in great
+        part gentry.' _Sir William Hamilton on the History of
+        Universities_, in _Hamilton's Philosoph. Discussions_, p. 414.
+        One of the latest attempts made to revive archery was a warrant
+        issued by Elizabeth in 1596, and printed by Mr. Collier in the
+        _Egerton Papers_, pp. 217-220, edit. Camden Soc. 1840. In the
+        south-west of England, bows and arrows did not finally disappear
+        from the muster-rolls till 1599; and in the meantime the musket
+        gained ground. See _Yonge's Diary_, edit. Camden Soc. 1848,
+        p. xvii.
+
+  [346] It is stated by many writers that no gunpowder was manufactured in
+        England until the reign of Elizabeth. _Camden's Elizabeth_, in
+        _Kennett's History_, vol. ii. p. 388, London, 1719; _Strickland's
+        Queens of England_, vol. vi. p. 223, Lond. 1843; _Grose's
+        Military Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 378. But Sharon Turner
+        (_History of England_, vol. vi. pp. 490, 491, Lond. 1839) has
+        shown, from an order of Richard III. in the Harleian manuscripts,
+        that it was made in England in 1483; and Mr. Eccleston (_English
+        Antiquities_, p. 182, Lond. 1847) states, that the English both
+        made and exported it as early as 1411: compare p. 202. At all
+        events, it long remained a costly article; and even in the reign
+        of Charles I., I find a complaint of its dearness, 'whereby the
+        train-bands are much discouraged in their exercising.'
+        _Parliament. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 655. In 1686, it appears from the
+        _Clarendon Correspondence_, vol. i. p. 413, that the wholesale
+        price ranged from about 2_l._ 10_s._ to 3_l._ per barrel. On the
+        expense of making it in the present century, see _Liebig and
+        Kopp's Reports on Chemistry_, vol. iii. p. 325, Lond. 1852.
+
+  [347] The muskets were such miserable machines, that, in the middle of
+        the fifteenth century, it took a quarter of an hour to charge and
+        fire one. _Hallam's Middle Ages_, vol. i. p. 342. Grose
+        (_Military Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 146, vol. ii. pp. 292, 337)
+        says, that the first mention of muskets in England is in 1471;
+        and that rests for them did not become obsolete until the reign
+        of Charles I. In the recent edition of _Beckmann's History of
+        Inventions_, Lond. 1846, vol. ii. p. 535, it is strangely
+        supposed that muskets were 'first used at the battle of Pavia.'
+        Compare _Daniel_, _Histoire de la Milice_, vol. i. p. 464, with
+        _Smythe's Military Discourses_, in _Ellis's Original Letters_, p.
+        53, edit. Camden Society.
+
+  [348] Pistols are said to have been invented early in the sixteenth
+        century. _Grose's Military Antiq._ vol. i. pp. 102, 146.
+        Gunpowder was first employed in mining towns in 1487. _Prescott's
+        Hist. of Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 32; _Koch_,
+        _Tableaux des Revolutions_, vol. i. p. 243; _Daniel_, _Histoire
+        de la Milice Francaise_, vol. i. p. 574. Daniel (_Milice
+        Francaise_, vol. i. pp. 580, 581) says that bombs were not
+        invented till 1588; and the same thing is asserted in _Biographie
+        Universelle_, vol. xv. p. 248: but, according to Grose (_Military
+        Antiq._ vol. i. p. 387), they are mentioned by Valturinus in
+        1472. On the general condition of the French artillery in the
+        sixteenth century, see _Relations des Ambassadeurs Venitiens_,
+        vol. i. pp. 94, 476, 478, Paris, 1838, 4to: a curious and
+        valuable publication. There is some doubt as to the exact period
+        in which cannons were first known; but they were certainly used
+        in war before the middle of the fourteenth century. See _Bohlen_,
+        _das alte Indien_, vol. ii. p. 63; _Daniel_, _Histoire de la
+        Milice_, vol. i. pp. 441, 442.
+
+  [349] _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. i. p. 413; _Daniel, Hist. de la
+        Milice_, vol. i. p. 210, vol. ii. pp. 491, 493; _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. viii. p. 228.
+
+  [350] The leading facts respecting the employment of mercenary troops
+        are indicated with great judgment by Mr. Hallam, in his _Middle
+        Ages_, vol. i. p. 328-337.
+
+The importance of this movement was soon seen, by the change it effected
+in the classification of European society. The regular troops being,
+from their discipline, more serviceable against the enemy, and also more
+immediately under the control of the government, it naturally followed
+that, as their merits became understood, the old militia should fall,
+first into disrepute, then be neglected, and then sensibly diminish. At
+the same time, this diminution in the number of undisciplined soldiers
+deprived the country of a part of its warlike resources, and therefore
+made it necessary to pay more attention to the disciplined ones, and to
+confine them more exclusively to their military duties. Thus it was that
+a division was first broadly established between the soldier and the
+civilian; and there arose a separate military profession,[351] which,
+consisting of a comparatively small number of the total amount of
+citizens, left the remainder to settle in some other pursuit.[352] In
+this way immense bodies of men were gradually weaned from their old
+warlike habits; and being, as it were, forced into civil life, their
+energies became available for the general purposes of society, and for
+the cultivation of those arts of peace which had formerly been
+neglected. The result was, that the European mind, instead of being, as
+heretofore, solely occupied either with war or with theology, now struck
+out into a middle path, and created those great branches of knowledge to
+which modern civilization owes its origin. In each successive generation
+this tendency towards a separate organization was more marked; the
+utility of a division of labour became clearly recognized; and by this
+means knowledge itself advanced, the authority of this middle or
+intellectual class correspondingly increased. Each addition to its power
+lessened the weight of the other two classes, and checked those
+superstitious feelings and that love of war, on which, in an early state
+of society, all enthusiasm is concentrated. The evidence of the growth
+and diffusion of this intellectual principle is so full and decisive,
+that it would be possible, by combining all the branches of knowledge,
+to trace nearly the whole of its consecutive steps. At present, it is
+enough to say, that, taking a general view, this third, or intellectual,
+class, first displayed an independent, though still a vague, activity in
+the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; that in the sixteenth century,
+this activity, assuming a distinct form, showed itself in religious
+outbreaks; that in the seventeenth century, its energy, becoming more
+practical, was turned against the abuses of government, and caused a
+series of rebellions, from which hardly any part of Europe escaped; and
+finally, that in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it has
+extended its aim to every department of public and private life,
+diffusing education, teaching legislators, controlling kings, and, above
+all, settling on a sure foundation that supremacy of Public Opinion, to
+which not only constitutional princes, but even the most despotic
+sovereigns, are now rendered strictly amenable.
+
+  [351] Grose (_Military Antiquities_, vol. i. pp. 310, 311) says, that
+        until the sixteenth century, English soldiers had no professional
+        dress, but 'were distinguished by badges of their leaders' arms,
+        similar to those now worn by watermen.' It was also early in the
+        sixteenth century that there first arose a separate military
+        literature. _Daniel_, _Hist. de la Milice_, vol. i. p. 380: 'Les
+        auteurs, qui ont ecrit en detail sur la discipline militaire: or
+        ce n'est gueres que sous Francois I, et sous l'Empereur Charles
+        V, que les Italiens, les Francois, les Espagnols et les Allemans
+        ont commence a ecrire sur ce sujet.'
+
+  [352] The change from the time when every layman was a soldier, is very
+        remarkable. Adam Smith (_Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p.
+        291) says, 'Among the civilized nations of modern Europe, it is
+        commonly computed, that not more than the one-hundredth part of
+        the inhabitants of any country can be employed as soldiers,
+        without ruin to the country which pays the expense of their
+        service.' The same proportion is given in _Sadler's Law of
+        Population_, vol. i. p. 292; and in _Grandeur et Decadence des
+        Romains_, chap. iii.--_[OE]uvres de Montesquieu_, p. 130: also in
+        _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. i. p. 105; and in _Alison's
+        History of Europe_, vol. xii. p. 318.
+
+These, indeed, are vast questions; and, without some knowledge of them,
+no one can understand the present condition of European society, or form
+the least idea of its future prospects. It is, however, sufficient that
+the reader can now perceive the way in which so slight a matter as the
+invention of gunpowder diminished the warlike spirit, by diminishing the
+number of persons to whom the practice of war was habitual. There were,
+no doubt, other and collateral circumstances which tended in the same
+direction; but the use of gunpowder was the most effectual, because, by
+increasing the difficulty and expense of war, it made a separate
+military profession indispensable; and thus, curtailing the action of
+the military spirit, left an overplus, an unemployed energy, which soon
+found its way to the pursuits of peace, infused into them a new life,
+and began to control that lust of conquest, which, though natural to a
+barbarous people, is the great enemy of knowledge, and is the most fatal
+of those diseased appetites by which even civilized countries are too
+often afflicted.
+
+The second intellectual movement, by which the love of war has been
+lessened, is much more recent, and has not yet produced the whole of its
+natural effects. I allude to the discoveries made by Political Economy:
+a branch of knowledge with which even the wisest of the ancients had not
+the least acquaintance, but which possesses an importance it would be
+difficult to exaggerate, and is, moreover, remarkable, as being the only
+subject immediately connected with the art of government that has yet
+been raised to a science. The practical value of this noble study,
+though perhaps only fully known to the more advanced thinkers, is
+gradually becoming recognized by men of ordinary education: but even
+those by whom it is understood seem to have paid little attention to the
+way in which, by its influence, the interests of peace, and therefore of
+civilization, have been directly promoted.[353] The manner in which this
+has been brought about, I will endeavour to explain, as it will furnish
+another argument in support of that great principle which I wish to
+establish.
+
+  [353] The pacific tendencies of political economy are touched on very
+        briefly in _Blanqui_, _Histoire de l'Economie Politique_, vol.
+        ii. p. 207; and in _Twiss's Progress of Political Economy_,
+        p. 240.
+
+It is well known, that, among the different causes of war, commercial
+jealousy was formerly one of the most conspicuous; and there are
+numerous instances of quarrels respecting the promulgation of some
+particular tariff, or the protection of some favourite manufacture.
+Disputes of this kind were founded upon the very ignorant, but the very
+natural notion, that the advantages of commerce depend upon the balance
+of trade, and that whatever is gained by one country must be lost by
+another. It was believed that wealth is composed entirely of money; and
+that it is, therefore, the essential interest of every people to import
+few commodities and much gold. Whenever this was done, affairs were said
+to be in a sound and healthy state; but, if this was not done, it was
+declared that we were being drained of our resources, and that some
+other country was getting the better of us, and was enriching itself at
+our expense.[354] For this the only remedy was to negotiate a
+commercial treaty, which should oblige the offending nation to take more
+of our commodities, and give us more of their gold: if, however, they
+refused to sign the treaty, it became necessary to bring them to reason;
+and for this purpose an armament was fitted out to attack a people who,
+by lessening our wealth, had deprived us of that money by which alone
+trade could be extended in foreign markets.[355]
+
+  [354] This favourite doctrine is illustrated in a curious 'Discourse,'
+        written in 1578, and printed in _Stow's London_, in which it is
+        laid down, that if our exports exceed our imports, we gain by the
+        trade; but that, if they are less, we lose. _Stow's London_,
+        edit. Thoms, 1842, p. 205. Whenever this balance was disturbed,
+        politicians were thrown into an agony of fear. In 1620, James I.
+        said, in one of his long speeches, 'It's strange that my Mint
+        hath not gone this eight or nine years; but I think the fault of
+        the want of money is the uneven balancing of trade.' _Parl.
+        History_, vol. i. p. 1179; see also the debate 'On the Scarcity
+        of Money,' pp. 1194-1196. In 1620, the House of Commons, in a
+        state of great alarm, passed a resolution, 'That the importation
+        of tobacco out of Spain is one reason of the scarcity of money in
+        this kingdom.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. i. p. 1198. In 1627, it was
+        actually argued in the House of Commons that the Netherlands were
+        being weakened by their trade with the East Indies, because it
+        carried money out of the country! _Parl. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 220.
+        Half a century later, the same principle was advocated by Sir
+        William Temple in his Letters, and also in his Observations upon
+        the United Provinces. _Temple's Works_, vol. i. p. 175, vol. ii.
+        pp. 117, 118.
+
+  [355] In 1672, the celebrated Earl of Shaftesbury, then Lord Chancellor,
+        announced that the time had come when the English must go to war
+        with the Dutch; for that it was 'impossible both should stand
+        upon a balance; and that, if we do not master their trade, they
+        will ours. They or we must truckle. One must and will give the
+        law to the other. There is no compounding, where the contest is
+        for the trade of the whole world.' _Somers' Tracts_, vol. viii.
+        p. 39. A few months later, still insisting on the propriety of
+        the war, he gave as one of his reasons that it 'was necessary to
+        the trade of England that there should be a fair adjustment of
+        commerce in the East Indies.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. p. 587. In
+        1701, Stepney, a diplomatist and one of the lords of trade,
+        published an essay, strongly insisting on the benefits which
+        would accrue to English commerce by a war with France. _Somers'
+        Tracts_, vol. xi. pp. 199, 217; and he says, p. 205, that one of
+        the consequences of peace with France would be 'the utter ruin
+        and destruction of our trade.' See also, in vol. xiii. p. 688,
+        the remarks on the policy of William III. In 1743, Lord
+        Hardwicke, one of the most eminent men of his time, said, in the
+        House of Lords, 'If our wealth is diminished, it is time to ruin
+        the commerce of that nation which has driven us from the markets
+        of the Continent--by sweeping the seas of their ships, and by
+        blockading their ports.' _Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors_,
+        vol. v. p. 89.
+
+This misconception of the true nature of barter was formerly
+universal;[356] and being adopted even by the ablest politicians, was
+not only an immediate cause of war, but increased those feelings of
+natural hatred by which war is encouraged; each country thinking that it
+had a direct interest in diminishing the wealth of its neighbours.[357]
+In the seventeenth, or even late in the sixteenth century, there were,
+indeed, one or two eminent thinkers who exposed some of the fallacies
+upon which this opinion was based.[358] But their arguments found no
+favour with those politicians by whom European affairs were then
+administered. It is doubtful if they were known; and it is certain that,
+if known, they were despised by statesmen and legislators, who, from the
+constancy of their practical occupations, cannot be supposed to have
+sufficient leisure to master each new discovery that is successively
+made; and who in consequence are, as a body, always in the rear of their
+age. The result was, that they went blundering on in the old track,
+believing that no commerce could flourish without their interference,
+troubling that commerce by repeated and harassing regulations, and
+taking for granted that it was the duty of every government to benefit
+the trade of their own people by injuring the trade of others.[359]
+
+  [356] In regard to the seventeenth century, see _Mill's History of
+        India_, vol. i. pp. 41, 42. To this I may add, that even Locke had
+        very confused notions respecting the use of money in trade. See
+        _Essay on Money_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. iv.; and in particular
+        pp. 9, 10, 12, 20, 21, 49-52. Berkeley, profound thinker as he
+        was, fell into the same errors, and assumes the necessity of
+        maintaining the balance of trade, and lessening our imports in
+        proportion as we lessen our exports. See the _Querist_, Nos.
+        xcix. clxi., in _Berkeley's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 246, 250: see
+        also his proposal for a sumptuary law, in _Essay towards
+        Preventing the Ruin of Great Britain_, in _Works_, vol. ii. p.
+        190. The economical views of Montesquieu (_Esprit des Lois_,
+        livre xx. chap. xii. in _[OE]uvres_, p. 353) are as hopelessly
+        wrong; while Vattel (_Droit des Gens_, vol. i. pp. 111, 117, 118,
+        206) goes out of his way to praise the mischievous interference
+        of the English government, which he recommends as a pattern to
+        other states.
+
+  [357] The Earl of Bristol, a man of some ability, told the House of
+        Lords, in 1642, that it was a great advantage to England for
+        other countries to go to war with each other; because by that
+        means we should get their money, or, as he called it, their
+        'wealth.' See his speech, in _Parl. History_, vol. ii. pp.
+        1274-1279.
+
+  [358] Serra, who wrote in 1613, is said to have been the first to prove
+        the absurdity of discouraging the exportation of the precious
+        metals. See _Twiss on the Progress of Political Economy_, pp. 8,
+        12, 13. But I believe that the earliest approach towards modern
+        economical discoveries is a striking essay published in 1581, and
+        ascribed to William Stafford. It will be found in the _Harleian
+        Miscellany_, vol. ix. pp. 139-192, edit. Park, 1812; and the
+        title, _Brief Conceipt of English Policy_, gives an inadequate
+        idea of what is, on the whole, the most important work on the
+        theory of politics which had then appeared: since the author not
+        only displays an insight into the nature of price and value, such
+        as no previous thinker possessed, but he points out clearly the
+        causes of that system of enclosures which is the leading
+        economical fact in the reign of Elizabeth, and is intimately
+        connected with the rise of the poor-laws. Some account of this
+        essay is given by Dr. Twiss; but the original is easily
+        accessible, and should be read by every student of English
+        history. Among other heretical propositions, it recommends free
+        trade in corn.
+
+  [359] In regard to the interference of the English legislature, it is
+        stated by Mr. M'Culloch (_Polit. Econ._ p. 269), on the authority
+        of a committee of the House of Commons, that before the year
+        1820, 'no fewer than two thousand laws with respect to commerce
+        had been passed at different periods.' It may be confidently
+        asserted, that every one of those laws was an unmitigated evil,
+        since no trade, and indeed no interest of any kind, can be
+        protected by government without inflicting immeasurably greater
+        loss upon the unprotected interests and trades; while, if the
+        protection is universal, the loss will be universal. Some
+        striking instances of the absurd laws which have been passed
+        respecting trade, are collected in _Barrington's Observations on
+        the Statutes_, pp. 279-285. Indeed, it was considered necessary
+        that every parliament should do something in this way; and
+        Charles II., in one of his speeches, says, 'I pray, contrive any
+        good short bills which may improve the industry of the nation
+        ... and so God bles your councils.' _Parl. History_, vol. iv. p.
+        291. Compare the remarks on the fishery-trade, in _Somers'
+        Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 33.
+
+But in the eighteenth century, a long course of events, which I shall
+hereafter trace, prepared the way for a spirit of improvement, and a
+desire for reform, of which the world had then seen no example. This
+great movement displayed its energy in every department of knowledge;
+and now it was that a successful attempt was first made to raise
+Political Economy to a science, by discovering the laws which regulate
+the creation and diffusion of wealth. In the year 1776, Adam Smith
+published his _Wealth of Nations_; which, looking at its ultimate
+results, is probably the most important book that has ever been written,
+and is certainly the most valuable contribution ever made by a single
+man towards establishing the principles on which government should be
+based. In this great work, the old theory of protection as applied to
+commerce was destroyed in nearly all its parts;[360] the doctrine of the
+balance of trade was not only attacked, but its falsehood was
+demonstrated; and innumerable absurdities, which had been accumulating
+for ages, were suddenly swept away.[361]
+
+  [360] To this the only exception of any moment is the view taken of the
+        usury-laws, which Jeremy Bentham has the honour of demolishing.
+
+  [361] Before Adam Smith, the principal merit is due to Hume; but the
+        works of that profound thinker were too fragmentary to produce
+        much effect. Indeed, Hume, notwithstanding his vast powers, was
+        inferior to Smith in comprehensiveness as well as in industry.
+
+If the _Wealth of Nations_ had appeared in any preceding century, it
+would have shared the fate of the great works of Stafford and Serra; and
+although the principles which it advocated would, no doubt, have excited
+the attention of speculative thinkers, they would, in all probability,
+have produced no effect on practical politicians, or, at all events,
+would only have exercised an indirect and precarious influence. But the
+diffusion of knowledge had now become so general, that even our ordinary
+legislators were, in some degree, prepared for these great truths,
+which, in a former period, they would have despised as idle novelties.
+The result was, that the doctrines of Adam Smith soon found their way
+into the House of Commons;[362] and, being adopted by a few of the
+leading members, were listened to with astonishment by that great
+assembly, whose opinions were mainly regulated by the wisdom of their
+ancestors, and who were loth to believe that anything could be
+discovered by the moderns which was not already known to the ancients.
+But it is in vain that such men as these always set themselves up to
+resist the pressure of advancing knowledge. No great truth which has
+once been found has ever afterwards been lost; nor has any important
+discovery yet been made which has not eventually carried everything
+before it. Even so, the principles of Free Trade, as demonstrated by
+Adam Smith, and all the consequences which flow from them, were vainly
+struggled against by the most overwhelming majorities of both Houses of
+Parliament. Year by year the great truth made its way; always advancing,
+never receding.[363] The majority was at first deserted by a few men of
+ability, then by ordinary men, then it became a minority, then even the
+minority began to dwindle; and at the present day, eighty years after
+the publication of Smith's _Wealth of Nations_, there is not to be found
+any one of tolerable education who is not ashamed of holding opinions
+which, before the time of Adam Smith, were universally received.
+
+  [362] The first notice I have observed of the _Wealth of Nations_ in
+        Parliament is in 1783; and between then and the end of the
+        century it is referred to several times, and latterly with
+        increasing frequency. See _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxiii. p.
+        1152, vol. xxvi. pp. 481, 1035, vol. xxvii. p. 385, vol. xxix.
+        pp. 834, 905, 982, 1065, vol. xxx. pp. 330, 333, vol. xxxii. p.
+        2, vol. xxxiii. pp. 353, 386, 522, 548, 549, 563, 774, 777, 778,
+        822, 823, 824, 825, 827, 1249, vol. xxxiv. pp. 11, 97, 98, 141,
+        142, 304, 473, 850, 901, 902, 903. It is possible that one or two
+        passages may have been overlooked; but I believe that these are
+        the only instances of Adam Smith being referred to during
+        seventeen years. From a passage in _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_,
+        vol. i. p. 51, it appears that even Addington was studying Adam
+        Smith in 1787.
+
+  [363] In 1797, Pulteney, in one of his financial speeches, appealed to
+        'the authority of Dr. Smith, who, it was well said, would
+        persuade the present generation and govern the next.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxiii. p. 778. In 1813, Dugald Stewart (_Philosophy
+        of the Human Mind_, vol. ii. p. 472) announced that the doctrine
+        of free trade 'has now, I believe, become the prevailing creed of
+        thinking men all over Europe.' And in 1816, Ricardo said, 'The
+        reasoning by which the liberty of trade is supported is so
+        powerful, that it is daily obtaining converts. It is with
+        pleasure that I see the progress which this great principle is
+        making amongst those whom we should have expected to cling the
+        longest to old prejudices.' _Proposals for an Economical
+        Currency_, in _Ricardo's Works_, p. 407.
+
+Such is the way in which great thinkers control the affairs of men, and
+by their discoveries regulate the march of nations. And truly the
+history of this one triumph alone should be enough to repress the
+presumption of statesmen and legislators, who so exaggerate the
+importance of their craft as to ascribe great results to their own
+shifting and temporary contrivances. For, whence did they derive that
+knowledge, of which they are always ready to assume the merit? How did
+they obtain their opinions? How did they get at their principles? These
+are the elements of their success; and these they can only learn from
+their masters--from those great teachers, who, moved by the inspiration
+of genius, fertilize the world with their discoveries. Well may it be
+said of Adam Smith, and said, too, without fear of contradiction, that
+this solitary Scotchman has, by the publication of one single work,
+contributed more towards the happiness of man, than has been effected by
+the united abilities of all the statesmen and legislators of whom
+history has preserved an authentic account.
+
+The result of these great discoveries I am not here concerned to
+examine, except so far as they aided in diminishing the energy of the
+warlike spirit. And the way in which they effected this may be easily
+stated. As long as it was generally believed that the wealth of a
+country consists of its gold, it was of course also believed that the
+sole object of trade is to increase the influx of the precious metals;
+it, therefore, became natural that Government should be expected to take
+measures by which such influx could be secured. This, however, could
+only be done by draining other countries of their gold; a result which
+they, for precisely the same reasons, strenuously resisted. The
+consequence was, that any idea of real reciprocity was impossible: every
+commercial treaty was an attempt made by one nation to outwit
+another;[364] every new tariff was a declaration of hostility; and that
+which ought to be the most peaceable of all pursuits became one of the
+causes of those national jealousies and national animosities, by which
+war is mainly promoted.[365] But when it was once clearly understood
+that gold and silver are not wealth, but are merely the representatives
+of wealth; when men began to see that wealth itself solely consists of
+the value which skill and labour can add to the raw material, and that
+money is of no possible use to a nation except to measure and circulate
+their riches; when these great truths were recognized,[366] all the old
+notions respecting the balance of trade, and the supreme importance of
+the precious metals, at once fell to the ground. These enormous errors
+being dispersed, the true theory of barter was easily worked out. It was
+perceived, that if commerce is allowed to be free, its advantages will
+be shared by every country which engages in it; that, in the absence of
+monopoly, the benefits of trade are of necessity reciprocal; and that,
+so far from depending on the amount of gold received, they simply arise
+from the facility with which a nation gets rid of those commodities
+which it can produce most cheaply, and receives in return those
+commodities which it could only produce at a great expense, but which
+the other nation can, from the skill of its workmen, or from the bounty
+of nature, afford to supply at a lower rate. From this it followed,
+that, in a mercantile point of view, it would be as absurd to attempt to
+impoverish a people with whom we trade, as it would be in a tradesman to
+wish for the insolvency of a rich and frequent customer. The result is,
+that the commercial spirit, which formerly was often warlike, is now
+invariably pacific.[367] And although it is perfectly true that not one
+merchant out of a hundred is familiar with the arguments on which these
+economical discoveries are founded, that does not prevent the effect
+which the discoveries themselves produce on his own mind. The mercantile
+class is, like every other, acted upon by causes which only a few
+members of that class are able to perceive. Thus, for instance, of all
+the innumerable opponents of protection, there are very few indeed who
+can give valid reasons to justify their opposition. But this does not
+prevent the opposition from taking place. For an immense majority of men
+always follow with implicit submission the spirit of their own time; and
+the spirit of the time is merely its knowledge, and the direction that
+knowledge takes. As, in the ordinary avocations of daily life, everyone
+is benefited, in the increase of his comforts, and of his general
+security, by the progress of many arts and sciences, of which perhaps he
+does not even know the name, just so is the mercantile class benefited
+by those great economical discoveries which, in the course of two
+generations, have already effected a complete change in the commercial
+legislation of this country, and which are now operating slowly, but
+steadily, upon those other European states where, public opinion being
+less powerful, it is more difficult to establish great truths and
+extirpate old abuses. While, therefore, it is perfectly true, that among
+merchants, a comparatively small number are acquainted with political
+economy, it is not the less true that they owe a large part of their
+wealth to the political economists; who, by removing the obstacles with
+which the ignorance of successive governments had impeded trade, have
+now settled on a solid foundation that commercial prosperity which is by
+no means the least of our national glories. Most assuredly is it also
+true, that this same intellectual movement has lessened the chance of
+war, by ascertaining the principles which ought to regulate our
+commercial relations with foreign countries; by proving, not only the
+inutility, but the positive mischief, caused by interfering with them;
+and finally, by exploding those long-established errors, which, inducing
+men to believe that nations are the natural enemies of each other,
+encouraged those evil feelings, and fostered those national jealousies,
+to the strength of which the military spirit owed no small share of its
+former influence.
+
+  [364] Sir Theodore Janson, in his _General Maxims of Trade_, published
+        in 1713, lays it down as a principle universally recognized, that
+        'All the nations of Europe seem to strive who shall outwit one
+        another in point of trade; and they concur in this maxim, that
+        the less they consume of foreign commodities, the better it is
+        for them.' _Somers' Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 292. Thus, too, in a
+        _Dialogue between an Englishman and a Dutchman_, published in
+        1700, the Dutchman is represented as boasting that his government
+        had 'forced treaties of commerce exclusive to all other nations.'
+        _Somers' Tracts_, vol. xi. p. 376. This is the system of 'narrow
+        selfishness' denounced by Dr. Story, in his noble work, _Conflict
+        of Laws_, 1841, p. 32.
+
+  [365] 'It cannot, indeed, be denied that mistaken views of commerce,
+        like those so frequently entertained of religion, have been the
+        cause of many wars and of much bloodshed.' _M'Culloch's
+        Principles of Political Economy_, p. 140. See also pp. 37, 38:
+        'It has made each nation regard the welfare of its neighbours as
+        incompatible with its own: hence the reciprocal desire of
+        injuring and impoverishing each other; and hence that spirit of
+        commercial rivalry, which has been the immediate or remote cause
+        of the greater number of modern wars.'
+
+  [366] On the rapid diffusion during the present century of the
+        principles worked out by the economists, compare _Laing's
+        Sweden_, pp. 356-358, with a note to the last edition of _Malthus
+        on Population_, 1826, vol. ii. pp. 354, 355.
+
+  [367] 'The feelings of rival tradesmen, prevailing among nations,
+        overruled for centuries all sense of the general community of
+        advantage which commercial countries derive from the prosperity
+        of one another; and that commercial spirit, which is now one of
+        the strongest obstacles to wars, was during a certain period of
+        European history their principal cause.' _Mill's Political
+        Economy_, 1849, vol. ii. p. 221. This great change in the
+        feelings of the commercial classes did not begin before the
+        present century, and has not been visible to ordinary observers
+        until the last five-and-twenty or thirty years; but it was
+        foretold in a remarkable passage written by Herder in 1787; see
+        his _Ideen zur Geschichte_, vol. iii. pp. 292, 293.
+
+The third great cause by which the love of war has been weakened, is the
+way in which discoveries respecting the application of Steam to the
+purposes of travelling have facilitated the intercourse between
+different countries, and thus aided in destroying that ignorant contempt
+which one nation is too apt to feel for another. Thus, for instance, the
+miserable and impudent falsehoods which a large class of English writers
+formerly directed against the morals and private character of the
+French, and, to their shame be it said, even against the chastity of
+French women, tended not a little to embitter the angry feelings then
+existing between the two first countries of Europe; irritating the
+English against French vices, irritating the French against English
+calumnies. In the same way, there was a time when every honest
+Englishman firmly believed that he could beat ten Frenchmen; a class of
+beings whom he held in sovereign contempt, as a lean and stunted race,
+who drank claret instead of brandy, who lived entirely off frogs;
+miserable infidels, who heard mass every Sunday, who bowed down before
+idols, and who even worshipped the Pope. On the other hand, the French
+were taught to despise us, as rude unlettered barbarians, without either
+taste or humanity; surly, ill-conditioned men, living in an unhappy
+climate, where a perpetual fog, only varied by rain, prevented the sun
+from ever being seen; suffering from so deep and inveterate a
+melancholy, that physicians had called it the English spleen; and under
+the influence of this cruel malady constantly committing suicide,
+particularly in November, when we were well known to hang and shoot
+ourselves by thousands.[368]
+
+  [368] That there are more suicides in gloomy weather than in fine
+        weather used always to be taken for granted, and was a favourite
+        topic with the French wits, who were never weary of expatiating
+        on our love of self-murder, and on the relation between it and
+        our murky climate. Unfortunately for such speculations, the fact
+        is exactly opposite to what is generally supposed, and we have
+        decisive evidence that there are more suicides in summer than in
+        winter. See _Quetelet sur l'Homme_, vol. ii. pp. 152, 158;
+        _Tissot de la Manie du Suicide_, Paris, 1840, pp. 50, 149, 150;
+        _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. i. p. 102; _Winslow's
+        Anatomy of Suicide_, 1840, pp. 131, 132; _Hawkins's Medical
+        Statistics_, p. 170.
+
+Whoever has looked much into the older literature of France and England,
+knows that these were the opinions which the two first nations of
+Europe, in the ignorance and simplicity of their hearts, held respecting
+each other. But the progress of improvement, by bringing the two
+countries into close and intimate contact, has dissipated these foolish
+prejudices, and taught each people to admire, and, what is still more
+important, to respect each other. And the greater the contact, the
+greater the respect. For, whatever theologians may choose to assert, it
+is certain that mankind at large has far more virtue than vice, and that
+in every country good actions are more frequent than bad ones. Indeed,
+if this were otherwise, the preponderance of evil would long since have
+destroyed the human race, and not even have left a single man to lament
+the degeneracy of his species. An additional proof of this is the fact,
+that the more nations associate with each other, and the more they see
+and know of their fellow-creatures, the more quickly do ancient enmities
+disappear. This is because an enlarged experience proves that mankind is
+not so radically bad as we from our infancy are taught to believe. But
+if vices were really more frequent than virtues, the result would be,
+that the increasing amalgamation of society would increase our bad
+opinion of others; because, though we may love our own vices, we do not
+generally love the vices of our neighbours. So far, however, is this
+from being the actual consequence, that it has always been found that
+those whose extensive knowledge makes them best acquainted with the
+general course of human actions, are precisely those who take the most
+favourable view of them. The greatest observer and the most profound
+thinker is invariably the most lenient judge. It is the solitary
+misanthrope, brooding over his fancied wrongs, who is most prone to
+depreciate the good qualities of our nature, and exaggerate its bad
+ones. Or else it is some foolish and ignorant monk, who, dreaming away
+his existence in an idle solitude, flatters his own vanity by denouncing
+the vices of others; and thus declaiming against the enjoyments of life,
+revenges himself on that society from which by his own superstition he
+is excluded. These are the sort of men who insist most strongly on the
+corruption of our nature, and on the degeneracy into which we have
+fallen. The enormous evil which such opinions have brought about, is
+well understood by those who have studied the history of countries in
+which they are, and have been, most prevalent. Hence it is that, among
+the innumerable benefits derived from advancing knowledge, there are few
+more important than those improved facilities of communication,[369]
+which, by increasing the frequency with which nations and individuals
+are brought into contact, have, to an extraordinary extent, corrected
+their prejudices, raised the opinion which each forms of the other,
+diminished their mutual hostility, and thus diffusing a more favourable
+view of our common nature, have stimulated us to develop those boundless
+resources of the human understanding, the very existence of which it was
+once considered almost a heresy to assert.
+
+  [369] Respecting which I will only mention one fact, in regard to our
+        own country. By the returns of the Board of Trade, it appears
+        that the passengers annually travelling by railway amounted in
+        1842 to nineteen millions; but in 1852 they had increased to more
+        than eighty-six millions. _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol.
+        xvi. p. 292.
+
+This is precisely what has occurred in modern Europe. The French and
+English people have, by the mere force of increased contact, learned to
+think more favourably of each other, and to discard that foolish
+contempt in which both nations formerly indulged. In this, as in all
+cases, the better one civilized country is acquainted with another, the
+more it will find to respect and to imitate. For of all the causes of
+national hatred, ignorance is the most powerful. When you increase the
+contact, you remove the ignorance, and thus you diminish the
+hatred.[370] This is the true bond of charity; and it is worth all the
+lessons which moralists and divines are able to teach. They have pursued
+their vocation for centuries, without producing the least effect in
+lessening the frequency of war. But it may be said without the
+slightest exaggeration, that every new railroad which is laid down, and
+every fresh steamer which crosses the Channel, are additional guarantees
+for the preservation of that long and unbroken peace which, during forty
+years, has knit together the fortunes and the interests of the two most
+civilized nations of the earth.
+
+  [370] Of this, Mr. Stephens (in his valuable work, _Central America_,
+        vol. i. pp. 247-8) relates an interesting instance in the case of
+        that remarkable man Carrera: 'Indeed, in no particular had he
+        changed more than in his opinion of foreigners; a happy
+        illustration of the effect of personal intercourse in breaking
+        down prejudices against individuals or classes.' Mr. Elphinstone
+        (_History of India_, p. 195) says, 'Those who have known the
+        Indians longest have always the best opinion of them: but _this
+        is rather a compliment to human nature than to them, since it is
+        true of every other people_.' Compare an instructive passage in
+        _Darwin's Journal of Researches_, p. 421, with _Burdach_, _Traite
+        de Physiologie comme Science d'Observation_, vol. ii. p. 61.
+
+I have thus, so far as my knowledge will permit, endeavoured to indicate
+the causes which have diminished religious persecution and war: the two
+greatest evils with which men have yet contrived to afflict their
+fellow-creatures. The question of the decline of religious persecution I
+have only briefly noticed, because it will be more fully handled in a
+subsequent part of this volume. Enough, however, has been advanced to
+prove how essentially it is an intellectual process, and how little good
+can be effected on this subject by the operation of moral feelings. The
+causes of the decline of the warlike spirit I have examined at
+considerable, and, perhaps, to some readers, at tedious length, and the
+result of that examination has been, that the decline is owing to the
+increase of the intellectual classes, to whom the military classes are
+necessarily antagonistic. In pushing the inquiry a little deeper, we
+have, by still further analysis, ascertained the existence of three vast
+though subsidiary causes, by which the general movement has been
+accelerated. These are--the invention of Gunpowder, the discoveries of
+Political Economy, and the discovery of improved means of Locomotion.
+Such are the three great modes or channels by which the progress of
+knowledge has weakened the old warlike spirit; and the way in which they
+have effected this has, I trust, been clearly pointed out. The facts and
+arguments which I have brought forward, have, I can conscientiously say,
+been subjected to careful and repeated scrutiny; and I am quite unable
+to see on what possible ground their accuracy is to be impugned. That
+they will be disagreeable to certain classes, I am well aware; but the
+unpleasantness of a statement is hardly to be considered a proof of its
+falsehood. The sources from which the evidence has been derived are
+fully indicated; and the arguments, I hope, fairly stated. And from them
+there results a most important conclusion. From them we are bound to
+infer, that the two oldest, greatest, most inveterate, and most
+widely-spread evils which have ever been known, are constantly, though,
+on the whole, slowly, diminishing; and that their diminution has been
+effected, not at all by moral feelings, nor by moral teachings, but
+solely by the activity of the human intellect, and by the inventions and
+discoveries which, in a long course of successive ages, man has been
+able to make.
+
+Since, then, in the two most important phenomena which the progress of
+society presents, the moral laws have been steadily and invariably
+subordinate to the intellectual laws, there arises a strong presumption
+that in inferior matters the same process has been followed. To prove
+this in its full extent, and thus raise the presumption to an absolute
+certainty, would be to write, not an Introduction to history, but the
+History itself. The reader must, therefore, be satisfied for the present
+with what, I am conscious, is merely an approach towards demonstration;
+and the complete demonstration must necessarily be reserved for the
+future volumes of this work: in which I pledge myself to show that the
+progress Europe has made from barbarism to civilization is entirely due
+to its intellectual activity; that the leading countries have now, for
+some centuries, advanced sufficiently far to shake off the influence of
+those physical agencies by which in an earlier state their career might
+have been troubled; and that although the moral agencies are still
+powerful, and still cause occasional disturbances, these are but
+aberrations, which, if we compare long periods of time, balance each
+other, and thus in the total amount entirely disappear. So that, in a
+great and comprehensive view, the changes in every civilized people are,
+in their aggregate, dependent solely on three things: first, on the
+amount of knowledge possessed by their ablest men; secondly, on the
+direction which that knowledge takes, that is to say, the sort of
+subjects to which it refers: thirdly, and above all, on the extent to
+which the knowledge is diffused, and the freedom with which it pervades
+all classes of society.
+
+These are the three great movers of every civilized country; and
+although their operation is frequently disturbed by the vices or the
+virtues of powerful individuals, such moral feelings correct each other,
+and the average of long periods remains unaffected. Owing to causes of
+which we are ignorant, the moral qualities do, no doubt, constantly
+vary; so that in one man, or perhaps even in one generation, there will
+be an excess of good intentions; in another an excess of bad ones. But
+we have no reason to think that any permanent change has been effected
+in the proportion which those who naturally possess good intentions bear
+to those in whom bad ones seem to be inherent. In what may be called the
+innate and original morals of mankind, there is, so far as we are aware,
+no progress. Of the different passions with which we are born, some are
+more prevalent at one time, some at another; but experience teaches us
+that, as they are always antagonistic, they are held in balance by the
+force of their own opposition. The activity of one motive is corrected
+by the activity of another. For to every vice there is a corresponding
+virtue. Cruelty is counteracted by benevolence; sympathy is excited by
+suffering; the injustice of some provokes the charity of others; new
+evils are met by new remedies, and even the most enormous offences that
+have ever been known have left behind them no permanent impression. The
+desolation of countries and the slaughter of men are losses which never
+fail to be repaired, and at the distance of a few centuries every
+vestige of them is effaced. The gigantic crimes of Alexander or Napoleon
+become after a time void of effect, and the affairs of the world return
+to their former level. This is the ebb and flow of history, the
+perpetual flux to which by the laws of our nature we are subject. Above
+all this, there is a far higher movement; and as the tide rolls on, now
+advancing, now receding, there is, amid its endless fluctuations, one
+thing, and one alone, which endures for ever. The actions of bad men
+produce only temporary evil, the actions of good men only temporary
+good; and eventually the good and the evil altogether subside, are
+neutralized by subsequent generations, absorbed by the incessant
+movements of future ages. But the discoveries of great men never leave
+us; they are immortal, they contain those eternal truths which survive
+the shock of empires, outlive the struggles of rival creeds, and witness
+the decay of successive religions. All these have their different
+measures and their different standards; one set of opinions for one age,
+another set for another. They pass away like a dream; they are as the
+fabric of a vision, which leaves not a rack behind. The discoveries of
+genius alone remain: it is to them we owe all that we now have, they are
+for all ages and all times; never young, and never old, they bear the
+seeds of their own life; they flow on in a perennial and undying stream;
+they are essentially cumulative, and, giving birth to the additions
+which they subsequently receive, they thus influence the most distant
+posterity, and after the lapse of centuries produce more effect than
+they were able to do even at the moment of their promulgation.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+    INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND
+                               GOVERNMENT.
+
+
+By applying to the history of Man those methods of investigation which
+have been found successful in other branches of knowledge, and by
+rejecting all preconceived notions which would not bear the test of
+those methods, we have arrived at certain results, the heads of which it
+may now be convenient to recapitulate. We have seen that our actions,
+being solely the result of internal and external agencies, must be
+explicable by the laws of those agencies; that is to say, by mental laws
+and by physical laws. We have also seen that mental laws are, in Europe,
+more powerful than physical laws; and that, in the progress of
+civilization, their superiority is constantly increasing, because
+advancing knowledge multiplies the resources of the mind, but leaves the
+old resources of nature stationary. On this account, we have treated the
+mental laws as being the great regulators of progress; and we have
+looked at the physical laws as occupying a subordinate place, and as
+merely displaying themselves in occasional disturbances, the force and
+frequency of which have been long declining, and are now, on a large
+average, almost inoperative. Having, by this means, resolved the study
+of what may be called the dynamics of society into the study of the laws
+of the mind, we have subjected these last to a similar analysis; and we
+have found that they consist of two parts, namely, moral laws and
+intellectual laws. By comparing these two parts, we have clearly
+ascertained the vast superiority of the intellectual laws; and we have
+seen, that as the progress of civilization is marked by the triumph of
+the mental laws over the physical, just so is it marked by the triumph
+of the intellectual laws over the moral ones. This important inference
+rests on two distinct arguments. First, that moral truths being
+stationary, and intellectual truths being progressive, it is highly
+improbable that the progress of society should be due to moral
+knowledge, which for many centuries has remained the same, rather than
+to intellectual knowledge, which for many centuries has been incessantly
+advancing. The other argument consists in the fact, that the two
+greatest evils known to mankind have not been diminished by moral
+improvement; but have been, and still are, yielding to the influence of
+intellectual discoveries. From all this it evidently follows, that if we
+wish to ascertain the conditions which regulate the progress of modern
+civilization, we must seek them in the history of the amount and
+diffusion of intellectual knowledge; and we must consider physical
+phenomena and moral principles as causing, no doubt, great aberrations
+in short periods, but in long periods correcting and balancing
+themselves, and thus leaving the intellectual laws to act uncontrolled
+by these inferior and subordinate agents.
+
+Such is the conclusion to which we have been led by successive analyses,
+and on which we now take our stand. The actions of individuals are
+greatly affected by their moral feelings and by their passions; but
+these being antagonistic to the passions and feelings of other
+individuals, are balanced by them; so that their effect is, in the great
+average of human affairs, nowhere to be seen; and the total actions of
+mankind, considered as a whole, are left to be regulated by the total
+knowledge of which mankind is possessed. And of the way in which
+individual feeling and individual caprice are thus absorbed and
+neutralized, we find a clear illustration in the facts already brought
+forward respecting the history of crime. For by those facts it is
+decisively proved, that the amount of crime committed in a country is,
+year after year, reproduced with the most startling uniformity, not
+being in the least affected by those capricious and personal feelings to
+which human actions are too often referred. But if, instead of examining
+the history of crime year by year, we were to examine it month by
+month, we should find less regularity; and if we were to examine it hour
+by hour, we should find no regularity at all; neither would its
+regularity be seen, if, instead of the criminal records of a whole
+country, we only knew those of a single street, or of a single family.
+This is because the great social laws by which crime is governed, can
+only be perceived after observing great numbers or long periods; but in
+a small number, and a short period, the individual moral principle
+triumphs, and disturbs the operation of the larger and intellectual law.
+While, therefore, the moral feelings by which a man is urged to commit a
+crime, or to abstain from it, will produce an immense effect on the
+amount of his own crimes, they will produce no effect on the amount of
+crimes committed by the society to which he belongs; because, in the
+long-run, they are sure to be neutralized by opposite moral feelings,
+which cause in other men an opposite conduct. Just in the same way, we
+are all sensible that moral principles do affect nearly the whole of our
+actions; but we have incontrovertible proof that they produce not the
+least effect on mankind in the aggregate, or even on men in very large
+masses, provided that we take the precaution of studying social
+phenomena for a period sufficiently long, and on a scale sufficiently
+great, to enable the superior laws to come into uncontrolled operation.
+
+The totality of human actions being thus, from the highest point of
+view, governed by the totality of human knowledge, it might seem a
+simple matter to collect the evidence of the knowledge, and, by
+subjecting it to successive generalizations, ascertain the whole of the
+laws which regulate the progress of civilization. And that this will be
+eventually done, I do not entertain the slightest doubt. But,
+unfortunately, history has been written by men so inadequate to the
+great task they have undertaken, that few of the necessary materials
+have yet been brought together. Instead of telling us those things which
+alone have any value,--instead of giving us information respecting the
+progress of knowledge, and the way in which mankind has been affected by
+the diffusion of that knowledge,--instead of these things, the vast
+majority of historians fill their works with the most trifling and
+miserable details: personal anecdotes of kings and courts; interminable
+relations of what was said by one minister, and what was thought by
+another; and, what is worse than all, long accounts of campaigns,
+battles, and sieges, very interesting to those engaged in them, but to
+us utterly useless, because they neither furnish new truths, nor do they
+supply the means by which new truths may be discovered. This is the real
+impediment which now stops our advance. It is this want of judgment, and
+this ignorance of what is most worthy of selection, which deprives us of
+materials that ought long since to have been accumulated, arranged, and
+stored-up for future use. In other great branches of knowledge,
+observation has preceded discovery; first the facts have been
+registered, and then their laws have been found. But in the study of the
+history of Man, the important facts have been neglected, and the
+unimportant ones preserved. The consequence is, that whoever now
+attempts to generalize historical phenomena must collect the facts, as
+well as conduct the generalization. He finds nothing ready to his hand.
+He must be the mason as well as the architect; he must not only scheme
+the edifice, but likewise excavate the quarry. The necessity of
+performing this double labour entails upon the philosopher such enormous
+drudgery, that the limits of an entire life are unequal to the task; and
+history, instead of being ripe, as it ought to be, for complete and
+exhaustive generalizations, is still in so crude and informal a state,
+that not the most determined and protracted industry will enable any one
+to comprehend the really important actions of mankind, during even so
+short a period as two successive centuries.
+
+On account of these things, I have long since abandoned my original
+scheme; and I have reluctantly determined to write the history, not of
+general civilization, but of the civilization of a single people. While,
+however, by this means, we curtail the field of inquiry, we
+unfortunately diminish the resources of which the inquiry is possessed.
+For although it is perfectly true, that the totality of human actions,
+if considered in long periods, depends on the totality of human
+knowledge, it must be allowed that this great principle, when applied
+only to one country, loses something of its original value. The more we
+diminish our observations, the greater becomes the uncertainty of the
+average; in other words, the greater the chance of the operation of the
+larger laws being troubled by the operation of the smaller. The
+interference of foreign governments; the influence exercised by the
+opinions, literature, and customs of a foreign people; their invasions,
+perhaps even their conquests; the forcible introduction by them of new
+religions, new laws, and new manners,--all these things are
+perturbations, which, in a view of universal history, equalize each
+other, but which, in any one country, are apt to disturb the natural
+march, and thus render the movements of civilization more difficult to
+calculate. The manner in which I have endeavoured to meet this
+difficulty will be presently stated; but what I first wish to point out,
+are the reasons which have induced me to select the history of England
+as more important than any other, and therefore as the most worthy of
+being subjected to a complete and philosophic investigation.
+
+Now, it is evident that, inasmuch as the great advantage of studying
+past events consists in the possibility of ascertaining the laws by
+which they were governed, the history of any people will become more
+valuable in proportion as their movements have been least disturbed by
+agencies not arising from themselves. Every foreign or external
+influence which is brought to bear upon a nation is an interference with
+its natural development, and therefore complicates the circumstances we
+seek to investigate. To simplify complications, is, in all branches of
+knowledge, the first essential of success. This is very familiar to the
+cultivators of physical science, who are often able, by a single
+experiment, to discover a truth which innumerable observations had
+vainly searched; the reason being, that by experimenting on phenomena,
+we can disentangle them from their complications; and thus isolating
+them from the interference of unknown agencies, we leave them, as it
+were, to run their own course, and disclose the operation of their own
+law.
+
+This, then, is the true standard by which we must measure the value of
+the history of any nation. The importance of the history of a country
+depends, not upon the splendour of its exploits, but upon the degree to
+which its actions are due to causes springing out of itself. If,
+therefore, we could find some civilized people who had worked out their
+civilization entirely by themselves; who had escaped all foreign
+influence, and who had been neither benefited nor retarded by the
+personal peculiarities of their rulers,--the history of such a people
+would be of paramount importance; because it would present a condition
+of normal and inherent development; it would show the laws of progress
+acting in a state of isolation; it would be, in fact, an experiment
+ready-made, and would possess all the value of that artificial
+contrivance to which natural science is so much indebted.
+
+To find such a people as this is obviously impossible; but the duty of
+the philosophic historian is, to select for his especial study the
+country in which the conditions have been most closely followed. Now, it
+will be readily admitted, not only by ourselves, but by intelligent
+foreigners, that in England, during, at all events, the last three
+centuries, this has been done more constantly and more successfully than
+in any other country. I say nothing of the number of our discoveries,
+the brilliancy of our literature, or the success of our arms. These are
+invidious topics; and other nations may perhaps deny to us those
+superior merits which we are apt to exaggerate. But I take up this
+single position, that of all European countries, England is the one
+where, during the longest period, the government has been most
+quiescent, and the people most active; where popular freedom has been
+settled on the widest basis; where each man is most able to say what he
+thinks, and do what he likes; where every one can follow his own bent,
+and propagate his own opinions; where, religious persecution being
+little known, the play and flow of the human mind may be clearly seen,
+unchecked by those restraints to which it is elsewhere subjected; where
+the profession of heresy is least dangerous, and the practice of dissent
+most common; where hostile creeds flourish side by side, and rise and
+decay without disturbance, according to the wants of the people,
+unaffected by the wishes of the church, and uncontrolled by the
+authority of the state; where all interests, and all classes, both
+spiritual and temporal, are most left to take care of themselves; where
+that meddlesome doctrine called Protection was first attacked, and where
+alone it has been destroyed; and where, in a word, those dangerous
+extremes to which interference gives rise having been avoided, despotism
+and rebellion are equally rare, and concession being recognized as the
+groundwork of policy, the national progress has been least disturbed by
+the power of privileged classes, by the influence of particular sects,
+or by the violence of arbitrary rulers.
+
+That these are the characteristics of English history is notorious; to
+some men a matter of boast, to others of regret. And when to these
+circumstances we add, that England, owing to its insular formation,[371]
+was, until the middle of the last century, rarely visited by foreigners,
+it becomes evident that, in our progress as a people, we have been less
+affected than any other by the two main sources of interference, namely,
+the authority of government, and the influence of foreigners. In the
+sixteenth century, it became a fashion, among the English nobility, to
+travel abroad;[372] but it was by no means the fashion for foreign
+nobility to travel in England. In the seventeenth century, the custom of
+travelling for amusement spread so much, that, among the rich and idle
+classes, there were few Englishmen who did not, at least once in their
+life, cross the Channel; while the same classes in other countries,
+partly because they were less wealthy, partly from an inveterate dislike
+to the sea, hardly ever entered our island, unless compelled to do so on
+some particular business. The result was, that in other countries, and
+particularly in France and Italy, the inhabitants of the great cities
+became gradually accustomed to foreigners, and, like all men, were
+imperceptibly influenced by what they often saw. On the other hand,
+there were many of our cities in which none but Englishmen ever set
+their feet;[373] and inhabitants, even of the metropolis, might grow old
+without having once seen a single foreigner, except, perhaps, some dull
+and pompous ambassador taking his airing on the banks of the Thames. And
+although it is often said that, after the restoration of Charles II.,
+our national character began to be greatly influenced by French
+example,[374] this, as I shall fully prove, was confined to that small
+and insignificant part of society which hung about the court; nor did it
+produce any marked effect upon the two most important classes,--the
+intellectual class, and the industrious class. The movement may, indeed,
+be traced in the most worthless parts of our literature,--in the
+shameless productions of Buckingham, Dorset, Etherege, Killigrew,
+Mulgrave, Rochester, and Sedley. But neither then, nor at a much later
+period, were any of our great thinkers influenced by the intellect of
+France;[375] on the contrary, we find in their ideas, and even in their
+style, a certain rough and native vigour, which, though offensive to our
+more polished neighbours, has at least the merit of being the indigenous
+product of our own country.[376] The origin and extent of that connexion
+between the French and English intellects which subsequently arose, is a
+subject of immense importance; but, like most others of real value, it
+has been entirely neglected by historians. In the present work, I shall
+attempt to supply this deficiency: in the mean time I may say, that
+although we have been, and still are, greatly indebted to the French for
+our improvement in taste, in refinement, in manners, and indeed in all
+the amenities of life, we have borrowed from them nothing absolutely
+essential, nothing by which the destinies of nations are permanently
+altered. On the other hand, the French have not only borrowed from us
+some very valuable political institutions, but even the most important
+event in French history is due, in no small degree, to our influence.
+Their revolution of 1789 was, as is well known, brought about, or, to
+speak more properly, was mainly instigated, by a few great men, whose
+works, and afterwards whose speeches, roused the people to resistance;
+but what is less known, and nevertheless is certainly true, is, that
+these eminent leaders learnt in England that philosophy and those
+principles by which, when transplanted into their own country, such
+fearful and yet such salutary results were effected.[377]
+
+  [371] Coleridge well says, 'it is the chief of many blessings derived
+        from the insular character and circumstances of our country, that
+        our social institutions have formed themselves out of our proper
+        needs and interests.' _Coleridge on the Constitution of the
+        Church and State_, 8vo. 1830, pp. 20, 21. The political
+        consequences of this were much noticed at the time of the French
+        Revolution. See _Memoires de La Fayette_, vol. i. p. 404,
+        Bruxelles, 1837.
+
+  [372] In another place, I shall collect the evidence of the rapidly
+        increasing love of travelling in the sixteenth century; but it is
+        interesting to observe, that during the latter half of the
+        century there was first established the custom of appointing
+        travelling tutors. Compare _Barrington's Observations on the
+        Statutes_, p. 218, with a letter from Beza, written in 1598, in
+        _Memoires et Correspondence de Du Plessis Mornay_, vol. ix. p.
+        81.
+
+  [373] In regard to the society of women, this was still more observable,
+        even at a much later period; and when the Countess de Boufflers
+        visited England, at the beginning of the reign of George III.,
+        'on lui faisoit un merite de sa curiosite de voir l'Angleterre;
+        car on remarquoit qu'elle etoit la seule dame francoise de
+        qualite qui fut venue en voyageuse depuis deux cents ans: on ne
+        comprenoit point, dans cette classe, les ambassadrices, ni la
+        duchesse de Mazarin, qui y etoient venues par necessite.'
+        _Dutens_, _Memoires d'un Voyageur_, vol. i. p. 217. Compare
+        _Memoires de Madame de Genlis_, vol. viii. p. 241.
+
+  [374] _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 288; _Mahon's History of England_,
+        vol. ii. p. 211; and many other writers.
+
+  [375] The only Englishman of genius who, during this period, was
+        influenced by the French mind, was Dryden; but this is chiefly
+        apparent in his plays, the whole of which are now deservedly
+        forgotten. His great works, and, above all, those wonderful
+        satires, in which he distances every competitor, except Juvenal,
+        are thoroughly national, and, as mere specimens of English, are,
+        if I may express my own judgment, to be ranked immediately after
+        Shakspeare. In Dryden's writings there are unquestionably many
+        Gallicisms of expression, but few Gallicisms of thought; and it
+        is by these last that we must estimate the real amount of foreign
+        influence. Sir Walter Scott goes so far as to say, 'It will admit
+        of question, whether any single French word has been naturalized
+        upon the sole authority of Dryden.' _Scott's Life of Dryden_, p.
+        523, 8vo. 1808. Rather a bold assertion. As to the opinion of
+        Fox, see Lord Holland's preface to _Fox's James II._, 4to. 1808,
+        p. xxxii.
+
+  [376] Another circumstance which has maintained the independence, and
+        therefore increased the value, of our literature, is, that in no
+        great country have literary men been so little connected with the
+        government, or rewarded by it. That this is the true policy, and
+        that to protect literature is to injure it, are propositions for
+        the proof of which I must refer to chap. xi. of this volume--on
+        the system of Louis XIV. In the mean time, I will quote the
+        following words from a learned and, what is much better, a
+        thoughtful writer: 'Nor must he who will understand the English
+        institutions leave out of view the character of the enduring
+        works which had sprung from the salient energy of the English
+        mind. Literature had been left to develop itself. William of
+        Orange was foreign to it; Anne cared not for it; the first George
+        knew no English; the second not much.' _Bancroft's History of the
+        American Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 48. Compare _Forster's Life of
+        Goldsmith_, 1854, vol. i. pp. 93-96, vol. ii. p. 480.
+
+  [377] See, for evidence of this influence of England, chap. v. of the
+        second volume.
+
+It will not, I hope, be supposed, that by these remarks I mean to cast
+any reflection on the French: a great and admirable people; a people in
+many respects superior to ourselves; a people from whom we have still
+much to learn, and whose deficiencies, such as they are, arise from the
+perpetual interference of a long line of arbitrary rulers. But, looking
+at this matter historically, it is unquestionably true that we have
+worked out our civilization with little aid from them, while they have
+worked out theirs with great aid from us. At the same time, it must also
+be admitted, that our governments have interfered less with us than
+their governments have interfered with them. And without in the least
+prejudging the question as to which is the greater country, it is solely
+on these grounds that I consider our history more important than theirs:
+and I select for especial study the progress of English civilization,
+simply because, being less affected by agencies not arising from itself,
+we can the more clearly discern in it the normal march of society, and
+the undisturbed operation of those great laws by which the fortunes of
+mankind are ultimately regulated.
+
+After this comparison between the relative value of French and English
+history, it seems scarcely necessary to examine the claims which may be
+put forward for the history of other countries. Indeed, there are only
+two in whose favour any thing can be said: I mean Germany, considered as
+a whole, and the United States of North America. As to the Germans, it
+is undoubtedly true, that since the middle of the eighteenth century
+they have produced a greater number of profound thinkers than any other
+country, I might perhaps say, than all other countries put together. But
+the objections which apply to the French are still more applicable to
+the Germans. For the protective principle has been, and still is,
+stronger in Germany than in France. Even the best of the German
+governments are constantly interfering with the people; never leaving
+them to themselves, always looking after their interests, and meddling
+in the commonest affairs of daily life. Besides this, the German
+literature, though now the first in Europe, owes it origin, as we shall
+hereafter see, to that great sceptical movement, by which, in France,
+the Revolution was preceded. Before the middle of the eighteenth
+century, the Germans, notwithstanding a few eminent names, such as
+Kepler and Leibnitz, had no literature of real value; and the first
+impetus which they received, was caused by their contact with the French
+intellect, and by the influence of those eminent Frenchmen who, in the
+reign of Frederick the Great, flocked to Berlin,[378] a city which has
+ever since been the head-quarters of philosophy and science. From this
+there have resulted some very important circumstances, which I can here
+only briefly indicate. The German intellect, stimulated by the French
+into a sudden growth, has been irregularly developed; and thus hurried
+into an activity greater than the average civilization of the country
+requires. The consequence is, that there is no nation in Europe in which
+we find so wide an interval between the highest minds and the lowest
+minds. The German philosophers possess a learning, and a reach of
+thought, which places them at the head of the civilized world. The
+German people are more superstitious, more prejudiced, and,
+notwithstanding the care which the government takes of their education,
+more really ignorant, and more unfit to guide themselves, than are the
+inhabitants either of France or of England.[379] This separation and
+divergence of the two classes is the natural result of that artificial
+stimulus, which a century ago was administered to one of the classes,
+and which thus disturbed the normal proportions of society. Owing to
+this, the highest intellects have, in Germany, so outstripped the
+general progress of the nation, that there is no sympathy between the
+two parties; nor are there at present any means by which they may be
+brought into contact. Their great authors address themselves, not to
+their country, but to each other. They are sure of a select and learned
+audience, and they use what, in reality, is a learned language; they
+turn their mother-tongue into a dialect, eloquent indeed, and very
+powerful, but so difficult, so subtle, and so full of complicated
+inversions, that to their own lower classes it is utterly
+incomprehensible.[380] From this, there have arisen some of the most
+marked peculiarities of German literature. For, being deprived of
+ordinary readers, it is cut off from the influence of ordinary
+prejudice; and hence, it has displayed a boldness of inquiry, a
+recklessness in the pursuit of truth and a disregard of traditional
+opinions, which entitle it to the highest praise. But, on the other
+hand, this same circumstance has produced that absence of practical
+knowledge, and that indifference to material and physical interests, for
+which the German literature is justly censured. As a matter of course,
+all this has widened the original breach, and increased the distance
+which separates the great German thinkers from that dull and plodding
+class, which, though it lies immediately beneath them, still remains
+uninfluenced by their knowledge, and uncheered by the glow and fire of
+their genius.
+
+  [378] The history of this remarkable, though short-lived, union between
+        the French and German intellects will be traced in the next
+        volume; but its first great effect, in stimulating, or rather in
+        creating, the German literature, is noticed by one of the most
+        learned of their own writers: 'Denn einestheils war zu diesen
+        Gegenstaenden immer die lateinische Sprache gebraucht und die
+        Muttersprache zu wenig cultivirt worden, anderntheils wurden
+        diese Schriften auch meistentheils nur von Gelehrten, und zwar
+        Universitaetsgelehrten, fuer welche sie auch hauptsaechlich bestimmt
+        waren, gelesen. Gegen die Mitte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, als
+        mehrere englische und franzoesische Werke gelesen und uebersetzt
+        wurden, und durch die Vorliebe des Koenigs von Preussen
+        Friedrichs II., der von Franzosen gebildet worden war,
+        franzoesische Gelehrte besonders geehrt und angestellt wurden,
+        entstand ein Wetteifer der Deutschen, auch in dem schriftlichen
+        Vortrage nicht zurueck zu bleiben, und die Sprache hob sich bald
+        zu einem hohen Grade von Vollkommenheit.' _Tennemann_,
+        _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. xi. pp. 286, 287.
+
+  [379] A popular view of the system of national education established in
+        Germany will be found in _Kay's Social Condition and Education of
+        the People of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 1-344. But Mr. Kay, like most
+        literary men, overrates the advantages of literary acquirements,
+        and underrates that education of the faculties which neither
+        books nor schools can impart to a people who are debarred from
+        the exercise of civil and political rights. In the history of the
+        protective spirit (chaps. ix. and x. of the present volume), I
+        shall return to this subject, in connexion with France; and in
+        the next volume I shall examine it in regard to German
+        civilization. In the mean time, I must be allowed to protest
+        against the account Mr. Kay has given of the results of
+        compulsory education; an agreeable picture, drawn by an amiable
+        and intelligent writer, but of the inaccuracy of which I possess
+        decisive evidence. Two points only I will now refer to: 1st. The
+        notorious fact, that the German people, notwithstanding their
+        so-called education, are unfit to take any share in political
+        matters, and have no aptitude for the practical and
+        administrative parts of government. 2nd. The fact, equally
+        notorious to those who have studied the subject, that there are
+        more popular superstitions in Prussia, the most educated part of
+        Germany, than there are in England; and that the tenacity with
+        which men cling to them is greater in Prussia than in England.
+        For illustration of the practical working, in individual cases,
+        of compulsory education, and of the hardship it causes, see a
+        scandalous occurrence, related in _Laing's Notes of a Traveller_,
+        8vo. 1842, p. 165, first series; and on the physical evils
+        produced by German education, see _Phillips on Scrofula_, London,
+        1846, pp. 253, 254, where there is some useful evidence of the
+        consequences of 'that great German sin of over-regulation.'
+
+  [380] This is well stated by Mr. Laing, by far the ablest traveller who
+        has published observations on European society: 'German authors,
+        both the philosophic and the poetic, address themselves to a
+        public far more intellectual, and more highly cultivated, than
+        our reading public.... In our literature, the most obscure and
+        abstruse of metaphysical or philosophical writers _take the
+        public mind in a far lower state_, simply cognisant of the
+        meaning of language, and possessed of the ordinary reasoning
+        powers.... The social influence of German literature is,
+        consequently, confined within a narrower circle. It has no
+        influence on the mind of the lower, or even of the middle classes
+        in active life, who have not the opportunity or leisure to screw
+        their faculties up to the pitch-note of their great writers. The
+        reading public must devote much time to acquire the knowledge,
+        tone of feeling, and of imagination, necessary to follow the
+        writing public. The social economist finds accordingly in Germany
+        the most extraordinary dulness, inertness of mind, and ignorance,
+        below a certain level, with the most extraordinary intellectual
+        development, learning, and genius, at or above it.' _Laing's
+        Notes of a Traveller_, first series, pp. 266, 267. The same acute
+        observer says, in a later work (_Notes_, third series, 8vo. 1852,
+        p. 12): 'The two classes speak and think in different languages.
+        The cultivated German language, the language of German
+        literature, is not the language of the common man, nor even of
+        the man far up in the middle ranks of society,--the farmer,
+        tradesman, shopkeeper.' See also pp. 351, 352, 354. It is
+        singular that so clear and vigorous a thinker as Mr. Laing
+        evidently is, should have failed in detecting the cause of this
+        peculiar phenomenon.
+
+In America, on the other hand, we see a civilization precisely the
+reverse of this. We see a country, of which it has been truly said, that
+in no other are there so few men of great learning, and so few men of
+great ignorance.[381] In Germany, the speculative classes and the
+practical classes are altogether disunited; in America, they are
+altogether fused. In Germany, nearly every year brings forward new
+discoveries, new philosophies, new means by which the boundaries of
+knowledge are to be enlarged. In America, such inquiries are almost
+entirely neglected: since the time of Jonathan Edwards no great
+metaphysician has appeared; little attention has been paid to physical
+science; and, with the single exception of jurisprudence,[382] scarcely
+anything has been done for those vast subjects on which the Germans are
+incessantly labouring. The stock of American knowledge is small, but it
+is spread through all classes; the stock of German knowledge is immense,
+but it is confined to one class. Which of these two forms of
+civilization is the more advantageous, is a question we are not now
+called upon to decide. It is enough for our present purpose, that in
+Germany, there is a serious failure in the diffusion of knowledge; and,
+in America, a no less serious one in its accumulation. And as
+civilization is regulated by the accumulation and diffusion of
+knowledge, it is evident that no country can even approach to a complete
+and perfect pattern, if, cultivating one of these conditions to an
+excess, it neglects the cultivation of the other. Indeed, from this want
+of balance and equilibrium between the two elements of civilization,
+there have arisen in America and in Germany those great but opposite
+evils, which, it is to be feared, will not be easily remedied; and
+which, until remedied, will certainly retard the progress of both
+countries, notwithstanding the temporary advantages which such
+one-sided energy does for the moment always procure.
+
+  [381] 'Je ne pense pas qu'il y ait de pays dans le monde ou, proportion
+        gardee avec la population, il se trouve aussi peu d'ignorants et
+        moins de savants qu'en Amerique.' _Tocqueville de la Democratie
+        en Amerique_, vol. i. p. 91.
+
+  [382] The causes of this exception I shall endeavour to trace in the
+        next volume; but it is interesting to notice, that, as early as
+        1775, Burke was struck by the partiality of the Americans for
+        works on law. See _Burke's Speech_, in _Parliamentary History_,
+        vol. xviii. p. 495; or in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 188. He
+        says: 'In no country perhaps in the world is the law so general a
+        study. The profession itself is numerous and powerful; and in
+        most provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of the
+        deputies sent to the Congress were lawyers. But all who read--and
+        most do read--endeavour to obtain some smattering in that
+        science. I have been told by an eminent bookseller, that in no
+        branch of his business, after tracts of popular devotion, were so
+        many books as those on the law exported to the plantations. The
+        colonists have now fallen into the way of printing them for their
+        own use. I hear that they have sold nearly as many of
+        Blackstone's Commentaries in America as in England.' Of this
+        state of society, the great works of Kent and Story were, at a
+        later period, the natural result. On the respect at present felt
+        for the legal profession, see _Lyell's Second Visit to the United
+        States_, 1849, vol. i. p. 45; and as to the judges, _Combe's N.
+        America_, vol. ii. p. 329.
+
+I have very briefly, but I hope fairly, and certainly with no conscious
+partiality, endeavoured to estimate the relative value of the history of
+the four leading countries of the world. As to the real greatness of the
+countries themselves, I offer no opinion; because each considers itself
+to be first. But, unless the facts I have stated can be controverted, it
+certainly follows, that the history of England is, to the philosopher,
+more valuable than any other; because he can more clearly see in it the
+accumulation and diffusion of knowledge going hand-in-hand; because that
+knowledge has been less influenced by foreign and external agencies; and
+because it has been less interfered with, either for good or for evil,
+by those powerful, but frequently incompetent men, to whom the
+administration of public affairs is entrusted.
+
+It is on account of these considerations, and not at all from those
+motives which are dignified with the name of patriotism, that I have
+determined to write the history of my own country, in preference to that
+of any other; and to write it in a manner as complete, and as
+exhaustive, as the materials which are now extant will enable me to do.
+But, inasmuch as the circumstances already stated, render it impossible
+to discover the laws of society solely by studying the history of a
+single nation, I have drawn up the present Introduction in order to
+obviate some of the difficulties with which this great subject is
+surrounded. In the earlier chapters, I have attempted to mark out the
+limits of the subject considered as a whole, and fix the largest
+possible basis upon which it can rest. With this view, I have looked at
+civilization as broken into two vast divisions: the European division,
+in which Man is more powerful than Nature; and the non-European
+division, in which Nature is more powerful than Man. This has led us to
+the conclusion, that national progress, in connexion with popular
+liberty, could have originated in no part of the world except in Europe;
+where, therefore, the rise of real civilization, and the encroachments
+of the human mind upon the forces of nature, are alone to be studied.
+The superiority of the mental laws over the physical, being thus
+recognized as the groundwork of European history, the next step has
+been, to resolve the mental laws into moral and intellectual, and prove
+the superior influence of the intellectual ones in accelerating the
+progress of Man. These generalizations appear to me the essential
+preliminaries of history, considered as a science; and, in order to
+connect them with the special history of England, we have now merely to
+ascertain the fundamental condition of intellectual progress, as, until
+that is done, the annals of any people can only present an empirical
+succession of events, connected by such stray and casual links as are
+devised by different writers, according to their different principles.
+The remaining part of this Introduction will, therefore, be chiefly
+occupied in completing the scheme I have sketched, by investigating the
+history of various countries in reference to those intellectual
+peculiarities on which the history of our own country supplies no
+adequate information. Thus, for instance, in Germany, the accumulation
+of knowledge has been far more rapid than in England; the laws of the
+accumulation of knowledge may, on that account, be most conveniently
+studied in German history, and then applied deductively to the history
+of England. In the same way, the Americans have diffused their knowledge
+much more completely than we have done; I, therefore, purpose to explain
+some of the phenomena of English civilization by those laws of
+diffusion, of which, in American civilization, the workings may be most
+clearly seen, and hence the discovery most easily made. Again, inasmuch
+as France is the most civilized country in which the protective spirit
+is very powerful, we may trace the occult tendencies of that spirit
+among ourselves, by studying its obvious tendencies among our
+neighbours. With this view, I shall give an account of French history,
+in order to illustrate the protective principle, by showing the injury
+it has inflicted on a very able and enlightened people. And, in an
+analysis of the French Revolution, I shall point out how that great
+event was a reaction against the protective spirit; while, as the
+materials for the reaction were drawn from England, we shall also see in
+it the way in which the intellect of one country acts upon the intellect
+of another; and we shall arrive at some results respecting that
+interchange of ideas which is likely to become the most important
+regulator of European affairs. This will throw much light on the laws of
+international thought; and, in connexion with it, two separate chapters
+will be devoted to a History of the Protective Spirit, and an
+Examination of its relative intensity in France and England. But the
+French, as a people, have, since the beginning or middle of the
+seventeenth century, been remarkably free from superstition; and,
+notwithstanding the efforts of their government, they are very averse to
+ecclesiastical power: so that, although their history displays the
+protective principle in its political form, it supplies little evidence
+respecting its religious form; while, in our own country, the evidence
+is also scanty. Hence, my intention is, to give a view of Spanish
+history; because in it we may trace the full results of that protection
+against error which the spiritual classes are always eager to afford. In
+Spain, the church has, from a very early period, possessed more
+authority, and the clergy have been more influential, both with the
+people and the government, than in any other country; it will,
+therefore, be convenient to study in Spain the laws of ecclesiastical
+development, and the manner in which that development affects the
+national interests. Another circumstance, which operates on the
+intellectual progress of a nation, is the method of investigation that
+its ablest men habitually employ. This method can only be one of two
+kinds; it must be either inductive, or deductive. Each of these belongs
+to a different form of civilization, and is always accompanied by a
+different style of thought, particularly in regard to religion and
+science. These differences are of such immense importance, that, until
+their laws are known, we cannot be said to understand the real history
+of past events. Now, the two extremes of the difference are,
+undoubtedly, Germany and the United States; the Germans being
+pre-eminently deductive, the Americans inductive. But Germany and
+America are, in so many other respects, diametrically opposed to each
+other, that I have thought it expedient to study the operations of the
+deductive and inductive spirit in countries between which a closer
+analogy exists; because the greater the similarity between two nations,
+the more easily can we trace the consequences of any single divergence,
+and the more conspicuous do the laws of that divergence become. Such an
+opportunity occurs in the history of Scotland, as compared with that of
+England. Here we have two nations, bordering on each other, speaking the
+same language, reading the same literature, and knit together by the
+same interests. And yet it is a truth, which seems to have escaped
+attention, but the proof of which I shall fully detail, that, until the
+last thirty or forty years, the Scotch intellect has been even more
+entirely deductive than the English intellect has been inductive. The
+inductive tendencies of the English mind, and the almost superstitious
+reverence with which we cling to them, have been noticed with regret by
+a few, and a very few, of our ablest men.[383] On the other hand, in
+Scotland, particularly during the eighteenth century, the great
+thinkers, with hardly an exception, adopted the deductive method. Now,
+the characteristic of deduction, when applied to branches of knowledge
+not yet ripe for it, is, that it increases the number of hypotheses from
+which we reason downwards, and brings into disrepute the slow and
+patient ascent peculiar to inductive inquiry. This desire to grasp at
+truth by speculative, and, as it were, foregone conclusions, has often
+led the way to great discoveries; and no one, properly instructed, will
+deny its immense value. But when it is universally followed, there is
+imminent danger lest the observation of mere empirical uniformities
+should be neglected; and lest thinking men should grow impatient at
+those small and proximate generalizations which, according to the
+inductive scheme, must invariably precede the larger and higher ones.
+Whenever this impatience actually occurs, there is produced serious
+mischief. For these lower generalizations form a neutral ground, which
+speculative minds and practical minds possess in common, and on which
+they meet. If this ground is cut away, the meeting is impossible. In
+such case, there arises among the scientific classes an undue contempt
+for inferences which the experience of the vulgar has drawn, but of
+which the laws seem inexplicable; while, among the practical classes,
+there arises a disregard of speculations so wide, so magnificent, and of
+which the intermediate and preliminary steps are hidden from their gaze.
+The results of this in Scotland are highly curious, and are, in several
+respects, similar to those which we find in Germany; since in both
+countries the intellectual classes have long been remarkable for their
+boldness of investigation and their freedom from prejudice, and the
+people at large equally remarkable for the number of their superstitions
+and the strength of their prejudices. In Scotland this is even more
+striking than in Germany; because the Scotch, owing to causes which have
+been little studied, are, in practical matters, not only industrious and
+provident, but singularly shrewd. This, however, in the higher
+departments of life, has availed them nothing; and, while there is no
+country which possesses a more original, inquisitive, and innovating
+literature than Scotland does, so also is there no country, equally
+civilized, in which so much of the spirit of the Middle Ages still
+lingers, in which so many absurdities are still believed, and in which
+it would be so easy to rouse into activity the old feelings of religious
+intolerance.
+
+  [383] Particularly Coleridge and Mr. John Mill. But, with the greatest
+        possible respect for Mr. Mill's profound work on Logic, I must
+        venture to think that he has ascribed too much to the influence
+        of Bacon in encouraging the inductive spirit, and too little to
+        those other circumstances which gave rise to the Baconian
+        philosophy, and to which that philosophy owes its success.
+
+The divergence, and indeed the hostility, thus established between the
+practical and speculative classes, is the most important fact in the
+history of Scotland, and is partly cause and partly effect of the
+predominance of the deductive method. For this descending scheme being
+opposed to the ascending or inductive scheme, neglects those lower
+generalizations which are the only ones that both classes understand,
+and, therefore, the only ones where they sympathize with each other. The
+inductive method, as popularized by Bacon, gave great prominence to
+these lower or proximate truths; and this, though it has often made the
+intellectual classes in England too utilitarian, has at all events saved
+them from that state of isolation in which they would otherwise have
+remained. But in Scotland the isolation has been almost complete,
+because the deductive method has been almost universal. Full evidence of
+this will be collected in the third volume; but, that I may not leave
+the subject entirely without illustration, I will notice very briefly
+the principal instances that occurred during those three generations in
+which Scotch literature reached its highest excellence.
+
+During this period, which comprises nearly a century, the tendency was
+so unmistakable as to form a striking phenomenon in the annals of the
+human mind. The first great symptom was a movement begun by Simson,
+professor at the University of Glasgow, and continued by Stewart,
+professor at the University of Edinburgh. These able men made strenuous
+efforts to revive the pure Greek geometry, and depreciate the algebraic
+or symbolical analysis.[384] Hence there arose among them, and among
+their disciples, a love of the most refined methods of solution, and a
+contempt for those easier, but less elegant ones, which we owe to
+algebra.[385] Here we clearly see the isolating and esoteric character
+of a scheme which despises what ordinary understandings can quickly
+master, and which had rather proceed from the ideal to the tangible,
+than mount from the tangible to the ideal. Just at the same time, the
+same spirit was displayed, in another branch of inquiry, by Hutcheson,
+who, though an Irishman by birth, was educated in the University of
+Glasgow, and was professor there. In his celebrated moral and aesthetic
+researches, he, in the place of inductive reasoning from palpable facts,
+substituted deductive reasoning from impalpable principles; ignoring the
+immediate and practical suggestions of the senses, and believing that by
+a hypothetical assumption of certain laws, he could descend upon the
+facts, instead of rising from the facts in order to learn the laws.[386]
+His philosophy exercised immense influence among metaphysicians;[387]
+and his method of working downwards, from the abstract to the concrete,
+was adopted by another and a still greater Scotchman, the illustrious
+Adam Smith. How Smith favoured the deductive form of investigation is
+apparent in his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, likewise in his _Essay on
+Language_,[388] and even in his fragment on the _History of Astronomy_,
+in which he, from general considerations, undertook to prove what the
+march of astronomical discovery must have been, instead of first
+ascertaining what it had been.[389] The _Wealth of Nations_, again, is
+entirely deductive, since in it Smith generalizes the laws of wealth,
+not from the phenomena of wealth, nor from statistical statements, but
+from the phenomena of selfishness; thus making a deductive application
+of one set of mental principles to the whole set of economical
+facts.[390] The illustrations with which his great book abounds are no
+part of the real argument: they are subsequent to the conception; and if
+they were all admitted, the work, though less interesting and perhaps
+less influential, would, in a scientific point of view, be equally
+valuable. To give another instance: the works of Hume, his metaphysical
+essays alone excepted, are all deductive; his profound economical
+inquiries are essentially _a priori_, and might have been written
+without any acquaintance with those details of trade and finance from
+which, according to the inductive scheme, they should have been
+generalized.[391] Thus, too, in his _Natural History of Religion_, he
+endeavoured simply by reflection, and independently of evidence, to
+institute a purely speculative investigation into the origin of
+religious opinions.[392] In the same way, in his _History of England_,
+instead of first collecting the evidence, and then drawing inferences
+from it, he began by assuming that the relations between the people and
+the government must have followed a certain order, and he either
+neglected or distorted the facts by which this supposition was
+contradicted.[393] These different writers, though varying in their
+principles, and in the subjects they studied, were all agreed as to
+their method; that is to say, they were all agreed to investigate truth
+rather by descent than by ascent. The immense social importance of this
+peculiarity I shall examine in the third volume, where I shall endeavour
+to ascertain how it affected the national civilization, and caused some
+curious contrasts with the opposite, and more empirical, character of
+English literature. In the meantime, and merely to state what will be
+hereafter proved, I may add, that the deductive method was employed, not
+only by those eminent Scotchmen I have mentioned, but was carried into
+the speculative _History of Civil Society_ by Ferguson; into the study
+of legislation by Mill; into the study of jurisprudence by Mackintosh;
+into geology by Hutton; into thermotics by Black and Leslie; into
+physiology by Hunter, by Alexander Walker, and by Charles Bell; into
+pathology by Cullen; into therapeutics by Brown and Currie.
+
+  [384] Simson was appointed in 1711; and even before he began to lecture,
+        he drew up 'a translation of the three first books of
+        L'Hospital's Conic Sections, in which geometrical demonstrations
+        are substituted for the algebraical of the original, according to
+        Mr. Simson's early taste on this subject.' _Trail's Life and
+        Writings of Robert Simson_, 1812, 4to. p. 4. This was probably
+        the rudiment of his work on Conic Sections, published in 1735.
+        _Montucla_, _Histoire des Mathematiques_, vol. iii. p. 12. On the
+        difference between the ancient and modern schemes, there are some
+        ingenious, though perhaps scarcely tenable, remarks in Dugald
+        Stewart's _Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. ii. pp. 354 seq. and p.
+        380. See also _Comte_, _Philosophie Positive_, vol. i. pp.
+        383-395. Matthew Stewart, the mathematical professor at
+        Edinburgh, was the father of Dugald. See, respecting him and his
+        crusade against the modern analysis, _Bower's History of the
+        University of Edinburgh_, vol. ii. pp. 357-360, vol. iii. p. 249;
+        and a strange passage in _First Report of the British
+        Association_, p. 59.
+
+  [385] One of Simson's great reasons for recommending the old analysis,
+        was that it was 'more elegant' than the comparatively modern
+        practice of introducing algebraic calculations into geometry. See
+        _Trail's Simson_, 1812, 4to. pp. 27, 67; a valuable work, which
+        Lord Brougham, in his hasty life of Simson, calls, 'a very
+        learned and exceedingly ill-written, indeed hardly readable'
+        book. _Brougham's Men of Letters and Science_, vol. i. p. 482,
+        8vo. 1845. Dr. Trail's style is clearer, and his sentences are
+        less involved, than Lord Brougham's; and he had moreover the
+        great advantage of understanding the subject upon which he wrote.
+
+  [386] Sir James Mackintosh (_Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy_, p.
+        208) says of Hutcheson, 'To him may also be ascribed that
+        proneness to multiply ultimate and original principles in human
+        nature, which characterized the Scottish school till the second
+        extinction of a passion for metaphysical speculation in
+        Scotland.' There is an able view of Hutcheson's philosophy in
+        _Cousin_, _Histoire de la Philosophie_, I. serie, vol. iv. pp. 31
+        seq.; written with clearness and eloquence, but perhaps
+        overpraising Hutcheson.
+
+  [387] On its influence, see a letter from Mackintosh to Parr, in
+        _Memoirs of Mackintosh_, by his Son, vol. i. p. 334. Compare
+        _Letters from Warburton to Hurd_, pp. 37, 82.
+
+  [388] Which is added to his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, edit. 1822,
+        2 volumes. Compare a letter which Smith wrote in 1763 on the
+        origin of language (in _Nichols's Literary Illustrations of the
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516), which exhibits, on
+        a small scale, the same treatment, as distinguished from a
+        generalization of the facts which are supplied by a comprehensive
+        comparison of different languages. Dr. Arnold speaks slightingly
+        of such investigations. He says, 'Attempts to explain the
+        phenomena of language _a priori_ seem to me unwise.' _Arnold's
+        Miscellaneous Works_, p. 385. This would lead into a discussion
+        too long for a note, but it appears to me that those _a priori_
+        inferences are, to the philologist, what hypotheses are to the
+        inductive natural philosopher; and if this be the case, they are
+        extremely important, because no really fruitful experiment ever
+        can be made unless it is preceded by a judicious hypothesis. In
+        the absence of such an hypothesis, men may grope in the dark for
+        centuries, accumulating facts without obtaining knowledge.
+
+  [389] See, for instance, his attempt to prove, from general reasonings
+        concerning the human mind, that there was a necessary relation in
+        regard to the order in which men promulgated the system of
+        concentric spheres and that of eccentric spheres and epicycles.
+        _History of Astronomy_, in _Smith's Philosophical Essays_, 1795,
+        4to. pp. 31, 36, which it may be convenient to compare with
+        _Whewell's Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences_, 1847, vol. ii.
+        pp. 53, 60, 61. This striking fragment of Adam Smith's is
+        probably little read now; but it is warmly praised by one of the
+        greatest living philosophers, M. A. Comte, in his _Philosophie
+        Positive_, vol. vi. p. 319.
+
+  [390] The two writers who have inquired most carefully into the method
+        which political economists ought to follow, are Mr. John Mill
+        (_Essays on Unsettled Questions of Political Economy_, 1844, pp.
+        120-164) and Mr. Rae (_New Principles of Political Economy_,
+        1834, pp. 328-351). Mr. Rae, in his ingenious work, objects to
+        Adam Smith that he transgressed the rules of the Baconian
+        philosophy, and thus prevented his inferences from being as
+        valuable as they would have been if he had treated his subject
+        inductively. But Mr. Mill, with great force of reasoning, has
+        proved that the deductive plan is the only one by which political
+        economy can be raised to a science. He says, p. 143, political
+        economy is 'essentially an _abstract_ science, and its method is
+        the method _a priori_;' and at p. 146, that the _a posteriori_
+        method is 'altogether inefficacious.' To this I may add, that the
+        modern theory of rent, which is now the corner-stone of political
+        economy, was got at, not by generalizing economical facts, but by
+        reasoning downwards after the manner of geometricians. Indeed,
+        those who oppose the theory of rent, always do so on the ground
+        that it is contradicted by facts; and then, with complete
+        ignorance of the philosophy of method, they infer that therefore
+        the theory is wrong. See, for instance, _Jones on the
+        Distribution of Wealth_, 8vo. 1831: a book containing some
+        interesting facts, but vitiated by this capital defect of method.
+        See also _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. i. p. 317, vol.
+        vi. p. 322; where it is said that economical theories should be
+        generalized from statistical facts. Compare vol. xvii. p. 116,
+        vol. xviii. p. 101.
+
+  [391] A striking instance has lately come to light of the sagacity with
+        which Hume employed this method. See _Burton's Life and
+        Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 486; where we find, that
+        immediately Hume had read the _Wealth of Nations_, he detected
+        Smith's error concerning rent being an element of price: so that
+        it now appears that Hume was the first to make this great
+        discovery, as far as the idea is concerned; though Ricardo has
+        the merit of proving it.
+
+  [392] The historical facts he introduces are merely illustrations; as
+        any one will see who will read _The Natural History of Religion_,
+        in _Hume's Philos. Works_, Edinb. 1826, vol. iv. pp. 435-513. I
+        may mention, that there is a considerable similarity between the
+        views advocated in this remarkable essay and the religious stages
+        of _Comte's Philosophie Positive_; for Hume's early form of
+        polytheism is evidently the same as M. Comte's fetichism, from
+        which both these writers believe that monotheism subsequently
+        arose, as a later and more refined abstraction. That this was the
+        course adopted by the human mind is highly probable, and is
+        confirmed by the learned researches of Mr. Grote. See his
+        _History of Greece_, vol. i. pp. 462, 497, vol. v. p. 22. The
+        opposite and more popular opinion, of monotheism preceding
+        idolatry, was held by most of the great earlier writers, and is
+        defended by many moderns, and among others by Dr. Whewell
+        (_Bridgewater Treatise_, p. 256), who expresses himself with
+        considerable confidence: see also _Letters from Warburton to
+        Hurd_, p. 239. Compare _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. i.
+        p. 183, Lond. 1835, with the 'einige Funken des Monotheismus' of
+        Kant, _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii.
+        p. 455.
+
+  [393] That is to say, he treated historical facts as merely illustrative
+        of certain general principles, which he believed could be proved
+        without the facts; so that, as M. Schlosser (_History of the
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p. 76) well says, 'History with
+        Hume was only a subordinate pursuit, only a means by which he
+        might introduce his philosophy,' &c. Considering how little is
+        known of the principles which govern social and political
+        changes, there can be no doubt that Hume was premature in the
+        application of this method; but it is absurd to call the method
+        dishonest, since the object of his History was, not to _prove_
+        conclusions, but to _illustrate_ them: and he therefore thought
+        himself justified in selecting the illustrations. I am simply
+        stating his views, without at all defending them; indeed, I
+        believe that in this respect he was seriously in the wrong.
+
+This is an outline of the plan I purpose to follow in the present
+Introduction, and by means of which I hope to arrive at some results of
+permanent value. For by studying different principles in those countries
+where they have been most developed, the laws of the principles will be
+more easily unfolded than if we had studied them in countries where they
+are very obscure. And, inasmuch as, in England, civilization has
+followed a course more orderly, and less disturbed, than in any other
+country, it becomes the more necessary, in writing its history, to use
+some resources like those which I have suggested. What makes the history
+of England so eminently valuable is, that nowhere else has the national
+progress been so little interfered with, either for good or for evil.
+But the mere fact that our civilization has, by this means, been
+preserved in a more natural and healthy state, renders it incumbent on
+us to study the diseases to which it is liable, by observing those other
+countries where social disease is more rife. The security and the
+durability of civilization must depend on the regularity with which its
+elements are combined, and on the harmony with which they work. If any
+one element is too active, the whole composition will be in danger.
+Hence it is, that although the laws of the composition of the elements
+will be best ascertained wherever we can find the composition most
+complete, we must, nevertheless, search for the laws of each separate
+element wherever we can find the element itself most active. While,
+therefore, I have selected the history of England, as that in which the
+harmony of the different principles has been longest maintained, I have,
+precisely on that account, thought it advisable to study each principle
+separately in the country where it has been most powerful, and where, by
+its inordinate development, the equilibrium of the entire structure has
+been disturbed.
+
+By adopting these precautions, we shall be able to remove many of the
+difficulties which still beset the study of history. Before, however,
+entering that wide field which now lies in our way, it will be well to
+clear up some preliminary points, which I have not yet noticed, and the
+discussion of which may obviate certain objections that might otherwise
+be raised. The subjects to which I allude, are Religion, Literature, and
+Government: three topics of vast importance, and which, in the opinion
+of many persons, are the prime movers of human affairs. That this
+opinion is altogether erroneous will be amply proved in the present
+work; but as the opinion is widely spread, and is very plausible, it is
+necessary that we should at once come to some understanding respecting
+it, and inquire into the real nature of that influence, which these
+three great powers do actually exercise over the progress of
+civilization.
+
+Now, in the first place, it is evident that if a people were left
+entirely to themselves, their religion, their literature, and their
+government would be, not the causes of their civilization, but the
+effects of it. Out of a certain condition of society certain results
+naturally follow. Those results may, no doubt, be tampered with by some
+external agency; but if that is not done, it is impossible that a highly
+civilized people, accustomed to reason and to doubt, should ever embrace
+a religion of which the glaring absurdities set reason and doubt at
+defiance. There are many instances of nations changing their religion,
+but there is no instance of a progressive country voluntarily adopting a
+retrogressive religion; neither is there any example of a declining
+country ameliorating its religion. It is of course true, that a good
+religion is favourable to civilization, and a bad one unfavourable to
+it. Unless, however, there is some interference from without, no people
+will ever discover that their religion is bad until their reason tells
+them so; but if their reason is inactive, and their knowledge
+stationary, the discovery will never be made. A country that continues
+in its old ignorance will always remain in its old religion. Surely
+nothing can be plainer than this. A very ignorant people will, by virtue
+of their ignorance, incline towards a religion full of marvels; a
+religion which boasts of innumerable gods, and which ascribes every
+occurrence to the immediate authority of those gods. On the other hand,
+a people whose knowledge makes them better judges of evidence, and who
+are accustomed to that most difficult task, the practice of doubting,
+will require a religion less marvellous, less obtrusive; one that taxes
+their credulity less heavily. But will you, therefore, say, that the
+badness of the first religion causes the ignorance; and that the
+goodness of the second religion causes the knowledge? Will you say, that
+when one event precedes another, the one which comes first is the
+effect, and the one which follows afterwards is the cause? This is not
+the way in which men reason on the ordinary affairs of life; and it is
+difficult to see why they should reason thus respecting the history of
+past events.
+
+The truth is, that the religious opinions which prevail in any period
+are among the symptoms by which that period is marked. When the opinions
+are deeply rooted, they do, no doubt, influence the conduct of men; but
+before they can be deeply rooted, some intellectual change must first
+have taken place. We may as well expect that the seed should quicken in
+the barren rock, as that a mild and philosophic religion should be
+established among ignorant and ferocious savages. Of this innumerable
+experiments have been made, and always with the same result. Men of
+excellent intentions, and full of a fervent though mistaken zeal, have
+been, and still are, attempting to propagate their own religion among
+the inhabitants of barbarous countries. By strenuous and unremitting
+activity, and frequently by promises, and even by actual gifts, they
+have, in many cases, persuaded savage communities to make a profession
+of the Christian religion. But whoever will compare the triumphant
+reports of the missionaries with the long chain of evidence supplied by
+competent travellers, will soon find that such profession is only
+nominal, and that these ignorant tribes have adopted, indeed, the
+ceremonies of the new religion, but have by no means adopted the
+religion itself. They receive the externals, but there they stop. They
+may baptize their children; they may take the sacrament; they may flock
+to the church. All this they may do, and yet be as far removed from the
+spirit of Christianity as when they bowed the knee before their former
+idols. The rites and forms of a religion lie on the surface; they are at
+once seen, they are quickly learned, easily copied by those who are
+unable to penetrate to that which lies beneath. It is this deeper and
+inward change which alone is durable; and this the savage can never
+experience while he is sunk in an ignorance that levels him with the
+brutes by which he is surrounded. Remove the ignorance, and then the
+religion may enter. This is the only course by which ultimate benefit
+can be effected. After a careful study of the history and condition of
+barbarous nations, I do most confidently assert, that there is no well
+attested case of any people being permanently converted to Christianity,
+except in those very few instances where missionaries, being men of
+knowledge, as well as men of piety, have familiarized the savage with
+habits of thought, and, by thus stimulating his intellect, have prepared
+him for the reception of those religious principles, which, without
+such stimulus, he could never have understood.[394]
+
+  [394] A writer of great authority has made some remarks on this, which
+        are worth attending to: 'Ce fut alors que les Jesuites
+        penetrerent dans la Chine pour y precher l'evangile. Ils ne
+        tarderent pas a s'apercevoir qu'un des moyens les plus efficaces
+        pour s'y maintenir, en attendant le moment que le ciel avoit
+        marque pour eclairer ce vaste empire, etoit d'etaler des
+        connoissances astronomiques.' _Montucla_, _Histoire des
+        Mathematiques_, vol. i. p. 468; and see vol. ii. pp. 586, 587.
+        Cuvier delicately hints at the same conclusion. He says of Emery:
+        'Il se souvenait que l'epoque ou le christianisme a fait le plus
+        de conquetes, et ou ses ministres ont obtenu le plus de respect,
+        est celle ou ils portaient chez les peuples convertis les
+        lumieres des lettres, en meme temps que les verites de la
+        religion, et ou ils formaient a la fois dans les nations l'ordre
+        le plus eminent et le plus eclaire.' _Cuvier_, _Eloges
+        Historiques_, vol. iii. p. 170. Even Southey (_History of
+        Brazil_, vol. ii. p. 378) says: 'Missionaries have always
+        complained of the fickleness of their converts; and they must
+        always complain of it, till they discover that some degree of
+        civilization must precede conversion, or at least accompany it.'
+        And see to the same effect, _Halkett's Notes on the North
+        American Indians_, pp. 352, 353; and _Combe's North America_,
+        vol. i. p. 250, vol. ii. p. 353.
+
+It is in this way that, looking at things upon a large scale, the
+religion of mankind is the effect of their improvement, not the cause of
+it. But, looking at things upon a small scale, or taking what is called
+a practical view of some short and special period, circumstances will
+occasionally occur which disturb this general order, and apparently
+reverse the natural process. And this, as in all such cases, can only
+arise from the peculiarities of individual men; who, moved by the minor
+laws which regulate individual actions, are able, by their genius or
+their energy, to interfere with the operation of those greater laws
+which regulate large societies. Owing to circumstances still unknown,
+there appear, from time to time, great thinkers, who, devoting their
+lives to a single purpose, are able to anticipate the progress of
+mankind, and to produce a religion or a philosophy, by which important
+effects are eventually brought about. But, if we look into history, we
+shall clearly see that, although the origin of a new opinion may be thus
+due to a single man, the result which the new opinion produces will
+depend on the condition of the people among whom it is propagated. If
+either a religion or a philosophy is too much in advance of a nation, it
+can do no present service, but must bide its time, until the minds of
+men are ripe for its reception. Of this innumerable instances will occur
+to most readers. Every science and every creed has had its martyrs; men
+exposed to obloquy, or even to death, because they knew more than their
+contemporaries, and because society was not sufficiently advanced to
+receive the truths which they communicated. According to the ordinary
+course of affairs, a few generations pass away, and then there comes a
+period when these very truths are looked upon as commonplace facts; and
+a little later, there comes another period, in which they are declared
+to be necessary, and even the dullest intellects wonder how they could
+ever have been denied. This is what happens when the human mind is
+allowed to have fair play, and to exercise itself, with tolerable
+freedom, in the accumulation and diffusion of knowledge. If, however, by
+violent, and therefore by artificial, means, this same society is
+prevented from exercising its intellect, then the truths, however
+important they may be, can never be received. For why should certain
+truths be rejected in one age, and acknowledged in another? The truths
+remain the same; their ultimate recognition must, therefore, be due to a
+change in the society which now accepts what it had before despised.
+Indeed, history is full of evidence of the utter inefficiency even of
+the noblest principles, when they are promulgated among a very ignorant
+nation. Thus it was that the doctrine of One God, taught to the Hebrews
+of old, remained for many centuries altogether inoperative. The people
+to whom it was addressed had not yet emerged from barbarism; they were,
+therefore, unable to raise their minds to so elevated a conception. Like
+all other barbarians, they craved after a religion which would feed
+their credulity with incessant wonders; and which, instead of
+abstracting the Deity to a single essence, would multiply their gods
+until they covered every field, and swarmed in every forest. This is the
+idolatry which is the natural fruit of ignorance; and this it is to
+which the Hebrews were perpetually recurring. Notwithstanding the most
+severe and unremitting punishments, they, at every opportunity,
+abandoned that pure theism which their minds were too backward to
+receive, and relapsed into superstitions which they could more easily
+understand,--into the worship of the golden calf, and the adoration of
+the brazen serpent. Now, and in this age of the world, they have long
+ceased to do these things. And why? Not because their religious feelings
+are more easily aroused, or their religious fears more often excited. So
+far from this, they are dissevered from their old associations; they
+have lost for ever those scenes by which men might well have been moved.
+They are no longer influenced by those causes which inspired emotions,
+sometimes of terror, sometimes of gratitude. They no longer witness the
+pillar of cloud by day, or the pillar of fire by night; they no longer
+see the Law being given from Sinai, nor do they hear the thunder rolling
+from Horeb. In the presence of these great appeals, they remained
+idolaters in their hearts, and whenever an opportunity occurred, they
+became idolaters in their practice, and this they did because they were
+in that state of barbarism, of which idolatry is the natural product. To
+what possible circumstance can their subsequent change be ascribed,
+except to the simple fact, that the Hebrews, like all other people, as
+they advanced in civilization, began to abstract and refine their
+religion, and, despising the old worship of many gods, thus by slow
+degrees elevated their minds to that steady perception of One Great
+Cause, which, at an earlier period, it had been vainly attempted to
+impress upon them?
+
+Thus intimate is the connexion between the opinions of a people and
+their knowledge; and thus necessary is it that, so far as nations are
+concerned, intellectual activity should precede religious improvement.
+If we require further illustrations of this important truth, we shall
+find them in the events which occurred in Europe soon after the
+promulgation of Christianity. The Romans were, with rare exceptions, an
+ignorant and barbarous race; ferocious, dissolute, and cruel. For such a
+people, Polytheism was the natural creed; and we read, accordingly, that
+they practised an idolatry which a few great thinkers, and only a few,
+ventured to despise. The Christian religion, falling among these men,
+found them unable to appreciate its sublime and admirable doctrines. And
+when, a little later, Europe was overrun by fresh immigrations, the
+invaders, who were even more barbarous than the Romans, brought with
+them those superstitions which were suited to their actual condition. It
+was upon the materials arising from these two sources that Christianity
+was now called to do her work. The result is most remarkable. For after
+the new religion seemed to have carried all before it, and had received
+the homage of the best part of Europe, it was soon found that nothing
+had been really effected. It was soon found that society was in that
+early stage in which superstition is inevitable; and in which men, if
+they do not have it in one form, will have it in another. It was in vain
+that Christianity taught a simple doctrine, and enjoined a simple
+worship. The minds of men were too backward for so great a step, and
+required more complicated forms, and a more complicated belief. What
+followed is well known to the students of ecclesiastical history. The
+superstition of Europe, instead of being diminished, was only turned
+into a fresh channel. The new religion was corrupted by the old follies.
+The adoration of idols was succeeded by the adoration of saints; the
+worship of the Virgin was substituted for the worship of Cybele;[395]
+Pagan ceremonies were established in Christian churches; not only the
+mummeries of idolatry, but likewise its doctrines, were quickly added,
+and were incorporated and worked into the spirit of the new religion;
+until, after a lapse of a few generations, Christianity exhibited so
+grotesque and hideous a form, that its best features were lost, and the
+lineaments of its earlier loveliness altogether destroyed.[396]
+
+  [395] This is curiously illustrated by the fact, that the 25th of March,
+        which is now called Lady-day, in honour of the Virgin Mary, was,
+        in Pagan times, called Hilaria, and was dedicated to Cybele, the
+        mother of the gods. Compare _Blunt's Vestiges of Ancient
+        Manners_, 8vo. 1823, pp. 51-55, with _Hampson's Medii AEvi
+        Kalendarium_, 8vo. 1841, vol. i. pp. 56, 177.
+
+  [396] On this interesting subject, the two best English books are,
+        _Middleton's Letter from Rome_, and _Priestley's History of the
+        Corruption of Christianity_; the former work being chiefly
+        valuable for ritual corruptions, the latter work for doctrinal
+        ones. _Blunt's Vestiges of Ancient Manners_ is also worth
+        reading; but is very inferior to the two treatises just named,
+        and is conceived in a much narrower spirit.
+
+After some centuries were passed, Christianity slowly emerged from these
+corruptions; many of which, however, even the most civilized countries
+have not yet been able to throw off.[397] Indeed, it was found
+impossible to effect even the beginning of a reform, until the European
+intellect was, in some degree, roused from its lethargy. The knowledge
+of men, gradually advancing, made them indignant at superstitions which
+they had formerly admired. The way in which their indignation increased,
+until, in the sixteenth century, it broke out into that great event
+which is well called the Reformation, forms one of the most interesting
+subjects in modern history. But, for our present purpose, it is enough
+to keep in mind the memorable and important fact that, for centuries
+after Christianity was the established religion of Europe, it failed to
+bear its natural fruit, because its lot was cast among a people whose
+ignorance compelled them to be superstitious, and who, on account of
+their superstition, defaced a system which, in its original purity, they
+were unable to receive.[398]
+
+  [397] The large amount of Paganism which still exists in every Christian
+        sect, forms an argument against an ingenious distinction which M.
+        Bunsen has made between the change of a religion and that of a
+        language; alterations in a religion being, as he supposes, always
+        more abrupt than those in a language. _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i.
+        pp. 358, 359.
+
+  [398] It was necessary, says M. Maury, that the church 'se rapprochat
+        davantage de l'esprit grossier, inculte, ignorant du barbare.'
+        _Maury_, _Legendes Pieuses du Moyen Age_, p. 101. An exactly
+        similar process has taken place in India, where the Puranas are
+        to the Vedas what the works of the Fathers are to the New
+        Testament. Compare _Elphinstone's History of India_, pp. 87, 88,
+        98; _Wilson's Preface to the Vishnu Parana_, p. 7; and
+        _Transactions of Bombay Society_, vol. i. p. 205. So that as M.
+        Max Mueller well expresses it, the Puranas are 'a secondary
+        formation of Indian mythology.' _Mueller on the Languages of
+        India_, in _Reports of British Association for 1847_, p. 324.
+
+Indeed, in every page of history, we meet with fresh evidence of the
+little effect religious doctrines can produce upon a people, unless
+preceded by intellectual culture. The influence exercised by
+Protestantism, as compared with Catholicism, affords an interesting
+example of this. The Catholic religion bears to the Protestant religion
+exactly the same relation that the Dark Ages bear to the sixteenth
+century. In the Dark Ages, men were credulous and ignorant; they
+therefore produced a religion which required great belief and little
+knowledge. In the sixteenth century, their credulity and ignorance,
+though still considerable, were rapidly diminishing, and it was found
+necessary to organize a religion suited to their altered circumstances:
+a religion more favourable to free inquiry; a religion less full of
+miracles, saints, legends, and idols; a religion of which the ceremonies
+were less frequent, and less burdensome; a religion which should
+discourage penance, fasting, confession, celibacy, and those other
+mortifications which had long been universal. All this was done by the
+establishment of Protestantism; a mode of worship which, being thus
+suited to the age, made, as is well known, speedy progress. If this
+great movement had been allowed to proceed without interruption, it
+would, in the course of a few generations, have overthrown the old
+superstition, and established in its place a simpler and less
+troublesome creed; the rapidity with which this was done, being, of
+course, proportioned to the intellectual activity of the different
+countries. But, unfortunately, the European governments, who are always
+meddling in matters with which they have no concern, thought it their
+duty to protect the religious interests of the people; and making
+common cause with the Catholic clergy, they, in many instances, forcibly
+stopped the heresy, and thus arrested the natural development of the
+age. This interference was, in nearly all cases, well intended, and is
+solely to be ascribed to the ignorance of rulers respecting the proper
+limits of their functions: but the evils caused by this ignorance it
+would be difficult to exaggerate. During almost a hundred and fifty
+years, Europe was afflicted by religious wars, religious massacres, and
+religious persecutions; not one of which would have arisen, if the great
+truth had been recognised, that the state has no concern with the
+opinions of men, and no right to interfere, even in the slightest
+degree, with the form of worship which they may choose to adopt. This
+principle was, however, formerly unknown, or at all events unheeded; and
+it was not until the middle of the seventeenth century that the great
+religious contests were brought to a final close, and the different
+countries settled down into their public creeds; which, in the essential
+points, have never since been permanently altered; no nation having, for
+more than two hundred years, made war upon another on account of its
+religion; and all the great Catholic countries having, during the same
+period, remained Catholic, all the great Protestant ones remained
+Protestant.
+
+From this it has arisen, that, in several of the European countries, the
+religious development has not followed its natural order, but has been
+artificially forced into an unnatural one. According to the natural
+order, the most civilized countries should all be Protestants, and the
+most uncivilized ones Catholics. In the average of instances this is
+actually the case; so that many persons have been led into the singular
+error, of ascribing all modern enlightenment to the influence of
+Protestantism; overlooking the important fact, that until the
+enlightenment had begun, Protestantism was never required. But although,
+in the ordinary course of affairs, the advance of the Reformation would
+have been the measure, and the symptom, of that advance of knowledge by
+which it was preceded, still, in many cases, the authority of the
+government and of the church acted as disturbing causes, and frustrated
+the natural progress of religious improvement. And, after the treaty of
+Westphalia had fixed the political relations of Europe, the love of
+theological strife so greatly subsided, that men no longer thought it
+worth their while to raise a religious revolution, and to risk their
+lives in an attempt to overturn the creed of the state. At the same
+time, governments, not being themselves particularly fond of
+revolutions, have encouraged this stationary condition; and very
+naturally, and, as it appears to me, very wisely, have made no great
+alteration, but have left the national establishments as they found
+them; that is to say, the Protestant ones Protestant, and the Catholic
+ones Catholic. Hence it is, that the national religion professed by any
+country at the present moment, is no decisive criterion of the present
+civilization of the country; because the circumstances which fixed the
+religion occurred long since, and the religion remains endowed and
+established by the mere continuance of an impetus which was formerly
+given.
+
+Thus far as to the origin of the ecclesiastical establishments of
+Europe. But, in their practical consequences, we see some results which
+are highly instructive. For many countries owing their national creed,
+not to their own proper antecedents, but to the authority of powerful
+individuals, it will be invariably found, that in such countries the
+creed does not produce the effects which might have been expected from
+it, and which, according to its terms, it ought to produce. Thus, for
+instance, the Catholic religion is more superstitious, and more
+intolerant, than the Protestant; but it by no means follows, that those
+countries which profess the former creed, must be more superstitious,
+and more intolerant, than those which profess the latter. So far from
+this, the French are not only quite as free from those odious qualities
+as are the most civilized Protestants, but they are more free from them
+than some Protestant nations, as the Scotch and the Swedes. Of the
+highly-educated class, I am not here speaking; but of the clergy, and of
+the people generally, it must be admitted, that in Scotland there is
+more bigotry, more superstition, and a more thorough contempt for the
+religion of others, than there is in France. And in Sweden, which is one
+of the oldest Protestant countries in Europe,[399] there is, not
+occasionally, but habitually, an intolerance and a spirit of
+persecution, which would be discreditable to a Catholic country; but
+which is doubly disgraceful when proceeding from a people who profess to
+base their religion on the right of private judgment.[400]
+
+  [399] The doctrines of Luther were first preached in Sweden in 1519;
+        and, in 1527, the principles of the Reformation were formally
+        adopted in an assembly of the States at Westeraas, which enabled
+        Gustavus Vasa to seize the property of the church. _Geijer's
+        History of the Swedes_, part i. pp. 110, 118, 119; _Mosheim's
+        Ecclesiastical History_, vol. ii. p. 22; _Crichton and Wheaton's
+        History of Scandinavia_, vol. i. pp. 399, 400. The apostasy
+        proceeded so favourably, that De Thou (_Histoire Univ._ vol.
+        xiii. p. 312) says, in 1598, 'Il y avoit deja si long-tems que ce
+        culte etoit etabli en Suede, qu'il etoit comme impossible de
+        trouver, soit parmi le peuple, soit parmi les seigneurs,
+        quelqu'un qui se souvint d'avoir vu dans ce roiaume l'exercice
+        public de la religion catholique.'
+
+  [400] On the state of things in 1838, see some curious, and indeed
+        shameful, details in _Laing's Sweden_, 8vo. London, 1839. Mr.
+        Laing, though himself a Protestant, truly says, that in
+        Protestant Sweden there 'is inquisition law, working in the hands
+        of a Lutheran state-church, as strongly as in Spain or Portugal
+        in the hands of a Roman Catholic Church.' _Laing's Sweden_, p.
+        324. In the seventeenth century, it was ordered by the Swedish
+        Church, and the order was confirmed by government, that 'if any
+        Swedish subject change his religion, he shall be banished the
+        kingdom, and lose all right of inheritance, both for himself and
+        his descendants.... If any bring into the country teachers of
+        another religion, he shall be fined and banished.' _Burton's
+        Diary_, vol. iii. p. 387, 8vo. 1828. To this may be added, that
+        it was not till 1781 that Roman Catholics were allowed to
+        exercise their religion in Sweden. See _Crichton's History of
+        Scandinavia_, Edinb. 1838, vol. ii. p. 320. See also, on this
+        intolerant spirit, _Whitelocke's Journal of the Swedish Embassy_,
+        vol. i. pp. 164, 412, vol. ii. p. 312.
+
+These things show, what it would be easy to prove by a wider induction,
+that when, from special, or, as they are called, accidental causes, any
+people profess a religion more advanced than themselves, it will not
+produce its legitimate effect.[401] The superiority of Protestantism
+over Catholicism consists in its diminution of superstition and
+intolerance, and in the check which it gives to ecclesiastical power.
+But the experience of Europe teaches us, that when the superior religion
+is fixed among an inferior people, its superiority is no longer seen.
+The Scotch and the Swedes,--and to them might be added some of the Swiss
+cantons,--are less civilized than the French, and are therefore more
+superstitious. This being the case, it avails them little that they have
+a religion better than the French. It avails them little that, owing to
+circumstances which have long since passed away, they, three centuries
+ago, adopted a creed to which the force of habit, and the influence of
+tradition, now oblige them to cling. Whoever has travelled in Scotland
+with sufficient attention to observe the ideas and opinions of the
+people, and whoever will look into Scotch theology, and read the history
+of the Scotch Kirk, and the proceedings of the Scotch Assemblies and
+Consistories, will see how little the country has benefited by its
+religion, and how wide an interval there is between its intolerant
+spirit and the natural tendencies of the Protestant Reformation. On the
+other hand, whoever will subject France to a similar examination, will
+see an illiberal religion accompanied by liberal views, and a creed full
+of superstitions professed by a people among whom superstition is
+comparatively rare.
+
+  [401] We see a good instance of this in the case of the Abyssinians, who
+        have professed Christianity for centuries; but, as no pains were
+        taken to cultivate their intellect, they found the religion too
+        pure for them: they, therefore, corrupted it, and, down to the
+        present moment, they have not made the slightest progress. The
+        accounts given by Bruce of them are well known; and a traveller,
+        who visited them in 1839, says: 'Nothing can be more corrupt than
+        the nominal Christianity of this unhappy nation. It is mixed up
+        with Judaism, Mahommedanism, and idolatry, and is a mass of rites
+        and superstitions which cannot mend the heart.' _Kraff's Journal
+        at Ankobar_, in _Journal of Geographical Society_, vol. x. p.
+        488; see also vol. xiv. p. 13: and for a similar state of things
+        in America, see the account of the Quiche Indians, in _Stephens's
+        Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 191, 192. Compare _Squier's
+        Central America_, vol. i. pp. 322, 323, with _Halkett's
+        North-American Indians_, pp. 29, 212, 268. For further
+        confirmation of this view, in another part of the world, see
+        _Tuckey's Expedition to the Zaire_, pp. 79, 80, 165.
+
+The simple fact is, that the French have a religion worse than
+themselves; the Scotch have a religion better than themselves. The
+liberality of France is as ill suited to Catholicism, as the bigotry of
+Scotland is ill suited to Protestantism. In these, as in all similar
+cases, the characteristics of the creed are overpowered by the
+characteristics of the people; and the national faith is, in the most
+important points, altogether inoperative, because it does not harmonize
+with the civilization of the country in which it is established. How
+idle, then, it is to ascribe the civilization to the creed; and how
+worse than foolish are the attempts of government to protect a religion
+which, if suited to the people, will need no protection, and, if
+unsuited to them, will work no good!
+
+If the reader has seized the spirit of the preceding arguments, he will
+hardly require that I should analyze with equal minuteness the second
+disturbing cause, namely, Literature. It is evident, that what has
+already been said respecting the religion of a people, is, in a great
+measure, applicable to their literature. Literature,[402] when it is in
+a healthy and unforced state, is simply the form in which the knowledge
+of a country is registered; the mould in which it is cast. In this, as
+in the other cases we have considered, individual men may of course take
+great steps, and rise to a great height above the level of their age.
+But if they rise beyond a certain point, their present usefulness is
+impaired; if they rise still higher, it is destroyed.[403] When the
+interval between the intellectual classes and the practical classes is
+too great, the former will possess no influence, the latter will reap no
+benefit. This is what occurred in the ancient world, when the distance
+between the ignorant idolatry of the people and the refined systems of
+philosophers was altogether impassable;[404] and this is the principal
+reason why the Greeks and Romans were unable to retain the civilization
+which they for a short time possessed. Precisely the same process is at
+the present moment going on in Germany, where the most valuable part of
+literature forms an esoteric system, which, having nothing in common
+with the nation itself, produces no effect on the national civilization.
+The truth is, that although Europe has received great benefit from its
+literature, this is owing, not to what the literature has originated,
+but to what it has preserved. Knowledge must be acquired, before it can
+be written; and the only use of books is, to serve as a storehouse in
+which the treasures of the intellect are safely kept, and where they
+may be conveniently found. Literature, in itself, is but a trifling
+matter; and is merely valuable as being the armory in which the weapons
+of the human mind are laid up, and from which, when required, they can
+be quickly drawn. But he would be a sorry reasoner, who, on that
+account, should propose to sacrifice the end, that he might obtain the
+means; who should hope to defend the armory by giving up the weapons,
+and who should destroy the treasure, in order to improve the magazine in
+which the treasure is kept.
+
+  [402] I use the word literature, not as opposed to science, but in its
+        larger sense, including everything which is written--'taking the
+        term literature in its primary sense, of an application of
+        letters to the records of facts or opinions.' _Mure's History of
+        the Literature of Greece_, vol. iv. p. 50.
+
+  [403] Compare _Tocqueville_, _Democratie en Amerique_, vol. ii. p. 130,
+        with some admirable remarks on the Sophists in _Grote's History
+        of Greece_, vol. viii. p. 481. Sir W. Hamilton, whose learning
+        respecting the history of opinions is well known, says,
+        'Precisely in proportion as an author is in advance of his age,
+        is it likely that his works will be neglected.' _Hamilton's
+        Discussions on Philosophy_, p. 186. Thus, too, in regard to the
+        line arts, Sir Joshua Reynolds (_Fourth Discourse_, in _Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 363) says, 'Present time and future may be considered
+        as rivals; and he who solicits the one, must expect to be
+        discountenanced by the other.'
+
+  [404] Hence the intellectually exclusive and, as M. Neander well terms
+        it, 'aristocratic spirit of antiquity.' _Neander's History of the
+        Church_, vol. i. pp. 40, 97, vol. ii. p. 31. This is constantly
+        overlooked by writers who use the word 'democracy' loosely;
+        forgetting that, in the same age, democracies of politics may be
+        very common, while democracies of thought are very rare. For
+        proof of the universal prevalence formerly of this esoteric and
+        aristocratic spirit, see the following passages: _Ritter's
+        History of Ancient Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 338, vol. iii. pp. 9,
+        17; _Tennemann_, _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. ii. pp. 200,
+        205, 220; _Beausobre_, _Histoire Critique de Manichee_, vol. ii.
+        p. 41; _Matter_, _Histoire du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 13, vol.
+        ii. pp. 83, 370; _Sprengel_, _Histoire de la Medecine_, vol. i.
+        p. 250; _Grote's History of Greece_, vol. i. p. 561, vol. iv. p.
+        544; _Thirlwall's History of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 150, vol. vi.
+        p. 95; _Warburton's Works_, vol. vii. pp. 962, 972, 4to. 1788;
+        _Sharpe's History of Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 174; _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. System_, vol. ii. pp. 114, 365, 443, vol. iii. p. 20.
+
+Yet this is what many persons are apt to do. From literary men, in
+particular, we hear too much of the necessity of protecting and
+rewarding literature, and we hear too little of the necessity of that
+freedom and boldness, in the absence of which the most splendid
+literature is altogether worthless. Indeed, there is a general tendency,
+not to exaggerate the advantages of knowledge,--for that is
+impossible,--but to misunderstand what that is in which knowledge really
+consists. Real knowledge, the knowledge on which all civilization is
+based, solely consists in an acquaintance with the relations which
+things and ideas bear to each other and to themselves; in other words,
+in an acquaintance with physical and mental laws. If the time should
+ever come when all these laws are known, the circle of human knowledge
+will then be complete; and, in the interim, the value of literature
+depends upon the extent to which it communicates either a knowledge of
+the laws, or the materials by which the laws may be discovered. The
+business of education is to accelerate this great movement, and thus
+increase the fitness and aptitude of men, by increasing the resources
+which they possess. Towards this purpose, literature, so far as it is
+auxiliary, is highly useful. But to look upon an acquaintance with
+literature as one of the objects of education, is to mistake the order
+of events, and to make the end subservient to the means. It is because
+this is done, that we often find what are called highly educated men,
+the progress of whose knowledge has been actually retarded by the
+activity of their education. We often find them burdened by prejudices,
+which their reading, instead of dissipating, has rendered more
+inveterate.[405] For literature, being the depository of the thoughts of
+mankind, is full, not only of wisdom, but also of absurdities. The
+benefit, therefore, which is derived from literature, will depend, not
+so much upon the literature itself, as upon the skill with which it is
+studied, and the judgment with which it is selected. These are the
+preliminary conditions of success; and if they are not obeyed, the
+number and the value of the books in a country become a matter quite
+unimportant. Even in an advanced stage of civilization, there is always
+a tendency to prefer those parts of literature which favour ancient
+prejudices, rather than those which oppose them; and in cases where this
+tendency is very strong, the only effect of great learning will be, to
+supply the materials which may corroborate old errors, and confirm old
+superstitions. In our time such instances are not uncommon; and we
+frequently meet with men whose erudition ministers to their ignorance,
+and who the more they read, the less they know. There have been states
+of society in which this disposition was so general, that literature has
+done far more harm than good. Thus, for example, in the whole period
+from the sixth to the tenth centuries, there were not in all Europe more
+than three or four men who dared to think for themselves; and even they
+were obliged to veil their meaning in obscure and mystical language. The
+remaining part of society was, during these four centuries, sunk in the
+most degrading ignorance. Under these circumstances, the few who were
+able to read, confined their studies to works which encouraged and
+strengthened their superstition, such as the legends of the saints, and
+the homilies of the fathers. From these sources they drew those lying
+and impudent fables, of which the theology of that time is principally
+composed.[406] These miserable stories were widely circulated, and were
+valued as solid and important truths. The more the literature was read,
+the more the stories were believed; in other words, the greater the
+learning, the greater the ignorance.[407] And I entertain no doubt, that
+if, in the seventh and eighth centuries, which were the worst part of
+that period,[408] all knowledge of the alphabet had for a while been
+lost, so that men could no longer read the books in which they
+delighted, the subsequent progress of Europe would have been more rapid
+than it really was. For when the progress began, its principal
+antagonist was that credulity which the literature had fostered. It was
+not that better books were wanting, but it was that the relish for such
+books was extinct. There was the literature of Greece and Rome, which
+the monks not only preserved, but even occasionally looked into and
+copied. But what could that avail such readers as they? So far from
+recognizing the merit of the ancient writers, they were unable to feel
+even the beauties of their style, and they trembled at the boldness of
+their inquiries. At the first glimpse of the light, their eyes were
+blinded. They never turned the leaves of a pagan author without
+standing aghast at the risk they were running; and they were in constant
+fear, lest by imbibing any of his opinions, they should involve
+themselves in a deadly sin. The result was, that they willingly laid
+aside the great master-pieces of antiquity; and in their place they
+substituted those wretched compilations, which corrupted their taste,
+increased their credulity, strengthened their errors, and prolonged the
+ignorance of Europe, by embodying each separate superstition in a
+written and accessible form, thus perpetuating its influence, and
+enabling it to enfeeble the understanding even of a distant posterity.
+
+  [405] Locke has noticed this 'learned ignorance,' for which many men are
+        remarkable. See a fine passage in the _Essay on Human
+        Understanding_, book iii. chap. x. in _Locke's Works_, vol. ii.
+        p. 27, and similar remarks in his _Conduct of the Understanding_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 350, 364, 365, and in his _Thoughts on Education_,
+        vol. viii. pp. 84-87. If this profound writer were now alive what
+        a war he would wage against our great universities and public
+        schools, where innumerable things are still taught which no one
+        is concerned to understand, and which few will take the trouble
+        to remember. Compare _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_, pp. 255, 256
+        note.
+
+  [406] The statistics of this sort of literature would prove a curious
+        subject for inquiry. No one, I believe, has thought it worth
+        while to sum them up; but M. Guizot has made an estimate that the
+        Bollandist collection contains more than twenty-five thousand
+        lives of saints; 'a en juger par approximation, ils contiennent
+        plus de 25,000 vies de saints.' _Guizot_, _Histoire de la
+        Civilisation en France_, vol. ii. p. 32. It is said (_Ledwich's
+        Antiquities of Ireland_, p. 62) that of St. Patrick alone, there
+        were sixty-six biographers before Joceline.
+
+  [407] For, as Laplace observes, in his remarks on the sources of error
+        in connexion with the doctrine of probabilities, 'C'est a
+        l'influence de l'opinion de ceux que la multitude juge les plus
+        instruits, et a qui elle a coutume de donner sa confiance sur les
+        plus importants objets de la vie, qu'est due la propagation de
+        ces erreurs qui, dans les temps d'ignorance, ont couvert la face
+        du monde.' _Bouillaud_, _Philosophie Medicale_, p. 218.
+
+  [408] M. Guizot (_Civilisation en France_, vol. ii. pp. 171, 172) thinks
+        that, on the whole, the seventh was even worse than the eighth;
+        but it is difficult to choose between them.
+
+It is in this way that the nature of the literature possessed by a
+people is of very inferior importance, in comparison with the
+disposition of the people by whom the literature is to be read. In what
+are rightly termed the Dark Ages, there was a literature in which
+valuable materials were to be found; but there was no one who knew how
+to use them. During a considerable period, the Latin language was a
+vernacular dialect;[409] and, if men had chosen, they might have studied
+the great Latin authors. But to do this, they must have been in a state
+of society very different from that in which they actually lived. They,
+like every other people, measured merit by the standard commonly
+received in their own age; and, according to their standard, the dross
+was better than the gold. They, therefore, rejected the gold, and
+hoarded up the dross. What took place then is, on a smaller scale,
+taking place now. Every literature contains something that is true, and
+much that is false; and the effect it produces will chiefly depend upon
+the skill with which the truth is discriminated from the falsehood. New
+ideas, and new discoveries, possess prospectively an importance
+difficult to exaggerate; but until the ideas are received, and the
+discoveries adopted, they exercise no influence, and, therefore, work no
+good. No literature can ever benefit a people, unless it finds them in a
+state of preliminary preparation. In this respect, the analogy with
+religious opinions is complete. If the religion and the literature of a
+country are unsuited to its wants, they will be useless, because the
+literature will be neglected, and the religion will be disobeyed. In
+such cases, even the ablest books are unread, and the purest doctrines
+despised. The works fall into oblivion; the faith is corrupted by
+heresy.
+
+  [409] Some of the results of Latin being colloquially employed by the
+        monks are judiciously stated in _Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte
+        der Menschheit_, vol. iv. pp. 202, 203. The remarks on this
+        custom by Dugald Stewart refer to a later period. _Stewart's
+        Philosophy of the Mind_, vol. iii. pp. 110, 111.
+
+The other opinion to which I have referred is, that the civilization of
+Europe is chiefly owing to the ability which has been displayed by the
+different governments, and to the sagacity with which the evils of
+society have been palliated by legislative remedies. To any one who has
+studied history in its original sources, this notion must appear so
+extravagant, as to make it difficult to refute it with becoming gravity.
+Indeed, of all the social theories which have ever been broached, there
+is none so utterly untenable, and so unsound in all its parts, as this.
+In the first place, we have the obvious consideration, that the rulers
+of a country have, under ordinary circumstances, always been the
+inhabitants of that country; nurtured by its literature, bred to its
+traditions, and imbibing its prejudices. Such men are, at best, only the
+creatures of the age, never its creators. Their measures are the result
+of social progress, not the cause of it. This may be proved, not only by
+speculative arguments, but also by a practical consideration, which any
+reader of history can verify for himself. No great political
+improvement, no great reform, either legislative or executive, has ever
+been originated in any country by its rulers. The first suggesters of
+such steps have invariably been bold and able thinkers, who discern the
+abuse, denounce it, and point out how it is to be remedied. But long
+after this is done, even the most enlightened governments continue to
+uphold the abuse, and reject the remedy. At length, if circumstances are
+favourable, the pressure from without becomes so strong, that the
+government is obliged to give way; and, the reform being accomplished,
+the people are expected to admire the wisdom of their rulers, by whom
+all this has been done. That this is the course of political
+improvement, must be well known to whoever has studied the law-books of
+different countries in connexion with the previous progress of their
+knowledge. Full and decisive evidence of this will be brought forward in
+the present work; but, by way of illustration, I may refer to the
+abolition of the corn-laws, undoubtedly one of the most remarkable facts
+in the history of England during this century. The propriety, and,
+indeed, the necessity, of their abolition, is now admitted by every one
+of tolerable information; and the question arises, as to how it was
+brought about. Those Englishmen who are little versed in the history of
+their country will say, that the real cause was the wisdom of
+Parliament; while others, attempting to look a little further, will
+ascribe it to the activity of the Anti-Corn-Law League, and the
+consequent pressure put upon Government. But whoever will minutely trace
+the different stages through which this great question successively
+passed, will find, that the Government, the Legislature, and the League,
+were the unwitting instruments of a power far greater than all other
+powers put together. They were simply the exponents of that march of
+public opinion, which on this subject had begun nearly a century before
+their time. The steps of this vast movement I shall examine on another
+occasion; at present it is enough to say, that soon after the middle of
+the eighteenth century, the absurdity of protective restrictions on
+trade was so fully demonstrated by the political economists, as to be
+admitted by every man who understood their arguments, and had mastered
+the evidence connected with them. From this moment, the repeal of the
+corn-laws became a matter, not of party, nor of expediency, but merely
+of knowledge. Those who knew the facts, opposed the laws; those who were
+ignorant of the facts, favoured the laws. It was, therefore, clear, that
+whenever the diffusion of knowledge reached a certain point, the laws
+must fall. The merit of the League was, to assist this diffusion; the
+merit of the Parliament was, to yield to it. It is, however, certain,
+that the members both of League and Legislature could at best only
+slightly hasten what the progress of knowledge rendered inevitable. If
+they had lived a century earlier, they would have been altogether
+powerless, because the age would not have been ripe for their labours.
+They were the creatures of a movement which began long before any of
+them were born; and the utmost they could do was, to put into operation
+what others had taught, and repeat, in louder tones, the lessons they
+had learned from their masters. For, it was not pretended, they did not
+even pretend themselves, that there was anything new in the doctrines
+which they preached from the hustings, and disseminated in every part of
+the kingdom. The discoveries had long since been made, and were
+gradually doing their work; encroaching upon old errors, and making
+proselytes in all directions. The reformers of our time swam with the
+stream: they aided what it would have been impossible long to resist.
+Nor is this to be deemed a slight or grudging praise of the services
+they undoubtedly rendered. The opposition they had to encounter was
+still immense; and it should always be remembered, as a proof of the
+backwardness of political knowledge, and of the incompetence of
+political legislators, that although the principles of free trade had
+been established for nearly a century by a chain of arguments as solid
+as those on which the truths of mathematics are based, they were to the
+last moment strenuously resisted; and it was only with the greatest
+difficulty that Parliament was induced to grant what the people were
+determined to have, and the necessity of which had been proved by the
+ablest men during three successive generations.
+
+I have selected this instance as an illustration, because the facts
+connected with it are undisputed, and, indeed, are fresh in the memory
+of us all. For it was not concealed at the time, and posterity ought to
+know, that this great measure, which, with the exception of the Reform
+Bill, is by far the most important ever passed by a British parliament,
+was, like the Reform Bill, extorted from the legislature by a pressure
+from without; that it was conceded, not cheerfully, but with fear; and
+that it was carried by statesmen who had spent their lives in opposing
+what they now suddenly advocated. Such was the history of these events;
+and such likewise has been the history of all those improvements which
+are important enough to rank as epochs in the history of modern
+legislation.
+
+Besides this, there is another circumstance worthy the attention of
+those writers who ascribe a large part of European civilization to
+measures originated by European governments. This is, that every great
+reform which has been effected, has consisted, not in doing something
+new, but in undoing something old. The most valuable additions made to
+legislation have been enactments destructive of preceding legislation;
+and the best laws which have been passed, have been those by which some
+former laws were repealed. In the case just mentioned, of the corn-laws,
+all that was done was to repeal the old laws, and leave trade to its
+natural freedom. When this great reform was accomplished, the only
+result was, to place things on the same footing as if legislators had
+never interfered at all. Precisely the same remark is applicable to
+another leading improvement in modern legislation, namely, the decrease
+of religious persecution. This is unquestionably an immense boon;
+though, unfortunately, it is still imperfect, even in the most civilized
+countries. But it is evident that the concession merely consists in
+this: that legislators have retraced their own steps, and undone their
+own work. If we examine the policy of the most humane and enlightened
+governments, we shall find this to be the course they have pursued. The
+whole scope and tendency of modern legislation is, to restore things to
+that natural channel from which the ignorance of preceding legislation
+has driven them. This is one of the great works of the present age; and
+if legislators do it well, they will deserve the gratitude of mankind.
+But though we may thus be grateful to individual lawgivers, we owe no
+thanks to lawgivers, considered as a class. For since the most valuable
+improvements in legislation are those which subvert preceding
+legislation, it is clear that the balance of good cannot be on their
+side. It is clear, that the progress of civilization cannot be due to
+those who, on the most important subjects, have done so much harm, that
+their successors are considered benefactors, simply because they reverse
+their policy, and thus restore affairs to the state in which they would
+have remained, if politicians had allowed them to run on in the course
+which the wants of society required.
+
+Indeed, the extent to which the governing classes have interfered, and
+the mischiefs which that interference has produced, are so remarkable,
+as to make thoughtful men wonder how civilization could advance, in the
+face of such repeated obstacles. In some of the European countries, the
+obstacles have, in fact, proved insuperable, and the national progress
+is thereby stopped. Even in England, where, from causes which I shall
+presently relate, the higher ranks have for some centuries been less
+powerful than elsewhere, there has been inflicted an amount of evil,
+which, though much smaller than that incurred in other countries, is
+sufficiently serious to form a melancholy chapter in the history of the
+human mind. To sum up these evils would be to write a history of English
+legislation; for it may be broadly stated, that, with the exception of
+certain necessary enactments respecting the preservation of order, and
+the punishment of crime, nearly everything which has been done, has been
+done amiss. Thus, to take only such conspicuous facts as do not admit of
+controversy, it is certain that all the most important interests have
+been grievously damaged by the attempts of legislators to aid them.
+Among the accessories of modern civilization, there is none of greater
+moment than trade, the spread of which has probably done more than any
+other single agent to increase the comfort and happiness of man. But
+every European government which has legislated respecting trade, has
+acted as if its main object were to suppress the trade, and ruin the
+traders. Instead of leaving the national industry to take its own
+course, it has been troubled by an interminable series of regulations,
+all intended for its good, and all inflicting serious harm. To such a
+height has this been carried, that the commercial reforms which have
+distinguished England during the last twenty years, have solely
+consisted in undoing this mischievous and intrusive legislation. The
+laws formerly enacted on this subject, and too many of which are still
+in force, are marvellous to contemplate. It is no exaggeration to say,
+that the history of the commercial legislation of Europe presents every
+possible contrivance for hampering the energies of commerce. Indeed, a
+very high authority, who has maturely studied this subject, has recently
+declared, that if it had not been for smuggling, trade could not have
+been conducted, but must have perished, in consequence of this incessant
+interference.[410] However paradoxical this assertion may appear, it
+will be denied by no one who knows how feeble trade once was, and how
+strong the obstacles were which opposed it. In every quarter, and at
+every moment, the hand of government was felt. Duties on importation,
+and duties on exportation; bounties to raise up a losing trade, and
+taxes to pull down a remunerative one; this branch of industry
+forbidden, and that branch of industry encouraged; one article of
+commerce must not be grown, because it was grown in the colonies;
+another article might be grown and bought, but not sold again, while a
+third article might be bought and sold, but not leave the country. Then,
+too, we find laws to regulate wages; laws to regulate prices; laws to
+regulate profits; laws to regulate the interest of money; custom-house
+arrangements of the most vexatious kind, aided by a complicated scheme,
+which was well called the sliding-scale,--a scheme of such perverse
+ingenuity, that the duties constantly varied on the same article, and no
+man could calculate beforehand what he would have to pay. To this
+uncertainty, itself the bane of all commerce, there was added a severity
+of exaction, felt by every class of consumers and producers. The tolls
+were so onerous, as to double and often quadruple the cost of
+production. A system was organized, and strictly enforced, of
+interference with markets, interference with manufactories, interference
+with machinery, interference even with shops. The towns were guarded by
+excisemen, and the ports swarmed with tide-waiters, whose sole business
+was to inspect nearly every process of domestic industry, peer into
+every package, and tax every article; while, that absurdity might be
+carried to its extreme height, a large part of all this was by way of
+protection: that is to say, the money was avowedly raised, and the
+inconvenience suffered, not for the use of the government, but for the
+benefit of the people; in other words, the industrious classes were
+robbed, in order that industry might thrive.
+
+  [410] 'C'est a la contrebande que le commerce doit de n'avoir pas peri
+        sous l'influence du regime prohibitif; tandis que ce regime
+        condamnait les peuples a s'approvisionner aux sources les plus
+        eloignees, la contrebande rapprochait les distances, abaissait
+        les prix, et neutralisait l'action funeste des monopoles.'
+        _Blanqui_, _Histoire de l'Economie, Politique en Europe_, Paris,
+        1845, vol. ii. pp. 25, 26.
+
+Such are some of the benefits which European trade owes to the paternal
+care of European legislators. But worse still remains behind. For the
+economical evils, great as they were, have been far surpassed by the
+moral evils which this system produced. The first inevitable consequence
+was, that, in every part of Europe, there arose numerous and powerful
+gangs of armed smugglers, who lived by disobeying the laws which their
+ignorant rulers had imposed. These men, desperate from the fear of
+punishment,[411] and accustomed to the commission of every crime,
+contaminated the surrounding population; introduced into peaceful
+villages vices formerly unknown; caused the ruin of entire families;
+spread, wherever they came, drunkenness, theft, and dissoluteness; and
+familiarized their associates with those coarse and swinish debaucheries
+which were the natural habits of so vagrant and lawless a life.[412] The
+innumerable crimes arising from this,[413] are directly chargeable upon
+the European governments by whom they were provoked. The offences were
+caused by the laws; and now that the laws are repealed, the offences
+have disappeared. But it will hardly be pretended, that the interests of
+civilization have been advanced by such a policy as this. It will
+hardly be pretended, that we owe much to a system which, having called
+into existence a new class of criminals, at length retraces its steps;
+and, though it thus puts an end to the crime, only destroys what its own
+acts had created.
+
+  [411] The 19 Geo. II. c. 34, made 'all forcible acts of smuggling,
+        carried on in defiance of the laws, or _even in disguise to evade
+        them_, felony without benefit of clergy.' _Blackstone's
+        Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 155. Townsend, who travelled through
+        France in 1786, says, that when any of the numerous smugglers
+        were taken, 'some of them are hanged, some are broken upon the
+        wheel, and some are burnt alive.' _Townsend's Spain_, vol. i. p.
+        85, edit. 1792. On the general operation of the French laws
+        against smugglers in the eighteenth century, compare _Tucker's
+        Life of Jefferson_, vol. i. pp. 213, 214, with _Parliamentary
+        History_, vol. ix. p. 1240.
+
+  [412] In a work of considerable ability, the following account is given
+        of the state of things in England and France so late as the year
+        1824: 'While this was going forward on the English coast, the
+        smugglers on the opposite shore were engaged, with much more
+        labour, risk, and expense, in introducing English woollens, by a
+        vast system of fraud and lying, into the towns, past a series of
+        custom-houses. In both countries, there was an utter
+        dissoluteness of morals connected with these transactions.
+        Cheating and lying were essential to the whole system;
+        drunkenness accompanied it; contempt for all law grew up under
+        it; honest industry perished beneath it; and it was crowned with
+        murder.' _Martineau's History of England during Thirty Years'
+        Peace_, vol. i. p. 341, 8vo. 1849.
+
+  [413] For evidence of the extraordinary extent to which smuggling was
+        formerly carried, and that not secretly, but by powerful bodies
+        of armed men, see _Parliamentary History_, vol. ix. pp. 243, 247,
+        1290, 1345, vol. x. pp. 394, 405, 530, 532, vol. xi. p. 935. And
+        on the number of persons engaged in it, compare _Tomline's Life
+        of Pitt_, vol. i. p. 359: see also _Sinclair's History of the
+        Public Revenue_, vol. iii. p. 232; _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol.
+        i. p. 391. In France, the evil was equally great. M. Lemontey
+        says, that early in the eighteenth century, 'la contrebande
+        devenait une profession ouverte, et des compagnies de cavalerie
+        deserterent tout entieres leurs etendards pour suivre contre le
+        fisc cette guerre populaire.' _Lemontey_, _Essai sur
+        l'Etablissement monarchique de Louis XIV_, p. 430. According to
+        Townsend, there were, in 1786, 'more than 1500 smugglers in the
+        Pyrenees.' _Townsend's Journey through Spain_, vol. i. p. 84.
+
+It is unnecessary to say, that these remarks do not affect the real
+services rendered to society by every tolerably organized government. In
+all countries, a power of punishing crime, and of framing laws, must
+reside somewhere; otherwise the nation is in a state of anarchy. But the
+accusation which the historian is bound to bring against every
+government which has hitherto existed is, that it has overstepped its
+proper functions, and, at each step, has done incalculable harm. The
+love of exercising power has been found to be so universal, that no
+class of men who have possessed authority have been able to avoid
+abusing it. To maintain order, to prevent the strong from oppressing the
+weak, and to adopt certain precautions respecting the public health, are
+the only services which any government can render to the interests of
+civilization. That these are services of immense value, no one will
+deny; but it cannot be said, that by them civilization is advanced, or
+the progress of Man accelerated. All that is done is, to afford the
+opportunity of progress; the progress itself must depend upon other
+matters. And that this is the sound view of legislation, is, moreover,
+evident from the fact, that as knowledge is becoming more diffused, and
+as an increasing experience is enabling each successive generation
+better to understand the complicated relations of life; just in the same
+proportion are men insisting upon the repeal of those protective laws,
+the enactment of which was deemed by politicians to be the greatest
+triumph of political foresight.
+
+Seeing, therefore, that the efforts of government in favour of
+civilization are, when most successful, altogether negative; and seeing
+too, that when those efforts are more than negative, they become
+injurious,--it clearly follows, that all speculations must be erroneous
+which ascribe the progress of Europe to the wisdom of its rulers. This
+is an inference which rests not only on the arguments already adduced,
+but on facts which might be multiplied from every page of history. For
+no government having recognized its proper limits, the result is, that
+every government has inflicted on its subjects great injuries; and has
+done this nearly always with the best intentions. The effects of its
+protective policy in injuring trade, and, what is far worse, in
+increasing crime, have just been noticed; and to these instances,
+innumerable others might be added. Thus, during many centuries, every
+government thought it was its bounden duty to encourage religious truth,
+and discourage religious error. The mischief this has produced is
+incalculable. Putting aside all other considerations, it is enough to
+mention its two leading consequences; which are, the increase of
+hypocrisy, and the increase of perjury. The increase of hypocrisy is the
+inevitable result of connecting any description of penalty with the
+profession of particular opinions. Whatever may be the case with
+individuals, it is certain that the majority of men find an extreme
+difficulty in long resisting constant temptation. And when the
+temptation comes to them in the shape of honour and emolument, they are
+too often ready to profess the dominant opinions, and abandon, not
+indeed their belief, but the external marks by which that belief is made
+public. Every man who takes this step is a hypocrite; and every
+government which encourages this step to be taken, is an abettor of
+hypocrisy and a creator of hypocrites. Well, therefore, may we say, that
+when a government holds out as a bait, that those who profess certain
+opinions shall enjoy certain privileges, it plays the part of the
+tempter of old, and, like the Evil One, basely offers the good things of
+this world to him who will change his worship and deny his faith. At the
+same time, and as a part of this system, the increase of perjury has
+accompanied the increase of hypocrisy. For legislators, plainly seeing
+that proselytes thus obtained could not be relied upon, have met the
+danger by the most extraordinary precautions; and compelling men to
+confirm their belief by repeated oaths, have thus sought to protect the
+old creed against the new converts. It is this suspicion as to the
+motives of others, which has given rise to oaths of every kind and in
+every direction. In England, even the boy at college is forced to swear
+about matters which he cannot understand, and which far riper minds are
+unable to master. If he afterwards goes into Parliament, he must again
+swear about his religion; and at nearly every stage of political life he
+must take fresh oaths; the solemnity of which is often strangely
+contrasted with the trivial functions to which they are the prelude. A
+solemn adjuration of the Deity being thus made at every turn, it has
+happened, as might have been expected, that oaths, enjoined as a matter
+of course, have at length degenerated into a matter of form. What is
+lightly taken, is easily broken. And the best observers of English
+society,--observers too whose characters are very different, and who
+hold the most opposite opinions,--are all agreed on this, that the
+perjury habitually practised in England, and of which government is the
+immediate creator, is so general, that it has become a source of
+national corruption, has diminished the value of human testimony, and
+shaken the confidence which men naturally place in the word of their
+fellow-creatures.[414]
+
+  [414] Archbishop Whately says, what hardly any thinking man will now
+        deny, 'If oaths were abolished--leaving the penalties for false
+        witness (no unimportant part of our security) unaltered--I am
+        convinced that, on the whole, testimony would be more trustworthy
+        than it is.' _Whately's Elements of Rhetoric_, 8vo. 1850, p. 47.
+        See also on the amount of perjury caused by English legislation,
+        _Jeremy Bentham's Works_, edit. Bowring, vol. ii. p. 210, vol. v.
+        pp. 191-229, 454-466, vol. vi. pp. 314, 315; _Orme's Life of
+        Owen_, p. 195; _Locke's Works_, vol. iv. p. 6; _Berkeley's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 196; _Whiston's Memoirs_, pp. 33, 411-413;
+        _Hamilton's Discussions on Philosophy and Literature_, pp. 454,
+        522, 527, 528. Sir W. Hamilton sums up: 'But if the perjury of
+        England stands pre-eminent in the world, the perjury of the
+        English Universities, and of Oxford in particular, stands
+        pre-eminent in England,' p. 528. Compare _Priestley's Memoirs_,
+        vol. i. p. 374 and _Baker's Life of Sir Thomas Bernard_, 1819,
+        pp. 188, 189.
+
+The open vices, and, what is much more dangerous, the hidden
+corruption, thus generated in the midst of society by the ignorant
+interference of Christian rulers, is indeed a painful subject; but it is
+one which I could not omit in an analysis of the causes of civilization.
+It would be easy to push the inquiry still further, and to show how
+legislators, in every attempt they have made to protect some particular
+interests, and uphold some particular principles, have not only failed,
+but have brought about results diametrically opposite to those which
+they proposed. We have seen that their laws in favour of industry have
+injured industry; that their laws in favour of religion have increased
+hypocrisy; and that their laws to secure truth have encouraged perjury.
+Exactly in the same way, nearly every country has taken steps to prevent
+usury, and keep down the interest of money; and the invariable effect
+has been to increase usury, and raise the interest of money. For, since
+no prohibition, however stringent, can destroy the natural relation
+between demand and supply, it has followed, that when some men want to
+borrow, and other men want to lend, both parties are sure to find means
+of evading a law which interferes with their mutual rights.[415] If the
+two parties were left to adjust their own bargain undisturbed, the usury
+would depend on the circumstances of the loan; such as the amount of
+security, and the chance of repayment. But this natural arrangement has
+been complicated by the interference of government.[416] A certain risk
+being always incurred by those who disobey the law, the usurer, very
+properly, refuses to lend his money unless he is also compensated for
+the danger he is in from the penalty hanging over him. This compensation
+can only be made by the borrower, who is thus obliged to pay what in
+reality is a double interest: one interest for the natural risk on the
+loan, and another interest for the extra risk from the law. Such, then,
+is the position in which every European legislature has placed itself.
+By enactments against usury, it has increased what it wished to destroy;
+it has passed laws, which the imperative necessities of men compel them
+to violate: while, to wind up the whole, the penalty for such violation
+falls on the borrowers; that is, on the very class in whose favour the
+legislators interfered.[417]
+
+  [415] 'L'observation rigoureuse de ces loix seroit destructive de tout
+        commerce; aussi ne sont-elles pas observees rigoureusement.'
+        _Memoire sur les Prets d'Argent_, sec. xiv., in _[OE]uvres de
+        Turgot_, vol. v. pp. 278, 279. Compare _Ricardo's Works_, pp.
+        178, 179, with _Condorcet_, _Vie de Turgot_, pp. 53, 54, 228.
+
+  [416] Aided by the church. Ecclesiastical councils contain numerous
+        regulations against usury; and, in 1179, Pope Alexander ordered
+        that usurers were not to be buried: 'Quia in omnibus fere locis
+        crimen usurarum invaluit; ut multi negotiis praetermissis quasi
+        licite usuras exerceant; et qualiter utriusque testamenti pagina
+        condemnetur, non attendunt: ideo constituimus, ut usurarii
+        manifesti nec ad communionem recipiantur altaris, nec
+        Christianam, si in hoc peccato decesserint, accipiant sepulturam,
+        sed nec oblationem eorum quisquam accipiat.' _Rog. de Hoved.
+        Annal. in Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 335, Lond.
+        1596, folio. In Spain, the Inquisition took cognizance of usury.
+        See _Llorente_, _Histoire de l'Inquisition_, vol. i. p. 339.
+        Compare _Ledwich's Antiquities of Ireland_, p. 133.
+
+  [417] The whole subject of the usury laws has been treated by Bentham in
+        so complete and exhaustive a manner, that I cannot do better than
+        refer the reader to his admirable 'Letters.' A part only of the
+        question is discussed, and that very imperfectly, in _Rey's
+        Science Sociale_, vol. iii. pp. 64, 65. On the necessity of usury
+        to mitigate the effects of a commercial panic, see _Mill's
+        Principles of Political Economy_, vol. ii. p. 185.
+
+In the same meddling spirit, and with the same mistaken notions of
+protection, the great Christian governments have done other things still
+more injurious. They have made strenuous and repeated efforts to destroy
+the liberty of the press, and prevent men from expressing their
+sentiments on the most important questions in politics and religion. In
+nearly every country, they, with the aid of the church, have organized a
+vast system of literary police; the sole object of which is, to abrogate
+the undoubted right of every citizen to lay his opinions before his
+fellow-citizens. In the very few countries where they have stopped short
+of these extreme steps, they have had recourse to others less violent,
+but equally unwarrantable. For even where they have not openly forbidden
+the free dissemination of knowledge, they have done all that they could
+to check it. On all the implements of knowledge, and on all the means by
+which it is diffused, such as paper, books, political journals, and the
+like, they have imposed duties so heavy, that they could hardly have
+done worse if they had been the sworn advocates of popular ignorance.
+Indeed, looking at what they have actually accomplished, it may be
+emphatically said, that they have taxed the human mind. They have made
+the very thoughts of men pay toll. Whoever wishes to communicate his
+ideas to others, and thus do what he can to increase the stock of our
+acquirements, must first pour his contributions into the imperial
+exchequer. That is the penalty inflicted on him for instructing his
+fellow-creatures. That is the blackmail which government extorts from
+literature; and on receipt of which it accords its favour, and agrees to
+abstain from further demands. And what causes all this to be the more
+insufferable, is the use which is made of these and similar exactions,
+wrung from every kind of industry, both bodily and mental. It is truly a
+frightful consideration, that knowledge is to be hindered, and that the
+proceeds of honest labour, of patient thought, and sometimes of profound
+genius, are to be diminished, in order that a large part of their scanty
+earnings may go to swell the pomp of an idle and ignorant court,
+minister to the caprice of a few powerful individuals, and too often
+supply them with the means of turning against the people resources which
+the people called into existence.
+
+These, and the foregoing statements, respecting the effects produced on
+European society by political legislation, are not doubtful or
+hypothetical inferences, but are such as every reader of history may
+verify for himself. Indeed, some of them are still acting in England;
+and, in one country or another, the whole of them may be seen in full
+force. When put together, they compose an aggregate so formidable, that
+we may well wonder how, in the face of them, civilization has been able
+to advance. That, under such circumstances, it has advanced, is a
+decisive proof of the extraordinary energy of Man; and justifies a
+confident belief, that as the pressure of legislation is diminished,
+and the human mind less hampered, the progress will continue with
+accelerated speed. But it is absurd, it would be a mockery of all sound
+reasoning, to ascribe to legislation any share in the progress; or to
+expect any benefit from future legislators, except that sort of benefit
+which consists in undoing the work of their predecessors. This is what
+the present generation claims at their hands; and it should be
+remembered that what one generation solicits as a boon, the next
+generation demands as a right. And, when the right is pertinaciously
+refused, one of two things has always happened: either the nation has
+retrogaded, or else the people have risen. Should the government remain
+firm, this is the cruel dilemma in which men are placed. If they submit,
+they injure their country; if they rebel, they may injure it still more.
+In the ancient monarchies of the East, their usual plan was to yield; in
+the monarchies of Europe, it has been to resist. Hence those
+insurrections and rebellions which occupy so large a space in modern
+history, and which are but repetitions of the old story, the undying
+struggle between oppressors and oppressed. It would, however, be unjust
+to deny, that in one country the fatal crisis has now for several
+generations been successfully averted. In one European country, and in
+one alone, the people have been so strong and the government so weak,
+that the history of legislation, taken as a whole, is, notwithstanding a
+few aberrations, the history of slow, but constant concession: reforms
+which would have been refused to argument, have been yielded from fear;
+while from the steady increase of democratic opinions, protection after
+protection, and privilege after privilege, have, even in our time, been
+torn away; until the old institutions, though they retain their former
+name, have lost their former vigour, and there no longer remains a doubt
+as to what their fate must ultimately be. Nor need we add, that in this
+same country, where, more than in any other of Europe, legislators are
+the exponents and the servants of the popular will, the progress has, on
+this account, been more undeviating than elsewhere; there has been
+neither anarchy nor revolution; and the world has been made familiar
+with the great truth, that one main condition of the prosperity of a
+people is, that its rulers shall have very little power, that they shall
+exercise that power very sparingly, and that they shall by no means
+presume to raise themselves into supreme judges of the national
+interests, or deem themselves authorized to defeat the wishes of those
+for whose benefit alone they occupy the post entrusted to them.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER VI.
+
+  ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE
+                                  AGES.
+
+
+I have now laid before the reader an examination of those conspicuous
+circumstances to which the progress of civilization is commonly
+ascribed; and I have proved that such circumstances, so far from being
+the cause of civilization, are at best only its effects; and that
+although religion, literature, and legislation do, undoubtedly, modify
+the condition of mankind, they are still more modified by it. Indeed, as
+we have clearly seen, they, even in their most favourable position, can
+be but secondary agents; because, however beneficial their apparent
+influence may be, they are themselves the product of preceding changes,
+and their results will vary according to the variations of the society
+on which they work.
+
+It is thus that, by each successive analysis, the field of the present
+inquiry has been narrowed, until we have found reason to believe that
+the growth of European civilization is solely due to the progress of
+knowledge, and that the progress of knowledge depends on the number of
+truths which the human intellect discovers, and on the extent to which
+they are diffused. In support of this proposition, I have, as yet, only
+brought forward such general arguments as establish a very strong
+probability; which, to raise to a certainty, will require an appeal to
+history in the widest sense of the term. Thus to verify speculative
+conclusions by an exhaustive enumeration of the most important
+particular facts, is the task which I purpose to execute so far as my
+powers will allow; and in the preceding chapter I have briefly stated
+the method according to which the investigation will be conducted.
+Besides this, it has appeared to me that the principles which I have
+laid down may also be tested by a mode of proceeding which I have not
+yet mentioned, but which is intimately connected with the subject now
+before us. This is, to incorporate with an inquiry into the progress of
+the history of Man, another inquiry into the progress of History itself.
+By this means, great light will be thrown on the movements of society;
+since there must always be a connexion between the way in which men
+contemplate the past, and the way in which they contemplate the present;
+both views being in fact different forms of the same habits of thought,
+and therefore presenting, in each age, a certain sympathy and
+correspondence with each other. It will, moreover, be found, that such
+an inquiry into what I call the history of history, will establish two
+leading facts of considerable value. The first fact is, that during the
+last three centuries, historians, taken as a class, have shown a
+constantly increasing respect for the human intellect, and an aversion
+for those innumerable contrivances by which it was formerly shackled.
+The second fact is, that during the same period, they have displayed a
+growing tendency to neglect matters once deemed of paramount importance,
+and have been more willing to attend to subjects connected with the
+condition of the people and the diffusion of knowledge. These two facts
+will be decisively established in the present Introduction; and it must
+be admitted, that their existence corroborates the principles which I
+have propounded. If it can be ascertained, that as society has improved,
+historical literature has constantly tended in one given direction,
+there arises a very strong probability in favour of the truth of those
+views towards which it is manifestly approaching. Indeed, it is a
+probability of this sort which makes it so important for the student of
+any particular science to be acquainted with its history; because there
+is always a fair presumption that when general knowledge is advancing,
+any single department of it, if studied by competent men, is also
+advancing, even when the results may have been so small as to seem
+unworthy of attention. Hence it becomes highly important to observe the
+way in which, during successive ages, historians have shifted their
+ground; since we shall find that such changes have in the long-run
+always pointed to the same quarter, and are, in reality, only part of
+that vast movement by which the human intellect, with infinite
+difficulty, has vindicated its own rights, and slowly emancipated itself
+from those inveterate prejudices which long impeded its action.
+
+With a view to these considerations, it seems advisable that, when
+examining the different civilizations into which the great countries of
+Europe have diverged, I should also give an account of the way in which
+history has been commonly written in each country. In the employment of
+this resource, I shall be mainly guided by a desire to illustrate the
+intimate connexion between the actual condition of a people and their
+opinions respecting the past; and, in order to keep this connexion in
+sight, I shall treat the state of historical literature, not as a
+separate subject, but as forming part of the intellectual history of
+each nation. The present volume will contain a view of the principal
+characteristics of French civilization until the great Revolution; and
+with that there will be incorporated an account of the French
+historians, and of the remarkable improvements they introduced into
+their own departments of knowledge. The relation which these
+improvements bore to the state of society from which they proceeded, is
+very striking, and will be examined at some length; while, in the next
+volume, the civilization and the historical literature of the other
+leading countries will be treated in a similar manner. Before, however,
+entering into these different subjects, it has occurred to me, that a
+preliminary inquiry into the origin of European history would be
+interesting, as supplying information respecting matters which are
+little known, and also as enabling the reader to understand the extreme
+difficulty with which history has reached its present advanced, but
+still very imperfect, state. The materials for studying the earliest
+condition of Europe have long since perished; but the extensive
+information we now possess concerning barbarous nations will supply us
+with a useful resource, because they have all much in common; the
+opinions of extreme ignorance being, indeed, every where the same,
+except when modified by the differences which nature presents in various
+countries. I have, therefore, no hesitation in employing the evidence
+which has been collected by competent travellers, and drawing inferences
+from it respecting that period of the European mind, of which we have no
+direct knowledge. Such conclusions will, of course, be speculative; but,
+during the last thousand years, we are quite independent of them,
+inasmuch as every great country has had chroniclers of its own since the
+ninth century, while the French have an uninterrupted series since the
+sixth century. In the present chapter, I intend to give specimens of the
+way in which, until the sixteenth century, history was habitually
+written by the highest European authorities. Its subsequent improvement
+during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, will be related under
+the separate heads of the countries where the progress was made; and as
+history, previous to the improvement, was little else than a tissue of
+the grossest errors, I will, in the first place, examine the leading
+causes of its universal corruption, and indicate the steps by which it
+was so disfigured that, during several centuries, Europe did not possess
+a single man who had critically studied the past, or who was even able
+to record with tolerable accuracy the events of his own time.
+
+At a very early period in the progress of a people, and long before they
+are acquainted with the use of letters, they feel the want of some
+resource, which in peace may amuse their leisure, and in war may
+stimulate their courage. This is supplied to them by the invention of
+ballads; which form the groundwork of all historical knowledge, and
+which, in one shape or another, are found among some of the rudest
+tribes of the earth. They are, for the most part, sung by a class of men
+whose particular business it is thus to preserve the stock of
+traditions. Indeed, so natural is this curiosity as to past events,
+that there are few nations to whom these bards or minstrels are unknown.
+Thus, to select a few instances, it is they who have preserved the
+popular traditions, not only of Europe,[418] but also of China, Tibet,
+and Tartary;[419] likewise of India,[420] of Scinde,[421] of
+Belochistan,[422] of Western Asia,[423] of the islands of the Black
+Sea,[424] of Egypt,[425] of Western Africa,[426] of North America,[427]
+of South America,[428] and of the islands in the Pacific.[429]
+
+  [418] For an account of the ancient bards of Gaul, see the _Benedictine
+        Hist. Lit. de la France_, vol. i. part i. pp. 25-28. Those of
+        Scotland are noticed in _Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands_, p.
+        89; and for a modern instance in the island of Col, near Mull,
+        see _Otter's Life of Clarke_, vol. i. p. 307. As to the Irish
+        bards in the seventh century, see _Sharon Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. p. 571. Spenser's account of them in the
+        sixteenth century (_Somers Tracts_, vol. i. pp. 590, 591) shows
+        that the order was then falling into contempt; and in the
+        seventeenth century this is confirmed by Sir William Temple;
+        _Essay on Poetry_, in _Temple's Works_, vol. iii. pp. 431, 432.
+        But it was not till the eighteenth century that they became
+        extinct; for Mr. Prior (_Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i. pp. 36, 37)
+        says, that Carolan, 'the last of the ancient Irish bards,' died
+        in 1738. Without them the memory of many events would have been
+        entirely lost; since, even at the end of the seventeenth century,
+        there being no registers in Ireland, the ordinary means of
+        recording facts were so little known, that parents often took the
+        precaution of having the names and ages of children marked on
+        their arms with gunpowder. See _Kirkman's Memoirs of Charles
+        Macklin_, 8vo. 1799, vol. i. pp. 144, 145, a curious book.
+        Compare, respecting Carolan, _Nichols's Illustrations of the
+        Eighteenth Century_, vol. vii. pp. 688-694.
+
+  [419] On these Toolholos, as they are called, see _Huc's Travels in
+        Tartary, Thibet, and China_, vol. i. pp. 65-67. Huc says, p. 67,
+        'These poet-singers, who remind us of the minstrels and
+        rhapsodists of Greece, are also very numerous in China; but they
+        are, probably, no where so numerous or so popular as in Thibet.'
+
+  [420] On the bards of the Deccan, see _Wilks's History of the South of
+        India_, 4to. 1810, vol. i. pp. 20, 21, and _Transac. of the
+        Bombay Soc._ vol. i. p. 162. For those of other parts of India,
+        see _Heber's Journey_, vol. ii. pp. 452-455; _Burnes on the
+        North-west Frontier of India_, in _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol.
+        iv. pp. 110, 111; _Prinsep_, in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol.
+        viii. p. 395; _Forbes's Oriental Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 376, 377,
+        543; and _Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix. p. 78. They are mentioned
+        in the oldest Veda, which is also the oldest of all the Indian
+        books. See _Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. p. 158.
+
+  [421] See _Burton's Sindh_, p. 56, 8vo. 1851.
+
+  [422] _Burton's Sindh_, p. 59.
+
+  [423] _Burnes's Travels into Bokhara_, 8vo. 1834, vol. ii. pp. 107, 115,
+        116.
+
+  [424] _Clarke's Travels_, 8vo. 1816, vol. ii. p. 101.
+
+  [425] Compare _Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians_, vol. ii. p. 304, with
+        _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p. 96, vol. ii. p. 92.
+
+  [426] I have mislaid my note on the bards of Western Africa, and can
+        only refer to a hasty notice in _Mungo Park's Travels_, vol. i.
+        p. 70. 8vo. 1817.
+
+  [427] _Buchanan's Sketches of the North-American Indians_, p. 337.
+
+  [428] _Prescott's History of Peru_, vol. i. pp. 31, 32, 117.
+
+  [429] _Ellis_, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. pp. 85, 199, 411;
+        _Ellis_, _Tour through Hawaii_, p. 91. Compare _Cook's Voyages_,
+        vol. v. p. 237, with _Beechey's Voyage to the Pacific_, vol. ii.
+        p. 106. Some of these ballads have been collected, but, I
+        believe, not published. See _Cheever's Sandwich Islands_, 8vo.
+        1851, p. 181.
+
+In all these countries, letters were long unknown; and, as a people in
+that state have no means of perpetuating their history except by oral
+tradition, they select the form best calculated to assist their memory;
+and it will, I believe, be found that the first rudiments of knowledge
+consist always of poetry, and often of rhyme.[430] The jingle pleases
+the ear of the barbarian, and affords a security that he will hand it
+down to his children in the unimpaired state in which he received
+it.[431] This guarantee against error increases still further the value
+of these ballads; and instead of being considered as a mere amusement,
+they rise to the dignity of judicial authorities.[432] The allusions
+contained in them, are satisfactory proofs to decide the merits of rival
+families, or even to fix the limits of those rude estates which such a
+society can possess. We therefore find, that the professed reciters and
+composers of these songs are the recognized judges in all disputed
+matters; and as they are often priests, and believed to be inspired, it
+is probably in this way that the notion of the divine origin of poetry
+first arose.[433] These ballads will, of course, vary, according to the
+customs and temperaments of the different nations, and according to the
+climate to which they are accustomed. In the south they assume a
+passionate and voluptuous form; in the north they are rather remarkable
+for their tragic and warlike character.[434] But, notwithstanding these
+diversities, all such productions have one feature in common. They are
+not only founded on truth, but making allowance for the colourings of
+poetry, they are all strictly true. Men who are constantly repeating
+songs which they constantly hear, and who appeal to the authorized
+singers of them as final umpires in disputed questions, are not likely
+to be mistaken on matters, in the accuracy of which they have so lively
+an interest.[435]
+
+  [430] It is a singular proof of the carelessness with which the history
+        of barbarous nations has been studied, that authors constantly
+        assert rhyme to be a comparatively recent contrivance; and even
+        Pinkerton, writing to Laing in 1799, says, 'Rhyme was not known
+        in Europe till about the ninth century.' _Pinkerton's Literary
+        Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 92. The truth is, that rhyme was not
+        only known to the ancient Greeks and Romans, but was used, long
+        before the date Pinkerton mentions, by the Anglo-Saxons, by the
+        Irish, by the Welsh, and, I believe, by the Bretons. See _Mure's
+        Hist. of the Literature of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 113; _Hallam's
+        Lit. of Europe_, vol. i. p. 31; _Villemarque_, _Chants Populaires
+        de la Bretagne_, vol. i. pp. lviii. lix. compared with
+        _Souvestre_, _les Derniers Bretons_, p. 143; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iii. pp. 383, 643, vol. vii. pp. 324, 328, 330.
+        Rhyme is also used by the Fantees (_Bowdich_, _Mission to
+        Ashantee_, p. 358); by the Persians (_Transac. of Bombay Soc._
+        vol. ii. p. 82); by the Chinese (_Transac. of Asiatic Soc._ vol.
+        ii. pp. 407, 409, and _Davis's Chinese_, vol. ii. p. 269); by the
+        Malays (_Asiatic Researches_, vol. x. pp. 176, 196); by the
+        Javanese (_Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 19, 20); and by the Siamese (_Transac. of Asiatic Soc._ vol.
+        iii. p. 299).
+
+  [431] The habit thus acquired, long survives the circumstances which
+        made it necessary. During many centuries, the love of
+        versification was so widely diffused, that works in rhyme were
+        composed on nearly all subjects, even in Europe; and this
+        practice, which marks the ascendency of the imagination, is, as I
+        have shown, a characteristic of the great Indian civilization,
+        where the understanding was always in abeyance. On early French
+        historians who wrote in rhyme, see _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers
+        Etats_, vol. vi. p. 147. Montucla (_Hist. des Mathemat._ vol. i.
+        p. 506) mentions a mathematical treatise, written in the
+        thirteenth century, 'en vers techniques.' Compare the remarks of
+        Matter (_Hist. de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie_, vol. ii. pp. 179-183) on
+        the scientific poetry of Aratus; and on that of Hygin, p. 250.
+        Thus, too, we find an Anglo-Norman writing 'the Institutes of
+        Justinian in verse;' _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vii. p.
+        307: and a Polish historian composing 'his numerous works on
+        genealogy and heraldry mostly in rhyme.' _Talvi's Language and
+        Literature of the Slavic Nations_, 8vo. 1850, p. 246. Compare
+        _Origines du Droit Francais_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol.
+        ii. p. 310.
+
+  [432] Mr. Ellis, a missionary in the South-Sea Islands, says of the
+        inhabitants, 'Their traditionary ballads were a kind of standard,
+        or classical authority, to which they referred for the purpose of
+        determining any disputed fact in their history.' And when doubts
+        arose, 'as they had no records to which they could at such times
+        refer, they could only oppose one oral tradition to another;
+        which unavoidably involved the parties in protracted, and often
+        obstinate debates.' _Ellis_, _Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. pp.
+        202, 203. Compare _Elphinstone's Hist. of India_, p. 66; _Laing's
+        Heimskringla_, 8vo. 1844, vol. i. pp. 50, 51; _Twell's Life of
+        Pocock_, edit. 1816, p. 143.
+
+  [433] The inspiration of poetry is sometimes explained by its
+        spontaneousness (_Cousin_, _Hist. de la Philosophie_, II^e serie,
+        vol. i. pp. 135, 136); and there can be no doubt that one cause
+        of the reverence felt for great poets, is the necessity they seem
+        to experience of pouring out their thoughts without reference to
+        their own wishes. Still, it will, I believe, be found, that the
+        notion of poetry being a divine art is most rife in those states
+        of society in which knowledge is monopolised by the bards, and in
+        which the bards are both priests and historians. On this
+        combination of pursuits, compare a note in _Malcolm's Hist. of
+        Persia_, vol. i. p. 90, with _Mure's Hist. of the Lit. of
+        Greece_, vol. i. p. 148, vol. ii. p. 228, and _Petrie's_ learned
+        work, _Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland_, Dublin, 1845, p.
+        354. For evidence of the great respect paid to bards, see
+        _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, pp. 234-236; _Wheaton's Hist. of
+        the Northmen_, pp. 50, 51; _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. i. p.
+        3; _Warton's Hist. of English Poetry_, 1840, vol. i. pp. xxvi.
+        xl.; _Grote's Hist. of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 182, 1st edit.; and
+        on their important duties, see the laws of M[oe]lmund,
+        _Villemarque_, _Chants Populaires de la Bretagne_, 1846, vol. i.
+        pp. v. and vi.; _Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. p. 229;
+        and _Origines du Droit_, in _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol. ii. p.
+        372.
+
+  [434] _Villemarque_, _Chants Populaires_, vol. i. p. lv.
+
+  [435] As to the general accuracy of the early ballads, which has been
+        rashly attacked by several writers, and among others by Sir
+        Walter Scott, see _Villemarque_, _Chants Populaires_, vol. i. pp.
+        xxv.-xxxi., and _Talvi's Slavic Nations_, p. 150. On the tenacity
+        of oral tradition, compare _Niebuhr's History of Rome_, 1847,
+        vol. i. p. 230, with _Laing's Denmark_, pp. 197, 198, 350;
+        _Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen_, pp. 38, 39, 57-59. Another
+        curious illustration of this is, that several barbarous nations
+        continue to repeat the old traditions in the old words, for so
+        many generations, that at length the very language becomes
+        unintelligible to the majority of those who recite them. See
+        _Mariner's Account of the Tonga Islands_, vol. i. p. 156, vol.
+        ii. p. 217, and _Catlin's North-American Indians_, vol. i. p.
+        126.
+
+This is the earliest, and most simple, of the various stages through
+which history is obliged to pass. But, in the course of time, unless
+unfavourable circumstances intervene, society advances, and, among other
+changes, there is one in particular of the greatest importance: I mean
+the introduction of the art of writing, which, before many generations
+are passed, must effect a complete alteration in the character of the
+national traditions. The manner in which this occurs has, so far as I am
+aware, never been pointed out; and it will, therefore, be interesting to
+attempt to trace some of its details.
+
+The first, and perhaps the most obvious consideration, is that the
+introduction of the art of writing gives permanence to the national
+knowledge, and thus lessens the utility of that oral information, in
+which all the acquirements of an unlettered people must be contained.
+Hence it is, that as a country advances, the influence of tradition
+diminishes, and traditions themselves become less trustworthy.[436]
+Besides this, the preservers of these traditions lose, in this stage of
+society, much of their former reputation. Among a perfectly unlettered
+people, the singers of ballads are, as we have already seen, the sole
+depositories of those historical facts on which the fame, and often the
+property, of their chieftains principally depend. But, when this same
+nation becomes acquainted with the art of writing, it grows unwilling to
+intrust these matters to the memory of itinerant singers, and avails
+itself of its new art to preserve them in a fixed and material form. As
+soon as this is effected, the importance of those who repeat the
+national traditions is sensibly diminished. They gradually sink into an
+inferior class, which, having lost its old reputation, no longer
+consists of those superior men to whose abilities it owed its former
+fame.[437] Thus we see, that although, without letters, there can be no
+knowledge of much importance, it is nevertheless true, that their
+introduction is injurious to historical traditions in two distinct
+ways: first by weakening the traditions, and secondly by weakening the
+class of men whose occupation it is to preserve them.
+
+  [436] That the invention of letters would at first weaken the memory, is
+        noticed in Plato's Phaedrus, chap. 135 (_Platonis Opera_, vol. i.
+        p. 187, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826); where, however, the argument
+        is pushed rather too far.
+
+  [437] This inevitable decline in the ability of the bards is noticed,
+        though, as it appears to me, from a wrong point of view, in
+        _Mure's Literat. of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 230.
+
+But this is not all. Not only does the art of writing lessen the number
+of traditionary truths, but it directly encourages the propagation of
+falsehoods. This is effected by what may be termed a principle of
+accumulation, to which all systems of belief have been deeply indebted.
+In ancient times, for example, the name of Hercules was given to several
+of those great public robbers who scourged mankind, and who, if their
+crimes were successful, as well as enormous, were sure after their death
+to be worshipped as heroes.[438] How this appellation originated is
+uncertain; but it was probably bestowed at first on a single man, and
+afterwards on those who resembled him in the character of their
+achievements.[439] This mode of extending the use of a single name is
+natural to a barbarous people;[440] and would cause little or no
+confusion, as long as the traditions of the country remained local and
+unconnected. But as soon as these traditions became fixed by a written
+language, the collectors of them, deceived by the similarity of name,
+assembled the scattered facts, and, ascribing to a single man these
+accumulated exploits, degraded history to the level of a miraculous
+mythology.[441] In the same way, soon after the use of letters was known
+in the North of Europe, there was drawn up by Saxo Grammaticus the life
+of the celebrated Ragnar Lodbrok. Either from accident or design, this
+great warrior of Scandinavia, who had taught England to tremble, had
+received the same name as another Ragnar, who was prince of Jutland
+about a hundred years earlier. This coincidence would have caused no
+confusion, as long as each district preserved a distinct and independent
+account of its own Ragnar. But, by possessing the resource of writing,
+men became able to consolidate the separate trains of events, and, as it
+were, fuse two truths into one error. And this was what actually
+happened. The credulous Saxo put together the different exploits of both
+Ragnars, and, ascribing the whole of them to his favourite hero, has
+involved in obscurity one of the most interesting parts of the early
+history of Europe.[442]
+
+  [438] Varro mentions forty-four of these vagabonds, who were all called
+        Hercules. See a learned article in _Smith's Biog. and Mythology_,
+        vol. ii. p. 401, 8vo. 1846. See also _Mackay's Religious
+        Development of the Greeks and Hebrews_, vol. ii. pp. 71-79. On
+        the relation between Hercules and Melcarth, compare _Matter_,
+        _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 257, with _Heeren's Asiatic
+        Nations_, vol. i. p. 295, 8vo. 1846. And as to the Hercules of
+        Egypt, _Prichard's Analysis of Egyptian Mythology_, 1838, pp.
+        109, 115-119. As to the confusion of the different Hercules by
+        the Dorians, see _Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. p. 257;
+        and compare p. 130.
+
+  [439] This appears to be the opinion of Frederick Schlegel; _Schlegel's
+        Lectures on the History of Literature_, Edinb. 1818, vol. i.
+        p. 260.
+
+  [440] The habit of generalizing names precedes that more advanced state
+        of society in which men generalize phenomena. If this proposition
+        is universally true, which I take it to be, it will throw some
+        light on the history of disputes between the nominalists and the
+        realists.
+
+  [441] We may form an idea of the fertility of this source of error from
+        the fact, that in Egypt there were fifty-three cities bearing the
+        same name: 'L'auteur du Kamous nous apprend qu'il y a en Egypte
+        cinquante-trois villes du nom de Schobra: en effet, j'ai retrouve
+        tous ces noms dans les deux denombremens deja cites.'
+        _Quatremere_, _Recherches sur la Langue et la Litterature de
+        l'Egypte_, p. 199.
+
+  [442] On this confusion respecting Ragnar Lodbrok, see _Geijer's History
+        of Sweden_, part i. pp. 13, 14; _Lappenberg's Anglo-Saxon Kings_,
+        vol. ii. p. 31; _Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen_, p. 150;
+        _Mallet's Northern Antiquities_, p. 383; _Crichton's
+        Scandinavia_, vol. i. p. 116. A comparison of these passages will
+        justify the sarcastic remark of Koch on the history of Swedish
+        and Danish heroes; _Koch_, _Tableau des Revolutions_, vol. i. p.
+        57 note.
+
+The annals of the North afford another curious instance of this source
+of error. A tribe of Finns, called Quaens, occupied a considerable part
+of the eastern coast of the Gulf of Bothnia. Their country was known as
+Quaenland; and this name gave rise to a belief that, to the north of the
+Baltic, there was a nation of Amazons. This would easily have been
+corrected by local knowledge; but, by the use of writing, the flying
+rumour was at once fixed; and the existence of such a people is
+positively affirmed in some of the earliest European histories.[443]
+Thus, too, Abo, the ancient capital of Finland, was called Turku, which,
+in the Swedish language, means a market-place. Adam of Bremen, having
+occasion to treat of the countries adjoining the Baltic,[444] was so
+misled by the word Turku, that this celebrated historian assures his
+readers that there were Turks in Finland.[445]
+
+  [443] _Prichard's Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol. iii. p. 273. The
+        Norwegians still give to the Finlanders the name of Quaener. See
+        _Dillon's Lapland and Iceland_, 8vo. 1840, vol. ii. p. 221.
+        Compare _Laing's Sweden_, pp. 45, 47. The Amazon river in South
+        America owes its name to a similar fable. _Henderson's Hist. of
+        Brazil_, p. 453; _Southey's Hist. of Brazil_, vol. i. p. 112;
+        _M'Culloh's Researches concerning America_, pp. 407, 408; and
+        _Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. xv. p. 65, for an account of the
+        wide diffusion of this error.
+
+  [444] Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. iv. p. 30) calls him 'the
+        Strabo of the Baltic;' and it was from him that most of the
+        geographers in the Middle Ages derived their knowledge of the
+        North.
+
+  [445] 'It was called in Finnish _Turku_, from the Swedish word _torg_,
+        which signifies a market-place. The sound of this name misled Adam
+        of Bremen into the belief that there were Turks in Finland.'
+        _Cooley's Hist. of Maritime and Inland Discovery_, London, 1830,
+        vol. i. p. 211.
+
+To these illustrations many others might be added, showing how mere
+names deceived the early historians, and gave rise to relations which
+were entirely false, and might have been rectified on the spot; but
+which, owing to the art of writing, were carried into distant countries,
+and thus placed beyond the reach of contradiction. Of such cases, one
+more may be mentioned, as it concerns the history of England. Richard
+I., the most barbarous of our princes, was known to his contemporaries
+as the Lion; an appellation conferred upon him on account of his
+fearlessness, and the ferocity of his temper.[446] Hence it was said
+that he had the heart of a lion; and the title C[oe]ur de Lion not only
+became indissolubly connected with his name, but actually gave rise to a
+story, repeated by innumerable writers, according to which he slew a
+lion in single combat.[447] The name gave rise to the story; the story
+confirmed the name; and another fiction was added to that long series of
+falsehoods of which history mainly consisted during the Middle Ages.
+
+  [446] The chronicler of his crusade says, that he was called Lion on
+        account of his never pardoning an offence: 'Nihil injuriarum
+        reliquit inultum: unde et unus (_i.e._ the King of France) dictus
+        est Agnus a Griffonibus, alter Leonis nomen accepit.' _Chronicon
+        Ricardi Divisiensis de Rebus gestis Ricardi Primi_, edit.
+        Stevenson, Lond. 1838, p. 18. Some of the Egyptian kings received
+        the name of Lion 'from their heroic exploits.' _Vyse on the
+        Pyramids_, vol. iii. p. 116.
+
+  [447] See Price's learned Preface to _Warton's History of English
+        Poetry_, vol. i. p. 21; and on the similar story of Henry the
+        Lion, see _Maury_, _Legendes du Moyen Age_, p. 160. Compare the
+        account of Duke Godfrey's conflict with a bear, in _Matthaei Paris
+        Historia Major_, p. 29, Lond. 1684, folio. I should not be
+        surprised if the story of Alexander and the Lion (_Thirlwall's
+        History of Greece_, vol. vi. p. 305) were equally fabulous.
+
+The corruptions of history, thus naturally brought about by the mere
+introduction of letters, were, in Europe, aided by an additional cause.
+With the art of writing, there was, in most cases, also communicated a
+knowledge of Christianity; and the new religion not only destroyed many
+of the Pagan traditions, but falsified the remainder, by amalgamating
+them with monastic legends. The extent to which this was carried would
+form a curious subject for inquiry; but one or two instances of it will
+perhaps be sufficient to satisfy the generality of readers.
+
+Of the earliest state of the great Northern nations we have little
+positive evidence; but several of the lays in which the Scandinavian
+poets related the feats of their ancestors, or of their contemporaries,
+are still preserved; and, notwithstanding their subsequent corruption,
+it is admitted by the most competent judges that they embody real and
+historical events. But in the ninth and tenth centuries, Christian
+missionaries found their way across the Baltic, and introduced a
+knowledge of their religion among the inhabitants of Northern
+Europe.[448] Scarcely was this effected, when the sources of history
+began to be poisoned. At the end of the eleventh century, Saemund
+Sigfussen, a Christian priest, gathered the popular, and hitherto
+unwritten, histories of the North into what is called the Elder Edda;
+and he was satisfied with adding to his compilation the corrective of a
+Christian hymn.[449] A hundred years later, there was made another
+collection of the native histories; but the principle which I have
+mentioned, having had a longer time to operate, now displayed its
+effects still more clearly. In this second collection, which is known by
+the name of the Younger Edda, there is an agreeable mixture of Greek,
+Jewish, and Christian fables; and, for the first time in the
+Scandinavian annals, we meet with the widely diffused fiction of a
+Trojan descent.[450]
+
+  [448] The first missionary was Ebbo, about the year 822. He was followed
+        by Anschar, who afterwards pushed his enterprise as far as
+        Sweden. The progress was, however, slow; and it was not till the
+        latter half of the 11th century that Christianity was established
+        firmly in the North. See _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. v.
+        pp. 373, 374, 379, 380, 400-402; _Mosheim's Eccles. Hist._ vol.
+        i. pp. 188, 215, 216; _Barry's Hist. of the Orkney Islands_, p.
+        125. It is often supposed that some of the Danes in Ireland were
+        Christians as early as the reign of Ivar I.; but this is a
+        mistake, into which Ledwich fell by relying on a coin, which in
+        reality refers to Ivar II. _Petrie's Ecclesiastical Architecture
+        of Ireland_, p. 225; and _Ledwich's Antiquities of Ireland_, p.
+        159.
+
+  [449] Mr. Wheaton (_History of Northmen_, p. 60) says, that Saemund
+        'merely added one song of his own composition, of a moral and
+        Christian religious tendency; so as thereby to consecrate and
+        leaven, as it were, the whole mass of Paganism.'
+
+  [450] _Wheaton's Hist. of the Northmen_, pp. 89, 90; _Mallet's Northern
+        Antiquities_, pp. 377, 378, 485; _Schlegel's Lectures on the
+        History of Literature_, vol. i. p. 265. Indeed, these
+        interpolations are so numerous, that the earlier German
+        antiquaries believed the Edda to be a forgery by the northern
+        monks,--a paradox which Mueller refuted more than forty years ago.
+        _Note in Wheaton_, p. 61. Compare _Palgrave's English
+        Commonwealth, Anglo-Saxon Period_, vol. i. p. 135.
+
+If, by way of further illustration, we turn to other parts of the world,
+we shall find a series of facts confirming this view. We shall find
+that, in those countries where there has been no change of religion,
+history is more trustworthy and connected than in those countries where
+such a change has taken place. In India, Brahmanism, which is still
+supreme, was established at so early a period, that its origin is lost
+in the remotest antiquity.[451] The consequence is, that the native
+annals have never been corrupted by any new superstition; and the
+Hindus are possessed of historic traditions more ancient than can be
+found among any other Asiatic people.[452] In the same way, the Chinese
+have for upwards of 2,000 years preserved the religion of Fo, which is a
+form of Buddhism.[453] In China, therefore, though the civilization has
+never been equal to that of India, there is a history, not, indeed, as
+old as the natives would wish us to believe, but still stretching back
+to several centuries before the Christian era, from whence it has been
+brought down to our own times in an uninterrupted succession.[454] On
+the other hand, the Persians, whose intellectual development was
+certainly superior to that of the Chinese, are nevertheless without any
+authentic information respecting the early transactions of their ancient
+monarchy.[455] For this I can see no possible reason, except the fact,
+that Persia, soon after the promulgation of the Koran, was conquered by
+the Mohammedans, who completely subverted the Parsee religion, and thus
+interrupted the stream of the national traditions.[456] Hence it is
+that, putting aside the myths of the Zendavesta, we have no native
+authorities for Persian history of any value, until the appearance, in
+the eleventh century, of the Shah Nameh; in which, however, Ferdousi has
+mingled the miraculous relations of those two religions by which his
+country had been successively subjected.[457] The result is, that if it
+were not for the various discoveries which have been made, of
+monuments, inscriptions, and coins, we should be compelled to rely on
+the scanty and inaccurate details in the Greek writers for our knowledge
+of the history of one of the most important of the Asiatic
+monarchies.[458]
+
+  [451] As is evident from the conflicting statements made by the best
+        orientalists, each of whom has some favourite hypothesis of his
+        own respecting its origin. It is enough to say, that we have no
+        account of India existing without Brahmanism; and as to its real
+        history, nothing can be understood, until more steps have been
+        taken towards generalizing the laws which regulate the growth of
+        religious opinions.
+
+  [452] Dr. Prichard (_Physical Hist. of Mankind_, vol. iv. pp. 101-105)
+        thinks that the Hindus have a history beginning B.C. 1391.
+        Compare _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. i. pp. 311, 312. Mr. Wilson
+        says, that even the genealogies in the Puranas are, 'in all
+        probability, much more authentic than has been sometimes
+        supposed.' Wilson's note in _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. i. pp.
+        161, 162. See also his preface to the _Vishnu Purana_, p. lxv.;
+        and _Asiatic Researches_, vol. v. p. 244.
+
+  [453] _Journal of Asiatic Soc._ vol. vi. p. 251; _Herder_, _Ideen zur
+        Geschichte_, vol. iv. p. 70; _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. i. p.
+        104. I learn from a note in _Erman's Siberia_, vol. ii. p. 306,
+        that one of the missionaries gravely suggests that 'Buddhism
+        originated in the errors of the Manichaeans, and is therefore but
+        an imitation of Christianity.'
+
+  [454] M. Bunsen says, that the Chinese have 'a regular chronology,
+        extending back 3,000 years B.C.' _Bunsen's Egypt_, vol. i. p. 240.
+        See also _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol. ii. p. 475, vol. iv. p. 455;
+        _Renouard_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. i. pp. 47, 48; and the
+        statements of Klaproth and Remusat, in _Prichard's Physical
+        Hist._ vol. iv. pp. 476, 477. The superior exactness of the
+        Chinese annals is sometimes ascribed to their early knowledge of
+        printing, with which they claim to have been acquainted in B.C.
+        1100. _Meidinger's Essay_, in _Journal of Statistical Society_,
+        vol. iii. p. 163. But the fact is, that printing was unknown in
+        China till the ninth or tenth century after Christ, and moveable
+        types were not invented before 1041. _Humboldt's Cosmos_, vol.
+        ii. p. 623; _Transac. of Asiatic Society_, vol. i. p. 7; _Journal
+        Asiatique_, vol. i. p. 137, Paris, 1822; _Davis's Chinese_, vol.
+        i. pp. 174, 178, vol. iii. p. 1. There are some interesting
+        papers on the early history of China in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._
+        vol. i. pp. 57-86, 213-222, vol. ii. pp. 166-171, 276-287.
+
+  [455] 'From the death of Alexander (323 B.C.) to the reign of Ardeshir
+        Babegan (Artaxerxes), the founder of the Sassanian dynasty (200
+        A.D.), a period of more than five centuries, is almost a blank in
+        the Persian history.' _Troyer's Preliminary Discourse to the
+        Dabistan_, 8vo. 1843, vol. i. pp. lv. lvi. See to the same effect
+        _Erskine on the Zend-Avesta_, in _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 303-305; and _Malcolm's Hist. of Persia_, vol. i. p.
+        68. The ancient Persian traditions are said to have been Pehlvi;
+        _Malcolm_, vol. i. pp. 501-505; but if so, they have all
+        perished, p. 555: compare Rawlinson's note in _Journal of Geog.
+        Soc._ vol. x. p. 82.
+
+  [456] On the antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old Persian
+        history, see a note in _Grote's Hist. of Greece_, vol. i. p. 623.
+        Even at present, or, at all events, during this century, the best
+        education in Persia consisted in learning the elements of Arabic
+        grammar, 'logic, jurisprudence, the traditions of their prophet,
+        and the commentaries on the Koran.' _Vans Kennedy on Persian
+        Literature_, in _Transac. of Bombay Society_, vol. ii. p. 62. In
+        the same way the Mohammedans neglected the old history of India,
+        and would, no doubt, have destroyed or corrupted it; but they
+        never had anything like the hold of India that they had of
+        Persia, and, above all, they were unable to displace the native
+        religion. However, their influence, so far as it went, was
+        unfavourable; and Mr. Elphinstone (_Hist. of India_, p. 468)
+        says, that till the sixteenth century there was no instance of a
+        Mussulman carefully studying Hindu literature.
+
+  [457] On the Shah Nameh, see _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iv. pp. 544,
+        545, vol. v. p. 594; _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. ii. pp. 64,
+        65; _Journal of Asiatic Society_, vol. iv. p. 225. It is supposed
+        by a very high authority that the Persian cuneiform inscriptions
+        'will enable us, in the end, to introduce something like
+        chronological accuracy and order into the myths and traditions
+        embodied in the Shah Nameh.' _Rawlinson on the Inscriptions of
+        Assyria and Babylonia_, in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol. xii. p.
+        446.
+
+  [458] On the ignorance of the Greeks respecting Persian history, see
+        Vans Kennedy, in _Transac. of Soc. of Bombay_, vol. ii. pp. 119,
+        127-129, 136. Indeed, this learned writer says (p. 138) he is
+        'inclined to suspect that no Greek author ever derived his
+        information from any native of Persia Proper, that is, of the
+        country to the east of the Euphrates.' See also on the
+        perplexities in Persian chronology, _Grote's Hist. of Greece_,
+        vol. vi. p. 496, vol. ix. p. 3, vol. x. p. 405; and _Donaldson's
+        New Cratylus_, 1839, p. 87 note. As to the foolish stories which
+        the Greeks relate respecting Achaemenes, compare _Malcolm's Hist.
+        of Persia_, vol. i. p. 18, with _Heeren's Asiatic Nations_, vol.
+        i. p. 243. Even Herodotus, who is invaluable in regard to Egypt,
+        is not to be relied upon for Persia; as was noticed long ago by
+        Sir W. Jones, in the preface to his _Nader Shah_ (_Jones's
+        Works_, vol. v. p. 540), and is partly admitted by Mr. Mure
+        (_History of the Literature of Ancient Greece_, vol. iv. p. 338,
+        8vo. 1853).
+
+Even among more barbarous nations, we see the same principle at work.
+The Malayo-Polynesian race is well known to ethnologists, as covering an
+immense series of islands, extending from Madagascar to within 2,000
+miles of the western coast of America.[459] The religion of these
+widely scattered people was originally Polytheism, of which the purest
+forms were long preserved in the Philippine Islands.[460] But in the
+fifteenth century, many of the Polynesian nations were converted to
+Mohammedanism;[461] and this was followed by a process precisely the
+same as that which I have pointed out in other countries. The new
+religion, by changing the current of the national thoughts, corrupted
+the purity of the national history. Of all the islands in the Indian
+Archipelago, Java was the one which reached the highest
+civilization.[462] Now, however, the Javanese have not only lost their
+historical traditions, but even those lists of their kings which are
+extant are interpolated with the names of Mohammedan saints.[463] On the
+other hand, we find that in the adjacent island of Bali, where the old
+religion is still preserved,[464] the legends of Java are remembered and
+cherished by the people.[465]
+
+  [459] That is, to Easter Island, which appears to be its furthest
+        boundary (_Prichard's Phys. Hist._ vol. v. p. 6); and of which
+        there is a good account in _Beechey's Voyage to the Pacific_,
+        vol. i. pp. 43-58, and a notice in _Jour. of Geog. Society_, vol.
+        i. p. 195. The language of Easter Island has been long known to
+        be Malayo-Polynesian; for it was understood by a native of the
+        Society Islands, who accompanied Cook (_Cook's Voyages_, vol.
+        iii. pp. 294, 308; and _Prichard_, vol. v. p. 147: compare
+        _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, p. 164). Ethnologists have not
+        usually paid sufficient honour to this great navigator, who was
+        the first to remark the similarity between the different
+        languages in Polynesia proper. _Cook's Voyages_, vol. ii. pp. 60,
+        61, vol. iii. pp. 230, 280, 290, vol. iv. p. 305, vol. vi. p.
+        230, vol. vii. p. 115. As to Madagascar being the western limit
+        of this vast race of people, see _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iv.
+        p. 222; _Reports on Ethnology by Brit. Assoc. for 1847_, pp. 154,
+        216, 250; and _Ellis's Hist. of Madagascar_, vol. i. p. 133.
+
+  [460] Also the seat of the Tagala language; which, according to William
+        Humboldt, is the most perfect of all the forms of the
+        Malayo-Polynesian. _Prichard's Physical Hist._ vol. v. pp. 36,
+        51, 52.
+
+  [461] _Marsden's History of Sumatra_, p. 281. De Thou (_Hist. Univ._
+        vol. xiii. p. 59) supposes that the Javanese did not become
+        Mohammedans till late in the sixteenth century; but it is now
+        known that their conversion took place at least a hundred years
+        earlier, the old religion being finally abolished in 1478. See
+        _Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. ii. p. 312;
+        _Low's Sarawak_, p. 96; and _Raffles' Hist. of Java_, vol. i. pp.
+        309, 349, vol. ii. pp. 1, 66, 254. The doctrines of Mohammed
+        spread quickly; and the Malay pilgrims enjoy the reputation, in
+        modern times, of being among the most scrupulously religious of
+        those who go to the Hadj. _Burckhardt's Arabia_, vol. ii. pp. 96,
+        97.
+
+  [462] The Javanese civilization is examined at great length by William
+        Humboldt, in his celebrated work, _Ueber die Kawi Sprache_,
+        Berlin, 1836. From the evidence supplied by some early Chinese
+        writings, which have only recently been published, there are good
+        grounds for believing that the Indian Colonies were established
+        in Java in the first century after Christ. See _Wilson on the Foe
+        Kue Ki_, in _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol. v. p. 137; compare vol.
+        vi. p. 320.
+
+  [463] _Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. ii. p. 297.
+        Compare with this the exactness with which, even in the island of
+        Celebes, the dates were preserved 'before the introduction of
+        Mahomedanism.' _Crawfurd_, vol. i. p. 306. For similar Footnote:
+        instances of royal genealogies being obscured by the introduction
+        into them of the names of gods, see _Kemble's Saxons in England_,
+        vol. i. pp. 27, 335.
+
+  [464] _Asiatic Researches_, vol. x. p. 191, vol. xiii. p. 128. In the
+        Appendix to _Raffles' Hist. of Java_, vol. ii. p. cxlii., it is
+        said, that 'in Bali not more than one in two hundred, if so many,
+        are Mahomedans.' See also p. 65, and vol. i. p. 530.
+
+  [465] Indeed, the Javanese appear to have no other means of acquiring
+        the old Kawi traditions than by learning them from natives of
+        Bali. See note to an Essay on the Island of Bali, in _Asiatic
+        Researches_, vol. xiii. p. 162, Calcutta, 1820, 4to. Sir Stamford
+        Raffles (_Hist. of Java_, vol. i. p. 400) says, 'It is chiefly to
+        Bali that we must look for illustrations of the ancient state of
+        the Javans.' See also p. 414.
+
+It would be useless to adduce further evidence respecting the manner in
+which, among an imperfectly civilized people, the establishment of a new
+religion will always affect the accuracy of their early history. I need
+only observe, that in this way the Christian priests have obscured the
+annals of every European people they converted, and have destroyed or
+corrupted the traditions of the Gauls,[466] of the Welsh, of the
+Irish,[467] of the Anglo-Saxons,[468] of the Sclavonic nations,[469] of
+the Finns,[470] and even of the Icelanders.[471]
+
+  [466] Respecting the corruption of Druidical traditions in Gaul by
+        Christian priests, see _Villemarque_, _Chants Populaires de la
+        Bretagne_, Paris, 1846, vol. i. pp. xviii. xix.
+
+  [467] The injury done to the traditions handed down by Welsh and Irish
+        bards, is noticed in Dr. Prichard's valuable work, _Physical
+        Hist. of Mankind_, vol. iii. p. 184, 8vo, 1841. See also
+        _Warton's Hist. of English Poetry_, vol. i. p. xxxvii. note.
+
+  [468] See the remarks on Beowulf, in _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. i.
+        p. 7, 8vo, 1842. See also pp. 13, 14: and compare _Kemble's
+        Saxons in England_, vol. i. p. 331.
+
+  [469] _Talvi's Language and Literature of the Slavic Nations_, 8vo,
+        1850, p. 231. The Pagan songs of the Slovaks, in the north-west
+        of Hungary, were for a time preserved; but even they are now
+        lost. _Talvi_, p. 216.
+
+  [470] The monkish chroniclers neglected the old Finnish traditions; and
+        allowing them to perish, preferred the inventions of Saxo and
+        Johannes Magnus. _Prichard's Physical Hist._ vol. iii. pp. 284,
+        285.
+
+  [471] For an instance in which the monks have falsified the old
+        Icelandic traditions, see Mr. Keightley's learned book on _Fairy
+        Mythology_, 8vo, 1850, p. 159.
+
+Besides all this, there occurred other circumstances tending in the same
+direction. Owing to events which I shall hereafter explain, the
+literature of Europe, shortly before the final dissolution of the Roman
+Empire, fell entirely into the hands of the clergy, who were long
+venerated as the sole instructors of mankind. For several centuries, it
+was extremely rare to meet with a layman who could read or write; and of
+course it was still rarer to meet with one able to compose a work.
+Literature, being thus monopolized by a single class, assumed the
+peculiarities natural to its new masters.[472] And as the clergy, taken
+as a body, have always looked on it as their business to enforce belief,
+rather than encourage inquiry, it is no wonder if they displayed in
+their writings the spirit incidental to the habits of their profession.
+Hence, as I have already observed, literature, during many ages, instead
+of benefiting society, injured it, by increasing credulity, and thus
+stopping the progress of knowledge. Indeed, the aptitude for falsehood
+became so great, that there was nothing men were unwilling to believe.
+Nothing came amiss to their greedy and credulous ears. Histories of
+omens, prodigies, apparitions, strange portents, monstrous appearances
+in the heavens, the wildest and most incoherent absurdities, were
+repeated from mouth to mouth, and copied from book to book, with as much
+care as if they were the choicest treasures of human wisdom.[473] That
+Europe should ever have emerged from such a state, is the most decisive
+proof of the extraordinary energy of Man, since we cannot even conceive
+a condition of society more unfavourable to his progress. But it is
+evident, that until the emancipation was effected, the credulity and
+looseness of thought which were universal, unfitted men for habits of
+investigation, and made it impossible for them to engage in a successful
+study of past affairs, or even record with accuracy what was taking
+place around them.[474]
+
+  [472] The Rev. Mr. Dowling, who looks back with great regret to this
+        happy period, says, 'Writers were almost universally
+        ecclesiastics. Literature was scarcely anything but a religious
+        exercise; for everything that was studied, was studied with a
+        reference to religion. The men, therefore, who wrote history,
+        wrote ecclesiastical history.' _Dowling's Introduction to the
+        Critical Study of Ecclesiastical History_, 8vo, 1838, p. 56; a
+        work of some talent, but chiefly interesting as a manifesto by an
+        active party.
+
+  [473] Thus, for instance, a celebrated historian, who wrote at the end
+        of the twelfth century says of the reign of William Rufus:
+        'Ejusdem regis tempore, ut ex parte supradictum est, in sole,
+        luna, et stellis multa signa visa sunt, mare quoque littus
+        persaepe egrediebatur, et homines et animalia submersit, villas et
+        domos quamplures subvertit. In pago qui Barukeshire nominatur,
+        ante occisionem regis sanguis de fonte tribus septimanis
+        emanavit. Multis etiam Normannis diabolus in horribili specie se
+        frequenter in silvis ostendens, plura cum eis de rege et Ranulfo,
+        et quibusdam aliis locutus est. Nec mirum, nam illorum tempore
+        fere omnis legum siluit justitia, causisque justitiae subpositis,
+        sola in principibus imperabat pecunia.' _Rog. de Hoveden Annal.
+        in Scriptores post Bedam_, p. 268. See also the same work, pp.
+        356-358; and compare _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_,
+        part i. pp. 266, 289, part ii. p. 298.
+
+  [474] Even the descriptions of natural objects which historians
+        attempted in the Middle Ages, were marked by the same
+        carelessness. See some good observations by Dr. Arnold, on Bede's
+        account of the Solent Sea. _Arnold's Lectures on Modern History_,
+        pp. 102, 103.
+
+If, therefore, we recur to the facts just cited, we may say that,
+omitting several circumstances altogether subordinate, there were three
+leading causes of the corruption of the history of Europe in the Middle
+Ages. The first cause was, the sudden introduction of the art of
+writing, and the consequent fusion of different local traditions, which,
+when separate, were accurate, but when united were false. The second
+cause was, the change of religion; which acted in two ways, producing
+not merely an interruption of the old traditions, but also an
+interpolation of them. And the third cause, probably the most powerful
+of all, was, that history became monopolized by a class of men whose
+professional habits made them quick to believe, and who, moreover, had a
+direct interest in increasing the general credulity, since it was the
+basis upon which their own authority was built.
+
+By the operation of these causes, the history of Europe became corrupted
+to an extent for which we can find no parallel in any other period. That
+there was, properly speaking, no history, was the smallest part of the
+inconvenience; but, unhappily, men, not satisfied with the absence of
+truth, supplied its place by the invention of falsehood. Among
+innumerable instances of this, there is one species of inventions worth
+noticing, because they evince that love of antiquity, which is a marked
+characteristic of those classes by whom history was then written. I
+allude to fictions regarding the origin of different nations, in all of
+which the spirit of the Middle Ages is very discernible. During many
+centuries, it was believed by every people that they were directly
+descended from ancestors who had been present at the siege of Troy. That
+was a proposition which no one thought of doubting.[475] The only
+question was, as to the details of so illustrious a lineage. On this,
+however, there was a certain unanimity of opinion; since, not to mention
+inferior countries, it was admitted that the French were descended from
+Francus, whom everybody knew to be the son of Hector; and it was also
+known that the Britons came from Brutus, whose father was no other than
+AEneas himself.[476]
+
+  [475] In _Le Long's Bibliotheque Historique de la France_, vol. ii.
+        p. 3, it is said, that the descent of the kings of France from
+        the Trojans was universally believed before the sixteenth
+        century: 'Cette descendance a ete crue veritable pres de huit
+        cents ans, et soutenue par tous les ecrivains de notre histoire;
+        la faussete n'en a ete reconnue qu'au commencement du seizieme
+        siecle.' Polydore Vergil, who died in the middle of the sixteenth
+        century, attacked this opinion in regard to England, and thereby
+        made his history unpopular. See _Ellis's Preface to Polydore
+        Vergil_, p. xx. 4to, 1844, published by the Camden Society. 'He
+        discarded Brute, as an unreal personage.' In 1128, Henry I., king
+        of England, inquired from a learned man respecting the early
+        history of France. The answer is preserved by an historian of the
+        thirteenth century: 'Regum potentissime, inquiens, sicut pleraeque
+        gentes Europae, ita Franci a Trojanis originem duxerunt.' _Matthaei
+        Paris Hist. Major_, p. 59. See also _Rog. de Hov. in Scriptores
+        post Bedam_, p. 274. On the descent of the Britons from Priam and
+        AEneas, see _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. p.
+        66. Indeed, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, their
+        Trojan origin was stated as a notorious fact, in a letter written
+        to Pope Boniface by Edward I., and signed by the English
+        nobility. See _Warton's Hist. of English Poetry_, vol. i. pp.
+        131, 132; and _Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. i.
+        p. 185.
+
+  [476] The general opinion was, that Brutus, or Brute, was the son of
+        AEneas; but some historians affirmed that he was the
+        great-grandson. See _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 63,
+        vol. vii. p. 220.
+
+Touching the origin of particular places, the great historians of the
+Middle Ages are equally communicative. In the accounts they give of
+them, as well as in the lives they write of eminent men, the history
+usually begins at a very remote period; and the events relating to their
+subject are often traced back, in an unbroken series, from the moment
+when Noah left the ark, or even when Adam passed the gates of
+Paradise.[477] On other occasions, the antiquity they assign is somewhat
+less; but the range of their information is always extraordinary. They
+say, that the capital of France is called after Paris, the son of Priam,
+because he fled there when Troy was overthrown.[478] They also mention
+that Tours owed its name to being the burial-place of Turonus, one of
+the Trojans;[479] while the city of Troyes was actually built by the
+Trojans, as its etymology clearly proves.[480] It was well ascertained
+that Nuremberg was called after the Emperor Nero;[481] and Jerusalem
+after King Jebus,[482] a man of vast celebrity in the Middle Ages, but
+whose existence later historians have not been able to verify. The river
+Humber received its name because, in ancient times, a king of the Huns
+had been drowned in it.[483] The Gauls derived their origin, according
+to some, from Galathia, a female descendant of Japhet; according to
+others, from Gomer, the son of Japhet.[484] Prussia was called after
+Prussus, a brother of Augustus.[485] This was remarkably modern; but
+Silesia had its name from the prophet Elisha--from whom, indeed, the
+Silesians descended;[486] while as to the city of Zurich, its exact date
+was a matter of dispute, but it was unquestionably built in the time of
+Abraham.[487] It was likewise from Abraham and Sarah that the gipsies
+immediately sprung.[488] The blood of the Saracens was less pure, since
+they were only descended from Sarah--in what way it is not mentioned;
+but she probably had them by another marriage, or, may be, as the fruit
+of an Egyptian intrigue.[489] At all events, the Scotch certainly came
+from Egypt; for they were originally the issue of Scota, who was a
+daughter of Pharaoh, and who bequeathed to them her name.[490] On sundry
+similar matters, the Middle Ages possessed information equally
+valuable. It was well known that the city of Naples was founded on
+eggs;[491] and it was also known, that the order of St. Michael was
+instituted in person by the archangel, who was himself the first knight,
+and to whom, in fact, chivalry owes its origin.[492] In regard to the
+Tartars, that people, of course, proceeded from Tartarus; which some
+theologians said was an inferior kind of hell, but others declared to be
+hell itself.[493] However this might be, the fact of their birth-place
+being from below was indisputable, and was proved by many circumstances
+which showed the fatal and mysterious influence they were able to
+exercise. For the Turks were identical with the Tartars; and it was
+notorious, that since the Cross had fallen into Turkish hands, all
+Christian children had ten teeth less than formerly; a universal
+calamity, which there seemed to be no means of repairing.[494]
+
+  [477] In the _Notes to a Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483_, pp.
+        183-187, edit. 4to, 1827, there is a pedigree, in which the
+        history of the bishops of London is traced back, not only to the
+        migration of Brutus from Troy, but also to Noah and Adam. Thus,
+        too, Goropius, in his history of Antwerp, written in the
+        sixteenth century: 'Vond zoowell de Nederlandsche taal als de
+        Wysbegeerte van Orpheus in de ark van Noach.' _Van Kampen_,
+        _Geschiedenis der Letteren_, 8vo, 1821, vol. i. p. 91; see also
+        p. 86. In the thirteenth century, Mathew Paris (_Historia Major_,
+        p. 352) says of Alfred, 'Hujus genealogia in Anglorum historiis
+        perducitur usque ad Adam primum parentem.' See, to the same
+        effect, _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. pp.
+        323, 324, 415. In William of Malmesbury's Chronicle (_Scriptores
+        post Bedam_, p. 22 rev.) the genealogy of the Saxon kings is
+        traced back to Adam. For other, and similar, instances, see a
+        note in _Lingard's History of England_, vol. i. p. 403. And Mr.
+        Ticknor (_History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. p. 509)
+        mentions that the Spanish chroniclers present 'an uninterrupted
+        succession of Spanish kings from Tubal, a grandson of Noah.'
+
+  [478] Monteil, in his curious book, _Histoire des divers Etats_, vol. v.
+        p. 70, mentions the old belief 'que les Parisiens sont du sang
+        des rois des anciens Troyens, par Paris, fils de Priam.' Even in
+        the seventeenth century this idea was not extinct; and Coryat,
+        who travelled in France in 1608, gives another version of it. He
+        says, 'As for her name of Paris, she hath it (as some write) from
+        Paris, the eighteenth king of Gallia Celtica, whom some write to
+        have been lineally descended from Japhet, one of the three sons
+        of Noah, and to have founded this city.' _Coryat's Crudities_,
+        1611, reprinted 1776, vol. i. pp. 27, 28.
+
+  [479] 'Erat ibi quidam Tros nomine Turonus Bruti nepos.... De nomine
+        ipsius praedicta civitas Turonis vocabulum nacta est; quia ibidem
+        sepultus fuit.' _Galfredi Monumet. Hist. Briton._ lib. i. cap.
+        xv. p. 19. And Mathew of Westminster, who wrote in the fourteenth
+        century, says (_Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 17): 'Tros nomine
+        Turnus.... De nomine vero ipsius Turonorum civitas vocabulum
+        traxit, quia ibidem, ut testatur Homerus, sepultus fuit.'
+
+  [480] 'On convient bien que les Troyens de notre Troyes sont du sang des
+        anciens Troyens.' _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_, vol. v. p. 69.
+
+  [481] Monconys, who was in Nuremberg in 1663, found this opinion still
+        held there; and he seems himself half inclined to believe it;
+        for, in visiting a castle, he observes, 'Mais je ne scai si c'est
+        un ouvrage de Neron, comme l'on le dit, et que meme le nom de
+        Nuremberg en vient.' _Voyages de Monconys_, vol. iv. p. 141,
+        edit. Paris, 1695.
+
+  [482] 'Deinceps regnante in ea Jebusaeo, dicta Jebus, et sic ex Jebus et
+        Salem dicta est Jebussalem. Unde post dempta _b_ littera et
+        addita _r_, dicta est Hierusalem.' _Matthaei Paris Historia
+        Major_, p. 43. This reminds me of another great writer, who was
+        one of the fathers, and was moreover a saint, and who, says M.
+        Matter, 'derive les Samaritains du roi Samarius, fils de Canaan.'
+        _Matter_, _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. i. p. 41.
+
+  [483] 'Humber rex Hunnorum ... ad flumen diffugiens, submersus est intra
+        ipsum, et nomen suum flumini reliquit.' _Matthaei Westmonast.
+        Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 19.
+
+  [484] These two opinions, which long divided the learned world, are
+        stated in _Le Long_, _Bibliotheque Historique de la France_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 5, 49.
+
+  [485] See a curious allusion to this in _De Thou_, _Hist. Univ._
+        vol. viii. p. 160; where, however, it is erroneously supposed to
+        be a Russian invention.
+
+  [486] 'The Silesians are not without voluminous writers upon their
+        antiquities; and one of them gravely derives the name and descent
+        of his country from the prophet Elisha.' _Adams's Letters on
+        Silesia_, p. 267, Lond. 8vo, 1804.
+
+  [487] In 1608, Coryat, when in Zurich, was 'told by the learned
+        Hospinian that their city was founded in the time of Abraham.'
+        _Coryat's Crudities_, vol. i. Epistle to the Reader, sig. D. I
+        always give the most recent instance I have met with, because, in
+        the history of the European intellect, it is important to know
+        how long the spirit of the Middle Ages survived in different
+        countries.
+
+  [488] They were 'seuls enfants legitimes' of Abraham and Sarah.
+        _Monteil_, _Divers Etats_, vol. v. p. 19.
+
+  [489] Mathew Paris, who is apprehensive lest the reputation of Sarah
+        should suffer, says, 'Saraceni perverse se putant ex Sara dici;
+        sed verius Agareni dicuntur ab Agar; et Ismaelitae, ab Ismaele
+        filio Abrahae.' _Hist. Major_, p. 357. Compare a similar passage
+        in _Mezeray_, _Histoire de France_, vol. i. p. 127: 'Sarrasins,
+        ou de la ville de Sarai, ou de Sara femme d'Abraham, duquel ils
+        se disent faussement legitimes heritiers.' After this, the idea,
+        or the fear of the idea, soon died away; and Beausobre (_Histoire
+        Critique de Manichee_, vol. i. p. 24) says: 'On derive
+        vulgairement le nom de Sarrasins du mot arabe Sarah, ou Sarak,
+        qui signifie effectivement voleur.' A good example of a secular
+        turn given to a theological etymology. For a similar case in
+        northern history, see _Whitelocke's Journal of the Swedish
+        Embassy_, vol. i. pp. 190, 191.
+
+  [490] Early in the fourteenth century, this was stated, in a letter to
+        the Pope, as a well-known historical fact. See _Lingard's Hist.
+        of England_, vol. ii. p. 187: 'They are sprung from Scota the
+        daughter of Pharaoh, who landed in Ireland, and whose descendants
+        wrested, by force of arms, the northern half of Britain from the
+        progeny of Brute.'
+
+  [491] Mr. Wright (_Narratives of Sorcery_, 8vo, 1851, vol. i. p. 115)
+        says, 'The foundation of the city of Naples upon eggs, and the
+        egg on which its fate depended, seem to have been legends
+        generally current in the Middle Ages;' and he refers to
+        _Montfaucon_, _Monumens de la Mon. Fr._ vol. ii. p. 329, for
+        proof, that by the statutes of the order of the Saint Esprit, 'a
+        chapter of the knights was appointed to be held annually in
+        castello ovi incantati in mirabili periculo.'
+
+  [492] 'The order of Saint Michael, in France, pretends to the possession
+        of a regular descent from Michael the Archangel, who, according
+        to the enlightened judgment of French antiquarians, was the
+        premier chevalier in the world; and it was he, they say, who
+        established the earliest chivalric order in Paradise itself.'
+        _Mills's Hist. of Chivalry_, vol. i. pp. 363, 364.
+
+  [493] The etymology of Tartars from Tartarus is ascribed to the piety of
+        Saint Louis in _Prichard's Physical History_, vol. iv. p. 278;
+        but I think that I have met with it before his time, though I
+        cannot now recover the passage. The earliest instance I remember
+        is in 1241, when the saint was twenty-six years old. See a letter
+        from the emperor Frederick, in _Matthaei Paris Historia Major_, p.
+        497: 'Pervenissent dicti Tartari (imo Tartarei),' &c; and on the
+        expression of Louis, see p. 496: 'Quos vocamus Tartaros ad suas
+        Tartareas sedes.' Since the thirteenth century, the subject has
+        attracted the attention of English divines; and the celebrated
+        theologian Whiston mentions 'my last famous discovery, or rather
+        my revival of Dr. Giles Fletcher's famous discovery, that the
+        Tartars are no other than the ten tribes of Israel, which have
+        been so long sought for in vain.' _Memoirs of the Life and
+        Writings of William Whiston_, p. 575. Compare, on the opinions
+        held respecting the Tartars, _Journal Asiatique_, I^e serie, vol.
+        vi. p. 374, Paris, 1825.
+
+  [494] Peignot (_Dict. des Livres_, vol. ii. p. 69, Paris, 1806) says,
+        that Rigord, in his history of Philip Augustus, assures his
+        readers 'que depuis que la vraie croix a ete prise par les Turcs,
+        les enfans n'ont plus que 20 ou 23 dents, au lieu qu'ils en
+        avaient 30 ou 32 auparavant.' Even in the fifteenth century, it
+        was believed that the number of teeth had diminished from 32 to
+        22, or at most 24. See _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 481, 482, Paris, 1815. Compare _Hecker on the Black
+        Death_, pp. 31, 32, in his learned work, _Epidemics of the Middle
+        Ages_, published by the Sydenham Society.
+
+Other points relating to the history of past events were cleared up with
+equal facility. In Europe during many centuries, the only animal food in
+general use was pork; beef, veal, and mutton, being comparatively
+unknown.[495] It was, therefore, with no small astonishment that the
+crusaders, on returning from the East, told their countrymen that they
+had been among a people who, like the Jews, thought pork unclean, and
+refused to eat it. But the feelings of lively wonder which this
+intelligence excited, were destroyed as soon as the cause of the fact
+was explained. The subject was taken up by Mathew Paris, the most
+eminent historian during the thirteenth century, and one of the most
+eminent during the Middle Ages.[496] This celebrated writer informs us,
+that the Mohammedans refuse to eat pork on account of a singular
+circumstance which happened to their prophet. It appears that Mohammed,
+having, on one occasion, gorged himself with food and drink till he was
+in a state of insensibility, fell asleep on a dunghill, and, in this
+disgraceful condition, was seen by a litter of pigs. The pigs attacked
+the fallen prophet, and suffocated him to death; for which reason his
+followers abominate pigs, and refuse to partake of their flesh.[497]
+This striking fact explains one great peculiarity of the
+Mohammedans;[498] and another fact, equally striking, explains how it
+was that their sect came into existence. For it was well known, that
+Mohammed was originally a cardinal, and only became a heretic because he
+failed in his design of being elected pope.[499]
+
+  [495] In the sacred books of the Scandinavians, pork is represented as
+        the principal food, even in heaven. See _Mallet's Northern
+        Antiquities_, p. 105. It was the chief food of the Irish in the
+        twelfth century: _Ledwich_, _Antiquities of Ireland_, Dublin,
+        1804, p. 370; and also of the Anglo-Saxons at an earlier period:
+        _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 22. In France it was
+        equally common, and Charlemagne kept in his forests immense
+        droves of pigs. _Note in Esprit des Lois_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Montesquieu_, p. 513. In Spain those who did not like pork were
+        tried by the Inquisition as suspected Jews: _Llorente_, _Hist. de
+        l'Inquisition_, vol. i. pp. 269, 442, 445. Late in the sixteenth
+        century, there was a particular disease, said to be caused by the
+        quantity of it eaten in Hungary. _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la
+        Medecine_, vol. iii. p. 93; and even at present, the barbarous
+        Lettes are passionately fond of it. _Kohl's Russia_, pp. 386,
+        387. In the middle of the sixteenth century, I find that Philip
+        II., when in England, generally dined on bacon; of which he ate
+        so much, as frequently to make himself very ill. See _Ambassades
+        de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre_, vol. v. pp. 240, 241,
+        edit. 1763. The ambassador writes, that Philip was 'grand mangeur
+        oultre mesure,' and used to consume large quantities 'de lard,
+        dont il faict le plus souvent son principal repas.' In the Middle
+        Ages, 'les Thuringiens payaient leur tribut en porcs, la denree
+        la plus precieuse de leur pays.' _[OE]uvres de Michelet_, vol.
+        ii. p. 389.
+
+  [496] Sismondi (_Hist. des Francais_, vol. vii. pp. 325, 326) passes a
+        high eulogy upon him; and Mosheim (_Ecclesiast. History_, vol. i.
+        p. 313) says: 'Among the historians (of the thirteenth century),
+        the first place is due to Mathew Paris; a writer of the highest
+        merit, both in point of knowledge and prudence.'
+
+  [497] _Matthaei Paris Historia Major_, p. 362. He concludes his account
+        by saying, 'Unde adhuc Saraceni sues prae caeteris animalibus
+        exosas habent et abominabiles.' Mathew Paris obtained his
+        information from a clergyman, 'quendam magni nominis celebrem
+        praedicatorem,' p. 360. According to Mathew of Westminster, the
+        pigs not only suffocated Mohammed, but actually ate the greater
+        part of him: 'In maxima parte a porcis corrosum invenerunt.'
+        _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 215.
+
+  [498] By a singular contradiction, the African Mohammedans now 'believe
+        that a great enmity subsists between hogs and Christians.' _Mungo
+        Park's Travels_, vol. i. p. 185. Many medical authors have
+        supposed that pork is peculiarly unwholesome in hot countries;
+        but this requires confirmation: and it is certain, that it is
+        recommended by Arabian physicians, and is more generally eaten
+        both in Asia and in Africa than is usually believed. Comp.
+        _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 323; _Volney_,
+        _Voyage en Syrie_, vol. i. p. 449; _Buchanan's Journey through
+        the Mysore_, vol. ii. p. 88, vol. iii. p. 57; _Raffles' Hist. of
+        Java_, vol. ii. p. 5; _Ellis's Hist. of Madagascar_, vol. i. pp.
+        201, 403, 416; _Cook's Voyages_, vol. ii. p. 265; _Burnes's
+        Travels into Bokhara_, vol. iii. p. 141. As facts of this sort
+        are important physiologically and socially, it is advisable that
+        they should be collected; and I therefore add, that the
+        North-American Indians are said to have 'a disgust for pork.'
+        _Journal of the Geog. Society_, vol. xv. p. 30; and that Dobell
+        (_Travels_, vol. ii. p. 260, 8vo, 1830) says, 'I believe there is
+        more pork eaten in China than in all the rest of the world put
+        together.'
+
+  [499] This idea, which was a favourite one in the Middle Ages, is said
+        to have been a Rabbinical invention. See _Lettres de Gui Patin_,
+        vol. iii. p. 127: 'que Mahomet, le faux prophete, avait ete
+        cardinal; et que, par depit de n'avoir ete pape, il s'etoit fait
+        heresiarque.'
+
+In regard to the early history of Christianity, the great writers of the
+Middle Ages were particularly inquisitive; and they preserved the memory
+of events, of which otherwise we should have been entirely ignorant.
+After Froissart, the most celebrated historian of the fourteenth
+century, was certainly Mathew of Westminster, with whose name, at least,
+most readers are familiar. This eminent man directed his attention,
+among other matters, to the history of Judas, in order to discover the
+circumstances under which the character of that arch-apostate was
+formed. His researches seem to have been very extensive; but their
+principal results were, that Judas, when an infant, was deserted by his
+parents, and exposed on an island called Scarioth, from whence he
+received the name of Judas Iscariot. To this the historian adds, that
+after Judas grew up, he, among other enormities, slew his own father,
+and then married his own mother.[500] The same writer, in another part
+of his history, mentions a fact interesting to those who study the
+antiquities of the Holy See. Some questions had been raised as to the
+propriety of kissing the pope's toe, and even theologians had their
+doubts touching so singular a ceremony. But this difficulty also was set
+at rest by Mathew of Westminster, who explains the true origin of the
+custom. He says, that formerly it was usual to kiss the hand of his
+holiness; but that towards the end of the eighth century, a certain lewd
+woman, in making an offering to the pope, not only kissed his hand, but
+also pressed it. The pope--his name was Leo--seeing the danger, cut off
+his hand, and thus escaped the contamination to which he had been
+exposed. Since that time, the precaution has been taken of kissing the
+pope's toe instead of his hand; and lest any one should doubt the
+accuracy of this account, the historian assures us that the hand, which
+had been cut off five or six hundred years before, still existed in
+Rome, and was indeed a standing miracle, since it was preserved in the
+Lateran in its original state, free from corruption.[501] And as some
+readers might wish to be informed respecting the Lateran itself, where
+the hand was kept, this also is considered by the historian, in another
+part of his great work, where he traces it back to the emperor Nero. For
+it is said that this wicked persecutor of the faith, on one occasion,
+vomited a frog covered with blood, which he believed to be his own
+progeny, and therefore caused to be shut up in a vault, where it
+remained hidden for some time. Now, in the Latin language, _latente_
+means hidden, and _rana_ means a frog; so that, by putting these two
+words together, we have the origin of the Lateran, which, in fact, was
+built where the frog was found.[502]
+
+  [500] See the ample details in _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_,
+        part i. pp. 86, 87; and at p. 88, 'Judas matrem suam uxorem
+        duxerat, et quod patrem suum occiderat.'
+
+  [501] This took place in the year 798. _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores
+        Historiarum_, part i. p. 293. The historian thus concludes his
+        relation: 'Et statutum est nunc quod numquam extunc manus Papae ab
+        offerentibus deoscularetur, sed pes. Cum ante fuerat consuetudo
+        quod manus, non pes, deoscularetur. In hujus miraculi memoriam
+        reservatur adhuc manus abscissa in thesauro lateranensi, quam
+        dominus custodit incorruptam ad laudem matris suae.'
+
+  [502] '... Ita ut Nero se puero gravidum existimaret.... Tandem dolore
+        nimio vexatus, medicis ait: Accelerate tempus partus, quia
+        languore vix anhelitum habeo respirandi. Tunc ipsum ad vomitum
+        impotionaverunt, et ranam visu terribilem, humoribus infectam, et
+        sanguine edidit cruentatam.... Unde et pars illa civitatis, ut
+        aliqui dicunt, ubi rana latuerat, Lateranum, a latente rana,
+        nomen accepit.' _Matthaei Westmonast._ part i. p. 98. Compare the
+        account given by Roger of Hoveden, of a woman who vomited two
+        toads. _Script. post Bedam_, p. 457 rev. In the Middle Ages there
+        were many superstitions respecting these animals, and they appear
+        to have been used by heralds as marks of degradation. See
+        _Lankester's Memorials of Ray_, p. 197.
+
+It would be easy to fill volumes with similar notions, all of which were
+devoutly believed in those ages of darkness, or, as they have been well
+called, Ages of Faith. Those, indeed, were golden days for the
+ecclesiastical profession, since the credulity of men had reached a
+height which seemed to ensure to the clergy a long and universal
+dominion. How the prospects of the church were subsequently darkened,
+and how the human reason began to rebel, will be related in another part
+of this Introduction, where I shall endeavour to trace the rise of that
+secular and sceptical spirit to which European civilization owes its
+origin. But, before closing the present chapter, it may be well to give
+a few more illustrations of the opinions held in the Middle Ages; and,
+for this purpose, I will select the two historical accounts, which, of
+all others, were the most popular, exercised most influence, and were
+most universally believed.
+
+The histories to which I refer, are those of Arthur and Charlemagne;
+both of which bear the names of dignitaries of the church, and were
+received with the respect due to their illustrious authors. That
+concerning Charlemagne is called the Chronicle of Turpin, and purports
+to be written by Turpin, archbishop of Rheims, a friend of the emperor
+and his companion in war.[503] From some passages it contains, there is
+reason to think that it was really composed at the beginning of the
+twelfth century;[504] but, in the Middle Ages, men were not nice in
+these matters, and no one was likely to dispute its authenticity.
+Indeed, the name of an archbishop of Rheims was sufficient
+recommendation; and we find accordingly, that in the year 1122 it
+received the formal approbation of the pope;[505] and that Vincent de
+Beauvais, one of the most celebrated writers in the thirteenth century,
+and tutor to the sons of Louis IX., mentions it as a work of value, and
+as being the principal authority for the reign of Charlemagne.[506]
+
+  [503] '... Ego Turpinus in valle Caroli loco praefato, astante rege,' &c.
+        _De Vita Caroli Magni_, p. 74, edit. Ciampi.
+
+  [504] Turner (_History of England_, vol. vii. pp. 250-268) has attempted
+        to prove that it was written by Calixtus II.; but his arguments,
+        though ingenious and learned, are not decisive. Warton (_Hist.
+        Eng. Poetry_, vol. i. p. 128) says it was composed about 1110.
+
+  [505] The pope 'statuit historiam Sancti Caroli descriptam a beato
+        Turpino Remensi Archiepiscopo esse authenticam.' _Note in
+        Turner_, vol. vii. p. 250.
+
+  [506] In his famous Speculum, 'il recommande specialement les etudes
+        historiques, dont il parait que la plupart de ses contemporains
+        meconnaissaient l'utilite; mais lorsqu'il indique les sources ou
+        il puisera ce genre d'instruction, c'est Turpin qu'il designe
+        comme le principal historien de Charlemagne.' _Histoire
+        Litteraire de la France_, vol. xviii. p. 474, Paris, 1835, 4to;
+        see also p. 517; and on its influence in Spain, see _Ticknor's
+        History of Spanish Literature_, vol. i. pp. 222, 223.
+
+A book thus generally read, and sanctioned by such competent judges,
+must be a tolerable standard for testing the knowledge and opinions of
+those times. On this account, a short notice of it will be useful for
+our present purpose, as it will enable us to understand the extreme
+slowness with which history has improved, and the almost imperceptible
+steps by which it advanced, until fresh life was breathed into it by the
+great thinkers of the eighteenth century.
+
+In the Chronicle of Turpin, we are informed that the invasion of Spain
+by Charlemagne took place in consequence of the direct instigation of
+St. James, the brother of St. John.[507] The apostle, being the cause of
+the attack, adopted measures to secure its success. When Charlemagne
+besieged Pamplona, that city made an obstinate resistance; but as soon
+as prayers were offered up by the invaders, the walls suddenly fell to
+the ground.[508] After this, the emperor rapidly overran the whole
+country, almost annihilated the Mohammedans, and built innumerable
+churches.[509] But, the resources of Satan are inexhaustible. On the
+side of the enemy, a giant now appeared, whose name was Fenacute, and
+who was descended from Goliath of old.[510] This Fenacute was the most
+formidable opponent the Christians had yet encountered. His strength was
+equal to that of forty men;[511] his face measured one cubit; his arms
+and legs four cubits; his total height was twenty cubits. Against him
+Charlemagne sent the most eminent warriors; but they were easily
+discomfited by the giant; of whose prodigious force some idea may be
+formed from the fact, that the length even of his fingers was three
+palms.[512] The Christians were filled with consternation. In vain did
+more than twenty chosen men advance against the giant; not one returned
+from the field; Fenacute took them all under his arms, and carried them
+off into captivity.[513] At length the celebrated Orlando came forward,
+and challenged him to mortal combat. An obstinate fight ensued; and the
+Christian, not meeting with the success he expected, engaged his
+adversary in a theological discussion.[514] Here the pagan was easily
+defeated; and Orlando, warmed by the controversy, pressed on his enemy,
+smote the giant with his sword, and dealt him a fatal wound. After
+this, the last hope of the Mohammedans was extinct; the Christian arms
+had finally triumphed, and Charlemagne divided Spain among those gallant
+followers who had aided him in effecting its conquest.[515]
+
+  [507] _Caroli Magni Historia_, edit. Ciampi, pp. 3-5.
+
+  [508] '... Muri collapsi funditus corruerunt.' _De Vita Caroli_, p. 5.
+        On this, Ciampi, in his notes on Turpin, gravely says (pp. 94,
+        95): 'Questo fatto della presa di Pamplona e reso maraviglioso
+        per la subitanea caduta delle mura, a somiglianza delle mura di
+        Gerico.' This reminds me of a circumstance mentioned by Monconys,
+        who, on visiting Oxford in 1663, was shown a horn which was
+        preserved in that ancient city, because it was said to be made in
+        the same way as that by which the walls of Jericho were blown
+        down: 'Les Juifs tiennent que leurs ancetres se servirent de
+        pareilles pour abbattre les murailles de Jerico.' _Voyages de
+        Monconys_, vol. iii. p. 95, edit. Paris, 1695.
+
+  [509] _De Vita Caroli_, cap. v. pp. 11, 12; is headed 'De ecclesiis quas
+        Carolus fecit.'
+
+  [510] 'Gigas nomine Fenacutus, qui fuit de genere Goliat.' _De Vita
+        Caroli_, p. 39.
+
+  [511] 'Vim xl. fortium possidebat.' p. 39.
+
+  [512] 'Erat enim statura ejus quasi cubitis xx., facies erat longa quasi
+        unius cubiti, et nasus illius unius palmi mensurati, et brachia
+        et crura ejus quatuor cubitorum erant, et digiti ejus tribus
+        palmis,' p. 40.
+
+  [513] _De Vita Caroli_, p. 40.
+
+  [514] Ibid. pp. 43-47.
+
+  [515] _De Vita Caroli_, p. 52. On the twelve peers of Charlemagne, in
+        connexion with Turpin, see _Sismondi_, _Hist. des Francais_, vol.
+        v. pp. 246, 537, 538, vol. vi. p. 534.
+
+On the history of Arthur, the Middle Ages possessed information equally
+authentic. Different accounts had been circulated respecting this
+celebrated king;[516] but their comparative value was still unsettled,
+when, early in the twelfth century, the subject attracted the attention
+of Geoffrey, the well-known Archdeacon of Monmouth. This eminent man, in
+A.D. 1147, published the result of his inquiries, in a work which he
+called _History of the Britons_.[517] In this book, he takes a
+comprehensive view of the whole question; and not only relates the life
+of Arthur, but also traces the circumstances which prepared the way for
+the appearance of that great conqueror. In regard to the actions of
+Arthur, the historian was singularly fortunate, inasmuch as the
+materials necessary for that part of his subject were collected by
+Walter Archdeacon of Oxford, who was a friend of Geoffrey, and who, like
+him, took great interest in the study of history.[518] The work is,
+therefore, the joint composition of the two archdeacons; and is entitled
+to respect, not only on this account, but also because it was one of the
+most popular of all the productions of the Middle Ages.
+
+  [516] The Welsh, however, accused Gildas of having thrown his history
+        'into the sea.' _Palgrave's Anglo-Saxon Commonwealth_, vol. i. p.
+        453. The industrious Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, vol. i.
+        pp. 282-295) has collected a great deal of evidence respecting
+        Arthur; of whose existence he, of course, entertains no doubt.
+        Indeed, at p. 292, he gives us an account of the discovery, in
+        the twelfth century, of Arthur's body!
+
+  [517] In _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vii. pp. 269, 270, it is said
+        to have appeared in 1128; but Mr. Wright (_Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol.
+        ii. p. 144) seems to have proved that the real date is 1147.
+
+  [518] Geoffrey says, 'A Gualtero Oxinefordensi in multis historiis
+        peritissimo viro audivit' (_i.e. ille_ Geoffrey) 'vili licet
+        stylo, breviter tamen propalabit, quae pr[oe]lia inclytus ille rex
+        post victoriam istam, in Britanniam reversus, cum nepote suo
+        commiserit.' _Galfredi Monumetensis Historia Britonum_, lib. xi.
+        sec. i. p. 200. And in the dedication to the Earl of Gloucester,
+        p. 1, he says, 'Walterus Oxinefordensis archidiaconus, vir in
+        oratoria arte atque in exoticis historiis eruditus.' Compare
+        _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. p. 248.
+
+The earlier part of this great history is occupied with the result of
+those researches which the Archdeacon of Monmouth had made into the
+state of Britain before the accession of Arthur. With this we are not so
+much concerned; though it may be mentioned, that the archdeacon
+ascertained that, after the capture of Troy, Ascanius fled from the
+city, and begat a son, who became father to Brutus.[519] In those days,
+England was peopled by giants, all of whom were slain by Brutus; who,
+having extirpated the entire race, built London, settled the affairs of
+the country, and called it, after himself, by the name of Britain.[520]
+The archdeacon proceeds to relate the actions of a long line of kings
+who succeeded Brutus, most of whom were remarkable for their abilities,
+and some were famous for the prodigies which occurred in their time.
+Thus, during the government of Rivallo, it rained blood for three
+consecutive days;[521] and when Morvidus was on the throne, the coasts
+were infested by a horrid sea-monster, which, having devoured
+innumerable persons, at length swallowed the king himself.[522]
+
+  [519] _Galfredi Historia Britonum_, pp. 3, 4.
+
+  [520] 'Erat tunc nomen insulae Albion, quae a nemine, exceptis paucis
+        gigantibus, inhabitabatur.... Denique Brutus de nomine suo
+        insulam Britanniam, sociosque suos Britones appellat.' _Galf.
+        Hist. Britonum_, p. 20.
+
+  [521] 'In tempore ejus tribus diebus cecidit pluvia sanguinea, et
+        muscarum affluentia; quibus homines moriebantur.' _Hist. Brit._
+        p. 36.
+
+  [522] 'Advenerat namque ex partibus Hibernici maris inauditae feritatis
+        bellua, quae incolas maritimos sine intermissione devorabat.
+        Cumque fama aures ejus attigisset, accossit ipse ad illam, et
+        solus cum sola congressus est. At cum omnia tela sua in illam in
+        vanum consumpsisset, acceleravit monstrum illud, et apertis
+        faucibus ipsum velut pisciculum devoravit.' _Hist. Brit._ p. 51.
+
+These and similar matters are related by the Archdeacon of Monmouth as
+the fruit of his own inquiries; but in the subsequent account of Arthur,
+he was aided by his friend the Archdeacon of Oxford. The two archdeacons
+inform their readers, that King Arthur owed his existence to a magical
+contrivance of Merlin, the celebrated wizard; the particulars of which
+they relate with a minuteness which, considering the sacred character of
+the historians, is rather remarkable.[523] The subsequent actions of
+Arthur did not belie his supernatural origin. His might nothing was able
+to withstand. He slew an immense number of Saxons; he overran Norway,
+invaded Gaul, fixed his court at Paris, and made preparations to effect
+the conquest of all Europe.[524] He engaged two giants in single combat,
+and killed them both. One of these giants, who inhabited the Mount of
+St. Michael, was the terror of the whole country, and destroyed all the
+soldiers sent against him, except those he took prisoners, in order to
+eat them while they were yet alive.[525] But he fell a victim to the
+prowess of Arthur; as also did another giant, named Ritho, who was, if
+possible, still more formidable. For Ritho, not content with warring on
+men of the meaner sort, actually clothed himself in furs which were
+entirely made of the beards of the kings he had killed.[526]
+
+  [523] The particulars of the intrigue are in _Galf. Hist. Brit._
+        pp. 151, 152. For information respecting Merlin, see also
+        _Matthaei Westmonast. Flores Historiarum_, part i. pp. 161, 162;
+        and _Naude_, _Apologie pour les Grands Hommes_, pp. 308, 309,
+        318, 319, edit. Amsterdam, 1712.
+
+  [524] _Hist. Britonum_, pp. 167-170; a brilliant chapter.
+
+  [525] 'Sed et plures capiebat quos semivivos devorabat.' _Hist. Brit._
+        p. 181.
+
+  [526] 'Hic namque ex barbis regum quos peremerat, fecerat sibi pelles,
+        et mandaverat Arturo ut barbam suam diligenter excoriaret, atque
+        excoriatam sibi dirigeret: ut quemadmodum ipse ceteris praeerat
+        regibus, ita quoque in honorem ejus ceteris barbis ipsam
+        superponeret.' _Galf. Hist. Brit._ p. 184.
+
+Such were the statements which, under the name of history, were laid
+before the world in the twelfth century; and that, too, not by obscure
+writers, but by high dignitaries of the church. Nor was anything
+wanting by which the success of the work might be ensured. Its vouchers
+were the Archdeacon of Monmouth, and the Archdeacon of Oxford; it was
+dedicated to Robert Earl of Gloucester, the son of Henry I.; and it was
+considered so important a contribution to the national literature, that
+its principal author was raised to the bishopric of Asaph,--a preferment
+which he is said to owe to his success in investigating the annals of
+English history.[527] A book thus stamped with every possible mark of
+approbation, is surely no bad measure of the age in which it was
+admired. Indeed, the feeling was so universal, that, during several
+centuries, there are not more than two or three instances of any critic
+suspecting its accuracy.[528] A Latin abridgment of it was published by
+the well-known historian, Alfred of Beverley;[529] and, in order that it
+might be more generally known, it was translated into English by
+Layamon,[530] and into Anglo-Norman, first by Gaimar, and afterwards by
+Wace;[531] zealous men, who were anxious that the important truths it
+contained should be diffused as widely as circumstances would allow.
+
+  [527] 'It was partly, perhaps, the reputation of this book, which
+        procured its author the bishopric of St. Asaph.' _Life of
+        Geoffrey of Monmouth_, in _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p.
+        144, 8vo, 1846. According to the Welsh writers, he was Bishop of
+        Llandaff. See _Stephens's Literature of the Kymry_, 8vo, 1849, p.
+        323.
+
+  [528] Mr. Wright (_Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 146) says: 'Within a
+        century after its first publication, it was generally adopted by
+        writers on English history; and during several centuries, only
+        one or two rare instances occur of persons who ventured to speak
+        against its veracity.' And Sir Henry Ellis says of Polydore
+        Vergil, who wrote early in the sixteenth century, 'For the
+        repudiation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's history, Polydore Vergil
+        was considered almost as a man deprived of reason. Such were the
+        prejudices of the time.' _Polydore Vergil's English Hist._ vol.
+        i. p. x. edit. Ellis, 1846, 4to. See also, on its popularity,
+        _Lappenberg's Hist. of the Anglo-Saxon Kings_, vol. i. p. 102. In
+        the seventeenth century, which was the first sceptical century in
+        Europe, men began to open their eyes on these matters; and Boyle,
+        for example, classes together 'the fabulous labours of Hercules,
+        and exploits of Arthur of Britain.' _Boyle's Works_, vol. iv. p.
+        425.
+
+  [529] _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. p. 156; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. vii. p. 282.
+
+  [530] According to Mr. Wright (_Biog. Brit._ vol. ii. p. 439), it was
+        translated through the medium of Wace. But it would be more
+        correct to say, that Layamon made the absurdities of Geoffrey the
+        basis of his work, rather than translated them; for he amplifies
+        15,000 lines of Wace's _Brut_ into 32,000 of his own jargon. See
+        _Sir F. Madden's Preface to Layamon's Brut_, 8vo, 1847, vol. i.
+        p. xiii. I cannot refrain from bearing testimony to the great
+        philological value of this work of Layamon's, by the publication
+        of which its accomplished editor has made an important
+        contribution towards the study of the history of the English
+        language. So far, however, as Layamon is concerned, we can only
+        contemplate with wonder an age of which he was considered an
+        ornament.
+
+  [531] _Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit._ vol. ii. pp. 151, 207; _Hallam's
+        Literature of Europe_, vol. i. p. 35.
+
+It will hardly be necessary that I should adduce further evidence of the
+way in which history was written during the Middle Ages; for the
+preceding specimens have not been taken at random, but have been
+selected from the ablest and most celebrated authors; and as such
+present a very favourable type of the knowledge and judgment of Europe
+in those days. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, there
+appeared, for the first time, faint signs of an approaching change;[532]
+but this improvement was not very marked until late in the sixteenth
+century, or even early in the seventeenth. The principal steps of this
+interesting movement will be traced in another part of the Introduction,
+when I shall show, that although in the seventeenth century the progress
+was unmistakable, there was no attempt to take a comprehensive view of
+history until nearly the middle of the eighteenth century; when the
+subject was studied, first by the great French thinkers, then by one or
+two of the Scotch, and, some years later, by the Germans. This
+reformation of history was connected, as I shall point out, with other
+intellectual changes, which corresponded to it, and which affected the
+social relations of all the principal countries of Europe. But, without
+anticipating what will be found in another part of this volume, it is
+sufficient to say, that not only was no history written before the end
+of the sixteenth century, but that the state of society was such as to
+make it impossible for one to be written. The knowledge of Europe was
+not yet ripe enough to enable it to be successfully applied to the study
+of past events. For we are not to suppose that the deficiencies of the
+early historians were caused by a lack of natural abilities. The average
+intellect of men is probably always the same; but the pressure exercised
+on them by society is constantly varying. It was, therefore, the general
+condition of society, which, in former days, compelled even the ablest
+writers to believe the most childish absurdities. Until that condition
+was altered, the existence of history was impossible, because it was
+impossible to find any one who knew what was most important to relate,
+what to reject, and what to believe.
+
+  [532] Of which Froissart is the earliest instance; since he is the
+        first who took a secular view of affairs, all the preceding
+        historians being essentially theological. In Spain, too, we find,
+        late in the fourteenth century, a political spirit beginning to
+        appear among historians. See the remarks on Ayala, in _Ticknor's
+        Hist. of Spanish Lit._ vol. i. pp. 165, 166; where, however, Mr.
+        Ticknor represents Froissart as more unworldly than he really
+        was.
+
+The consequence was, that even when history was studied by men of such
+eminent abilities as Macchiavelli and Bodin, they could turn it to no
+better account than to use it as a vehicle for political speculations;
+and in none of their works do we find the least attempt to rise to
+generalizations large enough to include all the social phenomena. The
+same remark applies to Comines, who, though inferior to Macchiavelli and
+Bodin, was an observer of no ordinary acuteness, and certainly displays
+a rare sagacity in his estimation of particular characters. But this was
+due to his own intellect; while the age in which he lived made him
+superstitious, and, for the larger purposes of history, miserably
+shortsighted. His shortsightedness is strikingly shown in his utter
+ignorance of that great intellectual movement, which, in his own time,
+was rapidly overthrowing the feudal institutions of the Middle Ages; but
+to which he never once alludes, reserving his attention for those
+trivial political intrigues in the relation of which he believed
+history to consist.[533] As to his superstition, it would be idle to
+give many instances of that; since no man could live in the fifteenth
+century without having his mind enfeebled by the universal credulity. It
+may, however, be observed, that though he was personally acquainted with
+statesmen and diplomatists, and had, therefore, the fullest opportunity
+of seeing how enterprises of the fairest promise are constantly ruined,
+merely by the incapacity of those who undertake them, he, on all
+important occasions, ascribes such failure, not to the real cause, but
+to the immediate interference of the Deity. So marked, and so
+irresistible, was the tendency of the fifteenth century, that this
+eminent politician, a man of the world, and well skilled in the arts of
+life, deliberately asserts that battles are lost, not because the army
+is ill supplied, nor because the campaign is ill conceived, nor because
+the general is incompetent; but because the people or their prince are
+wicked, and Providence seeks to punish them. For, says Comines, war is a
+great mystery; and being used by God as the means of accomplishing his
+wishes, He gives victory, sometimes to one side, sometimes to the
+other.[534] Hence, too, disturbances occur in the state, solely by
+divine disposition; and they never would happen, except that princes or
+kingdoms, having become prosperous, forget the source from which their
+prosperity proceeded.[535]
+
+  [533] On this, Arnold says, truly enough, 'Comines's Memoirs are
+        striking from their perfect unconsciousness: the knell of the
+        Middle Ages had been already sounded, yet Comines has no other
+        notions than such as they had tended to foster; he describes
+        their events, their characters, their relations, as if they were
+        to continue for centuries.' _Arnold's Lectures on Modern
+        History_, p. 118. To this I may add, that whenever Comines has
+        occasion to mention the lower classes, which is very rarely the
+        case, he speaks of them with great contempt. See two striking
+        instances in _Memoires de Philippe de Comines_, vol. ii. pp. 277,
+        287, edit. Paris, 1826.
+
+  [534] He says, that a field of battle is 'un des accomplissemens des
+        [oe]uvres que Dieu a commencees aucunes fois par petites mouvetez
+        et occasions, et en donnant la victoire aucunes fois a l'un, et
+        aucunes fois a l'autre: et est cecy mystere si grand, que les
+        royaumes et grandes seigneuries en prennent aucunes fois fins et
+        desolations, et les autres accroissement, et commencement de
+        regner.' _Mem. de Comines_, vol. i. pp. 361, 362. Respecting the
+        wanton invasion of Italy, he says, that the expedition might have
+        been easily ruined if the enemy had thought of poisoning the
+        wells or the food: 'mais ils n'y eussent point failly, s'ils y
+        eussent voulu essayer; mais il est de croire que nostre sauveur
+        et redempteur Jesus-Christ leur ostoit leur vouloir.' vol. iii.
+        p. 154. So, he adds, p. 155, 'pour conclure l'article, semble que
+        nostre seigneur Jesus-Christ ait voulu que toute la gloire du
+        voyage ait este attribuee a luy.' Compare the _Institutes of
+        Timour_, p. 7; an instructive combination of superstition and
+        ferocity.
+
+  [535] 'Mais mon advis est que cela ne se fait que par disposition
+        divine; car quand les princes ou royaumes out este en grande
+        prosperite ou richesses, et ils ont mesconnoissance dont procede
+        telle grace, Dieu leur dresse un ennemi ou ennemie, dont nul ne
+        se douteroit, comme vous pouvez voir par les rois nommez en la
+        Bible, et par ce que puis peu d'annees en avez veu en cette
+        Angleterre, et en cette maison de Bourgogne et autres lieux que
+        avez veu et voyez tous les jours.' _Mem. de Comines_, vol. i. pp.
+        388, 389. See also his remarks on the Duke of Burgundy, vol. ii.
+        p. 179; and in particular, his extraordinary digression, livre v.
+        chap. xviii. vol. ii. pp. 290-298.
+
+Such attempts as these, to make politics a mere branch of theology,[536]
+are characteristic of the time; and they are the more interesting, as
+the work of a man of great ability, and of one, too, who had grown old
+in the experience of public life. When views of this sort were
+advocated, not by a monk in his cloister, but by a distinguished
+statesman, well versed in public affairs, we may easily imagine what was
+the average intellectual condition of those who were every way his
+inferiors. It is but too evident, that from them nothing could be
+expected; and that many steps had yet to be taken, before Europe could
+emerge from the superstition in which it was sunk, and break through
+those grievous impediments which hindered its future progress.
+
+  [536] Dr. Lingard (_Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 357) says, 'From the
+        doctrine of a superintending providence, the piety of our
+        ancestors had drawn a rash but very convenient inference, that
+        success is an indication of the Divine will, and that, of course,
+        to resist a victorious competitor, is to resist the judgment of
+        heaven:' see also p. 114. The last vestige of this once universal
+        opinion is the expression, which is gradually falling into
+        disuse, of 'appealing to the God of Battles.'
+
+But, though much remained to be done, there can be no doubt that the
+movement onward was uninterrupted, and that, even while Comines was
+writing, there were unequivocal symptoms of a great and decisive change.
+Still, they were only indications of what was approaching; and about a
+hundred years elapsed, after his death, before the progress was apparent
+in the whole of its results. For, though the Protestant Reformation was
+a consequence of this progress, it was for some time unfavourable to it,
+by encouraging the ablest men in the discussion of questions
+inaccessible to human reason, and thus diverting them from subjects in
+which their efforts would have been available for the general purposes
+of civilization. Hence we find, that little was really accomplished
+until the end of the sixteenth century, when, as we shall see in the
+next two chapters, the theological fervour began to subside in England
+and France, and the way was prepared for that purely secular philosophy,
+of which Bacon and Descartes were the exponents, but by no means the
+creators.[537] This epoch belongs to the seventeenth century, and from
+it we may date the intellectual regeneration of Europe; just as from the
+eighteenth century we may date its social regeneration. But during the
+greater part of the sixteenth century, the credulity was still
+universal, since it affected not merely the lowest and most ignorant
+classes, but even those who were best educated. Of this innumerable
+proofs might be given; though, for the sake of brevity, I will confine
+myself to two instances, which are particularly striking, from the
+circumstances attending them, and from the influence they exercised over
+men who might be supposed little liable to similar delusions.
+
+  [537] See _Guizot_, _Civilisation en Europe_, p. 166; the best passage
+        in that able, but rather unequal work: 'Parcourez l'histoire du
+        v^e au xvi^e siecle; c'est la theologie qui possede et dirige
+        l'esprit humain; toutes les opinions sont empreintes de
+        theologie; les questions philosophiques, politiques, historiques,
+        sont toujours considerees sous un point de vue theologique.
+        L'eglise est tellement souveraine dans l'ordre intellectuel, que
+        meme les sciences mathematiques et physiques sont tenues de se
+        soumettre a ses doctrines. L'esprit theologique est en quelque
+        sort le sang qui a coule dans les veines du monde europeen
+        jusqu'a Bacon et Descartes. Pour la premiere fois, Bacon en
+        Angleterre, et Descartes en France, ont jete l'intelligence hors
+        des voies de la theologie.' A noble passage, and perfectly true:
+        but what would have been the effect produced by Bacon and
+        Descartes, if, instead of living in the seventeenth century, they
+        had lived in the seventh? Would their philosophy have been
+        equally secular; or, being equally secular, would it have been
+        equally successful?
+
+At the end of the fifteenth, and early in the sixteenth century,
+St[oe]ffler, the celebrated astronomer, was professor of mathematics at
+Tuebingen. This eminent man rendered great services to astronomy, and was
+one of the first who pointed out the way of remedying the errors in the
+Julian calendar, according to which time was then computed.[538] But
+neither his abilities nor his knowledge could protect him against the
+spirit of his age. In 1524, he published the result of some abstruse
+calculations, in which he had been long engaged, and by which he had
+ascertained the remarkable fact, that in that same year the world would
+again be destroyed by a deluge. This announcement, made by a man of such
+eminence, and made, too, with the utmost confidence, caused a lively and
+universal alarm.[539] News of the approaching event was rapidly
+circulated, and Europe was filled with consternation. To avoid the first
+shock, those who had houses by the sea, or on rivers, abandoned
+them;[540] while others, perceiving that such measures could only be
+temporary, adopted more active precautions. It was suggested that, as a
+preliminary step, the Emperor Charles V. should appoint inspectors to
+survey the country, and mark those places which, being least exposed to
+the coming flood, would be most likely to afford a shelter. That this
+should be done, was the wish of the imperial general, who was then
+stationed at Florence, and by whose desire a work was written
+recommending it.[541] But the minds of men were too distracted for so
+deliberate a plan; and besides, as the height of the flood was
+uncertain, it was impossible to say whether it would not reach the top
+of the most elevated mountains. In the midst of these and similar
+schemes, the fatal day drew near, and nothing had yet been contrived on
+a scale large enough to meet the evil. To enumerate the different
+proposals which were made and rejected, would fill a long chapter. One
+proposal is, however, worth noticing, because it was carried into effect
+with great zeal, and is, moreover, very characteristic of the age. An
+ecclesiastic of the name of Auriol, who was then professor of canon law
+at the University of Toulouse, revolved in his own mind various
+expedients by which this universal disaster might be mitigated. At
+length it occurred to him that it was practicable to imitate the course
+which, on a similar emergency, Noah had adopted with eminent success.
+Scarcely was the idea conceived, when it was put into execution. The
+inhabitants of Toulouse lent their aid; and an ark was built, in the
+hope that some part, at least, of the human species might be preserved,
+to continue their race, and repeople the earth, after the waters should
+have subsided, and the land again become dry.[542]
+
+  [538] Compare _Biog. Univ._ vol. xliii. p. 577, with _Montucla_, _Hist.
+        des Mathematiques_, vol. i. p. 678.
+
+  [539] Naude mentions, that in France it drove many persons almost mad:
+        'In Gallia parum afuit quin ad insaniam homines non paucos
+        periculi metu (diluvium) adegerit.' _Bayle_, in voce
+        _Stofflerus_, note B.
+
+  [540] 'Nam Petrus Cirvellus Hispanorum omnium sui temporis doctissimus,
+        cum theologiae, in almo Complutensi gymnasio, lectoris munere
+        fungeretur, et vero multos, ut ipsemet inquit, fluviis vel mari
+        finitimos populos, jam stupido metu perculsos, domicilia ac sedes
+        mutare vidisset, ac praedia, supellectilem, bonaque omnia, contra
+        justum valorem sub actione distrahere, ac alia loca vel
+        altitudine, vel siccitate magis secura requirere, sui officii
+        esse putavit, in publica illa consternatione, quam de nihilo
+        excitare persuasum non habebat,' &c. _Bayle_, note B.
+
+  [541] Ibid.
+
+  [542] In addition to the account in Bayle, the reader may refer to
+        _Biog. Univ._ vol. iii. p. 88, vol. xxxi. p. 283, vol. xliii. pp.
+        577, 578; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. iii. p. 251;
+        _Delambre_, _Hist. de l'Astronomie du Moyen Age_, Paris, 1819,
+        4to, p. 376; _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathematiques_, vol. i. p.
+        622; _Dict. Philosoph._, article _Astrologie_, in _[OE]uvres de
+        Voltaire_, vol. xxxvii. pp. 148, 149.
+
+About seventy years after this alarm had passed away, there happened
+another circumstance, which for a time afforded occupation to the most
+celebrated men in one of the principal countries of Europe. At the end
+of the sixteenth century, terrible excitement was caused by a report
+that a golden tooth had appeared in the jaw of a child born in Silesia.
+The rumour, on being investigated, turned out to be too true. It became
+impossible to conceal it from the public; and the miracle was soon known
+all over Germany, where, being looked on as a mysterious omen, universal
+anxiety was felt as to what this new thing might mean. Its real import
+was first unfolded by Dr. Horst. In 1595, this eminent physician
+published the result of his researches, by which it appears that, at the
+birth of the child, the sun was in conjunction with Saturn, at the sign
+Aries. The event, therefore, though supernatural, was by no means
+alarming. The golden tooth was the precursor of a golden age, in which
+the emperor would drive the Turks from Christendom, and lay the
+foundations of an empire that would last for thousands of years. And
+this, says Horst, is clearly alluded to by Daniel, in his well-known
+second chapter, where the prophet speaks of a statue with a golden
+head.[543]
+
+  [543] This history of the golden tooth is partly related by De Thou: see
+        his _Hist. Univ._ vol. xi. pp. 634, 635. And on the controversy
+        to which it gave rise, compare _Hist. des Oracles_, chap. iv., in
+        _[OE]uvres de Fontenelle_, vol. ii. pp. 219, 220, ed. Paris,
+        1766; _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. iii. pp. 247-249;
+        _Biog. Univ._, vol. xx. p. 579.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+  OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE
+             SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
+
+
+It is difficult for an ordinary reader, living in the middle of the
+nineteenth century, to understand, that only three hundred years before
+he was born, the public mind was in the benighted state disclosed in the
+preceding chapter. It is still more difficult for him to understand that
+the darkness was shared not merely by men of an average education, but
+by men of considerable ability, men in every respect among the foremost
+of their age. A reader of this sort may satisfy himself that the
+evidence is indisputable; he may verify the statements I have brought
+forward, and admit that there is no possible doubt about them; but even
+then he will find it hard to conceive that there ever was a state of
+society in which such miserable absurdities were welcomed as sober and
+important truths, and were supposed to form an essential part of the
+general stock of European knowledge.
+
+But a more careful examination will do much to dissipate this natural
+astonishment. In point of fact, so far from wondering that such things
+were believed, the wonder would have been if they were rejected. For in
+those times, as in all others, every thing was of a piece. Not only in
+historical literature, but in all kinds of literature, on every
+subject--in science, in religion, in legislation--the presiding
+principle was a blind and unhesitating credulity. The more the history
+of Europe anterior to the seventeenth century is studied, the more
+completely will this fact be verified. Now and then a great man arose,
+who had his doubts respecting the universal belief; who whispered a
+suspicion as to the existence of giants thirty feet high, of dragons
+with wings, and of armies flying through the air; who thought that
+astrology might be a cheat, and necromancy a bubble; and who even went
+so far as to raise a question respecting the propriety of drowning every
+witch and burning every heretic. A few such men there undoubtedly were;
+but they were despised as mere theorists, idle visionaries, who,
+unacquainted with the practice of life, arrogantly opposed their own
+reason to the wisdom of their ancestors. In the state of society in
+which they were born, it was impossible that they should make any
+permanent impression. Indeed, they had enough to do to look to
+themselves, and provide for their own security; for, until the latter
+part of the sixteenth century, there was no country in which a man was
+not in great personal peril if he expressed open doubts respecting the
+belief of his contemporaries.
+
+Yet it is evident, that until doubt began, progress was impossible. For,
+as we have clearly seen, the advance of civilization solely depends on
+the acquisitions made by the human intellect, and on the extent to which
+those acquisitions are diffused. But men who are perfectly satisfied
+with their own knowledge, will never attempt to increase it. Men who are
+perfectly convinced of the accuracy of their opinions, will never take
+the pains of examining the basis on which they are built. They look
+always with wonder, and often with horror, on views contrary to those
+which they inherited from their fathers; and while they are in this
+state of mind, it is impossible that they should receive any new truth
+which interferes with their foregone conclusions.
+
+On this account it is, that although the acquisition of fresh knowledge
+is the necessary precursor of every step in social progress, such
+acquisition must itself be preceded by a love of inquiry, and therefore
+by a spirit of doubt; because without doubt there will be no inquiry,
+and without inquiry there will be no knowledge. For knowledge is not an
+inert and passive principle, which comes to us whether we will or no;
+but it must be sought before it can be won; it is the product of great
+labour and therefore of great sacrifice. And it is absurd to suppose
+that men will incur the labour, and make the sacrifice, for subjects
+respecting which they are already perfectly content. They who do not
+feel the darkness, will never look for the light. If on any point we
+have attained to certainty, we make no further inquiry on that point;
+because inquiry would be useless, or perhaps dangerous. The doubt must
+intervene, before the investigation can begin. Here, then, we have the
+act of doubting as the originator, or, at all events, the necessary
+antecedent, of all progress. Here we have that scepticism, the very name
+of which is an abomination to the ignorant; because it disturbs their
+lazy and complacent minds; because it troubles their cherished
+superstitions; because it imposes on them the fatigue of inquiry; and
+because it rouses even sluggish understandings to ask if things are as
+they are commonly supposed, and if all is really true which they from
+their childhood have been taught to believe.
+
+The more we examine this great principle of scepticism, the more
+distinctly shall we see the immense part it has played in the progress
+of European civilization. To state in general terms, what in this
+Introduction will be fully proved, it may be said, that to scepticism we
+owe that spirit of inquiry, which, during the last two centuries, has
+gradually encroached on every possible subject; has reformed every
+department of practical and speculative knowledge; has weakened the
+authority of the privileged classes, and thus placed liberty on a surer
+foundation; has chastized the despotism of princes; has restrained the
+arrogance of the nobles; and has even diminished the prejudices of the
+clergy. In a word, it is this which has remedied the three fundamental
+errors of the olden time: errors which made the people, in politics too
+confiding; in science too credulous; in religion too intolerant.
+
+This rapid summary of what has actually been effected, may perhaps
+startle those readers to whom such large investigations are not
+familiar. The importance, however, of the principle at issue is so
+great, that I purpose in this Introduction to verify it by an
+examination of all the prominent forms of European civilization. Such an
+inquiry will lead to the remarkable conclusion, that no single fact has
+so extensively affected the different nations as the duration, the
+amount, and above all the diffusion, of their scepticism. In Spain, the
+church, aided by the Inquisition, has always been strong enough to
+punish sceptical writers, and prevent, not indeed the existence, but the
+promulgation of sceptical opinions.[544] By this means the spirit of
+doubt being quenched, knowledge has for several centuries remained
+almost stationary; and civilization, which is the fruit of knowledge,
+has also been stationary. But in England and France, which, as we shall
+presently see, are the countries where scepticism first openly appeared,
+and where it has been most diffused, the results are altogether
+different; and the love of inquiry being encouraged, there has arisen
+that constantly-progressive knowledge to which these two great nations
+owe their prosperity. In the remaining part of this volume, I shall
+trace the history of this principle in France and England, and examine
+the different forms under which it has appeared, and the way in which
+those forms have affected the national interests. In the order of the
+investigation, I shall give the precedence to England; because, for the
+reasons already stated, its civilization must be deemed more normal than
+that of France; and therefore, notwithstanding its numerous
+deficiencies, it approaches the natural type more closely than its
+great neighbour has been able to do. But as the fullest details
+respecting English civilization will be found in the body of the present
+work, I intend in the Introduction to devote merely a single chapter to
+it, and to consider our national history simply in reference to the
+immediate consequences of the sceptical movement; reserving for a future
+occasion those subsidiary matters which, though less comprehensive, are
+still of great value. And as the growth of religious toleration is
+undoubtedly the most important of all, I will, in the first place, state
+the circumstances under which it appeared in England in the sixteenth
+century; and I will then point out how other events, which immediately
+followed, were part of the same progress, and were indeed merely the
+same principles acting in different directions.
+
+  [544] On the influence of the French literature, which, late in the
+        eighteenth century, crept into Spain in spite of the church, and
+        diffused a considerable amount of scepticism among the most
+        educated classes, compare _Llorente_, _Hist. de l'Inquisition_,
+        vol. i. p. 322, vol. ii. p. 543, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99, 102, 148;
+        _Doblado's Letters from Spain_, pp. 115, 119, 120, 133, 231, 232;
+        _Lord Holland's Foreign Reminiscences_, edit. 1850, p. 76;
+        _Southey's Hist. of Brazil_, vol. iii. p. 607; and an imperfect
+        statement of the same fact in _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. x.
+        p. 8. In regard to the Spanish colonies, compare _Humboldt_,
+        _Nouv. Espagne_, vol. ii. p. 818, with _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i.
+        p. 83.
+
+A careful study of the history of religious toleration will prove, that
+in every Christian country where it has been adopted, it has been forced
+upon the clergy by the authority of the secular classes.[545] At the
+present day, it is still unknown to those nations among whom the
+ecclesiastical power is stronger than the temporal power; and as this,
+during many centuries, was the general condition, it is not wonderful
+that, in the early history of Europe, we should find scarcely a trace of
+so wise and benevolent an opinion. But at the moment when Elizabeth
+mounted the throne of England, our country was about equally divided
+between two hostile creeds; and the queen, with remarkable ability,
+contrived during some time so to balance the rival powers, as to allow
+to neither a decisive preponderance. This was the first instance which
+had been seen in Europe of a government successfully carried on without
+the active participation of the spiritual authority; and the consequence
+was, that for several years the principle of toleration, though still
+most imperfectly understood, was pushed to an extent which is truly
+surprising for so barbarous an age.[546] Unhappily, after a time,
+various circumstances, which I shall relate in their proper place,
+induced Elizabeth to change a policy which she, even with all her
+wisdom, perhaps considered to be a dangerous experiment, and for which
+the knowledge of the country was as yet hardly ripe. But although she
+now allowed the Protestants to gratify their hatred against the
+Catholics, there was, in the midst of the sanguinary scenes which
+followed, one circumstance very worthy of remark. Although many persons
+were most unquestionably executed merely for their religion, no one
+ventured to state their religion as the cause of their execution.[547]
+The most barbarous punishments were inflicted upon them; but they were
+told that they might escape the punishment by renouncing certain
+principles which were said to be injurious to the safety of the
+state.[548] It is true, that many of these principles were such as no
+Catholic could abandon without at the same time abandoning his religion,
+of which they formed an essential part. But the mere fact that the
+spirit of persecution was driven to such a subterfuge, showed that a
+great progress had been made by the age. A most important point, indeed,
+was gained when the bigot became a hypocrite; and when the clergy,
+though willing to burn men for the good of their souls, were obliged to
+justify their cruelty by alleging considerations of a more temporal,
+and, as they considered, a less important character.[549]
+
+  [545] Nearly two hundred years ago, Sir William Temple observed that in
+        Holland the clergy possessed less power than in other countries;
+        and that, therefore, there existed an unusual amount of
+        toleration. _Observations upon the United Provinces_, in
+        _Temple's Works_, vol. i. pp. 157-162. About seventy years later,
+        the same inference was drawn by another acute observer, Le Blanc,
+        who, after mentioning the liberality which the different sects
+        displayed towards each other in Holland, adds, 'La grande raison
+        d'une harmonie si parfaite est que tout s'y regle par les
+        seculiers de chacune de ces religions, et qu'on n'y souffriroit
+        pas des ministres, dont le zele imprudent pourroit detruire cette
+        heureuse correspondance.' _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Francais_,
+        vol. i. p. 73. I merely give these as illustrations of an
+        important principle, which I shall hereafter prove.
+
+  [546] 'In the first eleven years of her reign, not one Roman Catholic
+        was prosecuted capitally for religion.' _Neal's Hist. of the
+        Puritans_, vol. i. p. 444; and the same remark in _Collier's
+        Eccles. Hist._ vol. vii. p. 252, edit. 1840.
+
+  [547] Without quoting the impudent defence which Chief-Justice Popham
+        made, in 1606, for the barbarous treatment of the Catholics
+        (_Campbell's Chief Justices_, vol. i. p. 225), I will give the
+        words of the two immediate successors of Elizabeth. James I.
+        says: 'The trewth is, according to my owne knowledge, the late
+        queene of famous memory never punished any Papist for religion.'
+        _Works of King James_, London, 1616, folio, p. 252. And Charles
+        I. says: 'I am informed, neither Queen Elizabeth nor my father
+        did ever avow that any priest in their times was executed merely
+        for religion.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 713.
+
+  [548] This was the defence set up in 1583, in a work called _The
+        Execution of Justice in England_, and ascribed to Burleigh. See
+        _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 146, 147; and _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. i. pp. 189-208: 'a number of persons whom they term
+        as martyrs,' p. 195; and at p. 202, the writer attacks those who
+        have 'entitled certain that have suffered for treason to be
+        martyrs for religion.' In the same way, the opponents of Catholic
+        Emancipation in our time, found themselves compelled to abandon
+        the old theological ground, and to defend the persecution of the
+        Catholics rather by political arguments than by religious ones.
+        Lord Eldon, who was by far the most influential leader of the
+        intolerant party, said, in a speech in the House of Lords, in
+        1810, that 'the enactments against the Catholics were meant to
+        guard, not against the abstract opinions of their religion, but
+        against the political dangers of a faith which acknowledged a
+        foreign supremacy.' _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. i. p. 435; see
+        also pp. 483, 501, 577-580. Compare _Alison's Hist._ vol. vi. pp.
+        379 seq., a summary of the debate in 1805.
+
+  [549] Mr. Sewell seems to have this change in view in his _Christian
+        Politics_, 8vo, 1844, p. 277. Compare _Coleridge's note_ in
+        _Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol. i. p. 270. An able writer says
+        of the persecutions which, in the seventeenth century, the Church
+        of England directed against her opponents: 'This is the stale
+        pretence of the clergy in all countries, after they have
+        solicited the government to make penal laws against those they
+        call heretics or schismaticks, and prompted the magistrates to a
+        vigorous execution, then they lay all the odium on the civil
+        power for whom they have no excuse to allege, but that such men
+        suffered, not for religion, but for disobedience to the laws.'
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 534. See also _Butler's Mem. of the
+        Catholics_, vol. i. p. 389, and vol. ii. pp. 44-46.
+
+A remarkable evidence of the change that was then taking place, is found
+in the two most important theological works which appeared in England
+during the reign of Elizabeth. _Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity_ was
+published at the end of the sixteenth century,[550] and is still
+considered one of the greatest bulwarks of our national church. If we
+compare this work with _Jewel's Apology for the Church of England_,
+which was written thirty years before it,[551] we shall at once be
+struck by the different methods these eminent writers employed. Both
+Hooker and Jewel were men of learning and genius. Both of them were
+familiar with the Bible, the Fathers, and the Councils. Both of them
+wrote with the avowed object of defending the Church of England; and
+both of them were well acquainted with the ordinary weapons of
+theological controversy. But here the resemblance stops. The men were
+very similar; their works are entirely different. During the thirty
+years which had elapsed, the English intellect had made immense
+progress; and the arguments which in the time of Jewel were found
+perfectly satisfactory, would not have been listened to in the time of
+Hooker. The work of Jewel is full of quotations from the Fathers and the
+Councils, whose mere assertions, when they are uncontradicted by
+Scripture, he seems to regard as positive proofs. Hooker, though he
+shows much respect to the Councils, lays little stress upon the Fathers,
+and evidently considered that his readers would not pay much attention
+to their unsupported opinions. Jewel inculcates the importance of faith;
+Hooker insists upon the exercise of reason.[552] The first employs all
+his talents in collecting the decisions of antiquity, and in deciding
+upon the meaning which they may be supposed to bear. The other quotes
+the ancients, not so much from respect for their authority, as with the
+view of illustrating his own arguments. Thus, for instance, both Hooker
+and Jewel assert the undoubted right of the sovereign to interfere in
+ecclesiastical affairs. Jewel, however, fancied that he had proved the
+right, when he had pointed out that it was exercised by Moses, by
+Joshua, by David, and by Solomon.[553] On the other hand, Hooker lays
+down that this right exists, not because it is ancient, but because it
+is advisable; and because it is unjust to suppose that men who are not
+ecclesiastics will consent to be bound by laws which ecclesiastics alone
+have framed.[554] In the same opposite spirit do these great writers
+conduct their defence of their own church. Jewel, like all the authors
+of his time, had exercised his memory more than his reason; and he
+thinks to settle the whole dispute by crowding together texts from the
+Bible, with the opinions of the commentators upon them.[555] But Hooker,
+who lived in the age of Shakespeare and Bacon, found himself
+constrained to take views of a far more comprehensive character. His
+defence rests neither upon tradition nor upon commentators, nor ever
+upon revelation; but he is content that the pretensions of the hostile
+parties shall be decided by their applicability to the great exigencies
+of society, and by the ease with which they adapt themselves to the
+general purposes of ordinary life.[556]
+
+  [550] The first four books, which are in every point of view the most
+        important, were published in 1594. _Walton's Life of Hooker_, in
+        _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog._ vol. iii. p. 509. The sixth book
+        is said not to be authentic; and doubts have been thrown upon the
+        seventh and eighth books; but Mr. Hallam thinks that they are
+        certainly genuine. _Literature of Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 24, 25.
+
+  [551] _Jewel's Apology_ was written in 1561 or 1562. See _Wordsworth's
+        Eccles. Biog._ vol. iii. p. 313. This work, the Bible, and _Fox's
+        Martyrs_, were ordered, in the reign of Elizabeth, 'to be fixed
+        in all parish churches, to be read by the people.' _Aubrey's
+        Letters_, vol. ii. p. 42. The order, in regard to Jewel's
+        _Defence_, was repeated by James I. and Charles I. _Butler's Mem.
+        of the Catholics_, vol. iv. p. 413.
+
+  [552] 'Wherefore the natural measure whereby to judge our doings is, the
+        sentence of Reason determining and setting down what is good to
+        be done.' _Eccl. Polity_, book i. sec. viii. in _Hooker's Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 99. He requires of his opponents, 'not to exact at our
+        hands for every action the knowledge of some place of Scripture
+        out of which we stand bound to deduce it, as by divers
+        testimonies they seek to enforce; but rather, as the truth is, so
+        to acknowledge, that _it sufficeth if such actions be framed
+        according to the law of reason_.' Book ii. sec. i. _Works_, vol.
+        i. p. 151. 'For men to be tied and led by authority, as it were
+        with a kind of captivity of judgment, and, though there be reason
+        to the contrary, not to listen unto it, but to follow, like
+        beasts, the first in the herd, they know not nor care not
+        whither: this were brutish. Again, that authority of men should
+        prevail with men, either against or above Reason, is no part of
+        our belief. Companies of learned men, be they never so great and
+        reverend, are to yield unto Reason.' Book ii. sec. vii. vol. i.
+        pp. 182, 183. In book v. sec. viii. vol. ii. p. 23, he says, that
+        even 'the voice of the church' is to be held inferior to reason.
+        See also a long passage in book vii. sec. xi. vol. iii. p. 152;
+        and on the application of reason to the general theory of
+        religion, see vol. i. pp. 220-223, book iii. sec. viii. Again, at
+        p. 226: 'Theology, what is it, but the science of things divine?
+        What science can be attained unto, without the help of natural
+        discourse and Reason?' And he indignantly asks those who insist
+        on the supremacy of faith, 'May we cause our faith without Reason
+        to appear reasonable in the eyes of men?' vol. i. p. 230.
+
+  [553] After referring to Isaiah, he adds: 'Praeter, inquam, haec omnia, ex
+        historiis et optimorum temporum exemplis videmus pios principes
+        procurationem ecclesiarum ab officio suo nunquam putasse alienam.
+
+        'Moses civilis magistratus, ac ductor populi, omnem religionis,
+        et sacrorum rationem, et accepit a Deo, et populo tradidit, et
+        Aaronem episcopum de aureo vitulo, et de violata religione,
+        vehementer et graviter castigavit. Josue, etsi non aliud erat,
+        quam magistratus civilis, tamen cum primum inauguraretur et
+        praeficeretur populo, accepit mandata nominatim de religione,
+        deque colendo Deo.
+
+        'David rex, cum omnis jam religio, ab impio rege Saule prorsus
+        esset dissipata, reduxit arcam Dei, hoc est, religionem
+        restituit: nec tantum adfuit ut admonitor aut hortator operis,
+        sed etiam psalmos et hymnos dedit, et classes disposuit, et
+        pompam instituit, et quodammodo praefuit sacerdotibus.
+
+        'Salomon rex aedificavit templum Domino, quod ejus pater David
+        animo tantum destinaverat: et postremo orationem egregiam habuit
+        ad populum de religione, et cultu Dei; et Abiatharum episcopum
+        postea summovit, et in ejus locum Sadocum surrogavit.' _Apolog.
+        Eccles. Anglic._ pp. 161, 162.
+
+  [554] He says that, although the clergy may be supposed more competent
+        than laymen to regulate ecclesiastical matters, this will
+        practically avail them nothing: 'It were unnatural not to think
+        the pastors and bishops of our souls a great deal more fit than
+        men of secular trades and callings; howbeit, when all which the
+        wisdom of all sorts can do is done, for the devising of laws in
+        the church, it is the general consent of all that giveth them the
+        form and vigour of laws; without which they could be no more unto
+        us than the counsels of physicians to the sick.' _Ecclesiastical
+        Polity_, book viii. sec. vi. vol. iii. p. 303. He adds, p. 326:
+        'Till it be proved that some special law of Christ hath for ever
+        annexed unto the clergy alone the power to make ecclesiastical
+        laws, we are to hold it a thing most _consonant with equity and
+        reason_, that no ecclesiastical laws be made in a Christian
+        commonwealth, without consent as well of the laity as of the
+        clergy, but least of all without consent of the highest power.'
+
+  [555] 'Quod si docemus sacrosanctum Dei evangelium, et veteres
+        episcopos, atque ecclesiam primitivam nobiscum facere.' If this
+        be so, then, indeed, 'speramus, neminem illorum' (his opponents)
+        'ita negligentem fore salutis suae, quin ut velit aliquando
+        cogitationem suscipere, ad utros potius se adjungat.' _Apolog.
+        Eccles. Anglic._ p. 17. At p. 53, he indignantly asks if any one
+        will dare to impeach the Fathers: 'Ergo Origenes, Ambrosius,
+        Augustinus, Chrysostomus, Gelasius, Theodoretus erant desertores
+        fidei catholicae? Ergo tot veterum episcoporum et doctorum virorum
+        tanta consensio nihil aliud erat quam conspiratio haereticorum?
+        Aut quod tum laudabatur in illis, id nunc damnatur in nobis?
+        Quodque in illis erat catholicum, id nunc mutatis tantum hominum
+        voluntatibus, repente factum est schismaticum? Aut quod olim erat
+        verum, nunc statim, quia istis non placet, erit falsum?' His work
+        is full of this sort of eloquent, but, as it appears to our age,
+        pointless declamation.
+
+  [556] This large view underlies the whole of the _Ecclesiastical
+        Polity_. I can only afford room for a few extracts, which will be
+        illustrations rather than proofs: the proof will be obvious to
+        every competent reader of the work itself. 'True it is, the
+        ancienter the better ceremonies of religion are; howbeit not
+        absolutely true and without exception; _but true only so far
+        forth as those different ages do agree_ in the state of those
+        things for which, at the first, those rites, orders, and
+        ceremonies were instituted.' vol. i. p. 36. 'We count those
+        things perfect which want nothing requisite for the end whereto
+        they were instituted.' vol. i. p. 191. 'Because when a thing doth
+        cease to be available unto the end which gave it being, the
+        continuance of it must then of necessity appear superfluous.' And
+        even of the laws of God, he boldly adds: 'Notwithstanding the
+        authority of their Maker, the mutability of that end for which
+        they are made doth also make them changeable.' vol. i. p. 236.
+        'And therefore laws, though both ordained of God himself, and the
+        end for which they were ordained continuing, may notwithstanding
+        cease, if by alteration of persons or times they be found
+        unsufficient to attain unto that end.' vol. i. p. 238. At p. 240:
+        'I therefore conclude, that neither God's being Author of laws
+        for government of his church, nor his committing them unto
+        Scripture, is any reason sufficient wherefore all churches should
+        for ever be bound to keep them without change.' See, too, vol.
+        iii. p. 169, on 'the exigence of necessity.' Compare pp. 182,
+        183, and vol. i. p. 323, vol. ii. pp. 273, 424. Not a vestige of
+        such arguments can be found in Jewel; who, on the contrary, says
+        (_Apologia_, p. 114), 'Certe in religionem Dei nihil gravius dici
+        potest, quam si ea accusetur novitatis. Ut enim in Deo ipso, ita
+        in ejus cultu nihil oportet esse novum.'
+
+It requires but little penetration to see the immense importance of the
+change which these two great works represent. As long as an opinion in
+theology was defended by the old dogmatic method, it was impossible to
+assail it without incurring the imputation of heresy. But when it was
+chiefly defended by human reasoning, its support was seriously weakened.
+For by this means the element of uncertainty was let in. It might be
+alleged, that the arguments of one sect are as good as those of another;
+and that we cannot be sure of the truth of our principles, until we have
+heard what is to be said on the opposite side. According to the old
+theological theory, it was easy to justify the most barbarous
+persecution. If a man knew that the only true religion was the one which
+he professed, and if he also knew that those who died in a contrary
+opinion were doomed to everlasting perdition--if he knew these things
+beyond the remotest possibility of a doubt, he might fairly argue, that
+it is merciful to punish the body in order to save the soul, and secure
+to immortal beings their future salvation, even though he employed so
+sharp a remedy as the halter or the stake.[557] But if this same man is
+taught to think that questions of religion are to be settled by reason
+as well as by faith, he can scarcely avoid the reflection, that the
+reason even of the strongest minds is not infallible, since it has led
+the ablest men to the most opposite conclusions. When this idea is once
+diffused among a people, it cannot fail to influence their conduct. No
+one of common sense and common honesty will dare to levy upon another,
+on account of his religion, the extreme penalty of the law, when he
+knows it possible that his own opinions may be wrong, and that those of
+the man he has punished may be right. From the moment when questions of
+religion begin to evade the jurisdiction of faith, and submit to the
+jurisdiction of reason, persecution becomes a crime of the deepest dye.
+Thus it was in England in the seventeenth century. As theology became
+more reasonable, it became less confident, and therefore more merciful.
+Seventeen years after the publication of the great work of Hooker, two
+men were publicly burned by the English bishops, for holding heretical
+opinions.[558] But this was the last gasp of expiring bigotry; and since
+that memorable day, the soil of England has never been stained by the
+blood of a man who has suffered for his religious creed.[559]
+
+  [557] Archbishop Whately has made some very good remarks on this. See
+        his _Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human Nature_,
+        pp. 237, 238.
+
+  [558] Their names were Legat and Wightman, and they suffered in 1611:
+        see the contemporary account in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ii. pp.
+        400-408. Compare _Blackstone's Comment._ vol. iv. p. 49;
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. i. pp. 143, 144; and note
+        in _Burton's Diary_, vol. i. p. 118. Of these martyrs to their
+        opinions, Mr. Hallam says: 'The first was burned by King, bishop
+        of London; the second by Neyle, of Litchfield.' _Const. Hist._
+        vol. i. pp. 611, 612.
+
+  [559] It should be mentioned, to the honour of the Court of Chancery,
+        that late in the sixteenth, and early in the seventeenth century,
+        its powers were exerted against the execution of those cruel
+        laws, by which the Church of England was allowed to persecute men
+        who differed from its own views. See _Campbell's Chancellors_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 135, 176, 231.
+
+We have thus seen the rise of that scepticism which in physics must
+always be the beginning of science, and in religion must always be the
+beginning of toleration. There is, indeed, no doubt that in both cases
+individual thinkers may, by a great effort of original genius,
+emancipate themselves from the operation of this law. But in the
+progress of nations no such emancipation is possible. As long as men
+refer the movements of the comets to the immediate finger of God, and as
+long as they believe that an eclipse is one of the modes by which the
+Deity expresses his anger, they will never be guilty of the blasphemous
+presumption of attempting to predict such supernatural appearances.
+Before they could dare to investigate the causes of these mysterious
+phenomena, it is necessary that they should believe, or at all events
+that they should suspect, that the phenomena themselves were capable of
+being explained by the human mind. In the same way, until men are
+content in some degree to bring their religion before the bar of their
+own reason, they never can understand how it is that there should be a
+diversity of creeds, or how any one can differ from themselves without
+being guilty of the most enormous and unpardonable crime.[560]
+
+  [560] 'To tax any one, therefore, with want of reverence, because he
+        pays no respect to what we venerate, is either irrelevant, or is
+        a mere confusion. The fact, so far as it is true, is no reproach,
+        but an honour; because to reverence all persons and all things is
+        absolutely wrong: reverence shown to that which does not deserve
+        it, is no virtue; no, nor even an amiable weakness, but a plain
+        folly and sin. But if it be meant that he is wanting in proper
+        reverence, not respecting what is really to be respected, that is
+        assuming the whole question at issue, because what we call
+        divine, he calls an idol; and as, supposing that we are in the
+        right, we are bound to fall down and worship, so, supposing him
+        to be in the right, he is no less bound to pull it to the ground
+        and destroy it.' _Arnold's Lectures on Modern History_, pp. 210,
+        211. Considering the ability of Dr. Arnold, considering his great
+        influence, and considering his profession, his antecedents, and
+        the character of the university in which he was speaking, it must
+        be allowed that this is a remarkable passage, and one well worthy
+        the notice of those who wish to study the tendencies of the
+        English mind during the present generation.
+
+If we now continue to trace the progress of opinions in England, we
+shall see the full force of these remarks. A general spirit of inquiry,
+of doubt, and even of insubordination, began to occupy the minds of men.
+In physics, it enabled them, almost at a blow, to throw off the shackles
+of antiquity, and give birth to sciences founded not on notions of old,
+but on individual observations and individual experiments.[561] In
+politics, it stimulated them to rise against the government, and
+eventually bring their king to the scaffold. In religion, it vented
+itself in a thousand sects, each of which proclaimed, and often
+exaggerated, the efficiency of private judgment.[562] The details of
+this vast movement form one of the most interesting parts of the
+history of England: but without anticipating what I must hereafter
+relate, I will at present mention only one instance, which, from the
+circumstances attending it, is very characteristic of the age. The
+celebrated work by Chillingworth on the _Religion of Protestants_, is
+generally admitted to be the best defence which the Reformers have been
+able to make against the Church of Rome.[563] It was published in
+1637,[564] and the position of the author would induce us to look for
+the fullest display of bigotry that was consistent with the spirit of
+his time. Chillingworth had recently abandoned the creed which he now
+came forward to attack; and he, therefore, might be expected to have
+that natural inclination to dogmatize with which apostasy is usually
+accompanied. Besides this, he was the godson and the intimate friend of
+Laud,[565] whose memory is still loathed, as the meanest, the most
+cruel, and the most narrowminded man who ever sat on the episcopal
+bench.[566] He was, moreover, a fellow of Oxford, and was a constant
+resident at that ancient university, which has always been esteemed as
+the refuge of superstition, and which has preserved to our own day its
+unenviable fame.[567] If now we turn to the work that was written under
+these auspices, we can scarcely believe that it was produced in the same
+generation, and in the same country, where, only twenty-six years
+before, two men had been publicly burned because they advocated opinions
+different to those of the established church. It is, indeed, a most
+remarkable proof of the prodigious energy of that great movement which
+was now going on, that its pressure should be felt under circumstances
+the most hostile to it which can possibly be conceived; and that a
+friend of Laud, and a fellow of Oxford, should, in a grave theological
+treatise, lay down principles utterly subversive of that theological
+spirit which for many centuries had enslaved the whole of Europe.
+
+  [561] On the connexion between the rise of the Baconian philosophy and
+        the change in the spirit of theologians, compare _Comte_,
+        _Philosophie Positive_, vol. v. p. 701, with _Whately on Dangers
+        to Christian Faith_, pp. 148, 149. It favoured, as Tennemann
+        (_Gesch. der Philos._ vol. x. p. 14) says, the 'Belebung der
+        selbstthaetigen Kraft des menschlichen Geistes;' and hence the
+        attack on the inductive philosophy in _Newman's Development of
+        Christian Doctrine_, pp. 179-183. But Mr. Newman does not seem to
+        be aware how irrevocably we are now pledged to the movement which
+        he seeks to reverse.
+
+  [562] The rapid increase of heresy in the middle of the seventeenth
+        century is very remarkable, and it greatly aided civilization in
+        England by encouraging habits of independent thought. In Feb.
+        1646-7, Boyle writes from London, 'There are few days pass here,
+        that may not justly be accused of the brewing or broaching of
+        some new opinion. Nay, some are so studiously changling in that
+        particular, they esteem an opinion as a diurnal, after a day or
+        two scarce worth the keeping. If any man have lost his religion,
+        let him repair to London, and I'll warrant him he shall find it:
+        I had almost said too, and if any man has a religion, let him but
+        come hither now, and he shall go near to lose it.' _Birch's Life
+        of Boyle_, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. i. pp. 20, 21. See also
+        _Bates's Account of the late Troubles_, edit. 1685, part ii. p.
+        219, on 'that unbridled licentiousness of hereticks which grew
+        greater and greater daily.' Compare to the same effect _Carlyle's
+        Cromwell_, vol. i. p. 289; _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. i. p.
+        608; and _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii.
+        p. 203: 'sectaries began to swarm.'
+
+  [563] Not to quote the opinions of inferior men respecting
+        Chillingworth, it is enough to mention, that Lord Mansfield said
+        he was 'a perfect model of argumentation.' _Butler's
+        Reminiscences_, vol. i. p. 126. Compare a letter from Warburton,
+        in _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv.
+        p. 849.
+
+  [564] _Des Maizeaux_, _Life of Chillingworth_, p. 141.
+
+  [565] _Aubrey's Letters and Lives_, vol. ii. p. 285; _Des Maizeaux_,
+        _Life of Chillingworth_, pp. 2, 9. The correspondence between
+        Laud and Chillingworth is supposed to be lost. _Des Maizeaux_, p.
+        12. Carwithen (_Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii. p. 214)
+        says, 'Laud was the godfather of Chillingworth.'
+
+  [566] The character of Laud is now well understood and generally known.
+        His odious cruelties made him so hated by his contemporaries,
+        that after his condemnation, many persons shut up their shops,
+        and refused to open them till he was executed. This is mentioned
+        by Walton, an eye-witness. See _Walton's Life of Sanderson_, in
+        _Wordsworth's Eccles. Biog._ vol. iv. p. 429.
+
+  [567] A modern writer suggests, with exquisite simplicity, that
+        Chillingworth derived his liberal principles _from_ Oxford: 'the
+        very same college which nursed the high intellect and tolerant
+        principles of Chillingworth.' _Bowles's Life of Bishop Ken_, vol.
+        i. p. xxi.
+
+In this great work, all authority in matters of religion is openly set
+at defiance. Hooker, indeed, had appealed from the jurisdiction of the
+Fathers to the jurisdiction of reason; he had, however, been careful to
+add, that the reason of individuals ought to bow before that of the
+church, as we find it expressed in great Councils, and in the general
+voice of ecclesiastical tradition.[568] But Chillingworth would hear of
+none of these things. He would admit of no reservations which tended to
+limit the sacred right of private judgment. He not only went far beyond
+Hooker in neglecting the Fathers,[569] but he even ventured to despise
+the Councils. Although the sole object of his work was to decide on the
+conflicting claims of the two greatest sects into which the Christian
+Church has broken, he never quotes as authorities the Councils of that
+very church respecting which the disputes were agitated.[570] His strong
+and subtle intellect, penetrating the depths of the subject, despised
+that sort of controversy which had long busied the minds of men. In
+discussing the points upon which the Catholics and Protestants were at
+issue, he does not inquire whether the doctrines in question met the
+approval of the early church, but he asks if they are in accordance with
+human reason; and he does not hesitate to say that, however true they
+may be, no man is bound to believe them if he finds that they are
+repugnant to the dictates of his own understanding. Nor will he consent
+that faith should supply the absence of authority. Even this favourite
+principle of theologians is by Chillingworth made to yield to the
+supremacy of the human reason.[571] Reason, he says, gives us
+knowledge; while faith only gives us belief, which is a part of
+knowledge, and is, therefore, inferior to it. It is by reason, and not
+by faith, that we must discriminate in religious matters; and it is by
+reason alone that we can distinguish truth from falsehood. Finally, he
+solemnly reminds his readers, that in religious matters no one ought to
+be expected to draw strong conclusions from imperfect premises, or to
+credit improbable statements upon scanty evidence; still less, he says,
+was it ever intended that men should so prostitute their reason, as to
+believe with infallible faith that which they are unable to prove with
+infallible arguments.[572]
+
+  [568] Hooker's undue respect for the Councils of the Church is noticed
+        by Mr. Hallam, _Const. Hist._ vol. i. p. 213. Compare the
+        hesitating remarks in _Coleridge's Literary Remains_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 35, 36.
+
+  [569] Reading the Fathers he contemptuously calls travelling on a
+        'north-west discovery.' _Chillingworth's Religion of
+        Protestants_, p. 366. Even to Augustine, who was probably the
+        ablest of them, Chillingworth pays no deference. See what he says
+        at pp. 196, 333, 376; and as to the authority of the Fathers in
+        general, see pp. 252, 346. Chillingworth observed, happily
+        enough, that churchmen 'account them fathers when they are for
+        them, and children when they are against them.' _Calamy's Life_,
+        vol. i. p. 253.
+
+  [570] As to the supposed authority of Councils, see _Religion of
+        Protestants_, pp. 132, 463. It affords curious evidence of the
+        slow progress of theologians to observe the different spirit in
+        which some of our clergy consider these matters. See, for
+        instance, _Palmer on the Church_, 1839, vol. ii. pp. 150-171. In
+        no other branch of inquiry do we find this obstinate
+        determination to adhere to theories which all thinking men have
+        rejected for the last two centuries.
+
+  [571] Indeed, he attempts to fasten the same doctrine upon the
+        Catholics; which, if he could have done, would of course have
+        ended the controversy. He says, rather unfairly, 'Your church you
+        admit, because you think you have reason to do so; so that by
+        you, as well as Protestants, all is finally resolved into your
+        own reason.' _Relig. of Protest._ p. 134.
+
+  [572] 'God desires only that we believe the conclusion, as much as the
+        premises deserve; that the strength of our faith be equal or
+        proportionable to the credibility of the motives to it.' _Relig.
+        of Protest._ p. 66. 'For my part, I am certain that God hath
+        given us our reason to discern between truth and falsehood; and
+        he that makes not this use of it, but believes things he knows
+        not why, I say it is by chance that he believes the truth, and
+        not by choice; and I cannot but fear that God will not accept of
+        this sacrifice of fools.' p. 133. 'God's spirit, if he please,
+        may work more,--a certainty of adherence beyond a certainty of
+        evidence; but neither God doth, nor man may, require of us, as
+        our duty, to give a greater assent to the conclusion than the
+        premises deserve; to build an infallible faith upon motives that
+        are only highly credible and not infallible; as it were a great
+        and heavy building upon a foundation that hath not strength
+        proportionate.' p. 149. 'For faith is not knowledge, no more than
+        three is four, but eminently contained in it; so that he that
+        knows, believes, and something more; but he that believes many
+        times does not know--nay, if he doth barely and merely believe,
+        he doth never know.' p. 412. See also p. 417.
+
+No one of ordinary reflection can fail to perceive the manifest tendency
+of these opinions. But what is more important to observe is, the process
+through which, in the march of civilization, the human mind had been
+obliged to pass before it could reach such elevated views. The
+Reformation, by destroying the dogma of an infallible church, had of
+course weakened the reverence which was paid to ecclesiastical
+antiquity. Still, such was the force of old associations, that our
+countrymen long continued to respect what they had ceased to venerate.
+Thus it was, that Jewel, though recognizing the supreme authority of the
+Bible, had, in cases where it was silent or ambiguous, anxiously
+appealed to the early church, by whose decision he supposed all
+difficulties could be easily cleared. He, therefore, only used his
+reason to ascertain the discrepancies which existed between Scripture
+and tradition; but when they did not clash, he paid what is now
+considered a superstitious deference to antiquity. Thirty years after
+him came Hooker;[573] who made a step in advance, and laying down
+principles from which Jewel would have shrunk with fear, did much to
+weaken that which it was reserved for Chillingworth utterly to destroy.
+Thus it is, that these three great men represent the three distinct
+epochs of the three successive generations in which they respectively
+lived. In Jewel, reason is, if I may so say, the superstructure of the
+system; but authority is the basis upon which the superstructure is
+built. In Hooker, authority is only the superstructure, and reason is
+the basis.[574] But in Chillingworth, whose writings were harbingers of
+the coming storm, authority entirely disappears, and the whole fabric of
+religion is made to rest upon the way in which the unaided reason of man
+shall interpret the decrees of an omnipotent God.
+
+  [573] On the connexion between the Reformation and the views advocated
+        in the _Ecclesiastical Polity_, compare _Newman's Development of
+        Christian Doctrine_, p. 47, with some able remarks by Locke, in
+        _King's Life of Locke_, vol. ii. pp. 99-101. Locke, who was
+        anything but a friend to the church, was a great admirer of
+        Hooker, and in one place calls him 'the arch-philosopher.' _Essay
+        on Government_, in _Locke's Works_, vol. iv. p. 380.
+
+  [574] The opposition between Jewel and Hooker was so marked, that some
+        of the opponents of Hooker quoted against him Jewel's Apology.
+        See _Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog._ vol. iii. p. 513. Dr. Wordsworth
+        calls this 'curious;' but it would be much more curious if it had
+        not happened. Compare the remarks made by the Bishop of Limerick
+        (_Parr's Works_, vol. ii. p. 470, _Notes on the Spital Sermon_),
+        who says, that Hooker 'opened that fountain of reason,' &c.;
+        language which will hardly be considered too strong by those who
+        have compared the _Ecclesiastical Polity_ with the theological
+        works previously produced by the English church.
+
+The immense success of this great work of Chillingworth, must have aided
+that movement of which it is itself an evidence.[575] It formed a
+decisive vindication of religious dissent;[576] and thus justified the
+breaking up of the Anglican church, which the same generation lived to
+witness. Its fundamental principle was adopted by the most influential
+writers of the seventeenth century,--such as Hales, Owen, Taylor,
+Burnet, Tillotson, Locke, and even the cautious and time-serving Temple;
+all of whom insisted upon the authority of private judgment, as forming
+a tribunal from which no one had the power of appeal. The inference to
+be drawn from this seems obvious.[577] If the ultimate test of truth is
+individual judgment, and if no one can affirm that the judgments of men,
+which are often contradictory, can ever be infallible, it follows of
+necessity that there is no decisive criterion of religious truth. This
+is a melancholy, and, as I firmly believe, a most inaccurate conclusion;
+but it is one which every nation must entertain, before it can achieve
+that great work of toleration, which, even in our own country, and in
+our own time, is not yet consummated. It is necessary that men should
+learn to doubt, before they begin to tolerate; and that they should
+recognize the fallibility of their own opinions, before they respect the
+opinions of their opponents.[578] This great process is far from being
+yet completed in any country; and the European mind, barely emerged from
+its early credulity, and from an overweening confidence in its own
+belief, is still in a middle, and, so to say, a probationary stage. When
+that stage shall be finally passed, when we shall have learned to
+estimate men solely by their character and their acts, and not at all by
+their theological dogmas, we shall then be able to form our religious
+opinions by that purely transcendental process, of which in every age
+glimpses have been granted to a few gifted minds. That this is the
+direction in which things are now hastening, must be clear to every one
+who has studied the progress of modern civilization. Within the short
+space of three centuries, the old theological spirit has been compelled,
+not only to descend from its long-established supremacy, but to abandon
+those strongholds to which, in the face of advancing knowledge, it has
+vainly attempted to secure a retreat. All its most cherished pretensions
+it has been forced gradually to relinquish.[579] And although in England
+a temporary prominence has recently been given to certain religious
+controversies, still the circumstances attending them show the
+alteration in the character of the age. Disputes which, a century ago,
+would have set the whole kingdom in a flame, are now regarded with
+indifference by the vast majority of educated men. The complications of
+modern society, and the immense variety of interests into which it is
+divided, have done much to distract the intellect, and to prevent it
+from dwelling upon subjects which a less-occupied people would deem of
+paramount importance. Besides this, the accumulations of science are far
+superior to those of any former age, and offer suggestions of such
+surpassing interest, that nearly all our greatest thinkers devote to
+them the whole of their time, and refuse to busy themselves with matters
+of mere speculative belief. The consequence is, that what used to be
+considered the most important of all questions, is now abandoned to
+inferior men, who mimic the zeal, without possessing the influence of
+those really great divines whose works are among the glories of our
+early literature. These turbulent polemics have, indeed, distracted the
+church by their clamour, but they have not made the slightest impression
+upon the great body of English intellect; and an overwhelming majority
+of the nation is notoriously opposed to that monastic and ascetic
+religion which it is now vainly attempted to reconstruct. The truth is,
+that the time for these things has gone by. Theological interests have
+long ceased to be supreme; and the affairs of nations are no longer
+regulated according to ecclesiastical views.[580] In England, where the
+march has been more rapid than elsewhere, this change is very
+observable. In every other department we have had a series of great and
+powerful thinkers, who have done honour to their country, and have won
+the admiration of mankind. But for more than a century, we have not
+produced a single original work in the whole field of controversial
+theology. For more than a century, the apathy on this subject has been
+so marked, that there has been made no addition of value to that immense
+mass of divinity which, among thinking men, is in every successive
+generation losing something of its former interest.[581]
+
+  [575] Des Maizeaux (_Life of Chillingworth_, pp. 220, 221) says: 'His
+        book was received with a general applause; and, what perhaps
+        never happened to any other controversial work of that bulk, two
+        editions of it were published within less than five months....
+        The quick sale of a book, and especially of a book of
+        controversy, in folio, is a good proof that the author hit the
+        taste of his time.' See also _Biographia Britannica_, edit.
+        Kippis, vol. iii. pp. 511, 512.
+
+  [576] Or, as Calamy cautiously puts it, Chillingworth's work 'appeared
+        to me to go a great way towards the justifying of moderate
+        conformity.' _Calamy's Life_, vol. i. p. 234. Compare _Palmer on
+        the Church_, vol. i. pp. 267, 268; and what is probably an
+        allusion to Chillingworth in _Doddridge's Correspond. and Diary_,
+        vol. ii. p. 81. See also the opinion of Hobbes, in _Aubrey's
+        Letters and Lives_, vol. ii. pp. 288, 629.
+
+  [577] A short but able view of the aspect which the English mind now
+        began to assume, will be found in _Staeudlin_, _Geschichte der
+        theologischen Wissenschaften_, vol. ii. pp. 95 seq.
+
+  [578] In _Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith_, pp. 188-198, there is a
+        perspicuous statement of the arguments now commonly received
+        against coercing men for their religious opinions. But the most
+        powerful of these arguments are based entirely upon expediency,
+        which would have insured their rejection in an age of strong
+        religious convictions. Some, and only some, of the theological
+        difficulties respecting toleration, are noticed in _Coleridge's
+        Lit. Remains_, vol. i. pp. 312-315; and in another work (_The
+        Friend_, vol. i. p. 73), he mentions, what is the real fact 'that
+        same indifference which makes toleration so easy a virtue with
+        us.' See also _Archdeacon Hare's Guesses at Truth_, 2nd series,
+        1848, p. 278; and _Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. Hist._ vol. v.
+        p. 817: 'a spirit of mutual toleration and forbearance has
+        appeared (at least one good consequence of religious
+        indifference).'
+
+  [579] It would be idle to offer proofs of so notorious a fact; but the
+        reader will be interested by some striking remarks in
+        _Capefigue_, _Hist. de la Reforme_, vol. i. pp. 228, 229.
+
+  [580] A writer intimately acquainted with the social condition of the
+        great European countries, says: 'Ecclesiastical power is almost
+        extinct as an active element in the political or social affairs
+        of nations or of individuals, in the cabinet or in the family
+        circle; and a new element, literary power, is taking its place in
+        the government of the world.' _Laing's Denmark_, 1852, p. 82. On
+        this natural tendency in regard to legislation, see _Meyer_,
+        _Esprit des Institut. Judiciaires_, vol. i. p. 267 note; and a
+        good summary in _Staeudlin_, _Gesch. der theolog. Wissenschaften_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 304, 305. It is not surprising to find that many of
+        the clergy complain of a movement so subversive of their own
+        power. Compare _Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church_, pp. 40,
+        108-111, 388; _Sewell's Christian Politics_, pp. 276, 277, 279;
+        _Palmer's Treatise on the Church_, vol. ii. p. 361. It is thus
+        that everything is tending to confirm the remarkable prediction
+        of Sir James Mackintosh, that 'church-power (unless some
+        revolution, auspicious to priestcraft, should replunge Europe in
+        ignorance) will certainly not survive the nineteenth century.'
+        _Mem. of Mackintosh_, vol. i. p. 67.
+
+  [581] 'The "divines" in England at the present day, her bishops,
+        professors, and prebendaries, are not theologians. They are
+        logicians, chemists, skilled in the mathematics, historians, poor
+        commentators upon Greek poets.' _Theodore Parker's Critical and
+        Miscellaneous Writings_, 1848, p. 302. At p. 33, the same high
+        authority says: 'But, within the present century, what has been
+        written in the English tongue, in any department of theological
+        scholarship, which is of value and makes a mark on the age? The
+        _Bridgewater Treatises_, and the new edition of _Paley_,--we
+        blush to confess it,--are the best things.' Sir William Hamilton
+        (_Discussions on Philosophy_, 1852, p. 699) notices the decline
+        of 'British theology,' though he appears ignorant of the cause of
+        it. The Rev. Mr. Ward (_Ideal of a Christian Church_, p. 405)
+        remarks, that 'we cannot wonder, however keenly we may mourn, at
+        the decline and fall of dogmatic theology.' See also _Lord
+        Jeffrey's Essays_, vol. iv. p. 337: 'Warburton, we think, was the
+        last of our great divines.... The days of the Cudworths and
+        Barrows, the Hookers and Taylors, are long gone by.' Dr. Parr was
+        the only English theologian since Warburton who possessed
+        sufficient learning to retrieve this position; but he always
+        refused to do so, being, unconsciously to himself, held back by
+        the spirit of his age. Thus, we find him writing to Archbishop
+        Magee, in 1823: 'As to myself, I long ago determined not to take
+        any active part in polemical theology.' _Parr's Works_, vol. vii.
+        p. 11.
+
+        In the same way, since the early part of the eighteenth century,
+        hardly any one has carefully read the Fathers, except for mere
+        historical and secular purposes. The first step was taken about
+        the middle of the seventeenth century, when the custom of quoting
+        them in sermons began to be abandoned. _Burnet's Own Time_, vol.
+        i. pp. 329, 330; _Orme's Life of Owen_, p. 184. After this they
+        rapidly fell into contempt; and the Rev. Mr. Dowling (_Study of
+        Ecclesiast. History_, p. 195) asserts, that 'Waterland, who died
+        in 1740, was the last of our great patristical scholars.' To this
+        I may add, that nine years subsequent to the death of Waterland,
+        the obvious decay of professional learning struck Warburton,
+        afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, so much, that he wrote to
+        Jortin, somewhat roughly, 'anything makes a divine among our
+        parsons.' See his _Letter_, written in 1749, in _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of Lit. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 173; and for other
+        evidence of the neglect by the clergy of their ancient studies,
+        see _Jones's Memoirs of Horne, Bishop of Norwich_, pp. 68, 184;
+        and the complaint of Dr. Knowler, in 1766, in _Nichols's Lit.
+        Anec._ vol. ii. p. 130. Since then, attempts have been made at
+        Oxford to remedy this tendency; but such attempts, being opposed
+        by the general march of affairs, have been, and must be, futile.
+        Indeed, so manifest is the inferiority of these recent efforts,
+        that one of the most active cultivators in that field frankly
+        admits, that, in point of knowledge, his own party has effected
+        nothing; and he even asserts, with great bitterness, that 'it is
+        melancholy to say it, but the chief, perhaps the only, English
+        writer who has any claim to be considered an ecclesiastical
+        historian, is the infidel Gibbon.' _Newman on the Develop. of
+        Christ. Doct._ p. 5.
+
+These are only some of the innumerable signs, which must be discerned by
+every man who is not blinded by the prejudices of an imperfect
+education. An immense majority of the clergy,--some from ambitious
+feelings, but the greater part, I believe, from conscientious
+motives,--are striving to check the progress of that scepticism which is
+now gathering in upon us from every quarter.[582] It is time that these
+well-intentioned, though mistaken, men should see the delusion under
+which they labour. That by which they are so much alarmed, is the
+intermediate step which leads from superstition to toleration. The
+higher order of minds have passed through this stage, and are
+approaching what is probably the ultimate form of the religious history
+of the human race. But the people at large, and even some of those who
+are commonly called educated men, are only now entering that earlier
+epoch in which scepticism[583] is the leading feature of the mind. So
+far, therefore, from our apprehensions being excited by this
+rapidly-increasing spirit, we ought rather to do everything in our power
+to encourage that which, though painful to some, is salutary to all;
+because by it alone can religious bigotry be effectually destroyed. Nor
+ought we to be surprised that, before this can be done, a certain degree
+of suffering must first intervene.[584] If one age believes too much, it
+is but a natural reaction that another age should believe too little.
+Such are the imperfections of our nature, that we are compelled, by the
+very laws of its progress, to pass through those crises of scepticism
+and of mental distress, which to a vulgar eye are states of national
+decline and national shame; but which are only as the fire by which the
+gold must be purged before it can leave its dross in the pot of the
+refiner. To apply the imagery of the great allegorist, it is necessary
+that the poor pilgrim, laden with the weight of accumulated
+superstitions, should struggle through the Slough of Despond and the
+Valley of Death, before he can reach that glorious city, glittering with
+gold and with jewels, of which the first sight is sufficient recompense
+for his toils and his fears.
+
+  [582] As some writers, moved by their wishes rather than by their
+        knowledge, seek to deny this, it may be well to observe, that the
+        increase of scepticism since the latter part of the eighteenth
+        century is attested by an immense mass of evidence, as will
+        appear to whoever will compare the following authorities:
+        _Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith_, p. 87; _Kay's Social
+        Condition of the People_, vol. ii. p. 506; _Tocqueville_, _de la
+        Democratie_, vol. iii. p. 72; _J. H. Newman on Development_, pp.
+        28, 29; _F. W. Newman's Natural History of the Soul_, p. 197;
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. ii. p. 5, vol. iii. pp. 688, 689; _Felkin's
+        Moral Statistics_, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. i. p. 541;
+        _Watson's Observations on the Life of Wesley_, pp. 155, 194;
+        _Matter_, _Hist. du Gnosticisme_, vol. ii. p. 485; _Ward's Ideal
+        of a Christian Church_, pp. 266, 267, 404; _Turner's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. ii. pp. 129, 142, vol. iii. p. 509; _Priestley's
+        Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128, 446, vol. ii. p. 751; _Cappe's
+        Memoirs_, p. 367; _Nichols's Lit. Anec. of Eighteenth Century_,
+        vol. iv. p. 671, vol. viii. p. 473; _Nichols's Illust. of Lit.
+        Hist._ vol. v. p. 640; _Combe's Notes on the United States_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 171, 172, 183.
+
+  [583] It has been suggested to me by an able friend, that there is a
+        class of persons who will misunderstand this expression; and that
+        there is another class who, without misunderstanding it, will
+        intentionally misrepresent its meaning. Hence, it may be well to
+        state distinctly what I wish to convey by the word 'scepticism.'
+        By scepticism I merely mean hardness of belief; so that an
+        increased scepticism is an increased perception of the difficulty
+        of proving assertions; or, in other words, it is an increased
+        application, and an increased diffusion, of the rules of
+        reasoning, and of the laws of evidence. This feeling of
+        hesitation and of suspended judgment has, in every department of
+        thought, been the invariable preliminary to all the intellectual
+        revolutions through which the human mind has passed; and without
+        it, there could be no progress, no change, no civilization. In
+        physics, it is the necessary precursor of science; in politics,
+        of liberty; in theology, of toleration. These are the three
+        leading forms of scepticism; it is, therefore, clear, that in
+        religion the sceptic steers a middle course between atheism and
+        orthodoxy, rejecting both extremes, because he sees that both are
+        incapable of proof.
+
+  [584] What a learned historian has said of the effect which the method
+        of Socrates produced on a very few Greek minds, is applicable to
+        that state through which a great part of Europe is now passing:
+        'The Socratic dialectics, clearing away from the mind its mist of
+        fancied knowledge, and laying bare the real ignorance, produced
+        an immediate effect, like the touch of the torpedo. The
+        newly-created consciousness of ignorance was alike unexpected,
+        painful, and humiliating,--a season of doubt and discomfort, yet
+        combined with an internal working and yearning after truth, never
+        before experienced. Such intellectual quickening, which could
+        never commence until the mind had been disabused of its original
+        illusion of false knowledge, was considered by Socrates not
+        merely as the index and precursor, but as the indispensable
+        condition of future progress.' _Grote's Hist. of Greece_, vol.
+        viii. pp. 614, 615, 8vo, 1851. Compare _Kritik der reinen
+        Vernunft_, in _Kant's Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 572, 577. 'So ist der
+        Skeptizismus ein Ruheplatz fuer die menschliche Vernunft, da sie
+        sich ueber ihre dogmatische Wanderung besinnen und den Entwurf von
+        der Gegend machen kann, wo sie sich befindet, um ihren Weg
+        fernerhin mit mehrerer Sicherheit waehlen zu koennen, aber nicht
+        ein Wohnplatz zum bestaendigen Aufenthalte.... So ist das
+        skeptische Verfahren zwar an sich selbst fuer die Vernunftfragen
+        nicht befriedigend, aber doch voruebend, um ihre Vorsichtigkeit zu
+        erwecken und auf gruendliche Mittel zu weisen, die sie in ihren
+        rechtmaessigen Besitzen sichern koennen.'
+
+During the whole of the seventeenth century, this double movement of
+scepticism and of toleration continued to advance; though its progress
+was constantly checked by the two successors of Elizabeth, who in every
+thing reversed the enlightened policy of the great queen. These princes
+exhausted their strength in struggling against the tendencies of an age
+they were unable to understand; but, happily, the spirit which they
+wished to quench had reached a height that mocked their control. At the
+same time, the march of the English mind was still farther aided by the
+nature of those disputes which, during half a century, divided the
+country. In the reign of Elizabeth, the great contest had been between
+the church and its opponents; between those who were orthodox, and those
+who were heretical. But in the reigns of James and Charles, theology was
+for the first time merged in politics. It was no longer a struggle of
+creeds and dogmas; but it was a struggle between those who favoured the
+crown, and those who supported the parliament. The minds of men, thus
+fixed upon matters of real importance, neglected those inferior pursuits
+that had engrossed the attention of their fathers.[585] When, at length,
+public affairs had reached their crisis, the hard fate of the king,
+which eventually advanced the interests of the throne, was most
+injurious to those of the church. There can, indeed, be no doubt that
+the circumstances connected with the execution of Charles, inflicted a
+blow upon the whole system of ecclesiastical authority, from which, in
+this country, it has never been able to recover. The violent death of
+the king excited the sympathies of the people; and by thus strengthening
+the hands of the royalists, hastened the restoration of the
+monarchy.[586] But the mere name of that great party which had risen to
+power, was suggestive of the change that, in a religious point of view,
+was taking place in the national mind. It was, indeed, no light thing,
+that England should be ruled by men who called themselves Independents;
+and who, under that title, not only beat back the pretensions of the
+clergy, but professed an unbounded contempt for all those rites and
+dogmas which the clergy had, during many centuries, continued to
+amass.[587] True it is, that the Independents did not always push to
+their full extent the consequences of their own doctrines.[588] Still,
+it was a great matter to have those doctrines recognized by the
+constituted authorities of the state. Besides this, it is important to
+remark, that the Puritans were more fanatical than superstitious.[589]
+They were so ignorant of the real principles of government, as to direct
+penal laws against private vices; and to suppose that immorality could
+be stemmed by legislation.[590] But, notwithstanding this serious
+error, they always resisted the aggressions even of their own clergy;
+and the destruction of the old episcopal hierarchy, though perhaps too
+hastily effected, must have produced many beneficial results. When the
+great party by whom these things were accomplished, was at length
+overthrown, the progress of events still continued to tend in the same
+direction. After the Restoration, the church, though reinstated in her
+ancient pomp, had evidently lost her ancient power.[591] At the same
+time, the new king, from levity, rather than from reason, despised the
+disputes of theologians, and treated questions of religion with what he
+considered a philosophic indifference.[592] The courtiers followed his
+example, and thought they could not err in imitating him, whom they
+regarded as the Lord's anointed. The results were such as must be
+familiar even to the most superficial readers of English literature.
+That grave and measured scepticism, by which the Independents had been
+characterized, lost all its decorum when it was transplanted into the
+ungenial atmosphere of a court. The men by whom the king was surrounded,
+were unequal to the difficulties of suspense; and they attempted to
+fortify their doubts by the blasphemous expression of a wild and
+desperate infidelity. With scarcely an exception, all those writers who
+were most favoured by Charles, exhausted the devices of their ribald
+spirit, in mocking a religion, of the nature of which they were
+profoundly ignorant. These impious buffooneries would, by themselves,
+have left no permanent impression on the age; but they deserve
+attention, because they were the corrupt and exaggerated representatives
+of a more general tendency. They were the unwholesome offspring of that
+spirit of disbelief, and of that daring revolt against authority, which
+characterized the most eminent Englishmen during the seventeenth
+century. It was this which caused Locke to be an innovator in his
+philosophy, and an Unitarian in his creed. It was this which made Newton
+a Socinian; which forced Milton to be the great enemy of the church, and
+which not only turned the poet into a rebel, but tainted with Arianism
+the _Paradise Lost_. In a word, it was the same contempt for tradition,
+and the same resolution to spurn the yoke, which, being first carried
+into philosophy by Bacon, was afterwards carried into politics by
+Cromwell; and which, during that very generation, was enforced in
+theology by Chillingworth, Owen, and Hales; in metaphysics by Hobbes and
+Glanvil; and in the theory of government by Harrington, Sydney, and
+Locke.
+
+  [585] Dr. Arnold, whose keen eye noted this change, says (_Lectures on
+        Modern History_, p. 232), 'What strikes us predominantly, is,
+        that what, in Elizabeth's time, was a controversy between
+        divines, was now a great political contest between the crown and
+        the parliament.' The ordinary compilers, such as Sir A. Alison
+        (_Hist. of Europe_, vol. i. p. 51), and others, have entirely
+        misrepresented this movement; an error the more singular, because
+        the eminently political character of the struggle was recognized
+        by several contemporaries. Even Cromwell, notwithstanding the
+        difficult game he had to play, distinctly stated, in 1655, that
+        the origin of the war was not religious. See _Carlyle's
+        Cromwell_, vol. iii. p. 103; and corroborative evidence in
+        _Walker's History of Independency_, part i. p. 132. James I. also
+        saw that the Puritans were more dangerous to the state than to
+        the church: 'do not so far differ from us in points of religion,
+        as in their confused form of policy and parity; being ever
+        discontented with the present government, and impatient to suffer
+        any superiority; which maketh their sects insufferable in any
+        well-governed commonwealth.' _Speech of James I._, in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. i. p. 982. See also the observations ascribed to De
+        Foe, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 572: 'The king and
+        parliament fell out about matters of civil right; ... the first
+        difference between the king and the English parliament did not
+        respect religion, but civil property.'
+
+  [586] See _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, p. 716. Sir W. Temple,
+        in his _Memoirs_, observes, that the throne of Charles II. was
+        strengthened by 'what had passed in the last reign.' _Temple's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 344. This may be illustrated by the remarks
+        of M. Lamartine on the execution of Louis XVI. _Hist. des
+        Girondins_, vol. v. pp. 86-7: 'Sa mort, au contraire, alienait de
+        la cause francaise cette partie immense des populations qui ne
+        juge les evenements humains que par le c[oe]ur. La nature humaine
+        est pathetique; la republique l'oublia, elle donna a la royaute
+        quelque chose du martyre, a la liberte quelque chose de la
+        vengeance. Elle prepara ainsi une reaction contre la cause
+        republicaine, et mit du cote de la royaute la sensibilite,
+        l'interet, les larmes d'une partie des peuples.'
+
+  [587] The energy with which the House of Commons, in 1646, repelled the
+        pretensions of 'the Assembly of Divines,' is one of many proofs
+        of the determination of the predominant party not to allow
+        ecclesiastical encroachments. See the remarkable details in
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. pp. 459-463; see also p. 1305. As a
+        natural consequence, the Independents were the first sect which,
+        when possessed of power, advocated toleration. Compare _Orme's
+        Life of Owen_, pp. 63-75, 102-111; _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p.
+        542; _Walker's Hist. of Independency_, part ii. pp. 50, 157, part
+        iii. p. 22; _Clarendon's Hist. of the Rebellion_, pp. 610, 640.
+        Some writers ascribe great merit to Jeremy Taylor for his
+        advocacy of toleration (_Heber's Life of Taylor_, p. xxvii.; and
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. p. 417); but the truth is that when he
+        wrote the famous _Liberty of Prophesying_, his enemies were in
+        power; so that he was pleading for his own interests. When,
+        however, the Church of England again obtained the upper hand,
+        Taylor withdrew the concessions which he had made in the season
+        of adversity. See the indignant remarks of Coleridge (_Lit.
+        Remains_, vol. iii. p. 250), who, though a great admirer of
+        Taylor, expresses himself strongly on this dereliction: see also
+        a recently published _Letter to Percy, Bishop of Dromore_, in
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. History_, vol. vii. p. 464.
+
+  [588] However, Bishop Short (_History of the Church of England_, 8vo,
+        1847, pp. 452, 458) says, what is undoubtedly true, that the
+        hostility of Cromwell to the church was not theological, but
+        political. The same remark is made by Bishop Kennet. _Note_ in
+        _Burton's Diary_, vol. ii. p. 479. See also _Vaughan's Cromwell_,
+        vol. i. p. xcvii.; and on the generally tolerant spirit of this
+        great man, see _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 14; and the
+        evidence in _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. iii. pp. 37-47.
+        But the most distinct recognition of the principle, is in a
+        _Letter from Cromwell to Major-General Crawford_, recently
+        printed in _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. i. pp. 201, 202, 8vo, 1846.
+        In it Cromwell writes, 'Sir, the state, in choosing men to serve
+        it, takes no notice of their opinions; if they be willing
+        faithfully to serve it--that satisfies.' See additional proof in
+        _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of Engl._ vol. ii. pp. 245, 249.
+
+  [589] No one can understand the real history of the Puritans, who does
+        not take this into consideration. In the present Introduction, it
+        is impossible to discuss so large a subject; and I must reserve
+        it for the future part of this work, in which the history of
+        England will be specially treated. In the mean time, I may
+        mention, that the distinction between fanaticism and superstition
+        is clearly indicated, but not analyzed, by Archbishop Whately, in
+        his _Errors of Romanism traced to their Origin in Human Nature_,
+        p. 49. This should be compared with _Hume's Philosophical Works_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 81-89, Edinb. 1826, on the difference between
+        enthusiasm and superstition; a difference which is noticed, but,
+        as it appears to me, misunderstood, by Maclaine, in his
+        _Additions to Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 38.
+
+  [590] Compare _Barrington's Observations on the Statutes_, p. 143, with
+        _Burton's Diary of the Parliaments of Cromwell_, vol. i. pp.
+        xcviii. 145, 392, vol. ii. pp. 35, 229. In 1650, a second
+        conviction of fornication was made felony, without benefit of
+        clergy; but, after the Restoration, Charles II. and his friends
+        found this law rather inconvenient; so it was repealed. See
+        _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 65.
+
+  [591] See _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, edit. 1854, vol. i. p. 51. At
+        p. 129, the same writer says, with sorrow, 'The church recovered
+        much of her temporal possessions, but not her spiritual rule.'
+        The power of the bishops was abridged 'by the destruction of the
+        court of high-commission.' _Short's Hist. of the Church of
+        England_, p. 595. See also, on the diminished influence of the
+        Church-of-England clergy after the Restoration, _Southey's Life
+        of Wesley_, vol. i. pp. 278, 279; and _Watson's Observations on
+        the Life of Wesley_, pp. 129-131.
+
+  [592] Buckingham and Halifax, the two men who were perhaps best
+        acquainted with Charles II., both declared that he was a deist.
+        Compare _Lingard's Hist. of Engl._ vol. viii. p. 127, with
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. p. 55. His subsequent
+        conversion to Catholicism is exactly analogous to the increased
+        devotion of Louis XIV. during the later years of his life. In
+        both cases, superstition was the natural refuge of a worn-out and
+        discontented libertine, who had exhausted all the resources of
+        the lowest and most grovelling pleasures.
+
+The progress which the English intellect was now making towards shaking
+off ancient superstitions,[593] was still further aided by the
+extraordinary zeal displayed in the cultivation of the physical
+sciences. This, like all great social movements, is clearly traceable to
+the events by which it was preceded. It was partly cause, and partly
+effect, of the increasing incredulity of the age. The scepticism of the
+educated classes made them dissatisfied with those long-established
+opinions, which only rested on unsupported authority; and this gave rise
+to a desire to ascertain how far such notions might be verified or
+refuted by the real condition of things. A curious instance of the
+rapid progress of this spirit may be found in the works of an author who
+was one of the most eminent among the mere literary men of his time.
+While the Civil War was barely decided, and three years before the
+execution of the king, Sir Thomas Browne published his celebrated work,
+called _Inquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors_.[594] This able and
+learned production has the merit of anticipating some of those results
+which more modern inquirers have obtained;[595] but it is chiefly
+remarkable, as being the first systematic and deliberate onslaught ever
+made in England upon those superstitious fancies which were then
+prevalent respecting the external world. And what is still more
+interesting is, that the circumstances under which it appeared make it
+evident, that while the learning and genius of the author belonged to
+himself, the scepticism which he displayed respecting popular belief was
+forced on him by the pressure of the age.
+
+  [593] One of the most curious instances of this may be seen in the
+        destruction of the old notions respecting witchcraft. This
+        important revolution in our opinions was effected, so far as the
+        educated classes are concerned, between the Restoration and the
+        Revolution; that is to say, in 1660, the majority of educated men
+        still believed in witchcraft; while in 1688, the majority
+        disbelieved it. In 1665, the old orthodox view was stated by
+        Chief-Baron Hale, who, on a trial of two women for witchcraft,
+        said to the jury: 'That there are such creatures as witches, I
+        make no doubt at all; for, first, the Scriptures have affirmed so
+        much; secondly, the wisdom of all nations hath provided laws
+        against such persons, which is an argument of their confidence of
+        such a crime.' _Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices_, vol. i.
+        pp. 565, 566. This reasoning was irresistible, and the witches
+        were hung; but the change in public opinion began to affect even
+        the judges, and after this melancholy exhibition of the
+        Chief-Baron, such scenes became gradually rarer; though Lord
+        Campbell is mistaken in supposing (p. 563) that this was 'the
+        last capital conviction in England for the crime of bewitching.'
+        So far from this, three persons were executed at Exeter for
+        witchcraft in 1682. See _Hutchinson's Historical Essay concerning
+        Witchcraft_, 1720, pp. 56, 57. Hutchinson says: 'I suppose these
+        are the last three that have been hanged in England.' If,
+        however, one may rely upon a statement made by Dr. Parr, two
+        witches were hung at Northampton in 1705; and in '1712, five
+        other witches suffered the same fate at the same place.' _Parr's
+        Works_, vol. iv. p. 182, 8vo, 1828. This is the more shameful,
+        because, as I shall hereafter prove, from the literature of that
+        time, a disbelief in the existence of witches had become almost
+        universal among educated men; though the old superstition was
+        still defended on the judgment-seat and in the pulpit. As to the
+        opinions of the clergy, compare _Cudworth's Intellect. Syst._
+        vol. iii. pp. 345, 348; _Vernon Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 302,
+        303; _Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
+        220, 221; _Wesley's Journals_, pp. 602, 713. Wesley, who had more
+        influence than all the bishops put together, says: 'It is true,
+        likewise, that the English in general, and, indeed, most of the
+        men of learning in Europe, have given up all accounts of witches
+        and apparitions as mere old wives' fables. I am sorry for
+        it.... The giving up witchcraft is, in effect, giving up the
+        Bible.... But I cannot give up, to all the Deists in Great
+        Britain, the existence of witchcraft, till I give up the credit
+        of all history, sacred and profane.'
+
+        However, all was in vain. Every year diminished the old belief;
+        and in 1736, a generation before Wesley had recorded these
+        opinions, the laws against witchcraft were repealed, and another
+        vestige of superstition effaced from the English statute-book.
+        See _Barrington on the Statutes_, p. 407; _Note_ in _Burton's
+        Diary_, vol. i. p. 26; _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. i. p.
+        307.
+
+        To this it may be interesting to add, that in Spain a witch was
+        burned so late as 1781. _Ticknor's Hist. of Spanish Literature_,
+        vol. iii. p. 238.
+
+  [594] The first edition was published in 1646. _Works of Sir Thomas
+        Browne_, vol. ii. p. 163.
+
+  [595] See the notes in Mr. Wilkin's edition of _Browne's Works_, Lond.
+        1836, vol. ii. pp. 284, 360, 361.
+
+In or about 1633, when the throne was still occupied by a superstitious
+prince; when the Church of England was at the height of her apparent
+power; and when men were incessantly persecuted for their religious
+opinions--this same Sir Thomas Browne wrote his _Religio Medici_,[596]
+in which we find all the qualities of his later work, except the
+scepticism. Indeed, in the _Religio Medici_, there is shown a credulity
+that must have secured the sympathy of those classes which were then
+dominant. Of all the prejudices which at that time were deemed an
+essential part of the popular creed, there was not one which Browne
+ventured to deny. He announces his belief in the philosopher's
+stone;[597] in spirits, and tutelary angels;[598] and in
+palmistry.[599] He not only peremptorily affirms the reality of witches,
+but he says that those who deny their existence are not merely infidels,
+but atheists.[600] He carefully tells us that he reckons his nativity,
+not from his birth, but from his baptism; for before he was baptized, he
+could not be said to exist.[601] To these touches of wisdom, he moreover
+adds, that the more improbable any proposition is, the greater his
+willingness to assent to it; but that when a thing is actually
+impossible, he is on that very account prepared to believe it.[602]
+
+  [596] The precise date is unknown; but Mr. Wilkin supposes that it was
+        written 'between the years 1633 and 1635.' Preface to _Religio
+        Medici_, in _Browne's Works_, vol. ii. p. 4.
+
+  [597] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 58.
+
+  [598] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 47.
+
+  [599] Or, as he calls it, 'chiromancy.' _Religio Medici_, in _Browne's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 89.
+
+  [600] 'For my part, I have ever believed, and do now know, that there
+        are witches. They that doubt of these, do not only deny them, but
+        spirits; and are obliquely, and upon consequence, a sort, not of
+        infidels, but atheists.' Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 43, 44.
+
+  [601] 'From this I do compute or calculate my nativity.' Ibid. vol. ii.
+        p. 64.
+
+  [602] _Religio Medici_, sec. ix. in _Browne's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 13,
+        14: unfortunately too long to extract. This is the 'credo quia
+        impossibile est,' originally one of Tertullian's absurdities, and
+        once quoted in the House of Lords by the Duke of Argyle, as 'the
+        ancient religious maxim.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xi. p. 802. Compare
+        the sarcastic remark on this maxim in the _Essay concerning Human
+        Understanding_, book iv. chap. xviii. _Locke's Works_, vol. ii.
+        p. 271. It was the spirit embodied in this sentence which
+        supplied Celsus with some formidable arguments against the
+        Fathers. _Neander's Hist. of the Church_, vol. i. pp. 227, 228.
+
+Such were the opinions put forth by Sir Thomas Browne in the first of
+the two great works he presented to the world. But in his _Inquiries
+into Vulgar Errors_, there is displayed a spirit so entirely different,
+that if it were not for the most decisive evidence, we could hardly
+believe it to be written by the same man. The truth, however, is, that
+during the twelve years which elapsed between the two works, there was
+completed that vast social and intellectual revolution, of which the
+overthrow of the church and the execution of the king were but minor
+incidents. We know from the literature, from the private correspondence,
+and from the public acts of that time, how impossible it was, even for
+the strongest minds, to escape the effects of the general intoxication.
+No wonder, then, that Browne, who certainly was inferior to several of
+his contemporaries, should have been affected by a movement which they
+were unable to resist. It would have been strange, indeed, if he alone
+had remained uninfluenced by that sceptical spirit, which, because it
+had been arbitrarily repressed, had now broken all bounds, and in the
+reaction soon swept away those institutions which vainly attempted to
+stop its course.
+
+It is in this point of view that a comparison of the two works becomes
+highly interesting, and, indeed, very important. In this, his later
+production, we hear no more about believing things because they are
+impossible; but we are told of 'the two great pillars of truth,
+experience and solid reason.'[603] We are also reminded that one main
+cause of error is 'adherence unto authority;'[604] that another is,
+'neglect of inquiry;'[605] and, strange to say, that a third is
+'credulity.'[606] All this was not very consistent with the old
+theological spirit; and we need not, therefore, be surprised that Browne
+not only exposes some of the innumerable blunders of the Fathers,[607]
+but, after speaking of errors in general, curtly adds: 'Many others
+there are, which we resign unto divinity, and perhaps deserve not
+controversy.'[608]
+
+  [603] _Inquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors_, book iii. chap. xxviii.
+        in _Browne's Works_, vol. ii. p. 534.
+
+  [604] Ibid. book i. chap. vii. vol. ii. p. 225.
+
+  [605] 'A supinity, or neglect of inquiry.' Ibid. book i. chap. v.
+        vol. ii. p. 211.
+
+  [606] 'A third cause of common errors is the credulity of men.' Book i.
+        chap. v. vol. ii. p. 208.
+
+  [607] See two amusing instances in vol. ii. pp. 267, 438.
+
+  [608] _Vulgar and Common Errors_, book vii. chap. xi., in _Browne's
+        Works_, vol. iii. p. 326.
+
+The difference between these two works is no bad measure of the rapidity
+of that vast movement which, in the middle of the seventeenth century,
+was seen in every branch of practical and speculative life. After the
+death of Bacon, one of the most distinguished Englishmen was certainly
+Boyle, who, if compared with his contemporaries, may be said to rank
+immediately below Newton, though, of course, very inferior to him as an
+original thinker.[609] With the additions he made to our knowledge we
+are not immediately concerned; but it may be mentioned, that he was the
+first who instituted exact experiments into the relation between colour
+and heat;[610] and by this means, not only ascertained some very
+important facts, but laid a foundation for that union between optics and
+thermotics, which, though not yet completed, now merely waits for some
+great philosopher to strike out a generalization large enough to cover
+both, and thus fuse the two sciences into a single study. It is also to
+Boyle, more than to any other Englishman, that we owe the science of
+hydrostatics, in the state in which we now possess it.[611] He is the
+original discoverer of that beautiful law, so fertile in valuable
+results, according to which the elasticity of air varies as its
+density.[612] And, in the opinion of one of the most eminent modern
+naturalists, it was Boyle who opened up those chemical inquiries, which
+went on accumulating until, a century later, they supplied the means by
+which Lavoisier and his contemporaries fixed the real basis of
+chemistry, and enabled it for the first time to take its proper stand
+among those sciences that deal with the external world.[613]
+
+  [609] Monk (_Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p. 37) says, that Boyle's
+        discoveries 'have placed his name in a rank second only to that
+        of Newton;' and this, I believe, is true, notwithstanding the
+        immense superiority of Newton.
+
+  [610] Compare _Powell on Radiant Heat_ (_Brit. Assoc._ vol. i. p. 287),
+        with _Lloyd's Report on Physical Optics_, 1834, p. 338. For the
+        remarks on colours, see _Boyle's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 1-40; and
+        for the account of his experiments, pp. 41-80; and a slight
+        notice in _Brewster's Life of Newton_, vol. i. pp. 155, 156, 236.
+        It is, I think, not generally known, that Power is said to be
+        indebted to Boyle for originating some of his experiments on
+        colours. See a letter from Hooke, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. v. p.
+        533.
+
+  [611] Dr. Whewell (_Bridgewater Treatise_, p. 266) well observes, that
+        Boyle and Pascal are to hydrostatics what Galileo is to
+        mechanics, and Copernicus, Kepler, and Newton to astronomy. See
+        also on Boyle, as the founder of hydrostatics, _Thomson's Hist.
+        of the Royal Society_, pp. 397, 398; and his _Hist. of
+        Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 204.
+
+  [612] This was discovered by Boyle about 1650, and confirmed by Mariotte
+        in 1676. See _Whewell's Hist. of the Inductive Sciences_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 557, 588; _Thomson's Hist. of Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 215;
+        _Turner's Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 41, 200; _Brande's Chemistry_,
+        vol. i. p. 363. This law has been empirically verified by the
+        French Institute, and found to hold good for a pressure even of
+        twenty-seven atmospheres. See _Challis on the Mathematical Theory
+        of Fluids_, in _Sixth Report of Brit. Assoc._ p. 226; and
+        _Herschel's Nat. Philos._ p. 231. Although Boyle preceded
+        Mariotte by a quarter of a century, the discovery is rather
+        unfairly called the law of Boyle and Mariotte; while foreign
+        writers, refining on this, frequently omit the name of Boyle
+        altogether, and term it the law of Mariotte! See, for instance,
+        _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, p. 126; _Monteil Divers Etats_,
+        vol. viii. p. 122; _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, p. 236; _Comte_,
+        _Philos. Pos._ vol. i. pp. 583, 645, vol. ii. pp. 484, 615;
+        _Pouillet_, _Elemens de Physique_, vol. i. p. 339, vol. ii. pp.
+        58, 183.
+
+  [613] 'L'un des createurs de la physique experimentale, l'illustre
+        Robert Boyle, avait aussi reconnu, des le milieu du dix-septieme
+        siecle, une grande partie des faits qui servent aujourd'hui de
+        base a cette chimie nouvelle.' _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences_,
+        vol. i. p. 30. The 'aussi' refers to Rey. See also _Cuvier_,
+        _Hist. des Sciences Naturelles_, part ii. pp. 322, 346-349. A
+        still more recent writer says, that Boyle 'stood, in fact, on the
+        very brink of the pneumatic chemistry of Priestley; he had in his
+        hand the key to the great discovery of Lavoisier.' _Johnston on
+        Dimorphous Bodies_, in _Reports of Brit. Assoc._ vol. vi. p. 163.
+        See further respecting Boyle, _Robin et Verdeil_, _Chimie
+        Anatomique_, Paris, 1853, vol. i. pp. 576, 577, 579, vol. ii. p.
+        24; and _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. iv. p. 177.
+
+The application of these discoveries to the happiness of Man, and
+particularly to what may be called the material interests of
+civilization, will be traced in another part of this work; but what I
+now wish to observe, is the way in which such investigations harmonized
+with the movement I am attempting to describe. In the whole of his
+physical inquiries, Boyle constantly insists upon two fundamental
+principles: namely, the importance of individual experiments, and the
+comparative unimportance of the facts which, on these subjects,
+antiquity has handed down.[614] These are the two great keys to his
+method: they are the views which he inherited from Bacon, and they are
+also the views which have been held by every man who, during the last
+two centuries, has added anything of moment to the stock of human
+knowledge. First to doubt,[615] then to inquire, and then to discover,
+has been the process universally followed by our great teachers. So
+strongly did Boyle feel this, that though he was an eminently religious
+man,[616] he gave to the most popular of his scientific works the title
+of _The Sceptical Chemist_; meaning to intimate, that until men were
+sceptical concerning the chemistry of their own time, it would be
+impossible that they should advance far in the career which lay before
+them. Nor can we fail to observe that this remarkable work, in which
+such havoc was made with old notions, was published in 1661,[617] the
+year after the accession of Charles II., in whose reign the spread of
+incredulity was indeed rapid, since it was seen not only among the
+intellectual classes, but even among the nobles and personal friends of
+the king. It is true, that in that rank of society, it assumed an
+offensive and degenerate form. But the movement must have been one of no
+common energy which, in so early a stage, could thus penetrate the
+recesses of the palace, and excite the minds of the courtiers; a lazy
+and feeble race, who from the frivolity of their habits are, under
+ordinary circumstances, predisposed to superstition, and prepared to
+believe whatever the wisdom of their fathers has bequeathed to them.
+
+  [614] This disregard of ancient authority appears so constantly in his
+        works, that it is difficult to choose among innumerable passages
+        which might be quoted. I will select one which strikes me as well
+        expressed, and is certainly very characteristic. In his _Free
+        Inquiry into the vulgarly received Notion of Nature_, he says
+        (_Boyle's Works_, vol. iv. p. 359), 'For I am wont to judge of
+        opinions as of coins: I consider much less, in any one that I am
+        to receive, whose inscription it bears, than what metal it is
+        made of. It is indifferent enough to me whether it was stamped
+        many years or ages since, or came but yesterday from the mint.'
+        In other places he speaks of the 'schoolmen' and 'gownmen' with a
+        contempt not much inferior to that expressed by Locke himself.
+
+  [615] In his _Considerations touching Experimental Essays_, he says
+        (_Boyle's Works_, vol. i. p. 197), 'Perhaps you will wonder,
+        Pyrophilus, that in almost every one of the following essays I
+        should speak so doubtingly, and use so often _perhaps_, _it
+        seems_, _it is not improbable_, and such other expressions as
+        argue a diffidence of the truth of the opinions I incline to,'
+        &c. Indeed, this spirit is seen at every turn. Thus his _Essay on
+        Crystals_, which, considering the then state of knowledge, is a
+        remarkable production, is entitled 'Doubts and Experiments
+        touching the curious Figures of Salts.' _Works_, vol. ii. p. 488.
+        It is, therefore, with good reason that M. Humboldt terms him
+        'the cautious and doubting Robert Boyle.' _Humboldt's Cosmos_,
+        vol. ii. p. 730.
+
+  [616] On the sincere Christianity of Boyle, compare _Burnet's Lives and
+        Characters_, edit. Jebb, 1833, pp. 351-360; _Life of Ken, by a
+        Layman_, vol. i. pp. 32, 33; _Whewell's Bridgewater Treatise_, p.
+        273. He made several attempts to reconcile the scientific method
+        with the defence of established religious opinions. See one of
+        the best instances of this, in _Boyle's Works_, vol. v. pp. 38,
+        39.
+
+  [617] _The Sceptical Chemist_ is in _Boyle's Works_, vol. i.
+        pp. 290-371. It went through two editions in the author's
+        lifetime, an unusual success for a book of that kind. _Boyle's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 375, vol. iv. p. 89, vol. v. p. 345. I find
+        from a letter written in 1696 (_Fairfax Correspondence_, vol. iv.
+        p. 344), that Boyle's works were then becoming scarce, and that
+        there was an intention of reprinting the whole of them. In regard
+        to the _Sceptical Chemist_, it was so popular, that it attracted
+        the attention of Monconys, a French traveller, who visited London
+        in 1663, and from whom we learn that it was to be bought for four
+        shillings, 'pour quatre chelins.' _Voyages de Monconys_, vol.
+        iii. p. 67, edit. 1695; a book containing some very curious facts
+        respecting London in the reign of Charles II.; but, so far as I
+        am aware, not quoted by any English historian. In _Sprengel's
+        Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. v. pp. 78-9, there is a summary of
+        the views advocated in the _Sceptical Chemist_, respecting which
+        Sprengel says, 'Ce fut cependant aussi en Angleterre que
+        s'eleverent les premiers doutes sur l'exactitude des explications
+        chimiques.'
+
+In everything this tendency was now seen. Everything marked a growing
+determination to subordinate old notions to new inquiries. At the very
+moment when Boyle was prosecuting his labours, Charles II. incorporated
+the Royal Society, which was formed with the avowed object of increasing
+knowledge by direct experiment.[618] And it is well worthy of remark,
+that the charter now first granted to this celebrated institution
+declares that its object is the extension of natural knowledge, as
+opposed to that which is supernatural.[619]
+
+  [618] 'From the nature and constitution of the Royal Society, the
+        objects of their attention were necessarily unlimited. The
+        physical sciences, however, or those which are promoted by
+        experiment, were their declared objects; and experiment was the
+        method which they professed to follow in accomplishing their
+        purpose.' _Thomson's Hist. of the Royal Society_, p. 6. When the
+        society was first instituted, experiments were so unusual, that
+        there was a difficulty of finding the necessary workmen in
+        London. See a curious passage in _Weld's Hist. of the Royal
+        Society_, 1848, vol. ii. p. 88.
+
+  [619] Dr. Paris (_Life of Sir H. Davy_, 1831, vol. ii. p. 178) says,
+        'The charter of the Royal Society states, that it was established
+        for the improvement of _natural_ science. This epithet _natural_
+        was originally intended to imply a meaning, of which very few
+        persons, I believe, are aware. At the period of the establishment
+        of the society, the arts of witchcraft and divination were very
+        extensively encouraged; and the word _natural_ was therefore
+        introduced in contradistinction to _supernatural_.' The charters
+        granted by Charles II. are printed in _Weld's History of the
+        Royal Society_, vol. ii. pp. 481-521. Evelyn (_Diary,_ 13 _Aug._
+        1662, vol. ii. p. 195) mentions, that the object of the Royal
+        Society was 'natural knowledge.' See also _Aubrey's Letters and
+        Lives_, vol. ii. p. 358; _Pulteney's Hist. of Botany_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 97, 98; and on the distinction thus established in the
+        popular mind between natural and supernatural, compare _Boyle's
+        Works_, vol. ii. p. 455, vol. iv. pp. 288, 359.
+
+It is easy to imagine with what terror and disgust these things were
+viewed by those inordinate admirers of antiquity who, solely occupied in
+venerating past ages, are unable either to respect the present or hope
+for the future. These great obstructors of mankind played, in the
+seventeenth century, the same part as they play in our own day,
+rejecting every novelty, and therefore opposing every improvement. The
+angry contest which arose between the two parties, and the hostility
+directed against the Royal Society, as the first institution in which
+the idea of progress was distinctly embodied, are among the most
+instructive parts of our history, and on another occasion I shall relate
+them at considerable length. At present it is enough to say, that the
+reactionary party, though led by an overwhelming majority of the clergy,
+was entirely defeated; as, indeed, was to be expected, seeing that their
+opponents had on their side nearly all the intellect of the country, and
+were moreover reinforced by such aid as the court could bestow. The
+progress was, in truth, so rapid as to carry away with it some of the
+ablest members even of the ecclesiastical profession; their love of
+knowledge proving too strong for the old traditions in which they had
+been bred. But these were exceptional cases, and, speaking generally,
+there is no doubt that in the reign of Charles II. the antagonism
+between physical science and the theological spirit was such as to
+induce nearly the whole of the clergy to array themselves against the
+science, and seek to bring it into discredit. Nor ought we to be
+surprised that they should have adopted this course. That inquisitive
+and experimental spirit which they wished to check was not only
+offensive to their prejudices, but it was also detrimental to their
+power. For, in the first place, the mere habit of cultivating physical
+science taught men to require a severity of proof which it was soon
+found that the clergy were, in their own department, unable to supply.
+And, in the second place, the additions made to physical knowledge
+opened new fields of thought, and thus tended still further to divert
+attention from ecclesiastical topics. Both these effects would of course
+be limited to the comparatively few persons who were interested in
+scientific inquiries: it is, however, to be observed, that the ultimate
+results of such inquiries must have been extended over a far wider
+surface. This may be called their secondary influence; and the way in
+which it operated is well worth our attention, because an acquaintance
+with it will go far to explain the reason of that marked opposition
+which has always existed between superstition and knowledge.
+
+It is evident, that a nation perfectly ignorant of physical laws will
+refer to supernatural causes all the phenomena by which it is
+surrounded.[620] But so soon as natural science begins to do its work,
+there are introduced the elements of a great change. Each successive
+discovery, by ascertaining the law that governs certain events, deprives
+them of that apparent mystery in which they were formerly involved.[621]
+The love of the marvellous becomes proportionably diminished; and when
+any science has made such progress as to enable those who are acquainted
+with it to foretell the events with which it deals, it is clear that the
+whole of those events are at once withdrawn from the jurisdiction of
+supernatural, and brought under the authority of natural powers.[622]
+The business of physical philosophy is, to explain external phenomena
+with a view to their prediction; and every successful prediction which
+is recognised by the people causes a disruption of one of those links
+which, as it were, bind the imagination to the occult and invisible
+world. Hence it is that, supposing other things equal, the superstition
+of a nation must always bear an exact proportion to the extent of its
+physical knowledge. This may be in some degree verified by the ordinary
+experience of mankind. For if we compare the different classes of
+society, we shall find that they are superstitious in proportion as the
+phenomena with which they are brought in contact have or have not been
+explained by natural laws. The credulity of sailors is notorious, and
+every literature contains evidence of the multiplicity of their
+superstitions, and of the tenacity with which they cling to them.[623]
+This is perfectly explicable by the principle I have laid down.
+Meteorology has not yet been raised to a science; and the laws which
+regulate winds and storms being in consequence still unknown, it
+naturally follows, that the class of men most exposed to their dangers
+should be precisely the class which is most superstitious.[624] On the
+other hand, soldiers live upon an element much more obedient to man, and
+they are less liable than sailors to those risks which defy the
+calculations of science. Soldiers, therefore, have fewer inducements to
+appeal to supernatural interference; and it is universally observed,
+that as a body they are less superstitious than sailors. If, again, we
+compare agriculturists with manufacturers, we shall see the operation of
+the same principle. To the cultivators of land, one of the most
+important circumstances is the weather, which, if it turn out
+unfavourable, may at once defeat all their calculations. But science not
+having yet succeeded in discovering the laws of rain, men are at present
+unable to foretell it for any considerable period; the inhabitant of the
+country is, therefore, driven to believe that it is the result of
+supernatural agency, and we still see the extraordinary spectacle of
+prayers offered up in our churches for dry weather or for wet weather; a
+superstition which to future ages will appear as childish as the
+feelings of pious awe with which our fathers regarded the presence of a
+comet, or the approach of an eclipse. We are now acquainted with the
+laws which determine the movements of comets and eclipses; and as we are
+able to predict their appearance, we have ceased to pray that we may be
+preserved from them.[625] But because our researches into the phenomena
+of rain happen to have been less successful,[626] we resort to the
+impious contrivance of calling in the aid of the Deity to supply those
+deficiencies in science which are the result of our own sloth; and we
+are not ashamed, in our public churches, to prostitute the rites of
+religion by using them as a cloak to conceal an ignorance we ought
+frankly to confess.[627] The agriculturist is thus taught to ascribe to
+supernatural agency the most important phenomena with which he is
+concerned;[628] and there can be no doubt that this is one of the causes
+of those superstitious feelings by which the inhabitants of the country
+are unfavourably contrasted with those of the town.[629] But the
+manufacturer, and, indeed, nearly every one engaged in the business of
+cities, has employments, the success of which being regulated by his own
+abilities, has no connexion with those unexplained events that perplex
+the imagination of the cultivators of the earth. He who, by his
+ingenuity, works up the raw material, is evidently less affected by
+uncontrollable occurrences, than he by whom the raw material is
+originally grown. Whether it is fair, or whether it is wet, he pursues
+his labours with equal success, and learns to rely solely upon his own
+energy, and the cunning of his own arm. As the sailor is naturally more
+superstitious than the soldier, because he has to deal with a more
+unstable element; just in the same way is the agriculturist more
+superstitious than the mechanic, because he is more frequently and more
+seriously affected by events which the ignorance of some men makes them
+call capricious, and the ignorance of other men makes them call
+supernatural.
+
+  [620] The speculative view of this tendency has been recently
+        illustrated in the most comprehensive manner by M. Auguste Comte,
+        in his _Philosophie Positive_; and his conclusions in regard to
+        the earliest stage of the human mind are confirmed by everything
+        we know of barbarous nations; and they are also confirmed, as he
+        has decisively proved, by the history of physical science. In
+        addition to the facts he has adduced, I may mention, that the
+        history of geology supplies evidence analogous to that which he
+        has collected from other departments.
+
+        A popular notion of the working of this belief in supernatural
+        causation may be seen in a circumstance related by Combe. He
+        says, that in the middle of the eighteenth century the country
+        west of Edinburgh was so unhealthy, 'that every spring the
+        farmers and their servants were seized with fever and ague.' As
+        long as the cause of this was unknown, 'these visitations were
+        believed to be sent by Providence;' but after a time the land was
+        drained, the ague disappeared, and the inhabitants perceived that
+        what they had believed to be supernatural was perfectly natural,
+        and that the cause was the state of the land, not the
+        intervention of the Deity. _Combe's Constitution of Man_, Edinb.
+        1847, p. 156.
+
+  [621] I say apparent mystery, because it does not at all lessen the real
+        mystery. But this does not affect the accuracy of my remark,
+        inasmuch as the people at large never enter into such subtleties
+        as the difference between Law and Cause; a difference, indeed,
+        which is so neglected, that it is often lost sight of even in
+        scientific books. All that the people know is, that events which
+        they once believed to be directly controlled by the Deity, and
+        modified by Him, are not only foretold by the human mind, but are
+        altered by human interference. The attempts which Paley and
+        others have made to solve this mystery by rising from the laws to
+        the cause, are evidently futile, because to the eye of reason the
+        solution is as incomprehensible as the problem; and the arguments
+        of the natural theologians, in so far as they are arguments, must
+        depend on reason. As Mr. Newman truly says, 'A God uncaused and
+        existing from eternity, is to the full as incomprehensible as a
+        world uncaused and existing from eternity. We must not reject the
+        latter theory as incomprehensible; for so is every other possible
+        theory.' _Newman's Natural History of the Soul_, 1849, p. 36. The
+        truth of this conclusion is unintentionally confirmed by the
+        defence of the old method, which is set up by Dr. Whewell in his
+        _Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 262-5; because the remarks made by
+        that able writer refer to men who, from their vast powers, were
+        most likely to rise to that transcendental view of religion which
+        is slowly but steadily gaining ground among us. Kant, probably
+        the deepest thinker of the eighteenth century, clearly saw that
+        no arguments drawn from the external world could prove the
+        existence of a First Cause. See, among other passages, two
+        particularly remarkable in _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_, _Kant's
+        Werke_, vol. ii. pp. 478, 481, on 'der physikotheologische
+        Beweis.'
+
+  [622] This is tersely expressed by M. Lamennais: 'Pourquoi les corps
+        gravitent-ils les uns vers les autres? Parceque Dieu l'a voulu,
+        disaient les anciens. Parceque les corps s'attirent, dit la
+        science.' _Maury_, _Legendes du Moyen Age_, p. 33. See to the
+        same effect _Mackay's Religious Development_, 1850, vol. i. pp.
+        5, 30, 31, and elsewhere. See also a partial statement of the
+        antithesis in _Copleston's Inquiry into Necessity and
+        Predestination_, p. 49; an ingenious but overrated book.
+
+  [623] I much regret that I did not collect proof of this at an earlier
+        period of my reading. But having omitted taking the requisite
+        notes, I can only refer, on the superstition of sailors to
+        _Heber's Journey through India_, vol. i. p. 423; _Richardson's
+        Travels in the Sahara_, vol. i. p. 11; _Burckhardt's Travels in
+        Arabia_, vol. ii. p. 347; _Davis's Chinese_, vol. iii. pp. 16,
+        17; _Travels of Ibn Batuta in the Fourteenth Century_, p. 43;
+        _Journal of Asiat. Soc._ vol. i. p. 9; _Works of Sir Thomas
+        Browne_, vol. i. p. 130; _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. iv. p.
+        566; _Burnes's Travels into Bokhara_, vol. iii. p. 53; _Leigh
+        Hunt's Autobiography_, 1850, vol. ii. p. 255; _Cumberland's
+        Memoirs_, 1807, vol. i. pp. 422-425; _Walsh's Brazil_, vol. i.
+        pp. 96, 97; _Richardson's Arctic Expedition_, vol. i. p. 93;
+        _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 207, vol. iii. p. 197.
+
+  [624] Andokides, when accused before the dikastery at Athens, said, 'No,
+        dikasts; the dangers of accusation and trial are human, but the
+        dangers encountered at sea are divine.' _Grote's Hist. of
+        Greece_, vol. xi. p. 252. Thus, too, it has been observed, that
+        the dangers of the whale-fishery stimulated the superstition of
+        the Anglo-Saxons. See _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol. i. pp.
+        390, 391. Erman, who mentions the dangerous navigation of the
+        Lake of Baikal, says, 'There is a saying at Irkutsk, that it is
+        only upon the Baikal, in the autumn, that a man learns to pray
+        from his heart.' _Erman's Travels in Siberia_, vol. ii. p. 186.
+
+  [625] In Europe, in the tenth century, an entire army fled before one of
+        those appearances, which would now scarcely terrify a child:
+        'Toute l'armee d'Othon se dispersa subitement a l'apparition
+        d'une eclipse de soleil, qui la remplit de terreur, et qui fut
+        regardee comme l'annonce du malheur qu'on attendait depuis
+        longtemps.' _Sprengel_, _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. ii. p. 368.
+        The terror inspired by eclipses was not finally destroyed before
+        the eighteenth century; and in the latter half of the seventeenth
+        century they still caused great fear both in France and in
+        England. See _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. ii. p. 52, vol. iii. p. 372;
+        _Carlyle's Cromwell_, vol. ii. p. 366; _Lettres de Patin_, vol.
+        iii. p. 36. Compare _Voyages de Monconys_, vol. v. p. 104, with
+        _Hare's Guesses at Truth_, 2nd series, pp. 194, 195. There
+        probably never has been an ignorant nation whose superstition has
+        not been excited by eclipses. For evidence of the universality of
+        this feeling, see _Symes's Embassy to Ava_, vol. ii. p. 296;
+        _Raffles' Hist. of Java_, vol. i. p. 530; _Southey's Hist. of
+        Brazil_, vol. i. p. 354, vol. ii. p. 371; _Marsden's Hist. of
+        Sumatra_, p. 159; _Niebuhr_, _Description de l'Arabie_, p. 105;
+        _Moffat's Southern Africa_, p. 337; _Mungo Park's Travels_, vol.
+        i. p. 414; _Moorcroft's Travels in the Himalayan Provinces_, vol.
+        ii. p. 4; _Crawfurd's Hist. of the Indian Archipelago_, vol. i.
+        p. 305; _Ellis's Polynesian Researches_, vol. i. p. 331;
+        _Mackay's Religious Development_, vol. i. p. 425; _Works of Sir
+        W. Jones_, vol. iii. p. 176, vol. vi. p. 16; _Wilson's Note_ in
+        the _Vishnu Purana_, p. 140; _Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus_,
+        vol. i. part ii. p. 90; _Montucla_, _Hist. des Mathematiques_,
+        vol. i. p. 444; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xii. p. 484; _Ward's
+        View of the Hindoos_, vol. i. p. 101; _Prescott's Hist. of Peru_,
+        vol. i. p. 123; _Kohl's Russia_, p. 374; _Thirlwall's Hist. of
+        Greece_, vol. iii. p. 440, vol. vi. p. 216; _Murray's Life of
+        Bruce_, p. 103; _Turner's Embassy to Tibet_, p. 289; _Grote's
+        Hist. of Greece_, vol. vii. p. 432, vol. xii. pp. 205, 557;
+        _Journal Asiatique_, I^e serie, vol. iii. p. 202, Paris, 1823;
+        _Clot-Bey_, _de la Peste_, Paris, 1840, p. 224.
+
+        In regard to the feelings inspired by comets, and the influence
+        of Bayle in removing those superstitions late in the seventeenth
+        century, compare _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philosoph._, vol. xi.
+        p. 252; _Le Vassor_, _Hist. de Louis XIII_, vol. iii. p. 415;
+        _Lettres de Sevigne_, vol. iv. p. 336; _Autobiography of Sir S.
+        D'Ewes_, edit. Halliwell, vol. i. pp. 122, 123, 136.
+
+  [626] On the peculiar complications which have retarded meteorology, and
+        thus prevented us from accurately predicting the weather, compare
+        _Forbes on Meteorology_, in _Second Report of British
+        Association_, pp. 249-251; _Cuvier_, _Progres des Sciences_, vol.
+        i. pp. 69, 248; _Kaemtz's Meteorology_, pp. 2-4; _Prout's
+        Bridgewater Treatise_, pp. 290-295; _Somerville's Physical Geog._
+        vol. ii. pp. 18, 19. But all the best authorities are agreed that
+        this ignorance cannot last long; and that the constant advance
+        which we are now making in physical science will eventually
+        enable us to explain even these phenomena. Thus, for instance,
+        Sir John Leslie says, 'It cannot be disputed, however, that all
+        the changes which happen in the mass of our atmosphere, involved,
+        capricious, and irregular as they may appear, are yet the
+        necessary results of principles as fixed, and perhaps as simple,
+        as those which direct the revolutions of the solar system. Could
+        we unravel the intricate maze, we might trace the action of each
+        distinct cause, and hence deduce the ultimate effects arising
+        from their combined operation. With the possession of such data,
+        we might safely predict the state of the weather at any future
+        period, as we now calculate an eclipse of the sun or moon, or
+        foretell a conjunction of the planets.' _Leslie's Natural
+        Philosophy_, p. 405: see also p. 185, and the remarks of Mr. Snow
+        Harris (_Brit. Assoc. for 1844_, p. 241), and of Mr. Hamilton
+        (_Journal of Geog. Soc._ vol. xix. p. xci.) Thus, too, Dr.
+        Whewell (_Bridgewater Treatise_, p. 3) says, that 'the changes of
+        winds and skies are produced by causes, of whose rules "no
+        philosophical mind" will doubt the fixity.'
+
+  [627] This connexion between ignorance and devotion is so clearly
+        marked, that many nations have a separate god for the weather, to
+        whom they say their prayers. In countries where men stop short of
+        this, they ascribe the changes to witchcraft, or to some other
+        supernatural power. See _Mariner's Tonga Islands_, vol. ii. pp.
+        7, 108; _Tuckey's Expedit. to the Zaire_, pp. 214, 215; _Ellis's
+        Hist. of Madagascar_, vol. ii. p. 354; _Asiatic Researches_, vol.
+        vi. pp. 193, 194, 297, vol. xvi. pp. 223, 342; _Southey's Hist.
+        of Brazil_, vol. iii. p. 187; _Davis's Chinese_, vol. ii. p. 154;
+        _Beausobre_, _Hist. de Manichee_, vol. ii. p. 394; _Cudworth's
+        Intellect. Syst._ vol. ii. p. 539. The Hindus refer rain to
+        supernatural causes in the _Rig Veda_, which is the oldest of
+        their religious books; and they have held similar notions ever
+        since. _Rig Veda Sanhita_, vol. i. pp. xxx. 10, 19, 26, 145, 175,
+        205, 224, 225, 265, 266, vol. ii. pp. 28, 41, 62, 110, 153, 158,
+        164, 166, 192, 199, 231, 258, 268, 293, 329; _Journal of Asiatic
+        Soc._ vol. iii. p. 91; _Coleman's Mythol. of the Hindus_, p. 111;
+        _Ward's View of the Hindoos_, vol. i. p. 38. See further two
+        curious passages in the _Dabistan_, vol. i. p. 115, vol. ii. p.
+        337; and on the 'Rain-makers,' compare _Catlin's North-American
+        Indians_, vol. i. pp. 134-140, with _Buchanan's North-American
+        Indians_, pp. 258, 260: also a precisely similar class in Africa
+        (_Moffat's Southern Africa_, pp. 305-325), and in Arabia
+        (_Niebuhr_, _Desc. de l'Arabie_, pp. 237, 238).
+
+        Coming to a state of society nearer our own, we find that in the
+        ninth century it was taken for granted in Christian countries
+        that wind and hail were the work of wizards (_Neander's Hist. of
+        the Church_, vol. vi. pp. 118, 139); that similar views passed on
+        to the sixteenth century, and were sanctioned by Luther (_Maury_,
+        _Legendes Pieuses_, pp. 18, 19); and finally, that when Swinburne
+        was in Spain, only eighty years ago, he found the clergy on the
+        point of putting an end to the opera, because they 'attributed
+        the want of rain to the influence of that ungodly entertainment.'
+        _Swinburne's Travels through Spain in 1775 and 1776_, vol. i. p.
+        177, 2nd edit. London, 1787.
+
+  [628] See some remarks by the Rev. Mr. Ward, which strike me as rather
+        incautious, and which certainly are dangerous to his own
+        profession, as increasing the hostility between it and science,
+        in _Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church_, p. 278. What Coleridge
+        has said, is worth attending to: see _The Friend_, vol. iii. pp.
+        222, 223.
+
+  [629] M. Kohl, whose acuteness as a traveller is well known, has found
+        that the agricultural classes are the 'most blindly ignorant and
+        prejudiced' of all. _Kohl's Russia_, p. 365. And Sir R.
+        Murchison, who has enjoyed extensive means of observation,
+        familiarly mentions the 'credulous farmers.' _Murchison's
+        Siluria_, p. 61. In Asia, exactly the same tendency has been
+        noticed: see _Marsden's Hist. of Sumatra_, p. 63. Some curious
+        evidence of agricultural superstitions respecting the weather may
+        be seen in _Monteil_, _Hist. des divers Etats_, vol. iii. pp. 31,
+        39.
+
+It would be easy, by an extension of these remarks, to show how the
+progress of manufactures, besides increasing the national wealth, has
+done immense service to civilization, by inspiring Man with a confidence
+in his own resources;[630] and how, by giving rise to a new class of
+employments, it has, if I may so say, shifted the scene in which
+superstition is most likely to dwell. But to trace this would carry me
+beyond my present limits; and the illustrations already given are
+sufficient to explain how the theological spirit must have been
+diminished by that love of experimental science, which forms one of the
+principal features in the reign of Charles II.[631]
+
+  [630] In this point of view, the opposite tendencies of agriculture and
+        manufactures are judiciously contrasted by Mr. Porter, at the end
+        of his essay on the _Statistics of Agriculture_, _Journal of the
+        Statist. Soc._ vol. ii. pp. 295, 296.
+
+  [631] Indeed, there never has been a period in England in which physical
+        experiments were so fashionable. This is merely worth observing
+        as a symptom of the age, since Charles II. and the nobles were
+        not likely to add, and did not add, anything to our knowledge;
+        and their patronage of science, such as it was, degraded it
+        rather than advanced it. Still, the prevalence of the taste is
+        curious; and in addition to the picture drawn by Mr. Macaulay
+        (_Hist. of England_, 1st edit. vol. i. pp. 408-412), I may refer
+        the reader to _Monconys' Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 31; _Sorbiere's
+        Voyage to England_, pp. 32, 33; _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. ii. pp.
+        199, 286; _Pepys' Diary_, vol. i. p. 375, vol. ii. p. 34, vol.
+        iii. p. 85, vol. iv. p. 229; _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. i. pp.
+        171, 322, vol. ii. p. 275; _Burnet's Lives_, p. 144; _Campbell's
+        Chief-Justices_, vol. i. p. 582.
+
+I have now laid before the reader what I conceive to be the point of
+view from which we ought to estimate a period whose true nature seems to
+me to have been grievously misunderstood. Those political writers who
+judge events without regard to that intellectual development of which
+they are but a part, will find much to condemn, and scarcely anything to
+approve, in the reign of Charles II. By such authors, I shall be
+censured for having travelled out of that narrow path in which history
+has been too often confined. And yet I am at a loss to perceive how it
+is possible, except by the adoption of such a course, to understand a
+period which, on a superficial view, is full of the grossest
+inconsistencies. This difficulty will be rendered very obvious, if we
+compare for a moment the nature of the government of Charles with the
+great things which, under that government, were peaceably effected.
+Never before was there such a want of apparent connexion between the
+means and the end. If we look only at the characters of the rulers, and
+at their foreign policy, we must pronounce the reign of Charles II. to
+be the worst that has ever been seen in England. If, on the other hand,
+we confine our observations to the laws which were passed, and to the
+principles which were established, we shall be obliged to confess that
+this same reign forms one of the brightest epochs in our national
+annals. Politically and morally, there were to be found in the
+government all the elements of confusion, of weakness, and of crime. The
+king himself was a mean and spiritless voluptuary, without the morals of
+a Christian, and almost without the feelings of a man.[632] His
+ministers, with the exception of Clarendon, whom he hated for his
+virtues, had not one of the attributes of statesmen, and nearly all of
+them were pensioned by the crown of France.[633] The weight of taxation
+was increased,[634] while the security of the kingdom was
+diminished.[635] By the forced surrender of the charters of the towns,
+our municipal rights were endangered.[636] By shutting the exchequer,
+our national credit was destroyed.[637] Though immense sums were spent
+in maintaining our naval and military power, we were left so
+defenceless, that when a war broke out, which had long been preparing,
+we seemed suddenly to be taken by surprise. Such was the miserable
+incapacity of the government, that the fleets of Holland were able, not
+only to ride triumphant round our coasts, but to sail up the Thames,
+attack our arsenals, burn our ships, and insult the metropolis of
+England.[638] Yet, notwithstanding all these things, it is an undoubted
+fact, that in this same reign of Charles II. more steps were taken in
+the right direction than had been taken, in any period of equal length,
+during the twelve centuries we had occupied the soil of Britain. By the
+mere force of that intellectual movement, which was unwittingly
+supported by the crown, there were effected, in the course of a few
+years, reforms which changed the face of society.[639] The two great
+obstacles by which the nation had long been embarrassed, consisted of a
+spiritual tyranny and a territorial tyranny: the tyranny of the church
+and the tyranny of the nobles. An attempt was now made to remedy these
+evils; not by palliatives, but by striking at the power of the classes
+who did the mischief. For now it was that a law was placed on the
+statute-book, taking away that celebrated writ, which enabled the
+bishops or their delegates to cause those men to be burned whose
+religion was different to their own.[640] Now it was that the clergy
+were deprived of the privilege of taxing themselves, and were forced to
+submit to an assessment made by the ordinary legislature.[641] Now, too,
+there was enacted a law forbidding any bishop, or any ecclesiastical
+court, to tender the _ex-officio_ oath, by which the church had hitherto
+enjoyed the power of compelling a suspected person to criminate
+himself.[642] In regard to the nobles, it was also during the reign of
+Charles II. that the House of Lords, after a sharp struggle, was obliged
+to abandon its pretensions to an original jurisdiction in civil suits;
+and thus lost for ever an important resource for extending its own
+influence.[643] It was in the same reign that there was settled the
+right of the people to be taxed entirely by their representatives; the
+House of Commons having ever since retained the sole power of proposing
+money bills, and regulating the amount of imposts, merely leaving to the
+Peers the form of consenting to what has been already determined.[644]
+These were the attempts which were made to bridle the clergy and the
+nobles. But there were also effected other things of equal importance.
+By the destruction of the scandalous prerogatives of Purveyance and
+Preemption, a limit was set to the power of the sovereign to vex his
+refractory subjects.[645] By the Habeas Corpus Act, the liberty of every
+Englishman was made as certain as law could make it; it being guaranteed
+to him, that if accused of crime, he, instead of languishing in prison,
+as had often been the case, should be brought to a fair and speedy
+trial.[646] By the Statute of Frauds and Perjuries, a security hitherto
+unknown was conferred upon private property.[647] By the abolition of
+general impeachments, an end was put to a great engine of tyranny, with
+which powerful and unscrupulous men had frequently ruined their
+political adversaries.[648] By the cessation of those laws which
+restricted the liberty of printing, there was laid the foundation of
+that great Public Press, which, more than any other single cause, has
+diffused among the people a knowledge of their own power, and has thus,
+to an almost incredible extent, aided the progress of English
+civilization.[649] And, to complete this noble picture, there were
+finally destroyed those feudal incidents, which our Norman conquerors
+had imposed,--the military tenures; the court of wards; the fines for
+alienation; the right of forfeiture for marriage by reason of tenure;
+the aids, the homages, the escuages, the primer seisins; and all those
+mischievous subtleties, of which the mere names sound in modern ears as
+a wild and barbarous jargon, but which pressed upon our ancestors as
+real and serious evils.[650]
+
+  [632] His treatment of his young wife immediately after marriage is
+        perhaps the worst thing recorded of this base and contemptible
+        prince. _Lister's Life of Clarendon_, vol. ii. pp. 145-153. This
+        is matter of proof; but Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. i. p. 522, and
+        vol. ii. p. 467) whispers a horrible suspicion, which I cannot
+        believe to be true, even of Charles II., and which Harris, who
+        has collected some evidence of his astounding profligacy, does
+        not mention, though he quotes one of the passages in Burnet.
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. pp. 36-43. However, as
+        Dr. Parr says, in reference to another accusation against him,
+        'There is little occasion to blacken the memory of that wicked
+        monarch, Charles II., by the aid of invidious conjectures.'
+        _Notes on James II._ in _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. p. 477. Compare
+        _Fox's History of James II._ p. 71.
+
+  [633] Even Clarendon has been charged with receiving bribes from
+        Louis XIV.; but for this there appears to be no good authority.
+        Compare _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 66, 67 note, with
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iii, p. 213.
+
+  [634] _Lister's Life of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p. 377; _Harris's Lives of
+        the Stuarts_, vol. iv. pp. 340-344.
+
+  [635] Immediately after the Restoration, the custom began of appointing
+        to naval commands incompetent youths of birth, to the
+        discouragement of those able officers who had been employed under
+        Cromwell. Compare _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. i. p. 290, with
+        _Pepys' Diary_, vol. ii. p. 413, vol. iii. pp. 68, 72.
+
+  [636] _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. pp. 323-328. The court
+        was so bent on abrogating the charter of the city of London, that
+        Saunders was made chief-justice for the express purpose. See
+        _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 59. Roger North says
+        (_Lives of the Norths_, vol. ii. p. 67), 'Nothing was accounted
+        at court so meritorious as the procuring of charters, as the
+        language then was.' Compare _Bulstrode's Memoirs_, pp. 379, 388.
+
+  [637] The panic caused by this scandalous robbery is described by
+        De Foe; _Wilson's Life of De Foe_, vol. i. p. 52. See also
+        _Calamy's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 78; _Parker's Hist. of his
+        Own Time_, pp. 141-143. The amount stolen by the king is
+        estimated at 1,328,526_l._ _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_,
+        vol. i. p. 315. According to Lord Campbell, 'nearly a million and
+        a half.' _Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 113.
+
+  [638] There is a very curious account in _Pepys' Diary_, vol. iii.
+        pp. 242-264, of the terror felt by the Londoners on this
+        occasion. Pepys himself buried his gold (p. 261 and pp. 376-379).
+        Evelyn (_Diary_, vol. ii. p. 287) says: 'The alarme was so
+        greate, that it put both country and citty into a paniq, feare,
+        and consternation, such as I hope I shall never see more; every
+        body was flying, none knew why or whither.'
+
+  [639] The most important of these reforms were carried, as is nearly
+        always the case, in opposition to the real wishes of the ruling
+        classes. Charles II. and James II. often said of the Habeas
+        Corpus Act, 'that a government could not subsist with such a
+        law.' _Dalrymple's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 104. Lord-Keeper
+        Guilford was even opposed to the abolition of military tenures.
+        'He thought,' says his brother, 'the taking away of the tenures a
+        desperate wound to the liberties of the people of England.'
+        _Lives of the Norths_, vol. ii. p. 82. These are the sort of men
+        by whom great nations are governed. A passage in _Life of James,
+        by Himself_, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 621, confirms the
+        statement in Dalrymple, so far as James is concerned. This should
+        be compared with a letter from Louis XIV., in the Barillon
+        correspondence. Appendix to _Fox's James II._ p. cxxiv.
+
+  [640] _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 48; _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 431. This destruction of the writ _De
+        Haeretico comburendo_ was in 1677. It is noticed in _Palmer's
+        Treatise on the Church_, vol. i. p. 500; and in _Collier's
+        Ecclesiast. Hist._ vol. viii. p. 478.
+
+  [641] This was in 1664. See the account of it in _Collier's Ecclesiast.
+        Hist._ vol. viii. pp. 463-466. Collier, who is evidently
+        displeased by the change, says: 'The consenting, therefore, to be
+        taxed by the temporal Commons, makes the clergy more dependent on
+        a foreign body, takes away the right of disposing of their own
+        money, and lays their estates in some measure at discretion.' See
+        also, on the injury this has inflicted on the church, _Lathbury's
+        Hist. of Convocation_, pp. 259, 260. And Coleridge (_Literary
+        Remains_, vol. iv. pp. 152, 153) points this out as
+        characterizing one of the three 'grand evil epochs of our present
+        church.' So marked, however, was the tendency of that time, that
+        this most important measure was peaceably effected by an
+        arrangement between Sheldon and Clarendon. See the notes by
+        Onslow in _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. i. p. 340, vol. iv. pp. 508,
+        509. Compare Lord Camden's statement (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. p.
+        169) with the speech of Lord Bathurst (vol. xxii. p. 77); and of
+        Lord Temple on Tooke's case (vol. xxxv. p. 1357). Mr. Carwithen
+        (_Hist. of the Church of England_, vol. ii. p. 354, Oxford, 1849)
+        grieves over 'this deprivation of the liberties of the English
+        clergy.'
+
+  [642] 13 Car. II. c. 12. Compare _Stephens's Life of Tooke_, vol. i.
+        pp. 169, 170, with _Blackstone's Commentaries_, vol. iii. p. 101.
+        Mr. Hallam (_Const. Hist._ vol. i. pp. 197, 198) has adduced
+        evidence of the way in which the clergy were accustomed to injure
+        their opponents by the _ex-officio_ oath.
+
+  [643] This was the issue of the famous controversy respecting Skinner,
+        in 1669; and 'from this time,' says Mr. Hallam, 'the Lords have
+        tacitly abandoned all pretensions to an original jurisdiction in
+        civil suits.' _Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 184. There is an account
+        of this case of Skinner, which was connected with the East-India
+        Company, in _Mill's Hist. of India_, vol. i. pp. 102, 103.
+
+  [644] _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 189-192; and _Eccleston's
+        English Antiquities_, p. 326. The disputes between the two houses
+        respecting taxation, are noticed very briefly in _Parker's Hist.
+        of his Own Time_, pp. 135, 136.
+
+  [645] The 'famous rights of purveyance and preemption' were abolished by
+        12 Car. II. c. 24. _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 11. Burke,
+        in his magnificent speech on Economical Reform, describes the
+        abuses of the old system of purveyance. _Burke's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 239. See also _Kemble's Saxons in England_, vol. ii. p. 88,
+        note; _Barrington on the Statutes_, pp. 183-185, 237; _Lingard's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. ii. pp. 338, 339; _Sinclair's Hist. of
+        the Revenue_, vol. i. p. 232; _Parl. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 1299.
+        These passages will give an idea of the iniquities practised
+        under this 'right,' which, like most gross injustices, was one of
+        the good old customs of the British constitution, being at least
+        as ancient as Canute. See _Allen on the Royal Prerogative_, p.
+        152. Indeed, a recent writer of considerable learning (_Spence_,
+        _Origin of the Laws of Europe_, p. 319) derives it from the Roman
+        law. A bill had been brought in to take it away in 1656. See
+        _Burton's Cromwellian Diary_, vol. i. p. 81. When Adam Smith
+        wrote, it still existed in France and Germany. _Wealth of
+        Nations_, book iii. chap. ii. p. 161.
+
+  [646] On the Habeas Corpus Act, which became law in 1679, see
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iii. pp. 345-347; _Mackintosh_,
+        _Revolution of 1688_, p. 49; and _Lingard's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. viii. p. 17. The peculiarities of this law, as compared with
+        the imitations of it in other countries, are clearly stated in
+        _Meyer_, _Esprit des Institutions Judiciaires_, vol. ii. p. 283.
+        Mr. Lister (_Life of Clarendon_, vol. ii. p. 454) says:
+        'Imprisonment in gaols beyond the seas was not prevented by law
+        till the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act, in 1679.'
+
+  [647] Blackstone (_Commentaries_, vol. iv. p. 439) calls this 'a great
+        and necessary security to private property;' and Lord Campbell
+        (_Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 423) terms it 'the most important
+        and most beneficial piece of juridical legislation of which we
+        can boast.' On its effects, compare Jones's valuable _Commentary
+        on Isaeus_ (_Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. iv. p. 239) with
+        _Story's Conflict of Laws_, pp. 521, 522, 627, 884; and _Tayler
+        on Statute Law_, in _Journal of Statistical Society_, vol. xvii.
+        p. 150.
+
+  [648] Lord Campbell (_Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 247) says,
+        that the struggle in 1667 'put an end to general impeachments.'
+
+  [649] Printing at first was regulated by royal proclamations; then by
+        the Star-chamber; and afterwards by the Long Parliament. The
+        decrees of the Star-chamber were taken as the basis of 13 and 14
+        Car. II. c. 33; but this act expired in 1679, and was not renewed
+        during the reign of Charles II. Compare _Blackstone's Comment._
+        vol. iv. p. 152, with _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. p.
+        154, and _Fox's Hist. of James II._ p. 146.
+
+  [650] The fullest account I have seen in any history, of this great
+        Revolution, which swept away the traditions and the language of
+        feudalism, is that given in _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 369-378. But Harris, though an industrious collector, was
+        a man of slender ability, and not at all aware of the real nature
+        of a change, of which the obvious and immediately practical
+        results formed the smallest part. The true point of view is, that
+        it was a formal recognition by the legislature that the Middle
+        Ages were extinct, and that it was necessary to inaugurate a more
+        modern and innovating policy. Hereafter I shall have occasion to
+        examine this in detail, and show how it was merely a symptom of a
+        revolutionary movement. In the meantime the reader may refer to
+        the very short notices in _Dalrymple's Hist. of Feudal Property_,
+        p. 89; _Blackstone's Comment._ vol. ii. pp. 76, 77; _Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 11; _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. pp. 53, 167,
+        168; _Meyer_, _Institutions Judiciaires_, vol. ii. p. 58.
+
+These were the things which were done in the reign of Charles II.; and
+if we consider the miserable incompetence of the king, the idle
+profligacy of his court, the unblushing venality of his ministers, the
+constant conspiracies to which the country was exposed from within, and
+the unprecedented insults to which it was subjected from without; if we,
+moreover, consider that to all this there were added two natural
+calamities of the most grievous description,--a Great Plague, which
+thinned society in all its ranks, and scattered confusion through the
+kingdom, and a Great Fire, which, besides increasing the mortality from
+the pestilence, destroyed in a moment those accumulations of industry by
+which industry itself is nourished;--if we put all these things
+together, how can we reconcile inconsistencies apparently so gross? How
+could so wonderful a progress be made in the face of these unparalleled
+disasters? How could such men, under such circumstances, effect such
+improvements? These are questions which our political compilers are
+unable to answer; because they look too much at the peculiarities of
+individuals, and too little at the temper of the age in which those
+individuals live. Such writers do not perceive that the history of every
+civilized country is the history of its intellectual development, which
+kings, statesmen, and legislators are more likely to retard than to
+hasten; because, however great their power may be, they are at best the
+accidental and insufficient representatives of the spirit of their time;
+and because, so far from being able to regulate the movements of the
+national mind, they themselves form the smallest part of it, and, in a
+general view of the progress of Man, are only to be regarded as the
+puppets who strut and fret their hour upon a little stage; while, beyond
+them, and on every side of them, are forming opinions and principles
+which they can scarcely perceive, but by which alone the whole course of
+human affairs is ultimately governed.
+
+The truth is, that the vast legislative reforms, for which the reign of
+Charles II. is so remarkable, merely form a part of that movement,
+which, though traceable to a much earlier period, had only for three
+generations been in undisguised operation. These important improvements
+were the result of that bold, sceptical, inquiring, and reforming
+spirit, which had now seized the three great departments of Theology, of
+Science, and of Politics. The old principles of tradition, of authority,
+and of dogma, were gradually becoming weaker; and of course, in the same
+proportion, there was diminished the influence of the classes by whom
+those principles were chiefly upheld. As the power of particular
+sections of society thus declined, the power of the people at large
+increased. The real interests of the nation began to be perceived, so
+soon as the superstitions were dispersed by which those interests had
+long been obscured. This, I believe, is the real solution of what at
+first seems a curious problem,--namely, how it was that such
+comprehensive reforms should have been accomplished in so bad, and in
+many respects so infamous, a reign. It is, no doubt, true, that those
+reforms were essentially the result of the intellectual march of the
+age; but, so far from being made in spite of the vices of the sovereign,
+they were actually aided by them. With the exception of the needy
+profligates who thronged his court, all classes of men soon learned to
+despise a king who was a drunkard, a libertine, and a hypocrite; who had
+neither shame nor sensibility; and who, in point of honour, was unworthy
+to enter the presence of the meanest of his subjects. To have the throne
+filled for a quarter of a century by such a man as this, was the surest
+way of weakening that ignorant and indiscriminate loyalty, to which the
+people have often sacrificed their dearest rights. Thus, the character
+of the king, merely considered from this point of view, was eminently
+favourable to the growth of national liberty.[651] But the advantage
+did not stop there. The reckless debaucheries of Charles made him abhor
+everything approaching to restraint; and this gave him a dislike to a
+class, whose profession, at least, pre-supposes a conduct of more than
+ordinary purity. The consequence was, that he, not from views of
+enlightened policy, but merely from a love of vicious indulgence, always
+had a distaste for the clergy; and, so far from advancing their power,
+frequently expressed for them an open contempt.[652] His most intimate
+friends directed against them those coarse and profligate jokes which
+are preserved in the literature of the time; and which, in the opinion
+of the courtiers, were to be ranked among the noblest specimens of human
+wit. From men of this sort the church had, indeed, little to apprehend;
+but their language, and the favour with which it was received, are part
+of the symptoms by which we may study the temper of that age. Many other
+illustrations will occur to most readers; I may, however, mention one,
+which is interesting on account of the eminence of the philosopher
+concerned in it. The most dangerous opponent of the clergy in the
+seventeenth century, was certainly Hobbes, the subtlest dialectician of
+his time; a writer, too, of singular clearness, and, among British
+metaphysicians, inferior only to Berkeley. This profound thinker
+published several speculations very unfavourable to the church, and
+directly opposed to principles which are essential to ecclesiastical
+authority. As a natural consequence, he was hated by the clergy; his
+doctrines were declared to be highly pernicious; and he was accused of
+wishing to subvert the national religion, and corrupt the national
+morals.[653] So far did this proceed, that, during his life, and for
+several years after his death, every man who ventured to think for
+himself was stigmatized as a Hobbist, or, as it was sometimes called, a
+Hobbian.[654] This marked hostility on the part of the clergy was a
+sufficient recommendation to the favour of Charles. The king, even
+before his accession, had imbibed many of his principles;[655] and,
+after the Restoration, he treated the author with what was deemed a
+scandalous respect. He protected him from his enemies; he somewhat
+ostentatiously hung up his portrait in his own private room at
+Whitehall;[656] and he even conferred a pension on this, the most
+formidable opponent who had yet appeared against the spiritual
+hierarchy.[657]
+
+  [651] Mr. Hallam has a noble passage on the services rendered to English
+        civilization by the vices of the English court: 'We are, however,
+        much indebted to the memory of Barbara Duchess of Cleveland,
+        Louisa Duchess of Portsmouth, and Mrs. Eleanor Gwyn. We owe a
+        tribute of gratitude to the Mays, the Killigrews, the
+        Chiffinches, and the Grammonts. They played a serviceable part in
+        ridding the kingdom of its besotted loyalty. They saved our
+        forefathers from the Star-chamber and the High-commission court;
+        they laboured in their vocation against standing armies and
+        corruption; they pressed forward the great ultimate security of
+        English freedom--the expulsion of the House of Stuart.' _Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 50.
+
+  [652] Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. i. p. 448) tells us that, in 1667, the
+        king, even at the council-board, expressed himself against the
+        bishops, and said, that the clergy 'thought of nothing but to get
+        good benefices, and to keep a good table.' See also, on his
+        dislike to the bishops, vol. ii. p. 22; and _Pepys' Diary_, vol.
+        iv. p. 2. In another place, vol. iv. p. 42, Pepys writes: 'And I
+        believe the hierarchy will in a little time be shaken, whether
+        they will or no; the king being offended with them, and set upon
+        it, as I hear.' Evelyn, in a conversation with Pepys, noticed
+        with regret such conduct of Charles, 'that a bishop shall never
+        be seen about him, as the king of France hath always.' _Pepys_,
+        vol. iii. p. 201. Evelyn, in his benevolent way, ascribes this to
+        'the negligence of the clergy;' but history teaches us that the
+        clergy have never neglected kings, except when the king has first
+        neglected them. Sir John Reresby gives a curious account of a
+        conversation Charles II. held with him respecting 'mitred heads,'
+        in which the feeling of the king is very apparent. _Reresby's
+        Travels and Memoirs_, p. 238.
+
+  [653] On the animosity of the clergy against Hobbes, and on the extent
+        to which he reciprocated it, compare _Aubrey's Letters and
+        Lives_, vol. ii. pp. 532, 631; _Tennemann_, _Gesch. der Philos._
+        vol. x. p. 111; with the angry language of Burnet (_Own Time_,
+        vol. i. p. 322), and of Whiston (_Memoirs_, p. 251). See also
+        _Wood's Athenae Oxonienses_, edit. Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1211.
+        Monconys, who was in London in 1663, says of Hobbes, 'Il me dit
+        l'aversion que tous les gens d'eglise tant catholiques que
+        protestans avoient pour lui.' _Monconys' Voyages_, vol. iii. p.
+        43; and p. 115, 'M. Hobbes, que je trouvai toujours fort ennemi
+        des pretres catholiques et des protestans.' About the same time,
+        Sorbiere was in London; and he writes respecting Hobbes: 'I know
+        not how it comes to pass, the clergy are afraid of him, and so
+        are the Oxford mathematicians and their adherents; wherefore his
+        majesty (Charles II.) was pleased to make a very good comparison
+        when he told me, he was like a bear, whom they baited with dogs
+        to try him.' _Sorbiere's Voyage to England_, p. 40.
+
+  [654] This was a common expression for whoever attacked established
+        opinions late in the seventeenth, and even early in the
+        eighteenth century. For instances of it, see _Baxter's Life of
+        Himself_, folio, 1696, part iii. p. 48; _Boyle's Works_, vol. v.
+        pp. 505, 510; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p. 41; _Vernon
+        Correspond._ vol. iii. p. 13; _King's Life of Locke_, vol. i. p.
+        191; _Brewster's Life of Newton_, vol. ii. p. 149.
+
+  [655] Burnet says, they 'made deep and lasting impressions on the king's
+        mind.' _Own Time_, vol. i. p. 172.
+
+  [656] A likeness, by Cooper. See _Wood's Athenae Oxonienses_, edit.
+        Bliss, vol. iii. p. 1208.
+
+  [657] _Sorbiere's Voyage to England_, p. 39; _Wood's Athenae Oxonienses_,
+        vol. iii. p. 1208. On the popularity of the works of Hobbes in
+        the reign of Charles II. compare _Pepys' Diary_, vol. iv. p. 164,
+        with _Lives of the Norths_, vol. iii. p. 339.
+
+If we look for a moment at the ecclesiastical appointments of Charles,
+we shall find evidence of the same tendency. In his reign, the highest
+dignities in the church were invariably conferred upon men who were
+deficient either in ability or in honesty. It would perhaps be an
+over-refinement to ascribe to the king a deliberate plan for lowering
+the reputation of the episcopal bench; but it is certain, that if he had
+such a plan, he followed the course most likely to effect his purpose.
+For it is no exaggeration to say, that, during his life, the leading
+English prelates were, without exception, either incapable or insincere;
+they were unable to defend what they really believed, or else they did
+not believe what they openly professed. Never before were the interests
+of the Anglican church so feebly guarded. The first Archbishop of
+Canterbury appointed by Charles was Juxon, whose deficiencies were
+notorious; and of whom his friends could only say, that his want of
+ability was compensated by the goodness of his intentions.[658] When he
+died, the king raised up as his successor Sheldon, whom he had
+previously made Bishop of London; and who not only brought discredit on
+his order by acts of gross intolerance,[659] but who was so regardless
+of the common decencies of his station, that he used to amuse his
+associates, by having exhibitions in his own house, imitating the way in
+which the Presbyterians delivered their sermons.[660] After the death of
+Sheldon, Charles appointed to the archbishopric Sancroft; whose
+superstitious fancies exposed him to the contempt even of his own
+profession, and who was as much despised as Sheldon had been hated.[661]
+In the rank immediately below this, we find the same principle at work.
+The three Archbishops of York, during the reign of Charles II., were
+Frewen, Stearn, and Dolben; who were so utterly devoid of ability, that
+notwithstanding their elevated position, they are altogether forgotten,
+not one reader out of a thousand having ever heard their names.[662]
+
+  [658] Bishop Burnet says of him, at his appointment: 'As he was never a
+        great divine, so he was now superannuated.' _Own Time_, vol. i.
+        p. 303.
+
+  [659] Of which his own friend, Bishop Parker, gives a specimen. See
+        _Parker's History of his own Time_, pp. 31-33. Compare _Neal's
+        Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. iv. p. 429; _Wilson's Mem. of De
+        Foe_, vol. i. p. 46.
+
+  [660] In 1669, Pepys was at one of these entertainments, which took
+        place not only at the house, but in the presence of the
+        archbishop. See the scandalous details in _Pepys' Diary_, vol.
+        iv. pp. 321, 322; or in _Wilson's De Foe_, vol. i. pp. 44, 45.
+
+  [661] Burnet, who knew Sancroft, calls him 'a poor-spirited and fearful
+        man' (_Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 354); and mentions (vol. iii. p.
+        138) an instance of his superstition, which will be easily
+        believed by whoever has read his ridiculous sermons, which D'Oyly
+        has wickedly published. See Appendix to _D'Oyly's Sancroft_, pp.
+        339-420. Dr. Lake says that everybody was amazed when it was
+        known that Sancroft was to be archbishop. _Lake's Diary_, 30th
+        Dec. 1677, p. 18, in vol. i. of the _Camden Miscellany_, 1847,
+        4to. His character, so far as he had one, is fairly drawn by Dr.
+        Birch: 'slow, timorous, and narrow-spirited, but at the same time
+        a good, honest, and well-meaning man.' _Birch's Life of
+        Tillotson_, p. 151. See also respecting him, _Macaulay's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 616, vol. iii. p. 77, vol. iv. pp. 40-42.
+
+  [662] Frewen was so obscure a man, that there is no life of him either
+        in _Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary_, or in Rose's more
+        recent, but inferior work. The little that is known of Stearn, or
+        Sterne, is unfavourable. Compare _Burnet_, vol. ii. p. 427, with
+        _Baxter's Life of Himself_, folio, 1696, part ii. p. 338. And of
+        Dolben I have been unable to collect anything of interest, except
+        that he had a good library. See the traditionary account in
+        _Jones's Memoirs of Bishop Horne_, p. 66.
+
+Such appointments as these are indeed striking; and what makes them more
+so, is, that they were by no means necessary; they were not forced on
+the king by court intrigue, nor was there a lack of more competent men.
+The truth seems to be, that Charles was unwilling to confer
+ecclesiastical promotion upon any one who had ability enough to increase
+the authority of the church, and restore it to its former pre-eminence.
+At his accession, the two ablest of the clergy were undoubtedly Jeremy
+Taylor and Isaac Barrow. Both of them were notorious for their loyalty;
+both of them were men of unspotted virtue; and both of them have left a
+reputation which will hardly perish while the English language is
+remembered. But Taylor, though he had married the king's sister,[663]
+was treated with marked neglect; and, being exiled to an Irish
+bishopric, had to pass the remainder of his life in what, at that time,
+was truly called a barbarous country.[664] As to Barrow, who, in point
+of genius, was probably superior to Taylor,[665] he had the
+mortification of seeing the most incapable men raised to the highest
+posts in the church, while he himself was unnoticed; and,
+notwithstanding that his family had greatly suffered in the royal
+cause,[666] he received no sort of preferment until five years before
+his death, when the king conferred on him the mastership of Trinity
+College, Cambridge.[667]
+
+  [663] His wife was Joanna Bridges, a bastard of Charles I. Compare
+        _Notes and Queries_, vol. vii. p. 305, with _Heber's Life of
+        Jeremy Taylor_, in _Taylor's Works_, vol. i. p. xxxiv. Bishop
+        Heber, p. xxxv. adds, 'But, notwithstanding the splendour of such
+        an alliance, there is no reason to believe that it added
+        materially to Taylor's income.'
+
+  [664] Coleridge (_Lit. Remains_, vol. iii. p. 208) says, that this
+        neglect of Jeremy Taylor by Charles 'is a problem of which
+        perhaps his virtues present the most probable solution.'
+
+  [665] Superior, certainly, in comprehensiveness, and in the range of his
+        studies; so that it is aptly said by a respectable authority,
+        that he was at once 'the great precursor of Sir Isaac Newton, and
+        the pride of the English pulpit.' _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast.
+        Biog._ vol. iv. p. 344. See also, respecting Barrow, _Montucla_,
+        _Hist. des Mathemat._ vol. ii. pp. 88, 89, 359, 360, 504, 505,
+        vol. iii. pp. 436-438.
+
+  [666] 'His father having suffered greatly in his estate by his
+        attachment to the royal cause.' _Chalmers's Biog. Dict._ vol. iv.
+        p. 39.
+
+  [667] Barrow, displeased at not receiving preferment after the
+        Restoration, wrote the lines:
+
+        'Te magis optavit rediturum Carole nemo;
+          Et sensit nemo te rediisse minus.'
+
+        _Hamilton's Life of Barrow_, in _Barrow's Works_, Edinb. 1845,
+        vol. i. p. xxiii.
+
+It is hardly necessary to point out how all this must have tended to
+weaken the church, and accelerate that great movement for which the
+reign of Charles II. is remarkable.[668] At the same time, there were
+many other circumstances which, in this preliminary sketch, it is
+impossible to notice, but which were stamped with the general character
+of revolt against ancient authority. In a subsequent volume, this will
+be placed in a still clearer light, because I shall have an opportunity
+of bringing forward evidence which, from the abundance of its details,
+would be unsuited to the present Introduction. Enough, however, has been
+stated, to indicate the general march of the English mind, and supply
+the reader with a clue by which he may understand those still more
+complicated events, which, as the seventeenth century advanced, began to
+thicken upon us.
+
+  [668] Everything Mr. Macaulay has said on the contempt into which the
+        clergy fell in the reign of Charles II. is perfectly accurate;
+        and from evidence which I have collected, I know that this very
+        able writer, of whose immense research few people are competent
+        judges, has rather understated the case than overstated it. On
+        several subjects I should venture to differ from Mr. Macaulay;
+        but I cannot refrain from expressing my admiration of his
+        unwearied diligence, of the consummate skill with which he has
+        arranged his materials, and of the noble love of liberty which
+        animates his entire work. These are qualities which will long
+        survive the aspersions of his puny detractors,--men who, in point
+        of knowledge and ability, are unworthy to loosen the shoe-latchet
+        of him they foolishly attack.
+
+A few years before the death of Charles II., the clergy made a great
+effort to recover their former power by reviving those doctrines of
+Passive Obedience and Divine Right, which are obviously favourable to
+the progress of superstition.[669] But as the English intellect was now
+sufficiently advanced to reject such dogmas, this futile attempt only
+increased the opposition between the interests of the people as a body,
+and the interests of the clergy as a class. Scarcely had this scheme
+been defeated, when the sudden death of Charles placed on the throne a
+prince whose most earnest desire was to restore the Catholic church, and
+reinstate among us that mischievous system which openly boasts of
+subjugating the reason of Man. This change in affairs was, if we
+consider it in its ultimate results, the most fortunate circumstance
+which could have happened to our country. In spite of the difference of
+their religion, the English clergy had always displayed an affection
+towards James, whose reverence for the priesthood they greatly admired;
+though they were anxious that the warmth of his affections should be
+lavished on the Church of England and not on the Church of Rome. They
+were sensible of the advantages which would accrue to their own order,
+if his piety could be turned into a new channel.[670] They saw that it
+was for his interest to abandon his religion; and they thought that to a
+man so cruel and so vicious, his own interest would be the sole
+consideration.[671] The consequence was, that in one of the most
+critical moments of his life, they made in his favour a great and
+successful effort; and they not only used all their strength to defeat
+the bill by which it was proposed to exclude him from the succession,
+but when the measure was rejected, they presented an address to Charles,
+congratulating him on the result.[672] When James actually mounted the
+throne, they continued to display the same spirit. Whether they still
+hoped for his conversion, or whether, in their eagerness to persecute
+the dissenters, they overlooked the danger to their own church, is
+uncertain; but it is one of the most singular and unquestionable facts
+in our history, that for some time there existed a strict alliance
+between a Protestant hierarchy and a Popish king.[673] The terrible
+crimes which were the result of this compact are but too notorious. But
+what is more worthy of attention is, the circumstance that caused the
+dissolution of this conspiracy between the crown and the church. The
+ground of the quarrel was an attempt made by the king to effect, in some
+degree, a religious toleration. By the celebrated Test and Corporation
+Acts, it had been ordered, that all persons who were employed by
+government should be compelled, under a heavy penalty, to receive the
+sacrament according to the rites of the English church. The offence of
+James was, that he now issued what was called a Declaration of
+Indulgence, in which he announced his intention of suspending the
+execution of these laws.[674] From this moment, the position of the two
+great parties was entirely changed. The bishops clearly perceived that
+the statutes which it was thus attempted to abrogate, were highly
+favourable to their own power; and hence, in their opinion, formed an
+essential part of the constitution of a Christian country. They had
+willingly combined with James, while he assisted them in persecuting men
+who worshipped God in a manner different from themselves.[675] So long
+as this compact held good, they were indifferent as to matters which
+they considered to be of minor importance. They looked on in silence,
+while the king was amassing the materials with which he hoped to turn a
+free government into an absolute monarchy.[676] They saw Jeffreys and
+Kirke torturing their fellow-subjects; they saw the gaols crowded with
+prisoners, and the scaffold streaming with blood.[677] They were well
+pleased that some of the best and ablest men in the kingdom should be
+barbarously persecuted; that Baxter should be thrown into prison, and
+that Howe should be forced into exile. They witnessed with composure the
+most revolting cruelties, because the victims of them were the opponents
+of the English church. Although the minds of men were filled with terror
+and with loathing, the bishops made no complaint. They preserved their
+loyalty unimpaired, and insisted on the necessity of humble submission
+to the Lord's anointed.[678] But the moment James proposed to protect
+against persecution those who were hostile to the church; the moment he
+announced his intention of breaking down that monopoly of offices and of
+honours which the bishops had long secured for their own party;--the
+moment this took place, the hierarchy became alive to the dangers with
+which the country was threatened from the violence of so arbitrary a
+prince.[679] The king had laid his hand on the ark, and the guardians of
+the temple flew to arms. How could they tolerate a prince who would not
+allow them to persecute their enemies? How could they support a
+sovereign who sought to favour those who differed from the national
+church? They soon determined on the line of conduct it behoved them to
+take. With an almost unanimous voice, they refused to obey the order by
+which the king commanded them to read in their churches the edict for
+religious toleration.[680] Nor did they stop there. So great was their
+enmity against him they had recently cherished, that they actually
+applied for aid to those very dissenters whom, only a few weeks before,
+they had hotly persecuted; seeking by magnificent promises to win over
+to their side men they had hitherto hunted even to the death.[681] The
+most eminent of the Nonconformists were far from being duped by this
+sudden affection.[682] But their hatred of Popery, and their fear of the
+ulterior designs of the king, prevailed over every other consideration;
+and there arose that singular combination between churchmen and
+dissenters, which has never since been repeated. This coalition, backed
+by the general voice of the people, soon overturned the throne, and gave
+rise to what is justly deemed one of the most important events in the
+history of England.
+
+  [669] _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 142, 143, 153-156; from which
+        it appears that this movement began about 1681. The clergy, as a
+        body, are naturally favourable to this doctrine; and the
+        following passage, published only twelve years ago, will give the
+        reader an idea of the views that some of them entertain. The Rev.
+        Mr. Sewell (_Christian Politics_, Lond. 1844, p. 157) says, that
+        the reigning prince is 'a being armed with supreme physical power
+        by the hand and permission of Providence; as such, the lord of
+        our property, the master of our lives, the fountain of honour,
+        the dispenser of law, before whom each subject must surrender his
+        will and conform his actions.... Who, when he errs, errs as a
+        man, and not as a king, and is responsible, not to man, but to
+        God.' And at p. 111, the same writer informs us that the church,
+        'with one uniform, unhesitating voice, has proclaimed the duty of
+        "passive obedience."' See also on this slavish tenet, as upheld
+        by the church, _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog._ vol. iv. p. 668;
+        _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii. p. 523; _Lathbury's Hist. of
+        Convocation_, p. 228; _Lathbury's Nonjurors_, pp. 50, 135, 197;
+        and a letter from Nelson, author of the _Fasts and Festivals_, in
+        _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iv. p. 216. With good reason,
+        therefore, did Fox tell the House of Commons, that 'by being a
+        good churchman, a person might become a bad citizen.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 1377.
+
+  [670] The Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1678, was engaged in an attempt
+        to convert James; and in a letter to the Bishop of Winchester, he
+        notices the 'happy consequences' which would result from his
+        success. See this characteristic letter in _Clarendon Corresp._
+        vol. ii. pp. 465, 466. See also the motives of the bishops,
+        candidly but broadly stated, in Mr. Wilson's valuable work, _Life
+        of De Foe_, vol. i. p. 74.
+
+  [671] In a high-church pamphlet, published in 1682, against the Bill of
+        Exclusion, the cause of James is advocated; but the inconvenience
+        he would suffer by remaining a Catholic is strongly insisted
+        upon. See the wily remarks in _Somers Tracts_, vol. viii.
+        pp. 258, 259.
+
+  [672] _Wordsworth's Ecclesiast. Biog._ vol. iv. p. 665. On their
+        eagerness against the bill, see _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_,
+        vol. v. p. 181; _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. ii. p. 246; _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. x. pp. 216, 253; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol.
+        iii. p. 353; _Carwithen's Hist. of the Church of England_, vol.
+        ii. p. 431.
+
+  [673] At the accession of James II. 'the pulpits throughout England
+        resounded with thanksgivings; and a numerous set of addresses
+        flattered his Majesty, in the strongest expressions, with
+        assurances of unshaken loyalty and obedience, without limitation
+        or reserve.' _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 2. See
+        also _Calamy's Life_, vol. i. p. 118.
+
+  [674] On the 18th March, 1687, the king announced to the Privy Council
+        that he had determined 'to grant, by his own authority, entire
+        liberty of conscience to all his subjects. On the 4th April
+        appeared the memorable Declaration of Indulgence.' _Macaulay's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 211; and see _Life of James II._,
+        edited by Clarke, vol. ii, p. 112. There is a summary of the
+        Declaration in _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. pp. 30,
+        31. As to the second Declaration, see _Macaulay_, vol. ii. pp.
+        344, 345; _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 170.
+
+  [675] It was in the autumn of 1685, that the clergy and the government
+        persecuted the dissenters with the greatest virulence. See
+        _Macaulay's Hist._ vol. i. pp. 667, 668. Compare _Neal's Hist. of
+        the Puritans_, vol. v. pp. 4-12, with a letter from Lord
+        Clarendon, dated 21st December 1685, in _Clarendon Correspond._
+        vol. i. p. 192. It is said (_Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. pp.
+        175, 176), that on many occasions the church party made use of
+        the ecclesiastical courts to extort money from the
+        Nonconformists; and for confirmation of this, see _Mackintosh's
+        Revolution of 1688_, pp. 173, 640.
+
+  [676] It appears from the accounts in the War Office, that James, even
+        in the first year of his reign, had a standing army of nearly
+        20,000 men. _Mackintosh's Revolution_, pp. 3, 77, 688: 'A
+        disciplined army of about 20,000 men was, for the first time,
+        established during peace in this island.' As this naturally
+        inspired great alarm, the king gave out that the number did not
+        exceed 15,000. _Life of James II._, edited by Clarke, vol. ii.
+        pp. 52, 57.
+
+  [677] Compare _Burnet_, vol. iii. pp. 55-62, with _Dalrymple's Memoirs_,
+        vol. i. part i. book ii. pp. 198-203. Ken, so far as I remember,
+        was the only one who set his face against these atrocities. He
+        was a very humane man, and did what he could to mitigate the
+        sufferings of the prisoners in Monmouth's rebellion; but it is
+        not mentioned that he attempted to stop the persecutions directed
+        against the innocent Nonconformists, who were barbarously
+        punished, not because they rebelled, but because they dissented.
+        _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. i. p. 298.
+
+  [678] 'From the conduct of the clergy in this and the former reign, it
+        is quite clear, that if the king had been a Protestant, of the
+        profession of the Church of England, or even a quiet, submissive
+        Catholic, without any zeal for his religion,--confining himself
+        solely to matters of state, and having a proper respect for
+        church property,--he might have plundered other Protestants at
+        his pleasure, and have trampled upon the liberties of his
+        country, without the danger of resistance.' _Wilson's Life of De
+        Foe_, vol. i. p. 136. Or, as Fox says, 'Thus, as long as James
+        contented himself with absolute power in civil matters, and did
+        not make use of his authority against the church, everything went
+        smooth and easy.' _Fox's Hist. of James II._, p. 165.
+
+  [679] Compare _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 58, with _Life
+        of James II._, edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 70; where it is well
+        said, that the clergy of the Church of England 'had preached
+        prerogative and the sovereign power to the highest pitch, while
+        it was favourable to them; but when they apprehended the least
+        danger from it, they cried out as soon as the shoe pinched,
+        though it was of their own putting on.' See also pp. 113, 164.
+        What their servility was to the crown, while they thought that
+        the crown was with them, may be estimated from the statement of
+        De Foe: 'I have heard it publicly preached, that if the king
+        commanded my head, and sent his messengers to fetch it, I was
+        bound to submit, and stand while it was cut off.' _Wilson's Life
+        of De Foe_, vol. i. p. 118.
+
+  [680] D'Oyly (_Life of Sancroft_, p. 164) says, 'On the whole, it is
+        supposed that not more than 200 out of the whole body of clergy,
+        estimated at 10,000, complied with the king's requisition.' 'Only
+        seven obeyed in the city of London, and not above 200 all England
+        over.' _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 218. On Sunday, 20th May
+        1688, Lord Clarendon writes: 'I was at St. James's church; in the
+        evening I had an account that the Declaration was read only in
+        four churches in the city and liberties.' _Clarendon Corresp._
+        vol. ii. pp. 172, 173. When this conduct became known, it was
+        observed that the church 'supported the crown only so long as she
+        dictated to it; and became rebellious at the moment when she was
+        forbidden to be intolerant.' _Mackintosh's Revolution of 1688_,
+        p. 255.
+
+  [681] The first advances were made when the Declaration of the king in
+        favour of 'liberty of conscience' was on the point of being
+        issued, and immediately after the proceedings at Oxford had shown
+        his determination to break down the monopoly of offices possessed
+        by the church. 'The clergy at the same time prayed and entreated
+        the dissenters to appear on their side, and stand by the
+        Establishment, making large promises of favour and brotherly
+        affection if ever they came into power.' _Neal's Hist. of the
+        Puritans_, vol. v. p. 29. See also, at pp. 58, 59, the
+        conciliating letter from the Archbishop of Canterbury after the
+        Declaration. 'Such,' says Neal, 'such was the language of the
+        church in distress!' Compare _Birch's Life of Tillotson_, p. 153;
+        _Ellis's Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 63; _Ellis's Orig. Letters_,
+        2nd series, vol. iv. p. 117; _Mackintosh's Revolution_, p. 286;
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 132; _Macaulay's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 218, 219.
+
+  [682] See the indignant language of De Foe _Wilson's Life of De Foe_,
+        vol. i. pp. 130, 131, 133, 134; and a _Letter from a Dissenter to
+        the Petitioning Bishops_, in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. pp. 117,
+        118. The writer says: 'Pray, my lords, let me ask you a question.
+        Suppose the king, instead of his Declaration, had issued out a
+        proclamation, commanding justices of the peace, constables,
+        informers, and all other persons, to be more rigorous, if
+        possible, against dissenters, and do their utmost to the perfect
+        quelling and destroying them; and had ordered this to be read in
+        your churches in the time of divine service,--would you have made
+        any scruple of that?'
+
+Thus it was, that the proximate cause of that great revolution which
+cost James his crown, was the publication by the king of an edict of
+religious toleration, and the consequent indignation of the clergy at
+seeing so audacious an act performed by a Christian prince. It is true,
+that if other things had not conspired, this alone could never have
+effected so great a change. But it was the immediate cause of it,
+because it was the cause of the schism between the church and the
+throne, and of the alliance between the church and the dissenters. This
+is a fact never to be forgotten. We ought never to forget, that the
+first and only time the Church of England has made war upon the crown,
+was when the crown had declared its intention of tolerating, and in some
+degree protecting, the rival religions of the country.[683] There is no
+doubt that the Declaration which was then issued was illegal, and that
+it was conceived in an insidious spirit. But declarations equally
+illegal, equally insidious, and much more tyrannical, had on other
+occasions been made by the sovereign, without exciting the anger of the
+clergy.[684] These are things which it is good for us to ponder. These
+are lessons of inestimable value for those to whom it is given, not,
+indeed, to direct, but in some degree to modify, the march of public
+opinion. As to the people in general, it is impossible for them to
+exaggerate the obligations which they and all of us owe to the
+Revolution of 1688. But let them take heed that superstition does not
+mingle with their gratitude. Let them admire that majestic edifice of
+national liberty, which stands alone in Europe like a beacon in the
+midst of the waters; but let them not think that they owe anything to
+men who, in contributing to its erection, sought the gratification of
+their own selfishness, and the consolidation of that spiritual power
+which by it they fondly hoped to secure.
+
+  [683] That this was the immediate cause, so far as the head of the
+        church-party was concerned, is unblushingly avowed by the
+        biographer and defender of the then Archbishop of Canterbury.
+        'The order published from the king in council, May 4th, 1688,
+        directing the archbishops and bishops to send to the clergy in
+        their respective dioceses the Declaration for Liberty of
+        Conscience, to be publicly read in all the churches of the
+        kingdom, made it impossible for the Archbishop of Canterbury to
+        abstain any longer from engaging in an open and declared
+        opposition to the counsels under which the king was now unhappily
+        acting.' _D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft_, p. 151.
+
+  [684] Some writers have attempted to defend the clergy, on the ground
+        that they thought it illegal to publish a declaration of this
+        kind. But such a defence is incompatible with their doctrine of
+        passive obedience; and besides this, it was contradicted by
+        precedents and decisions of their own. Jeremy Taylor, in his
+        _Ductor Dubitantium_, their great work of authority, asserts that
+        'the unlawful proclamations and edicts of a true prince may be
+        published by the clergy in their several charges.' _Heber's Life
+        of Taylor_, p. cclxxxvi. Heber adds: 'I wish I had not found this
+        in Taylor; and I thank Heaven that the principle was not adopted
+        by the English clergy in 1687.' But why was it not adopted in
+        1687? Simply because in 1687 the king attacked the monopoly
+        enjoyed by the clergy; and therefore the clergy forgot their
+        principle, that they might smite their enemy. And what makes the
+        motives of this change still more palpable is, that as late as
+        1681, the Archbishop of Canterbury caused the clergy to read a
+        Declaration issued by Charles II.; and that in a revised copy of
+        the Liturgy he had also added to the rubric to the same effect.
+        See _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 56. Compare
+        _Calamy's Own Life_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200; _Mackintosh's
+        Revolution_, pp. 242, 243; _D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft_, p. 152;
+        _King's Life of Locke_, vol. i. p. 259; _Life of James II._,
+        edit. Clarke, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+It is, indeed, difficult to conceive the full amount of the impetus
+given to English civilization by the expulsion of the House of Stuart.
+Among the most immediate results, may be mentioned the limits that were
+set to the royal prerogative;[685] the important steps that were taken
+towards religious toleration;[686] the remarkable and permanent
+improvement in the administration of justice;[687] the final abolition
+of a censorship over the press;[688] and, what has not excited
+sufficient attention, the rapid growth, of those great monetary
+interests by which, as we shall hereafter see, the prejudices of the
+superstitious classes have in no small degree been counterbalanced.[689]
+These are the main characteristics of the reign of William III.; a reign
+often aspersed, and little understood,[690] but of which it may be truly
+said, that, taking its difficulties into due consideration, it is the
+most successful and the most splendid recorded in the history of any
+country. But these topics rather belong to the subsequent volumes of
+this work; and at present we are only concerned in tracing the effects
+of the Revolution upon that ecclesiastical power by which it was
+immediately brought about.
+
+  [685] They are summed up in a popular pamphlet ascribed to Lord Somers,
+        and printed in _Somers Tracts_, vol. x. pp. 263, 264. The
+        diminished respect felt for the crown after 1688 is judiciously
+        noticed in _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 9.
+
+  [686] The Toleration Act was passed in 1689. A copy of it is given by
+        the historians of the dissenters, who call it their Magna Charta.
+        See _Bogue and Bennett's History of the Dissenters_, vol. i. pp.
+        187-198. The historian of the Catholics equally allows that the
+        reign of William III. is 'the era from which their enjoyment of
+        religious toleration may be dated.' _Butler's Memoirs of the
+        Catholics_, vol. iii. pp. 122, 139. This is said by Mr. Butler in
+        regard, not to the Protestant dissenters, but to the Catholics;
+        so that we have the admission of both parties as to the
+        importance of this epoch. Even the shameful act forced upon
+        William in 1700 was, as Mr. Hallam truly says, evaded in its
+        worst provisions. _Const. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 332, 333.
+
+  [687] _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. pp. 102, 355, and his
+        _Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. pp. 95, 116, 118, 136, 142, 143. See
+        also _Barrington's Observations on the Statutes_, pp. 23, 102,
+        558; and even _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. i. p. 236, vol.
+        ix. p. 243; an unwary concession from such an enemy to popular
+        liberty.
+
+  [688] This was effected before the end of the seventeenth century. See
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. pp. 121, 122. Compare Lord
+        Camden on Literary Property, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 994;
+        _Hunt's History of Newspapers_, vol. i. pp. 161, 162; _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 555; and a more detailed account in
+        _Macaulay's Hist. of England_, vol. iv. pp. 348 seq. 540 seq.;
+        though Mr. Macaulay in ascribing, p. 353, so much to the
+        influence of Blount, has not, I think, sufficiently dwelt on the
+        operation of larger and more general causes.
+
+  [689] Mr. Cooke (_Hist. of Party_, vol. ii. pp. 5, 148) notices this
+        remarkable rise of the monied classes early in the eighteenth
+        century; but he merely observes, that the consequence was to
+        strengthen the Whig party. Though this is undoubtedly true, the
+        ultimate results, as I shall hereafter point out, were far more
+        important than any political or even economical consequences. It
+        was not till 1694 that the Bank of England was established; and
+        this great institution at first met with the warmest opposition
+        from the admirers of old times, who thought it must be useless
+        because their ancestors did without it. See the curious details
+        in _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. iii. pp. 6-9; and on
+        the connexion between it and the Whigs, see _Macaulay's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. iv. p. 502. There is a short account of its origin
+        and progress in _Smith's Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. ii.
+        p. 130.
+
+  [690] Frequently misunderstood, even by those who praise it. Thus, for
+        instance, a living writer informs us that, 'great as have been
+        the obligations which England owes, in many different views, to
+        the Revolution, it is beyond all question the greatest, that it
+        brought in a sovereign instructed in the art of overcoming the
+        ignorant impatience of taxation which is the invariable
+        characteristic of free communities; and thus gave it a government
+        capable of turning to the best account the activity and energy of
+        its inhabitants, at the same time that it had the means given it
+        of maintaining their independence.' _Alison's Hist. of Europe_,
+        vol. vii. p. 5. This, I should suppose, is the most eccentric
+        eulogy ever passed on William III.
+
+Scarcely had the clergy succeeded in expelling James, when the greater
+number of them repented of their own act.[691] Indeed, even before he
+was driven from the country, several things had occurred to make them
+doubt the policy of the course they were pursuing. During the last few
+weeks that he was allowed to reign, he had shown symptoms of increasing
+respect for the English hierarchy. The archbishopric of York had so long
+been vacant, as to cause a belief that it was the intention of the crown
+either to appoint to it a Catholic, or else to seize its revenues.[692]
+But James, to the delight of the church, now filled up this important
+office by nominating Lamplugh, who was well known to be a stanch
+churchman and a zealous defender of episcopal privileges.[693] Just
+before this, the king also rescinded the order by which the Bishop of
+London had been suspended from the exercise of his functions.[694] To
+the bishops in general he made great promises of future favour;[695]
+some of them, it was said, were to be called to his privy council; and,
+in the meantime, he cancelled that ecclesiastical commission which, by
+limiting their power, had excited their anger.[696] Besides this, there
+occurred some other circumstances which the clergy now had to consider.
+It was rumoured, and it was generally believed, that William was no
+great admirer of ecclesiastical establishments; and that, being a friend
+to toleration, he was more likely to diminish the power than increase
+the privileges of the English hierarchy.[697] It was also known that he
+favoured the Presbyterians, whom the Church not unreasonably regarded as
+her bitterest enemies.[698] And when, in addition to all this, William,
+on mere grounds of expediency, actually abolished episcopacy in
+Scotland, it became evident that, by thus repudiating the doctrine of
+divine right, he had directed a great blow against those opinions on
+which, in England, ecclesiastical authority was based.[699]
+
+  [691] On their sudden repentance, and on the causes of it, see _Neal's
+        Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 71.
+
+  [692] _Mackintosh's Revolution of 1688_, pp. 81, 191. After the death of
+        Archbishop Dolben, 'the see was kept vacant for more than two
+        years,' and Cartwright hoped to obtain it. See _Cartwright's
+        Diary_, by Hunter, 4to, 1843, p. 45. In the same way, we find
+        from a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury (_Clarendon
+        Corresp._ vol. i. p. 409) that in May 1686 uneasiness was felt
+        because the Irish bishoprics were not filled up. Compare
+        _Burnet_, vol. iii. p. 103. Carwithen (_Hist. of the Ch. of
+        England_, vol. ii. p. 492) says, that James had intended to raise
+        the Jesuit Petre to the archbishopric.
+
+  [693] Lamplugh was translated from the bishopric of Exeter to the
+        archbishopric of York in November 1688. See the contemporary
+        account in the _Ellis Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 303, and
+        _Ellis's Original Letters_, second series, vol. iv. p. 151. He
+        was a most orthodox man; and not only hated the dissenters, but
+        showed his zeal by persecuting them. _Wilson's Life of De Foe_,
+        vol. i. pp. 94, 95. Compare an anecdote of him in _Baxter's Life
+        of Himself_, folio, 1696, part iii. pp. 178, 179.
+
+  [694] In a letter, dated London, 29th September 1688 (_Ellis_,
+        _Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 224, and _Ellis's Orig. Letters_,
+        second series, vol. iv. p. 128), it is stated, that the Bishop of
+        London's 'suspension is taken off.' See also _Somers Tracts_,
+        vol. ix. p. 215. This is the more observable, because, according
+        to Johnstone, there was an intention, in December 1687, of
+        depriving him. _Mackintosh's Revolution_, pp. 211, 212.
+
+  [695] This disposition on the part of the king again to favour the
+        bishops and the church became a matter of common remark in
+        September 1688. See _Ellis Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 201, 202,
+        209, 219, 224, 225, 226, 227; _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 188, 192. Sir John Reresby, who was then in London, writes,
+        in October 1688, that James 'begins again to court the Church of
+        England.' _Reresby's Memoirs_, p. 357. Indeed, the difficulties
+        of James were now becoming so great, that he had hardly any
+        choice.
+
+  [696] _Ellis Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 211; _Life of James II._, edit.
+        Clarke, vol. ii. p. 189.
+
+  [697] In November 1687, it was said that he wished the dissenters to
+        have 'entire liberty for the full exercise of their religion,'
+        and to be freed 'from the severity of the penal laws.' _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 184. This is the earliest distinct notice I
+        have seen of William's desire to deprive the church of the power
+        of punishing nonconformists; but after he arrived in England his
+        intentions became obvious. In January 1688-9 the friends of the
+        church complained 'that the countenance he gave the dissenters
+        gave too much cause of jealousy to the Church of England.'
+        _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 238. Compare _Neal's Hist. of
+        the Puritans_, vol. v. p. 81; _Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the
+        Dissenters_, vol. ii. p. 318; _Birch's Life of Tillotson_, pp.
+        156, 157; _Somers Tracts_, vol. x. p. 341, vol. xi. p. 108.
+        Burnet, in his summary of the character of William, observes
+        that, 'his indifference as to the forms of church-government, and
+        his being zealous for toleration, together with his cold
+        behaviour towards the clergy, gave them generally very ill
+        impressions of him.' _Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 550. At p. 192 the
+        bishop says, 'He took no notice of the clergy, and seemed to have
+        little concern in the matters of the church or of religion.'
+
+  [698] Sir John Reresby, who was an attentive observer of what was going
+        on, says, 'The prince, upon his arrival, seemed more inclined to
+        the Presbyterians than to the members of the church; which
+        startled the clergy.' _Reresby's Memoirs_, p. 375: see also pp.
+        399, 405: 'the church-people hated the Dutch, and had rather turn
+        Papists than receive the Presbyterians among them.' Compare
+        _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. iii. p. 281: 'the Presbyterians, our new
+        governors.'
+
+  [699] Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 50) says of the clergy in 1689:
+        'The king was suspected by them, by reason of the favour showed
+        to dissenters; but chiefly for his abolishing episcopacy in
+        Scotland, and his consenting to the setting up presbytery there.'
+        On this great change, compare _Bogue and Bennett's History of
+        Dissenters_, vol. ii. pp. 379-384; _Barry's Hist. of the Orkney
+        Islands_, p. 257; _Neal's Hist. of the Puritans_, vol. v. pp. 85,
+        86: and on the indignation felt by the Anglican clergy at the
+        abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, see a contemporary pamphlet
+        in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. pp. 510, 516, where fears are
+        expressed lest William should effect a similar measure in
+        England. The writer very fairly observes, p. 522, 'For if we give
+        up the _jus divinum_ of episcopacy in Scotland, we must yield it
+        also as to England. And then we are wholly precarious.' See also
+        vol. x. pp. 341, 503; _Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation_, pp. 277,
+        278; and _Macpherson's Original Papers_, vol. i. p. 509.
+
+While these things were agitating the public mind, the eyes of men were
+naturally turned upon the bishops, who, though they had lost much of
+their former power, were still respected by a large majority of the
+people as the guardians of the national religion. But at this critical
+moment they were so blinded, either by their ambition or by their
+prejudices, that they adopted a course which of all others was the most
+injurious to their reputation. They made a sudden attempt to reverse
+that political movement of which they were themselves the principal
+originators. Their conduct on this occasion amply confirms that account
+of their motives which I have already given. If, in aiding those
+preliminary measures by which the Revolution was effected, they had been
+moved by a desire of relieving the nation from despotism, they would
+have eagerly welcomed that great man at whose approach the despot took
+to flight. This is what the clergy would have done, if they had loved
+their country better than they loved their order. But they pursued a
+precisely opposite course; because they preferred the petty interests of
+their own class to the welfare of the great body of the people, and
+because they would rather that the country should be oppressed than that
+the church should be humbled. Nearly the whole of the bishops and clergy
+had, only a few weeks before, braved the anger of their sovereign sooner
+than read in their churches an edict for religious toleration, and seven
+of the most influential of the episcopal order had, in the same cause,
+willingly submitted to the risk of a public trial before the ordinary
+tribunals of the land. This bold course they professed to have adopted,
+not because they disliked toleration, but because they hated tyranny.
+And yet when William arrived in England, and when James stole away from
+the kingdom like a thief in the night, this same ecclesiastical
+profession pressed forward to reject that great man, who, without
+striking a blow, had by his mere presence saved the country from the
+slavery with which it was threatened. We shall not easily find in modern
+history another instance of such gross inconsistency, or rather, let us
+say, of such selfish and reckless ambition. For this change of plan, far
+from being concealed, was so openly displayed, and the causes of it were
+so obvious, that the scandal was laid bare before the whole country.
+Within the space of a few weeks the apostasy was consummated. The first
+in the field was the Archbishop of Canterbury, who, anxious to retain
+his office, had promised to wait upon William. But when he saw the
+direction things were likely to take, he withdrew his promise, and would
+not recognize a prince who showed such indifference to the sacred
+order.[700] Indeed, so great was his anger, that he sharply rebuked his
+chaplain for presuming to pray for William and Mary, although they had
+been proclaimed with the full consent of the nation, and although the
+crown had been delivered to them by the solemn and deliberate act of a
+public convention of the estates of the realm.[701] While such was the
+conduct of the primate of England, his brethren were not wanting to him
+in this great emergency of their common fate. The oath of allegiance was
+refused not only by the Archbishop of Canterbury, but also by the Bishop
+of Bath and Wells, by the Bishop of Chester, by the Bishop of
+Chichester, by the Bishop of Ely, by the Bishop of Gloucester, by the
+Bishop of Norwich, by the Bishop of Peterborough, and by the Bishop of
+Worcester.[702] As to the inferior clergy, our information is less
+precise; but it is said that about six hundred of them imitated their
+superiors in declining to recognize for their king him whom the country
+had elected.[703] The other members of this turbulent faction were
+unwilling, by so bold a measure, to incur that deprivation of their
+livings with which William would probably have visited them. They,
+therefore, preferred a safer and more inglorious opposition, by which
+they could embarrass the government without injuring themselves, and
+could gain the reputation of orthodoxy without incurring the pains of
+martyrdom.
+
+  [700] _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 340. Burnet, who had the best
+        means of information, says, 'Though he had once agreed to it, yet
+        would not come.' Lord Clarendon, in his _Diary_, 3rd January
+        1688-9, writes, that the archbishop expressed to him on that day
+        his determination neither to call on William nor even to send to
+        him (_Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 240); and this
+        resolution appears to have been taken deliberately: 'he was
+        careful not to do it, for the reasons he formerly gave me.'
+
+  [701] See the account given by his chaplain Wharton, in _D'Oyly's Life
+        of Sancroft_, p. 259, where it is stated that the archbishop was
+        very irate ('vehementer excandescens'), and told him, 'that he
+        must thenceforward desist from offering prayers for the new king
+        and queen, or else from performing the duties of his chapel.' See
+        also _Birch's Life of Tillotson_, p. 144. Thus too the Bishop of
+        Norwich declared 'that he would not pray for King William and
+        Queen Mary.' _Clarendon Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 263. The same
+        spirit was universal among the high-church clergy; and when
+        public prayers were offered up for the king and queen, they were
+        called by the nonjurors 'the immoral prayers,' and this became a
+        technical and recognized expression. _Life of Ken, by a Layman_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 648, 650.
+
+  [702] _Lathbury's Hist. of the Nonjurors_, p. 45; _D'Oyly's Sancroft_,
+        p. 260.
+
+  [703] Nairne's Papers mention, in 1693, 'six hundred ministers who have
+        not taken the oaths.' _Macpherson's Orig. Papers_, vol. i. p. 459.
+
+The effect which all this produced on the temper of the nation may be
+easily imagined. The question was now narrowed to an issue which every
+plain man could at once understand. On the one side, there was an
+overwhelming majority of the clergy.[704] On the other side there was
+all the intellect of England, and all her dearest interests. The mere
+fact that such an opposition could exist without kindling a civil war,
+showed how the growing intelligence of the people had weakened the
+authority of the ecclesiastical profession. Besides this, the opposition
+was not only futile, but it was also injurious to the class that made
+it.[705] For it was now seen that the clergy only cared for the people
+as long as the people cared for them. The violence with which these
+angry men[706] set themselves against the interests of the nation
+clearly proved the selfishness of that zeal against James, of which they
+had formerly made so great a merit. They continued to hope for his
+return, to intrigue for him, and in some instances to correspond with
+him; although they well knew that his presence would cause a civil war,
+and that he was so generally hated that he dared not show his face in
+England unless protected by the troops of a foreign and hostile
+power.[707]
+
+  [704] The only friends William possessed among the clergy were the
+        low-churchmen, as they were afterwards called; and it is supposed
+        that they formed barely a tenth of the entire body in 1689: 'We
+        should probably overrate their numerical strength, if we were to
+        estimate them at a tenth part of the priesthood.' _Macaulay's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 74.
+
+  [705] The earliest allusion I have seen to the injury the clergy were
+        inflicting on the church, by their conduct after the arrival of
+        William, is in _Evelyn's Diary_, vol. iii. p. 273,--a curious
+        passage, gently hinting at the 'wonder of many,' at the behaviour
+        of 'the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some of the rest.' With
+        Evelyn, who loved the church, this was an unpleasant subject; but
+        others were less scrupulous; and in parliament, in particular,
+        men did not refrain from expressing what must have been the
+        sentiments of every impartial observer. In the celebrated debate,
+        in January 1688-9, when the throne was declared vacant, Pollexfen
+        said: 'Some of the clergy are for one thing, some for another; I
+        think they scarce know what they would have.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        v. p. 55. In February, Maynard, one of the most influential
+        members, indignantly said: 'I think the clergy are out of their
+        wits; and I believe, if the clergy should have their wills, few
+        or none of us should be here again.' _Ibid._ vol. v. p. 129. The
+        clergy were themselves bitterly sensible of the general
+        hostility; and one of them writes, in 1694: 'The people of
+        England, who were so excessively enamoured of us when the bishops
+        were in the tower, that they hardly forbore to worship us, are
+        now, I wish I could say but cool and very indifferent towards
+        us.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 525. The growing indignation
+        against the clergy, caused by their obvious desire to sacrifice
+        the country to the interests of the church, is strikingly
+        displayed in a letter from Sir Roland Gwyne, written in 1710, and
+        printed in _Macpherson's Orig. Papers_, vol. ii. p. 207.
+
+  [706] They are so called by Burnet: 'these angry men, that had raised
+        this flame in the church.' _Own Time_, vol. v. p. 17.
+
+  [707] Indeed, the high-church party, in their publications, distinctly
+        intimated, that if James were not recalled, he should be
+        reinstated by a foreign army. _Somers Tracts_, vol. x. pp. 377,
+        405, 457, 462. Compare _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p.
+        138. Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. iv. pp. 361, 362) says, they were
+        'confounded' when they heard of the peace of 1697; and Calamy
+        (_Life of Himself_, vol. ii. p. 322) makes the same remark on the
+        death of Louis XIV.: 'It very much puzzled the counsels of the
+        Jacobites, and spoiled their projects.'
+
+But this was not the whole of the damage which, in those anxious times,
+the church inflicted upon herself. When the bishops refused to take the
+oaths to the new government, measures were adopted to remove them from
+their sees; and William did not hesitate to eject by force of law the
+Archbishop of Canterbury and five of his brethren.[708] The prelates,
+smarting under the insult, were goaded into measures of unusual
+activity. They loudly proclaimed that the powers of the church, which
+had long been waning, were now extinct.[709] They denied the right of
+the legislature to pass a law against them. They denied the right of the
+sovereign to put that law into execution.[710] They not only continued
+to give themselves the title of bishops, but they made arrangements to
+perpetuate the schism which their own violence had created. The
+Archbishop of Canterbury, as he insisted upon being called, made a
+formal renunciation of his imaginary right into the hands of Lloyd,[711]
+who still supposed himself to be Bishop of Norwich, although William had
+recently expelled him from his see. The scheme of these turbulent
+priests was then communicated to James, who willingly supported their
+plan for establishing a permanent feud in the English church.[712] The
+result of this conspiracy between the rebellious prelates and the
+pretended king, was the appointment of a series of men who gave
+themselves out as forming the real episcopacy, and who received the
+homage of every one who preferred the claims of the church to the
+authority of the state.[713] This mock succession of imaginary bishops
+continued for more than a century;[714] and, by dividing the allegiance
+of churchmen, lessened the power of the church.[715] In several
+instances, the unseemly spectacle was exhibited of two bishops for the
+same place; one nominated by the spiritual power, the other nominated by
+the temporal power. Those who considered the church as superior to the
+state, of course attached themselves to the spurious bishops; while the
+appointments of William were acknowledged by that rapidly increasing
+party, who preferred secular advantages to ecclesiastical theories.[716]
+
+  [708] _D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft_, p. 266; _Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog._
+        iv. p. 683.
+
+  [709] Sancroft, on his death-bed, in 1693, prayed for the 'poor
+        suffering church, which, by this revolution, is almost
+        destroyed.' _D'Oyly's Sancroft_, p. 311; and _Macpherson's
+        Original Papers_, vol. i. p. 280. See also _Remarks_, published
+        in 1693 (_Somers Tracts_, vol. x. p. 504) where it is said, that
+        William had, 'as far as possible he could, dissolved the true old
+        Church of England;' and that, 'in a moment of time, her face was
+        so altered, as scarce to be known again.'
+
+  [710] 'Ken, though deprived, never admitted in the secular power the
+        right of deprivation; and it is well known that he studiously
+        retained his title.' _Bowles's Life of Ken_, vol. ii. p. 225.
+        Thus, too, Lloyd, so late as 1703, signs himself, 'Wm. Nor.'
+        (_Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii. p. 720); though, having
+        been legally deprived, he was no more bishop of Norwich than he
+        was emperor of China. And Sancroft, in the last of his letters,
+        published by D'Oyly (_Life_, p. 303), signs 'W. C.'
+
+  [711] The strange document, by which he appointed Dr. Lloyd his
+        vicar-general, is printed in Latin, in _D'Oyly's Sancroft_, p.
+        295, and in English, in _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii.
+        p. 640.
+
+  [712] _Lathbury's Hist. of the Nonjurors_, p. 96; _Life of Ken, by a
+        Layman_, vol. ii. pp. 641, 642.
+
+  [713] The struggle between James and William was essentially a struggle
+        between ecclesiastical interests and secular interests; and this
+        was seen as early as 1689, when, as we learn from Burnet, who was
+        much more a politician than a priest, 'the church was as the word
+        given out by the Jacobite party, under which they might more
+        safely shelter themselves,' _Own Time_, vol. iv. p. 57. See also,
+        on this identification of the Jacobites with the church, _Birch's
+        Life of Tillotson_, p. 222; and the argument of Dodwell, pp. 246,
+        247, in 1691. Dodwell justly observed, that the successors of the
+        deprived bishops were schismatical, in a spiritual point of view;
+        and that, 'if they should pretend to lay authority as sufficient,
+        they would overthrow the being of a church as a society.' The
+        bishops appointed by William were evidently intruders, according
+        to church principles; and as their intrusion could only be
+        justified according to lay principles, it followed that the
+        success of the intrusion was the triumph of lay principles over
+        church ones. Hence it is, that the fundamental idea of the
+        rebellion of 1688, is the elevation of the state above the
+        church; just as the fundamental idea of the rebellion of 1642, is
+        the elevation of the commons above the crown.
+
+  [714] According to Dr. D'Oyly (_Life of Sancroft_, p. 297), Dr. Gordon
+        'died in London, November 1779, and is supposed to have been the
+        last nonjuring bishop.' In _Short's Hist. of the Church of
+        England_, p. 583, Lond. 1847, it is also stated, that 'this
+        schism continued till 1779.' But Mr. Hallam (_Const. Hist._ vol.
+        ii. p. 404) has pointed out a passage in the _State Trials_,
+        which proves that another of the bishops, named Cartwright, was
+        still living at Shrewsbury in 1793; and Mr. Lathbury (_Hist. of
+        the Nonjurors_, Lond. 1845, p. 412) says, that he died in 1799.
+
+  [715] Calamy (_Own Life_, vol. i. pp. 328-330, vol. ii. pp. 338, 357,
+        358) gives an interesting account of these feuds within the
+        church, consequent upon the revolution. Indeed, their bitterness
+        was such, that it was necessary to coin names for the two
+        parties; and, between 1700 and 1702, we, for the first time, hear
+        the expressions, high-church and low-church. See _Burnet's Own
+        Time_, vol. iv. p. 447, vol. v. p. 70. Compare _Wilson's Life of
+        De Foe_, vol. ii. p. 26; _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. pp. 162, 498. On
+        the difference between them, as it was understood in the reign of
+        Anne, see _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 532, and _Macpherson's
+        Orig. Papers_, vol. ii. p. 166. On the dawning schism in the
+        church, see the speech of Sir T. Littleton, in 1690, _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. v. p. 593. Hence many complained that they could not
+        tell which was the real church. See curious evidence of this
+        perplexity in _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. pp. 477-481.
+
+  [716] The alternative is fairly stated in a letter written in 1691
+        (_Life of Ken, by a Layman_, vol. ii. p. 599): 'If the deprived
+        bishop be the only lawful bishop, then the people and clergy of
+        his diocese are bound to own him, and no other; then all the
+        bishops who own the authority of a new archbishop, and live in
+        communion with him, are schismatics; and the clergy who live in
+        communion with schismatical bishops are schismatics themselves;
+        and the whole Church of England now established by law is
+        schismatical.'
+
+Such were some of the events which, at the end of the seventeenth
+century, widened the breach that had long existed between the interests
+of the nation and the interests of the clergy.[717] There was also
+another circumstance which considerably increased this alienation. Many
+of the English clergy, though they retained their affection for James,
+did not choose to brave the anger of the government, or risk the loss of
+their livings. To avoid this, and to reconcile their conscience with
+their interest, they availed themselves of a supposed distinction
+between a king by right and a king in possession.[718] The consequence
+was, that while with their lips they took an oath of allegiance to
+William, they in their hearts paid homage to James; and, while they
+prayed for one king in their churches, they were bound to pray for
+another in their closets.[719] By this wretched subterfuge, a large
+body of the clergy were at once turned into concealed rebels; and we
+have it on the authority of a contemporary bishop, that the
+prevarication of which these men were notoriously guilty was a still
+further aid to that scepticism, the progress of which he bitterly
+deplores.[720]
+
+  [717] Lord Mahon (_Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 245) notices, what he
+        terms, the 'unnatural alienation between the church and state,'
+        consequent upon the Revolution of 1688: and on the diminished
+        power of the church caused by the same event, see _Phillimore's
+        Mem. of Lyttleton_, vol. i. p. 352.
+
+  [718] The old absurdity of _de facto_ and _de jure_; as if any man could
+        retain a right to a throne which the people would not allow him
+        to occupy!
+
+  [719] In 1715, Leslie, by far the ablest of them, thus states their
+        position: 'You are now driven to this dilemma,--swear, or swear
+        not; if you swear, you kill the soul; and if you swear not, you
+        kill the body, in the loss of your bread.' _Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        xiii. p. 686. The result of the dilemma was what might have been
+        expected; and a high-church writer, in the reign of William III.,
+        boasts (_Somers Tracts_, vol. x. p. 344) that the oaths taken by
+        the clergy were no protection to the government: 'not that the
+        government receives any security from oaths.' Whiston, too, says
+        in his _Memoirs_, p. 30: 'Yet do I too well remember that the far
+        greatest part of those of the university and clergy that then
+        took the oaths to the government, seemed to me to take them with
+        a doubtful conscience, if not against its dictates.' This was in
+        1693; and, in 1710, we find: 'There are now circumstances to make
+        us believe that the Jacobite clergy have the like instructions to
+        take any oaths, to get possession of a pulpit for the service of
+        the cause, to bellow out the hereditary right, the pretended
+        title of the Pretender.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 641. A
+        knowledge of this fact, or, at all events, a belief of it, was
+        soon diffused; and, eight years later, the celebrated Lord.
+        Cowper, then lord chancellor, said, in the House of Lords, 'that
+        his majesty had also the best part of the landed, and all the
+        trading interest; _that as to the clergy, he would say
+        nothing--but that it was notorious that the majority of the
+        populace had been poisoned, and that the poison was not yet quite
+        expelled_.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. vii. p. 541; also given, but not
+        quite _verbatim_, in _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 365.
+
+  [720] 'The prevarication of too many in so sacred a matter contributed
+        not a little to fortify the growing atheism of the present age.'
+        _Burnet's Own Time_, vol. iii. p. 381. See also, to the same
+        effect, vol. iv. pp. 176, 177; and a remarkable passage in
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 573. I need hardly add, that it was
+        then usual to confuse scepticism with atheism; though the two
+        things are not only different, but incompatible. In regard to the
+        quibble respecting _de facto_ and _de jure_, and the use made of
+        it by the clergy, the reader should compare _Wilson's Mem. of De
+        Foe_, vol. i. pp. 171, 172; _Somers Tracts_, vol. ix. p. 531;
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 409; and a letter from the
+        Rev. Francis Jessop, written in 1717, in _Nichols's Lit.
+        Illustrations_, vol. iv. pp. 120-123.
+
+As the eighteenth century advanced, the great movement of liberation
+rapidly proceeded. One of the most important of the ecclesiastical
+resources had formerly been Convocation; in which the clergy, by meeting
+in a body, were able to discountenance in an imposing manner whatever
+might be hostile to the church; and had, moreover, an opportunity, which
+they sedulously employed, of devising schemes favourable to the
+spiritual authority.[721] But, in the progress of the age, this weapon
+also was taken from them. Within a very few years after the Revolution,
+Convocation fell into general contempt;[722] and, in 1717, this
+celebrated assembly was finally prorogued by an act of the crown, it
+being justly considered that the country had no further occasion for its
+services.[723] Since that period, this great council of the English
+church has never been allowed to meet for the purpose of deliberating on
+its own affairs, until a few years ago, when, by the connivance of a
+feeble government, it was permitted to reassemble. So marked, however,
+has been the change in the temper of the nation, that this once
+formidable body does not now retain even a semblance of its ancient
+influence; its resolutions are no longer feared, its discussions are no
+longer studied; and the business of the country continues to be
+conducted without regard to those interests which, only a few
+generations ago, were considered by every statesman to be of supreme
+importance.[724]
+
+  [721] Among which must be particularly mentioned the practice of
+        censuring all books that encouraged free inquiry. In this
+        respect, the clergy were extremely mischievous. See _Lathbury's
+        Hist. of Convocation_, pp. 124, 286, 338, 351; and _Wilson's Life
+        of De Foe_, vol. ii. p. 170.
+
+  [722] In 1704, Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. v. p. 138) says of Convocation,
+        'but little opposition was made to them, as very little regard
+        was had to them.' In 1700, there was a squabble between the upper
+        and lower house of Convocation for Canterbury; which, no doubt,
+        aided these feelings. See _Life of Archbishop Sharp_, edited by
+        Newcome, vol. i. p. 348, where this wretched feud is related with
+        great gravity.
+
+  [723] Charles Butler (_Reminiscences_, vol. ii. p. 95) says, that the
+        final prorogation was in 1720; but, according to all the other
+        authorities I have met with, it was in 1717. See _Hallam's Const.
+        Hist._ vol. ii. p. 395; _Lathbury's Hist. of Convocation_, p.
+        385; _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 302; _Monk's Life of
+        Bentley_, vol. ii. p. 350.
+
+  [724] A letter, written by the Rev. Thomas Clayton in 1727, is worth
+        reading, as illustrating the feelings of the clergy on this
+        subject. He asserts, that one of the causes of the obvious
+        degeneracy of the age is, that, owing to Convocation not being
+        allowed to meet, 'bold and impious books appear barefaced to the
+        world without any public censure.' See this letter in _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iv. pp. 414-416;
+        and compare with it, _Letters between Warburton and Hurd_, pp.
+        310-312.
+
+Indeed, immediately after the Revolution, the tendency of things became
+too obvious to be mistaken, even by the most superficial observers. The
+ablest men in the country no longer flocked into the church, but
+preferred those secular professions in which ability was more likely to
+be rewarded.[725] At the same time, and as a natural part of the great
+movement, the clergy saw all the offices of power and emolument, which
+they had been used to hold, gradually falling out of their hands. Not
+only in the dark ages, but even so late as the fifteenth century, they
+were still strong enough to monopolize the most honourable and lucrative
+posts in the empire.[726] In the sixteenth century, the tide began to
+turn against them, and advanced with such steadiness, that, since the
+seventeenth century, there has been no instance of any ecclesiastic
+being made lord chancellor;[727] and, since the beginning of the
+eighteenth century, there has been no instance of one receiving any
+diplomatic appointment, or, indeed, holding any important office in the
+state.[728] Nor has this increasing ascendency of laymen been confined
+to the executive government. On the contrary, we find in both Houses of
+Parliament the same principle at work. In the early and barbarous
+periods of our history, one half of the House of Lords consisted of
+temporal peers; the other half of spiritual ones.[729] By the beginning
+of the eighteenth century, the spiritual peers, instead of forming
+one-half of the upper house, had dwindled away to one-eighth;[730] and,
+in the middle of the nineteenth century, they have still further shrunk
+to one-fourteenth:[731] thus supplying a striking numerical instance of
+that diminution of ecclesiastical power which is an essential requisite
+of modern civilization. Precisely in the same way, more than fifty
+years have elapsed since any clergyman has been able to take his seat as
+a representative of the people; the House of Commons having, in 1801,
+formally closed their doors against a profession which, in the olden
+time, would have been gladly admitted, even by the proudest and most
+exclusive assembly.[732] In the House of Lords, the bishops still retain
+their seats; but their precarious tenure is everywhere remarked, and the
+progress of public opinion is constantly pointing to a period, which
+cannot now be far distant, when the Peers will imitate the example set
+by the Commons, and will induce the legislature to relieve the upper
+house of its spiritual members; since they, by their habits, their
+tastes, and their traditions, are evidently unfitted for the profane
+exigencies of political life.[733]
+
+  [725] On the decline of ability in ecclesiastical literature, see note
+        38 in this chapter. In 1685, a complaint was made that secular
+        professions were becoming more sought after than ecclesiastical
+        ones. See _England's Wants_, sec. lvi. in _Somers Tracts_, vol.
+        ix. p. 231, where the writer mournfully states, that in his time
+        'physic and law, professions ever acknowledged in all nations to
+        be inferior to divinity, are generally embraced by gentlemen, and
+        sometimes by persons nobly descended, and _preferred much above
+        the divine's profession_.' This preference was, of course, most
+        displayed by young men of intellect; and a large amount of energy
+        being thus drawn off from the church, gave rise to that decay of
+        spirit and of general power which has been already noticed; and
+        which is also indicated by Coleridge, in his remarks on the
+        'apologising theology' which succeeded the Revolution.
+        _Coleridge's Lit. Remains_, vol. iii. pp. 51, 52, 116, 117, 119.
+        Compare _Stephen's Essays on Ecclesiast. Biog._ 2d edit. 1850,
+        vol. ii. p. 66, on 'this depression of theology;' and _Hare's
+        Mission of the Comforter_, 1850, p. 264, on the 'intellectually
+        feebler age.' Evelyn, in 1691, laments the diminished energy then
+        beginning to be observed among 'young preachers.' _Evelyn's
+        Diary_, vol. iii. p. 309; and for another notice, in 1696, of
+        this 'dead and lifeless way of preaching,' see _Life of
+        Cudworth_, p. 35, in vol. i. of _Cudworth's Intellect Syst._
+
+  [726] Sharon Turner, describing the state of things in England in the
+        fifteenth century, says, 'Clergymen were secretaries of
+        government, the privy seals, cabinet councillors, treasurers of
+        the crown, ambassadors, commissioners to open parliament, and to
+        Scotland; presidents of the king's council, supervisors of the
+        royal works, chancellors, keepers of the records, the masters of
+        the rolls, and even the physicians, both to the king and to the
+        duke of Gloucester, during the reign of Henry VI. and
+        afterwards.' _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol. vi. p. 132. On
+        their enormous wealth, see _Eccleston's English Antiquities_, p.
+        146: 'In the early part of the fourteenth century, it is
+        calculated that very nearly one-half of the soil of the kingdom
+        was in the hands of the clergy.'
+
+  [727] In 1625, Williams bishop of Lincoln was dismissed from his office
+        of lord-keeper; and Lord Campbell observes (_Lives of the
+        Chancellors_, vol. ii. p. 492): 'This is the last time that an
+        ecclesiastic has held the great seal of England; and,
+        notwithstanding the admiration in some quarters of mediaeval
+        usages, I presume the experiment is not likely to be soon
+        repeated.'
+
+  [728] Monk (_Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p. 222) says, that Dr. John
+        Robinson, bishop of Bristol, was 'lord privy seal, and
+        plenipotentiary at the treaty of Utrecht; and is the last
+        ecclesiastic in England who has held any of the high offices of
+        state.' A high-church writer, in 1712, complains of the efforts
+        that were being made to 'thrust the churchmen out of their places
+        of power in the government.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 211.
+
+  [729] In and after the reign of Henry III. 'the number of archbishops,
+        bishops, abbots, priors, and ecclesiastical persons was for the
+        most part equal to, and very often far exceeded, the number of
+        the temporal lords and barons.' _Parry's Parliaments and Councils
+        of England_, London, 1839, p. xvii. Of this Mr. Parry gives
+        several instances; the most remarkable of which is, that 'in 49
+        Henry III., 120 prelates, and only 23 temporal lords, were
+        summoned.' This, of course, was an extreme case.
+
+  [730] See an analysis of the House of Lords, in 1713, in _Mahon's Hist.
+        of England_, vol. i. pp. 43-45; from which it appears that the
+        total was 207, of whom 26 were spiritual. This includes the
+        Catholics.
+
+  [731] By the returns in Dod for 1854, I find that the House of Lords
+        contains 436 members, of whom 30 belong to the episcopal bench.
+
+  [732] For different accounts, and of course different views, of this
+        final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons, see
+        _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_, vol. i. pp. 419, 420; _Stephens's
+        Mem. of Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 247-260; _Holland's Mem. of the Whig
+        Party_, vol. i. pp. 178-180; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vii.
+        p. 148; _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. i. p. 263; _Adolphus's
+        Hist. of George III._, vol. vii. p. 487.
+
+  [733] That the banishment of the clergy from the lower house was the
+        natural prelude to the banishment of the bishops from the upper,
+        was hinted at the time, and with regret, by a very keen observer.
+        In the discussion 'on the Bill to prevent Persons in Holy Orders
+        from sitting in the House of Commons,' Lord Thurlow 'mentioned
+        the tenure of the bishops at this time, and said, if the bill
+        went to disfranchise the lower orders of the clergy, it might go
+        the length of _striking at the right of the reverend bench
+        opposite to seats in that house_; though he knew it had been held
+        that the reverend prelates sat, in the right of their baronies,
+        as temporal peers.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv. p. 1542.
+
+While the fabric of superstition was thus tottering from internal decay,
+and while that ecclesiastical authority which had formerly played so
+great a part was gradually yielding to the advance of knowledge, there
+suddenly occurred an event which, though it might naturally have been
+expected, evidently took by surprise even those whom it most interested.
+I allude, of course, to that great religious revolution, which was a
+fitting supplement to the political revolution which preceded it. The
+dissenters, who were strengthened by the expulsion of James, had by no
+means forgotten those cruel punishments which the Church of England, in
+the days of her power, had constantly inflicted upon them; and they felt
+that the moment had now come when they could assume towards her a bolder
+front than that on which they had hitherto ventured.[734] Besides this,
+they had in the mean time received fresh causes of provocation. After
+the death of our great king William III., the throne was occupied by a
+foolish and ignorant woman, whose love for the clergy would, in a more
+superstitious age, have led to dangerous results.[735] Even as it was, a
+temporary reaction took place, and during her reign the church was
+treated with a deference which William had disdained to show.[736] The
+natural consequence immediately followed. New measures of persecution
+were devised, and fresh laws were passed against those Protestants who
+did not conform to the doctrines and discipline of the English
+church.[737] But after the death of Anne the dissenters quickly rallied;
+their hopes revived,[738] their numbers continued to increase, and in
+spite of the opposition of the clergy, the laws against them were
+repealed.[739] As by these means they were placed more on a level with
+their opponents, and as their temper was soured by the injuries they had
+recently received, it was clear that a great struggle between the two
+parties was inevitable.[740] For by this time the protracted tyranny of
+the English clergy had totally destroyed those feelings of respect
+which, even in the midst of hostility, often linger in the mind; and by
+the influence of which, if they had still existed, the contest might
+perhaps have been averted. But such motives of restraint were now
+despised; and the dissenters, exasperated by incessant persecution,[741]
+determined to avail themselves of the declining power of the church.
+They had resisted her when she was strong; it was hardly to be expected
+that they would spare her when she was feeble. Under two of the most
+remarkable men of the eighteenth century, Whitefield, the first of
+theological orators,[742] and Wesley, the first of theological
+statesmen,[743] there was organized a great system of religion, which
+bore the same relation to the Church of England that the Church of
+England bore to the Church of Rome. Thus, after an interval of two
+hundred years, a second spiritual Reformation was effected in our
+country. In the eighteenth century the Wesleyans were to the Bishops
+what, in the sixteenth century, the Reformers were to the Popes.[744] It
+is indeed true, that the dissenters from the Church of England, unlike
+the dissenters from the Church of Rome, soon lost that intellectual
+vigour for which at first they were remarkable. Since the death of their
+great leaders, they have not produced one man of original genius; and
+since the time of Adam Clarke, they have not had among them even a
+single scholar who has enjoyed an European reputation. This mental
+penury is perhaps owing, not to any circumstances peculiar to their
+sect, but merely to that general decline of the theological spirit, by
+which their adversaries have been weakened as well as themselves.[745]
+Be this as it may, it is at all events certain, that the injury they
+have inflicted on the English church is far greater than is generally
+supposed, and, I am inclined to think, is hardly inferior to that which
+in the sixteenth century Protestantism inflicted upon Popery. Setting
+aside the actual loss in the number of its members,[746] there can be
+no doubt that the mere formation of a Protestant faction, unopposed by
+the government, was a dangerous precedent; and we know from contemporary
+history that it was so considered by those who were most interested in
+the result.[747] Besides this, the Wesleyans displayed an organization
+so superior to that of their predecessors the Puritans, that they soon
+became a centre round which the enemies of the church could conveniently
+rally. And, what is perhaps still more important, the order, regularity,
+and publicity, by which their proceedings have usually been marked,
+distinguished them from other sects; and by raising them as it were to
+the dignity of a rival establishment, have encouraged the diminution of
+that exclusive and superstitious respect which was once paid to the
+Anglican hierarchy.[748]
+
+  [734] It is impossible now to ascertain the full extent to which the
+        Church of England, in the seventeenth century, persecuted the
+        dissenters; but Jeremy White is said to have had a list of sixty
+        thousand of these sufferers between 1660 and 1688, of whom no
+        less than five thousand died in prison. _Bogue and Bennett's
+        Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. i. p. 108. On the cruel spirit
+        which the clergy displayed in the reign of Charles II. compare
+        _Harris's Lives of the Stuarts_, vol. v. p. 106; _Orme's Life of
+        Owen_, p. 344; _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 534. Indeed, Harwood
+        frankly said in the House of Commons, in 1672, 'Our aim is to
+        bring all dissenting men into the Protestant church, and he that
+        is not willing to come into the church should not have ease.'
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. iv. p. 530. On the zeal with which this
+        principle was carried out, see an account, written in 1671, in
+        _Somers Tracts_, vol. vii. pp. 586-615; and the statement of De
+        Foe, in _Wilson's Life of De Foe_, vol. ii. pp. 443-444.
+
+  [735] Besides the correspondence which the Duchess of Marlborough
+        preserved for the instruction of posterity, we have some
+        materials for estimating the abilities of Anne in the letters
+        published in _Dalrymple's Memoirs_. In one of them Anne writes,
+        soon after the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience was issued,
+        'It is a melancholy prospect that all we of the Church of England
+        have. All the sectaries may now do what they please. Every one
+        has the free exercise of their religion, on purpose, no doubt, to
+        ruin us, which I think to all impartial judges is very plain.'
+        _Dalrymple's Memoirs_, appendix to book v. vol. ii. p. 173.
+
+  [736] See a notable passage in _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 558, which
+        should be compared with Wilson's _Life of De Foe_, vol. iii.
+        p. 372.
+
+  [737] _Bogue and Bennett's History of the Dissenters_, vol. i.
+        pp. 228-230, 237, 260-277; and _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 396, 397. Mr. Hallam says, 'It is impossible to doubt for an
+        instant, that if the queen's life had preserved the Tory
+        government for a few years, every vestige of the toleration would
+        have been effaced.' It appears from the _Vernon Correspond._ vol.
+        iii. p. 228, Lond. 1841, that soon after the accession of Anne,
+        there was a proposal 'to debar dissenters of their votes in
+        elections;' and we know from Burnet (_Own Time_, vol. v. pp. 108,
+        136, 137, 218) that the clergy would have been glad if Anne had
+        displayed even more zeal against them than she really did.
+
+  [738] _Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. p. 118.
+        In Ivimey's _History of the Baptists_, it is said that the death
+        of Anne was an 'answer to the dissenters' prayers.' _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, third series, p. 135; see also p. 147, on the
+        joy of the dissenters at the death of this troublesome woman.
+
+  [739] Two of the worst of them, 'the act against occasional conformity,
+        and that restraining education, were repealed in the session of
+        1719.' _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 398. The repeal of the
+        act against occasional conformity was strenuously opposed by the
+        archbishops of York and of Canterbury (_Bogue and Bennett's Hist.
+        of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. p. 132); but their opposition was
+        futile; and when the Bishop of London, in 1726, wished to strain
+        the Act of Toleration, he was prevented by Yorke, the
+        attorney-general. See the pithy reply of Yorke, in _Harris's Life
+        of Hardwicke_, vol. i. pp. 193, 194.
+
+  [740] At the end of the seventeenth century, great attention was excited
+        by the way in which the dissenters were beginning to organize
+        themselves into societies and synods. See, in the _Vernon
+        Correspond._ vol. ii. pp. 128-130, 133, 156, some curious
+        evidence of this, in letters written by Vernon, who was then
+        secretary of state; and on the apprehensions caused by the
+        increase of their schools, and by their systematic interference
+        in elections, see _Life of Archbishop Sharp_, edited by Newcome,
+        vol. i. pp. 125, 358. The church was eager to put down all
+        dissenters' schools; and in 1705, the Archbishop of York told the
+        House of Lords that he 'apprehended danger from the increase of
+        dissenters, and particularly from the many academies set up by
+        them.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. pp. 492, 493. See also, on the
+        increase of their schools, pp. 1351, 1352.
+
+  [741] In _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 684, it is stated, that in the
+        reign of Charles II. 'this hard usage had begotten in the
+        dissenters the utmost animosity against the persecuting
+        churchmen.' Their increasing discontent, in the reign of Anne,
+        was observed by Calamy. See _Calamy's Own Life_, vol. ii. pp.
+        244, 255, 274, 284, 285.
+
+  [742] If the power of moving the passions be the proper test by which to
+        judge an orator, we may certainly pronounce Whitefield to be the
+        greatest since the apostles. His first sermon was delivered in
+        1736 (_Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ii. pp. 102, 122); his
+        field-preaching began in 1739 (_Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol.
+        i. pp. 196, 197); and the eighteen thousand sermons which he is
+        said to have poured forth during his career of thirty-four years
+        (_Southey's Wesley_, vol. ii. p. 531) produced the most
+        astonishing effects on all classes, educated and uneducated. For
+        evidence of the excitement caused by this marvellous man, and of
+        the eagerness with which his discourses were read as well as
+        heard, see _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ii. pp. 546, 547, and his
+        _Illustrations_, vol. iv. pp. 302-304; _Mem. of Franklin, by
+        Himself_, vol. i. pp. 161-167; _Doddridge's Correspond._ vol. iv.
+        p. 55; _Stewart's Philos. of the Mind_, vol. iii. pp. 291, 292;
+        _Lady Mary Montagu's Letters_, in her Works, 1803, vol. iv. p.
+        162; _Correspond. between Ladies Pomfret and Hartford_, 2nd edit.
+        1806, vol. i. pp. 138, 160-162; _Marchmont Papers_, vol. ii. p.
+        377.
+
+  [743] Of whom Mr. Macaulay has said (_Essays_, vol. i. p. 221, 3rd
+        edit.), that his 'genius for government was not inferior to that
+        of Richelieu;' and strongly as this is expressed, it will hardly
+        appear an exaggeration to those who have compared the success of
+        Wesley with his difficulties.
+
+  [744] It was in 1739 that Wesley first openly rebelled against the
+        church, and refused to obey the Bishop of Bristol, who ordered
+        him to quit his diocese. _Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol. i. pp.
+        226, 243. In the same year he began to preach in the fields. See
+        the remarkable entry in his _Journals_, p. 78, 29th March, 1739.
+
+  [745] They frankly confess that 'indifference has been another enemy to
+        the increase of the dissenting cause.' _Bogue and Bennett's Hist.
+        of the Dissenters_, vol. iv. p. 320. In _Newman's Development of
+        Christian Doctrine_, pp. 39-43, there are some remarks on the
+        diminished energy of Wesleyanism, which Mr. Newman seems to
+        ascribe to the fact that the Wesleyans have reached that point in
+        which 'order takes the place of enthusiasm.' p. 43. This is
+        probably true; but I still think that the larger cause has been
+        the more active one.
+
+  [746] Walpole, in his sneering way, mentions the spread of Methodism in
+        the middle of the eighteenth century (_Walpole's Letters_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 266, 272); and Lord Carlisle, in 1775, told the House of
+        Lords (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xviii. p. 634) 'that Methodism was
+        daily gaining ground, particularly in the manufacturing towns;'
+        while, to come down still later, it appears from a letter by the
+        Duke of Wellington to Lord Eldon(_Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol.
+        ii. p. 35) that about 1808 it was making proselytes in the army.
+
+        These statements, though accurate, are somewhat vague; but we
+        have other and more precise evidence respecting the rapid growth
+        of religious dissent. According to a paper found in one of the
+        chests of William III., and printed by Dalrymple (_Memoirs_, vol.
+        ii. part ii., appendix to chapter i. p. 40), the proportion in
+        England of conformists to nonconformists was as 22-4/5 to 1.
+        Eighty-four years after the death of William, the dissenters,
+        instead of comprising only a twenty-third, were estimated at 'a
+        fourth part of the whole community.' Letter from Watson to the
+        Duke of Rutland, written in 1786, in _Life of Watson, Bishop of
+        Llandaff_, vol. i. p. 246. Since then, the movement has been
+        uninterrupted; and the returns recently published by government
+        disclose the startling fact, that on Sunday, 31st March 1851, the
+        members of the Church of England who attended morning service
+        only exceeded by one-half the Independents, Baptists, and
+        Methodists who attended at their own places of worship. See the
+        Census Table, in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. xviii. p. 151.
+        If this rate of decline continues, it will be impossible for the
+        Church of England to survive another century the attacks of her
+        enemies.
+
+  [747] The treatment which the Wesleyans received from the clergy, many
+        of whom were magistrates, shows what would have taken place if
+        such violence had not been discouraged by the government. See
+        _Southey's Life of Wesley_, vol. i. pp. 395-406. Wesley has
+        himself given many details, which Southey did not think proper to
+        relate, of the calumnies and insults to which he and his
+        followers were subjected by the clergy. See _Wesley's Journals_,
+        pp. 114, 145, 178, 181, 198, 235, 256, 275, 375, 562, 619, 637,
+        646. Compare _Watson's Observations on Southey's Wesley_, pp.
+        173, 174; and for other evidence of the treatment of those who
+        differed from the church, see _Correspondence and Diary of
+        Doddridge_, vol. ii. p. 17, vol. iii. pp. 108, 131, 132, 144,
+        145, 156. Grosley, who visited England in 1765, says of
+        Whitefield, 'The ministers of the established religion did their
+        utmost to baffle the new preacher; they preached against him,
+        representing him to the people as a fanatic, a visionary, &c.
+        &c.; in fine, they opposed him with so much success, that they
+        caused him to be pelted with stones in every place where he
+        opened his mouth to the public.' _Grosley's Tour to London_,
+        Lond. 1772, vol. i. p. 356.
+
+  [748] That Wesleyanism encouraged dissent by imparting to it an orderly
+        character, which in some degree approximated to
+        church-discipline, is judiciously observed in _Bogue and
+        Bennett's History of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. pp. 165, 166. But
+        these writers deal rather too harshly with Wesley; though there
+        is no doubt that he was a very ambitious man, and over-fond of
+        power. At an early period of his career he began to aim at
+        objects higher than those attempted by the Puritans, whose
+        efforts, particularly in the sixteenth century, he looked at
+        somewhat contemptuously. Thus, for instance, in 1747, only eight
+        years after he had revolted against the church, he expresses in
+        his Journal his wonder 'at the weakness of those holy confessors'
+        (the Elizabethan Puritans), 'many of whom spent so much of their
+        time and strength in disputing about surplice and hoods, or
+        kneeling at the Lord's Supper!' _Journals_, p. 249, March 13th,
+        1747. Such warfare as this would have ill satisfied the soaring
+        mind of Wesley; and from the spirit which pervades his voluminous
+        Journals, as well as from the careful and far-seeing provisions
+        which he made for managing his sect, it is evident that this
+        great schismatic had larger views than any of his predecessors,
+        and that he wished to organize a system capable of rivalling the
+        established church.
+
+But these things, interesting as they are, only formed a single step of
+that vast process by which the ecclesiastical power was weakened, and
+our countrymen thus enabled to secure a religious liberty, imperfect
+indeed, but far superior to that possessed by any other people. Among
+the innumerable symptoms of this great movement, there were two of
+peculiar importance. These were, the separation of theology, first from
+morals, and then from politics. The separation from morals was effected
+late in the seventeenth century; the separation from politics before the
+middle of the eighteenth century. And it is a striking instance of the
+decline of the old ecclesiastical spirit, that both of these great
+changes were begun by the clergy themselves. Cumberland, bishop of
+Peterborough, was the first who endeavoured to construct a system of
+morals without the aid of theology.[749] Warburton, bishop of
+Gloucester, was the first who laid down that the state must consider
+religion in reference, not to revelation, but to expediency; and that it
+should favour any particular creed, not in proportion to its truth, but
+solely with a view to its general utility.[750] Nor were these mere
+barren principles, which subsequent inquirers were unable to apply. The
+opinions of Cumberland, pushed to their furthest extent by Hume,[751]
+were shortly afterwards applied to practical conduct by Paley,[752] and
+to speculative jurisprudence by Bentham and Mill;[753] while the
+opinions of Warburton, spreading with still greater rapidity, have
+influenced our legislative policy, and are now professed, not only by
+advanced thinkers, but even by those ordinary men, who, if they had
+lived fifty years earlier, would have shrunk from them with unassembled
+fear.[754]
+
+  [749] Mr. Hallam (_Lit. of Europe_, vol. iii. p. 390) says, that
+        Cumberland 'seems to have been the first Christian writer who
+        sought to establish systematically the principles of moral right
+        independently of revelation.' See also, on this important change,
+        _Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy in England_, pp. 12, 54. The
+        dangers always incurred by making theology the basis of morals
+        are now pretty well understood; but by no writer have they been
+        pointed out more clearly than by M. Charles Comte: see the able
+        exposition in his _Traite de Legislation_, vol. i. pp. 223-247.
+        There is a short and unsatisfactory account of Cumberland's book
+        in _Mackintosh's Ethical Philosophy_, pp. 134-137. He was a man
+        of considerable learning, and is noticed by M. Quatremere as one
+        of the earliest students of Coptic. _Quatremere sur la Langue et
+        la Litterature de l'Egypte_, p. 89. He was made a bishop in 1691,
+        having published the _De Legibus_ in 1672. _Chalmers's Biog.
+        Dict._ vol. xi. pp. 133, 135.
+
+  [750] This was in his work entitled _The Alliance between Church and
+        State_, which first appeared, according to Hurd (_Life of
+        Warburton_, 1794, 4to, p. 13), in 1736, and, as may be supposed,
+        caused great scandal. The history of its influence I shall trace
+        on another occasion; in the mean time, the reader should compare,
+        respecting its tendency, _Palmer on the Church_, vol. ii. pp.
+        313, 322, 323; _Parr's Works_, vol. i. pp. 657, 665, vol. vii. p.
+        128; _Whately's Dangers to Christian Faith_, p. 190; and
+        _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. p. 18. In January 1739-40,
+        Warburton writes to Stukeley (_Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. ii.
+        p. 53): 'But you know how dangerous new roads in theology are, by
+        the clamour of the bigots against me.' See also some letters
+        which passed between him and the elder Pitt in 1762, on the
+        subject of expediency, printed in _Chatham Correspond._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 184 seq. Warburton writes, p. 190, 'My opinion is, and ever
+        was, that the state has nothing at all to do with errors in
+        religion, nor the least right so much as to attempt to repress
+        them.' To make such a man a bishop was a great feat for the
+        eighteenth century, and would have been an impossible one for the
+        seventeenth.
+
+  [751] The relation between Cumberland and Hume consists in the entirely
+        secular plan according to which both investigated ethics; in
+        other respects, there is great difference between their
+        conclusions; but if the anti-theological method is admitted to be
+        sound, it is certain that the treatment of the subject by Hume is
+        more consequential from the premisses, than is that by his
+        predecessor. It is this which makes Hume a continuator of
+        Cumberland; though with the advantage, not only of coming half a
+        century after him, but of possessing a more comprehensive mind.
+        The ethical speculations of Hume are in the third book of his
+        _Treatise of Human Nature_ (_Hume's Philosophical Works_, Edin.
+        1826, vol. ii. pp. 219 seq.), and in his _Inquiry concerning the
+        Principles of Morals_, ibid. vol. iv. pp. 237-365.
+
+  [752] The moral system of Paley, being essentially utilitarian,
+        completed the revolution in that field of inquiry; and as his
+        work was drawn up with great ability, it exercised immense
+        influence in an age already prepared for its reception. His
+        _Moral and Political Philosophy_ was published in 1785; in 1786
+        it became a standard book at Cambridge; and by 1805 it had
+        'passed through fifteen editions.' _Meadley's Memoirs of Paley_,
+        pp. 127, 145. Compare _Whewell's Hist. of Moral Philosophy_,
+        p. 176.
+
+  [753] That the writings of these two eminent men form part of the same
+        scheme, is well known to those who have studied the history of
+        the school to which they belong; and on the intellectual relation
+        they bore to each other, I cannot do better than refer to a very
+        striking letter by James Mill himself, in _Bentham's Works_,
+        edit. Bowring, vol. x. pp. 481, 482.
+
+  [754] The repeal of the Test Act, the admission of Catholics into
+        Parliament, and the steadily increasing feeling in favour of the
+        admission of the Jews, are the leading symptoms of this great
+        movement. On the gradual diffusion among us of the doctrine of
+        expediency, which, on all subjects not yet raised to sciences,
+        ought to be the sole regulator of human actions, see a
+        remarkable, but a mournful letter, written in 1812, in the _Life
+        of Wilberforce_, vol. iv. p. 28. See also the speech of Lord
+        Eldon in 1828, in _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. ii. p. 203.
+
+Thus it was that, in England, theology was finally severed from the two
+great departments of ethics and of government. As, however, this
+important change was at first not of a practical, but solely of an
+intellectual character, its operation was, for many years, confined to a
+small class, and has not yet produced the whole of those results which
+we have every reason to anticipate. But there were other circumstances
+which tended in the same direction, and which, being known to all men of
+tolerable education, produced effects more immediate, though perhaps
+less permanent. To trace their details, and point out the connexion
+between them, will be the business of part of the future volumes of this
+work: at present, I can only glance at the leading features. Of these,
+the most prominent were: The great Arian controversy, which, rashly
+instigated by Whiston, Clarke, and Waterland, disseminated doubts among
+nearly all classes;[755] the Bangorian controversy, which, involving
+matters of ecclesiastical discipline hitherto untouched, led to
+discussions dangerous to the power of the church;[756] the great work
+of Blackburne on the Confessional, which at one moment almost caused a
+schism in the Establishment itself;[757] the celebrated dispute
+respecting miracles between Middleton, Church, and Dodwell, continued,
+with still larger views, by Hume, Campbell, and Douglas; [758] the
+exposure of the gross absurdities of the Fathers, which, already begun
+by Daille and Barbeyrac, was followed up by Cave, Middleton, and Jortin;
+the important and unrefuted statements of Gibbon, in his fifteenth and
+sixteenth chapters; the additional strength conferred on those chapters
+by the lame attacks of Davis, Chelsum, Whitaker, and Watson;[759] while,
+not to mention inferior matters, the century was closed amid the
+confusion caused by that decisive controversy between Porson and Travis,
+respecting the text of the Heavenly Witnesses, which excited immense
+attention,[760] and was immediately accompanied by the discoveries of
+geologists, in which, not only was the fidelity of the Mosaic cosmogony
+impugned, but its accuracy was shown to be impossible.[761] These
+things, following each other in rapid and startling succession,
+perplexed the faith of men, disturbed their easy credulity, and produced
+effects on the public mind, which can only be estimated by those who
+have studied the history of that time in its original sources. Indeed,
+they cannot be understood, even in their general bearings, except by
+taking into consideration some other circumstances with which the great
+progress was intimately connected.
+
+  [755] From a curious passage in _Hutton's Life of Himself_, p. 27, we
+        learn that, in 1739, the scepticism of the Anti-Trinitarians had
+        penetrated among the tradesmen at Nottingham. Compare, respecting
+        the spread of this heresy, _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. viii. p.
+        375; _Priestley's Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 25, 26, 53; _Doddridge's
+        Correspond. and Diary_, vol. ii. p. 477, note; and on Peirce, who
+        took an active part, and whom Whiston boasts of having corrupted,
+        see _Whiston's Memoirs_, pp. 143, 144. Sharp, who was Archbishop
+        of York when the controversy began, foresaw its dangerous
+        consequences. _Life of Sharp_, edited by Newcome, vol. ii. pp. 7,
+        8, 135, 136. See further _Maclaine's note_ in _Mosheim's
+        Ecclesiast. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 293, 294; _Lathbury's Hist. of
+        Convocation_, pp. 338, 342, 351; and a note in _Butler's
+        Reminisc._ vol. i. pp. 206, 207.
+
+  [756] Mr. Butler (_Mem. of the Catholics_, vol. iii. pp. 182-184,
+        347-350) notices with evident pleasure the effect of this famous
+        controversy in weakening the Anglican Church. Compare _Bogue and
+        Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. iii. pp. 135-141.
+        Whiston (_Memoirs_, p. 244) says: 'And, indeed, this Bangorian
+        controversy seemed for a great while to engross the attention of
+        the public.' See more about it in _Lathbury's Hist. of
+        Convocation_, pp. 372-383; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p. 152,
+        vol. ix. pp. 433, 434, 516; _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. i. p.
+        840; _Bishop Newton's Life of Himself_, pp. 177, 178.
+
+  [757] _The Confessional_, a most able attack on the subscription of
+        creeds and articles, was published in 1766; and, according to a
+        contemporary observer, 'it excited a general spirit of inquiry.'
+        _Cappe's Memoirs_, pp. 147, 148. The consequence was, that in
+        1772 a society was instituted by Blackburne and other clergy of
+        the Church of England, with the avowed object of doing away with
+        all subscriptions in religion. _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p.
+        570; _Illustrations_, vol. vi. p. 854. A petition against the
+        Articles was at once drawn up, signed by 200 clergy (_Adolphus's
+        George III._ vol. i. p. 506), and brought before the House of
+        Commons. In the animated debate which followed, Sir William
+        Meredith said that 'the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of
+        England were framed when the spirit of free inquiry, when liberal
+        and enlarged notions, were yet in their infancy.' _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xvii. p. 246. He added, p. 247: 'Several of the Articles are
+        absolutely unintelligible, and, indeed, contradictory and
+        absurd.' Lord George Germain said: 'In my apprehension, some of
+        the Articles are incomprehensible, and some self-contradictory;'
+        p. 265. Mr. Sawbridge declared that the Articles are 'strikingly
+        absurd;' Mr. Salter that they are 'too absurd to be defended;'
+        and Mr. Dunning that they are 'palpably ridiculous,' p. 294. For
+        further information on this attempt at reform, see _Disney's Life
+        of Jebb_, pp. 31-36; _Meadley's Mem. of Paley_, pp. 88-94;
+        _Hodgson's Life of Porteus_, pp. 38-40; _Memoirs of Priestley_,
+        vol. ii. p. 582; and a characteristic notice in _Palmer's
+        Treatise on the Church_, vol. i. pp. 270, 271.
+
+  [758] Hume says, that on his return from Italy in 1749, he found 'all
+        England in a ferment on account of Dr. Middleton's _Free
+        Inquiry_.' _Hume's Life of Himself_, in his _Works_, vol. i. p.
+        7. See also, on the excitement caused by this masterly attack,
+        _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p.
+        176; which should be compared with _Doddridge's Correspond._ vol.
+        iv. pp. 536, 537: and on the 'miraculous controversy' in general,
+        see _Porteus's Life of Secker_, 1797, p. 38; _Phillimore's Mem.
+        of Lyttleton_, vol. i. p. 161; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 440, 527, vol. iii. pp. 535, 750, vol. v. pp. 417, 418, 600;
+        _Hull's Letters_, 1778, vol. i. p. 109; _Warburton's Letters to
+        Hurd_, pp. 49, 50.
+
+  [759] _Gibbon's Decline and Fall_ has now been jealously scrutinized by
+        two generations of eager and unscrupulous opponents; and I am
+        only expressing the general opinion of competent judges when I
+        say, that by each successive scrutiny it has gained fresh
+        reputation. Against his celebrated fifteenth and sixteenth
+        chapters, all the devices of controversy have been exhausted; but
+        the only result has been, that while the fame of the historian is
+        untarnished, the attacks of his enemies are falling into complete
+        oblivion. The work of Gibbon remains; but who is there who feels
+        any interest in what was written against him?
+
+  [760] On the effect produced by these matchless letters of Porson, see
+        _Harford's Life of Bishop Burgess_, p. 374; and as to the
+        previous agitation of the question in England, see _Calamy's Own
+        Life_, vol. ii. pp. 442, 443; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 16-19, 146, 286-289; _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p.
+        211. Compare _Somers Tracts_, vol. xii. p. 137, vol. xiii.
+        p. 458.
+
+  [761] The sceptical character of geology was first clearly exhibited
+        during the last thirty years of the eighteenth century.
+        Previously, the geologists had, for the most part, allied
+        themselves with the theologians; but the increasing boldness of
+        public opinion now enabled them to institute independent
+        investigations, without regard to doctrines hitherto received. In
+        this point of view, much was effected by the researches of
+        Hutton, whose work, says Sir Charles Lyell, contains the first
+        attempt 'to explain the former changes of the earth's crust by
+        reference exclusively to natural agents.' _Lyell's Principles of
+        Geology_, p. 50. To establish this method was, of course, to
+        dissolve the alliance with the theologians; but an earlier
+        symptom of the change was seen in 1773, that is, fifteen years
+        before Hutton wrote: see a letter in _Watson's Life of Himself_,
+        vol. i. p. 402, where it is stated that the 'freethinkers'
+        attacked the 'Mosaic account of the world's age, especially since
+        the publication of Mr. Brydone's _Travels Through Sicily and
+        Malta_.' According to Lowndes (_Bibliographer's Manual_, vol. i.
+        p. 279), Brydone's book was published in 1773; and in 1784 Sir
+        William Jones notices the tendency of these inquiries: see his
+        _Discourse on the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India_, in which he
+        observes (_Works_, vol. i. p. 233) with regret, that he lived in
+        'an age when some intelligent and virtuous persons are inclined
+        to doubt the authenticity of the accounts delivered by Moses
+        concerning the primitive world.' Since then, the progress of
+        geology has been so rapid, that the historical value of the
+        writings of Moses is abandoned by all enlightened men, even among
+        the clergy themselves. I need only refer to what has been said by
+        two of the most eminent of that profession, Dr. Arnold and Mr.
+        Baden Powell. See the observations of Arnold in _Newman's Phases
+        of Faith_, p. 111 (compare pp. 122, 123); and the still more
+        decisive remarks in _Powell's Sermons on Christianity without
+        Judaism_, 1856, pp. 38, 39. For other instances, see _Lyell's
+        Second Visit to the United States_, 1849, vol. i. pp. 219, 220.
+
+For, in the mean time, an immense change had begun, not only among
+speculative minds, but also among the people themselves. The increase of
+scepticism stimulated their curiosity; and the diffusion of education
+supplied the means of gratifying it. Hence, we find that one of the
+leading characteristics of the eighteenth century, and one which
+pre-eminently distinguished it from all that preceded, was a craving
+after knowledge on the part of those classes from whom knowledge had
+hitherto been shut out. It was in that great age, that there were first
+established schools for the lower orders on the only day they had time
+to attend them,[762] and newspapers on the only day they had time to
+read them.[763] It was then that there were first seen, in our country,
+circulating libraries;[764] and it was then, too, that the art of
+printing, instead of being almost confined to London, began to be
+generally practised in country-towns.[765] It was also in the eighteenth
+century, that the earliest systematic efforts were made to popularize
+the sciences, and facilitate the acquisition of their general
+principles, by writing treatises on them in an easy and untechnical
+style:[766] while, at the same time, the invention of Encyclopaedias
+enabled their results to be brought together, and digested in a form
+more accessible than any hitherto employed.[767] Then, too, we first
+meet with literary periodical reviews; by means of which large bodies
+of practical men acquired information, scanty indeed, but every way
+superior to their former ignorance.[768] The formation of societies for
+purchasing books now became general;[769] and, before the close of the
+century, we hear of clubs instituted by reading men among the
+industrious classes.[770] In every department, the same eager curiosity
+was shown. In the middle of the eighteenth century, debating societies
+sprung up among tradesmen;[771] and this was followed by a still bolder
+innovation, for, in 1769, there was held the first public meeting ever
+assembled in England, the first in which it was attempted to enlighten
+Englishmen respecting their political rights.[772] About the same time,
+the proceedings in our courts of law began to be studied by the people,
+and communicated to them through the medium of the daily press.[773]
+Shortly before this, political newspapers arose,[774] and a sharp
+struggle broke out between them and the two Houses of Parliament
+touching the right of publishing the debates; the end of which was, that
+both houses, though aided by the crown, were totally defeated; and, for
+the first time, the people were able to study the proceedings of the
+national legislature, and thus gain some acquaintance with the national
+affairs.[775] Scarcely was this triumph completed, when fresh stimulus
+was given by the promulgation of that great political doctrine of
+personal representation,[776] which must eventually carry all before it;
+and the germ of which may be traced late in the seventeenth century,
+when the true idea of personal independence began to take root and
+flourish.[777] Finally, it was reserved for the eighteenth century to
+set the first example of calling on the people to adjudicate upon those
+solemn questions of religion in which hitherto they had never been
+consulted, although it is now universally admitted that to their growing
+intelligence these, and all other matters, must ultimately be
+referred.[778]
+
+  [762] It is usually supposed that Sunday-schools were began by Raikes,
+        in 1781; but, though he appears to have been the first to
+        organize them on a suitable scale, there is no doubt that they
+        were established by Lindsey, in or immediately after 1765. See
+        _Cappe's Memoir's_, pp. 118, 122; _Harford's Life of Burgess_, p.
+        92; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 430, 431, vol. ix. p.
+        540; _Chalmers's Biog. Dict._ vol. xxv. p. 485; _Journ. of Stat.
+        Soc._ vol. x. p. 196, v. xiii. p. 265; _Hodgson's Life of
+        Porteus_, p. 92. It is said, in _Spencer's Social Statics_, p.
+        343, that the clergy of the Church of England were, as a body,
+        opposed to the establishment of Sunday-schools. (Compare
+        _Watson's Observations on Southey's Wesley_, p. 149.) At all
+        events, they increased rapidly, and by the end of the century had
+        become common. See _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. v. pp. 678, 679;
+        _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 460; _Life of Wilberforce_,
+        vol. i. p. 180, vol. ii. p. 296; _Wesley's Journals_, pp. 806,
+        897.
+
+  [763] Mr. Hunt (_Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. p. 273) makes no mention
+        of Sunday newspapers earlier than a notice by Crabbe in 1785; but
+        in 1799, Lord Belgrave said, in the House of Commons, that they
+        first appeared 'about the year 1780.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxiv.
+        p. 1006. In 1799, Wilberforce tried to have a law enacted to
+        suppress them. _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. ii. pp. 338, 424.
+
+  [764] When Franklin came to London, in 1725, there was not a single
+        circulating library in the metropolis. See _Franklin's Life of
+        Himself_, vol. i. p. 64; and, in 1697, 'the only library in
+        London which approached the nature of a public library was that
+        of Sion College, belonging to the London clergy.' _Ellis's
+        Letters of Literary Men_, p. 245. The exact date of the earliest
+        circulating library I have not yet ascertained; but, according to
+        Southey (_The Doctor_, edit. Warter, 1848, p. 271), the first set
+        up in London was about the middle of the eighteenth century, by
+        Samuel Fancourt. Hutton (_Life of Himself_, p. 279) says, 'I was
+        the first who opened a circulating library in Birmingham, in
+        1751.' Other notices of them, during the latter half of the
+        century, will be found in _Coleridge's Biographia Literaria_,
+        vol. ii. p. 329, edit. 1847; _Leigh Hunt's Autobiography_, vol.
+        i. p. 260; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 648, 682;
+        _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 424; _Whewell's Hist. of
+        Moral Philosophy_, p. 190; _Sinclair's Correspond._ vol. i. p.
+        143. Indeed, they increased so rapidly, that some wise men
+        proposed to tax them, 'by a licence, at the rate of 2_s._ 6_d._
+        per 100 volumes per annum.' _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_,
+        vol. iii. p. 268.
+
+  [765] In 1746, Gent, the well-known printer, wrote his own life. In this
+        curious work, he states, that in 1714 there were 'few printers in
+        England, except London, at that time; none then, I am sure, at
+        Chester, Liverpool, Whitehaven, Preston, Manchester, Kendal, and
+        Leeds, as for the most part now abound.' _Life of Thomas Gent_,
+        pp. 20, 21. (Compare a list of country printing-houses, in 1724,
+        in _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. i. p. 289.) How this state of
+        things was remedied, is a most important inquiry for the
+        historian; but in this note I can only give a few illustrations
+        of the condition of different districts. The first
+        printing-office in Rochester was established by Fisher, who died
+        in 1786 (_Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. p. 675); the first in
+        Whitby, was in 1770 (_Illustrations_, vol. iii. p. 787); and
+        Richard Greene, who died in 1793, 'was the first who brought a
+        printing-press to Lichfield' (_Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 320). In the
+        reign of Anne, there was not a single bookseller in Birmingham
+        (_Southey's Commonplace Book_, 1st series, 1849, p. 568); but, in
+        1749, we find a printer established there (_Hull's Letters_,
+        Lond. 1778, vol. i. p. 92); and, in 1774, there was a printer
+        even in Falkirk (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 1099). In other
+        parts the movement was slower; and we are told that, about 1780,
+        'there was scarcely a bookseller in Cornwall.' _Life of Samuel
+        Drew, by his Son_, 1834, pp. 40, 41.
+
+  [766] Desaguliers and Hill were the two first writers who gave
+        themselves up to popularizing physical truths. At the beginning
+        of the reign of George I. Desaguliers was 'the first who read
+        lectures in London on experimental philosophy.' _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, 3d series, 1850, p. 77. See also _Penny
+        Cyclopaedia_, vol. viii. p. 430; and, on his elementary works,
+        compare _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. vi. p. 81. As to Hill, he is
+        said to have set the example of publishing popular scientific
+        works in numbers; a plan so well suited to that inquisitive age,
+        that, if we believe Horace Walpole, he 'earned fifteen guineas a
+        week.' _Letter to Henry Zouch_, January 3rd, 1761, in _Walpole's
+        Letters_, vol. iv. p. 117, edit. 1840.
+
+        In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the demand for
+        books on the natural sciences rapidly increased (see, among many
+        other instances which might be quoted, a note in _Pulteney's
+        Hist. of Botany_, vol. ii. p. 180); and, early in the reign of
+        George III., Priestley began to write popularly on physical
+        subjects. (_Memoirs of Priestley_, vol. i. pp. 288, 289.)
+        Goldsmith did something in the same direction (_Prior's Life of
+        Goldsmith_, vol. i. pp. 414, 469, vol. ii. p. 198); and Pennant,
+        whose earliest work appeared in 1766, was 'the first who treated
+        the natural history of Britain in a popular and interesting
+        style.' _Swainson on the Study of Natural History_, p. 50. In the
+        reign of George II., publishers began to encourage elementary
+        works on chemistry. _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. ix. p. 763.
+
+  [767] In 1704, 1708, and 1710, Harris published his _Dictionary of Arts
+        and Sciences_; and from this, according to _Nichols's Lit. Anec._
+        vol. ix. pp. 770, 771, has 'originated all the other dictionaries
+        and cyclopaedias that have since appeared.' Compare vol. v. p.
+        659; and _Bogue and Bennett's Hist. of the Dissenters_, vol. iv.
+        p. 500.
+
+  [768] Late in the seventeenth century, an attempt was first made in
+        England to establish literary journals. _Hallam's Lit. of
+        Europe_, vol. iii. p. 539; and _Dibdin's Bibliomania_, 1842, p.
+        16. But reviews, as we now understand the word, meaning a
+        critical publication, were unknown before the accession of George
+        II.; but, about the middle of his reign, they began to increase.
+        Compare _Wright's England under the House of Hanover_, 1848, vol.
+        i. p. 304, with _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii. pp. 507, 508. At
+        an earlier period, the functions of reviews were performed, as
+        Monk says, by pamphlets. _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. p.
+        112.
+
+  [769] As we find from many casual notices of book clubs and book
+        societies. See, for example, _Doddridge's Correspond._ vol. ii.
+        pp. 57, 119; _Jesse's Life of Selwyn_, vol. ii. p. 23; _Nichols's
+        Illustrations of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. v. pp. 184, 824,
+        825; _Wakefield's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 528; _Memoirs of
+        Sir J. E. Smith_, vol. i. p. 8; _Life of Roscoe, by his Son_,
+        vol. i. p. 228 (though this last was perhaps a circulating
+        library).
+
+  [770] 'Numerous associations or clubs, composed principally of reading
+        men of the lower ranks.' _Life of Dr. Currie, by his Son_, vol.
+        i. p. 175.
+
+  [771] Of which the most remarkable was that called the Robin-Hood
+        Society; respecting which the reader should compare _Campbell's
+        Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 373; _Grosley's London_,
+        vol. i. p. 150; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 301; _Southey's
+        Commonplace Book_, 4th series, p. 339; _Forster's Life of
+        Goldsmith_, vol. i. p. 310; _Prior's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. i.
+        pp. 419, 420; _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 75; _Nichols's Lit.
+        Anec._ vol. iii. p. 154.
+
+  [772] 'From the summer of 1769 is to be dated the first establishment of
+        public meetings in England.' _Albemarle's Mem. of Rockingham_,
+        vol. ii. p. 93. 'Public meetings, ... through which the people
+        might declare their newly-acquired consciousness of power, ...
+        cannot be distinctly traced higher than the year 1769; but they
+        were now (_i.e._ in 1770) of daily occurrence.' _Cooke's Hist. of
+        Party_, vol. iii. p. 187. See also _Hallam's Const. Hist._ vol.
+        ii. p. 420.
+
+  [773] The most interesting trials were first noticed in newspapers
+        towards the end of the reign of George II. _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. v. p. 52, vol. vi. p. 54.
+
+  [774] In 1696, the only newspapers were weekly; and the first daily
+        paper appeared in the reign of Anne. Compare _Simmonds's Essay on
+        Newspapers_, in _Journal of Statist. Society_, vol. iv. p. 113,
+        with _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. pp. 167, 175, vol. ii.
+        p. 90; and _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iv. p. 80. In 1710, they,
+        instead of merely communicating news, as heretofore, began to
+        take part in 'the discussion of political topics' (_Hallam's
+        Const. Hist._ vol. ii. p. 443); and, as this change had been
+        preceded a very few years by the introduction of cheap political
+        pamphlets (see a curious passage in _Wilson's Life of De Foe_,
+        vol. ii. p. 29), it became evident that a great movement was at
+        hand in regard to the diffusion of such inquiries. Within twenty
+        years after the death of Anne, the revolution was completed; and
+        the press, for the first time in the history of the world, was
+        made an exponent of public opinion. The earliest notice of this
+        new power which I have met in parliament, is in a speech
+        delivered by Danvers, in 1738; which is worth quoting, both
+        because it marks an epoch, and because it is characteristic of
+        that troublesome class to which the man belonged. 'But I
+        believe,' says this distinguished legislator,--'but I believe the
+        people of Great Britain are governed by a power that never was
+        heard of, as a supreme authority, in any age or country before.
+        This power, sir, does not consist in the absolute will of the
+        prince, in the direction of parliament, in the strength of an
+        army, in the influence of the clergy, neither, sir, is it a
+        petticoat government: but, sir, it is the government of the
+        press. The stuff which our weekly newspapers are filled with, is
+        received with greater reverence than acts of parliament; and the
+        sentiments of one of these scribblers have more weight with the
+        multitude than the opinion of the best politician in the
+        kingdom.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. x. p. 448.
+
+  [775] This great contest was brought to a close in 1771 and 1772; when,
+        as Lord Campbell says, 'the right of publishing parliamentary
+        debates was substantially established.' _Campbell's Chancellors_,
+        vol. v. p. 511, vol. vi. p. 90. For further information
+        respecting this important victory, see _Cooke's Hist. of Party_,
+        vol. iii. pp. 179-184; _Almon's Correspond. of Wilkes_, 1805,
+        vol. v. p. 63; _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol. i. pp. 329-351;
+        _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 290; and, on its connexion
+        with _Junius's Letters_, see _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 183, 184.
+
+        George III., always consistent and always wrong, strenuously
+        opposed this extension of the popular rights. In 1771, he wrote
+        to Lord North: 'It is highly necessary that this strange and
+        lawless method of publishing debates in the papers should be put
+        a stop to. But is not the House of Lords the best court to bring
+        such miscreants before; as it can fine, as well as imprison, and
+        has broader shoulders to support the odium of so salutary a
+        measure?' _App. to Mahon_, vol. v. p. xlviii.; and _note_ in
+        _Walpole's George III._ vol. iv. p. 280, where the words, 'in the
+        papers,' are omitted; but I copy the letter, as printed by Lord
+        Mahon. In other respects, both versions are the same; so that we
+        now know the idea George III. had of what constituted a
+        miscreant.
+
+  [776] Lord John Russell, in his work on the _History of the English
+        Constitution_, says: 'Dr. Jebb, and after him Mr. Cartwright,
+        broached the theory of personal representation;' but this appears
+        to be a mistake, since the theory is said to have been first put
+        forward by Cartwright, in 1776. Compare _Russell on the
+        Constitution_, 1821, pp. 240, 241, with _Life and Corresp. of
+        Cartwright_, 1826, vol. i. pp. 91, 92. A letter in the _Life of
+        Dr. Currie_, vol. ii. pp. 307-314, shows the interest which even
+        sober and practical men were beginning to feel in the doctrine
+        before the end of the century.
+
+  [777] On this I have a philological remark of some interest,--namely,
+        that there is reason to believe that 'the word "independence," in
+        its modern acceptation,' does not occur in our language before
+        the early part of the eighteenth century. See _Hare's Guesses at
+        Truth_, 2nd series, 1848, p. 262. A similar change, though at a
+        later period, took place in France. See the observations on the
+        word 'individualisme,' in _Tocqueville_, _Democratie en
+        Amerique_, vol. iv. p. 156; and in the later work, by the same
+        author, _L'Ancien Regime_, Paris, 1856, pp. 148, 149.
+
+  [778] Archbishop Whately (_Dangers to Christian Faith_, pp. 76, 77)
+        says: 'Neither the attacks on our religion, nor the evidences in
+        its support, were, to any great extent, brought forward in a
+        popular form, till near the close of the last century. On both
+        sides, the learned (or those who professed to be such) seem to
+        have agreed in this,--that the mass of the people were to
+        acquiesce in the decision of their superiors, and neither should,
+        nor could, exercise their own minds on the question.' This is
+        well put, and quite true; and should be compared with the
+        complaint in _Wakefield's Life of Himself_, vol. ii. p. 21;
+        _Nichols's Lit. Anec. of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. viii. p.
+        144; and _Hodgson's Life of Bishop Porteus_, pp. 73, 74, 122,
+        125, 126. See also a speech by Mansfield, in 1781 (_Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xxii. p. 265), when an attempt was made to put down the
+        'Theological Society.' The whole debate is worth reading; not on
+        account of its merits, but because it supplies evidence of the
+        prevailing spirit.
+
+In connexion with all this, there was a corresponding change in the very
+form and make of our literature. The harsh and pedantic method, which
+our great writers had long been accustomed to employ, was ill suited to
+an impetuous and inquisitive generation, thirsting after knowledge, and
+therefore intolerant of obscurities formerly unheeded. Hence it was
+that, early in the eighteenth century, the powerful, but cumbrous,
+language, and the long, involved sentences, so natural to our ancient
+authors, were, notwithstanding their beauty, suddenly discarded, and
+were succeeded by a lighter and simpler style, which, being more rapidly
+understood, was better suited to the exigencies of the age.[779]
+
+  [779] Coleridge (_Lit. Remains_, vol. i. pp. 230 seq.) has made some
+        interesting remarks on the vicissitudes of English style; and he
+        justly observes, p. 238, that, 'after the Revolution, the spirit
+        of the nation became much more commercial than it had been
+        before; a learned body, or clerisy, as such, gradually
+        disappeared; and literature in general began to be addressed to
+        the common, miscellaneous public.' He goes on to lament this
+        change; though, in that, I disagree with him. See also _The
+        Friend_, vol. i. p. 19, where he contrasts the modern style with
+        'the stately march and difficult evolutions' of the great writers
+        of the seventeenth century. Compare, on this alteration, the
+        preface to Nader Shah, in _Works of Sir W. Jones_, vol. v. p.
+        544. See also, in _Harford's Life of Burgess_, pp. 40, 41, a
+        curious letter from Monboddo, the last of our really great
+        pedants, mourning over this characteristic of modern composition.
+        He terms it contemptuously a 'short cut of a style;' and wishes
+        to return to 'the true ancient taste,' with plenty of
+        'parentheses!'
+
+        The truth is, that this movement was merely part of that tendency
+        to approximate the different classes of society which was first
+        clearly seen in the eighteenth century, and which influenced not
+        only the style of author, but also their social habits. Hume
+        observes that, in the 'last age,' learned men had separated
+        themselves too much from the world; but that, in his time, they
+        were becoming more 'conversible.' _Essay V._, in _Hume's
+        Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. pp. 539, 540. That 'philosophers'
+        were growing men of the world, is also noticed in a curious
+        passage in _Alciphron_, dial. i., in _Berkeley's Works_, vol. i.
+        p. 312; and, respecting the general social amalgamation, see a
+        letter to the Countess of Bute, in 1753, in _Works of Lady Mary
+        Montagu_, edit. 1803, vol. iv. pp. 194, 195. As to the influence
+        of Addison, who led the way in establishing the easy, and
+        therefore democratic, style, and who, more than any single
+        writer, made literature popular, compare _Aikin's Life of
+        Addison_, vol. ii. p. 65, with _Turner's Hist. of England_, vol.
+        ii. p. 7. Subsequently a reaction was attempted by Johnson,
+        Gibbon, and Parr; but this, being contrary to the spirit of the
+        age, was short-lived.
+
+The extension of knowledge being thus accompanied by an increased
+simplicity in the manner of its communication, naturally gave rise to a
+greater independence in literary men, and a greater boldness in literary
+inquiries. As long as books, either from the difficulty of their style,
+or from the general incuriosity of the people, found but few readers, it
+was evident that authors must rely upon the patronage of public bodies,
+or of rich and titled individuals. And, as men are always inclined to
+flatter those upon whom they are dependent, it too often happened that
+even our greatest writers prostituted their abilities by fawning upon
+the prejudices of their patrons. The consequence was that literature, so
+far from disturbing ancient superstitions, and stirring up the mind to
+new inquiries, frequently assumed a timid and subservient air, natural
+to its subordinate position. But now all this was changed. Those servile
+and shameful dedications;[780] that mean and crouching spirit; that
+incessant homage to mere rank and birth; that constant confusion between
+power and right; that ignorant admiration for everything which is old,
+and that still more ignorant contempt for everything which, is new:--all
+these features became gradually fainter: and authors, relying upon the
+patronage of the people, began to advocate the claims of their new
+allies with a boldness upon which they could not have ventured in any
+previous age.[781]
+
+  [780] And the servility was, for the most part, well paid; indeed,
+        rewarded far more than it was worth. During the sixteenth,
+        seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth century, a sum of
+        money was invariably presented to the author in return for his
+        dedication. Of course, the grosser the flattery, the larger the
+        sum. On the relation thus established between authors and men of
+        rank, and on the eagerness with which even eminent writers looked
+        to their patrons for gratuities, varying from 40_s._ to 100_l._,
+        see _Drake's Shakespeare and his Times_, 1817, 4to. vol. ii. p.
+        225; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. pp. 194, 309; _Whiston's
+        Memoirs_, p. 203; _Nichols's Illustrations_, vol. ii. p. 709;
+        _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. iii. p. 35; _Bunbury's Life of
+        Hanmer_, p. 81. Compare a note in _Burton's Diary_, vol. iii. p.
+        52; and as to the importance of fixing on a proper person to whom
+        to dedicate, see _Ellis's Letters Lit. Men_, pp. 231-234; and the
+        matter-of-fact remark in _Bishop Newton's Life_, p. 14; also,
+        _Hughes's Letters_, edit. 1773, vol. iii. p. xxxi. appendix.
+
+        About the middle of the eighteenth century was the turning-point
+        of this deplorable condition; and Watson, for instance, in 1769,
+        laid it down as a rule, 'never to dedicate to those from whom I
+        expected favours.' _Watson's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 54. So,
+        too, Warburton, in 1758, boasts that his dedication was not, as
+        usual, 'occupied by trifles or falsehoods.' See his letter, in
+        _Chatham Correspond._ vol. i. p. 315. Nearly at the same period,
+        the same change was effected in France, where D'Alembert set the
+        example of ridiculing the old custom. See _Brougham's Men of
+        Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 439, 440; _Correspond. de Madame
+        Dudeffand_, vol. ii. p. 148; and _[OE]uvres de Voltaire_, vol.
+        xl. p. 41, vol. lxi. p. 285.
+
+  [781] When Le Blanc visited England, in the middle of the reign of
+        George II., the custom of authors relying upon the patronage of
+        individuals was beginning to die away, and the plan of publishing
+        by subscription had become general. See the interesting details
+        in _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Francais_, vol. i. pp. 305-308; and
+        for the former state of things, see vol. ii. pp. 148-153. Burke,
+        who came to London in 1750, observes, with surprise, that
+        'writers of the first talents are left to the capricious
+        patronage of the public. Notwithstanding discouragement,
+        literature is cultivated to a high degree.' _Prior's Life of
+        Burke_, p. 21. This increasing independence also appears from the
+        fact that, in 1762, we find the first instance of a popular
+        writer attacking public men by name; authors having previously
+        confined themselves 'to the initials only of the great men whom
+        they assailed.' _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 19. The
+        feud between literature and rank may be further illustrated by an
+        entry in Holcroft's Diary for 1798, _Mem. of Holcroft_, vol. iii.
+        p. 28.
+
+From all these things there resulted consequences of vast importance.
+From this simplification, independence, and diffusion[782] of knowledge,
+it necessarily happened, that the issue of those great disputes to which
+I have alluded became, in the eighteenth century, more generally known
+than would have been possible in any preceding century. It was now known
+that theological and political questions were being constantly agitated,
+in which genius and learning were on one side, and orthodoxy and
+tradition on the other. It became known that the points which were
+mooted were not only as to the credibility of particular facts, but also
+as to the truth of general principles, with which the interests and
+happiness of Man were intimately concerned. Disputes which had hitherto
+been confined to a very small part of society began to spread far and
+wide, and suggest doubts that served as materials for national thought.
+The consequence was, that the spirit of inquiry became every year more
+active, and more general; the desire for reform constantly increased;
+and if affairs had been allowed to run on in their natural course, the
+eighteenth century could not have passed away without decisive and
+salutary changes both in the church and the state. But soon after the
+middle of this period, there unfortunately arose a series of political
+combinations which disturbed the march of events, and eventually
+produced a crisis so full of danger, that, among any other people, it
+would certainly have ended either in a loss of liberty or in a
+dissolution of government. This disastrous reaction, from the effects of
+which England has, perhaps, barely recovered, has never been studied
+with anything like the care its importance demands; indeed, it is so
+little understood, that no historian has traced the opposition between
+it and that great intellectual movement of which I have just sketched an
+outline. On this account, as also with the view of giving more
+completeness to the present chapter, I intend to examine its most
+important epochs, and point out, so far as I am able, the way in which
+they are connected with each other. According to the scheme of this
+Introduction, such an inquiry must, of course, be very cursory, as its
+sole object is to lay a foundation for those general principles, without
+which history is a mere assemblage of empirical observations,
+unconnected, and therefore unimportant. It must likewise be remembered,
+that as the circumstances about to be considered were not social, but
+political, we are the more liable to err in our conclusions respecting
+them; and this partly because the materials for the history of a people
+are more extensive, more indirect, and therefore less liable to be
+garbled, than are those for the history of a government; and partly
+because the conduct of small bodies of men, such as ministers and kings,
+is always more capricious, that is to say, less regulated by known
+laws, than is the conduct of those large bodies collectively called
+society, or a nation.[783] With this precautionary remark, I will now
+endeavour to trace what, in a mere political point of view, is the
+reactionary and retrogressive period of English history.
+
+  [782] In England, the marked increase in the number of books took place
+        during the latter half of the eighteenth century, and
+        particularly after 1756. See some valuable evidence in _Journal
+        of the Statistical Society_, vol. iii. pp. 383, 384. To this I
+        may add, that between 1753 and 1792, the circulation of
+        newspapers was more than doubled. _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_,
+        vol. i. p. 252.
+
+  [783] The apparent caprice and irregularity in small numbers arise from
+        the perturbations produced by the operation of minor and usually
+        unknown laws. In large numbers, these perturbations have a
+        tendency to balance each other; and this I take to be the sole
+        foundation of the accuracy obtained by striking an average. If we
+        could refer all phenomena to their laws, we should never use
+        averages. Of course, the expression _capricious_ is, strictly
+        speaking, inaccurate, and is merely a measure of our ignorance.
+
+It must be considered as a most fortunate circumstance, that after the
+death of Anne,[784] the throne should be occupied for nearly fifty years
+by two princes, aliens in manners and in country, of whom one spoke our
+language but indifferently, and the other knew it not at all.[785] The
+immediate predecessors of George III. were, indeed, of so sluggish a
+disposition, and were so profoundly ignorant of the people they
+undertook to govern,[786] that, notwithstanding their arbitrary temper,
+there was no danger of their organizing a party to extend the
+boundaries of the royal prerogative.[787] And as they were foreigners,
+they never had sufficient sympathy with the English church to induce
+them to aid the clergy in their natural desire to recover their former
+power.[788] Besides this, the fractious and disloyal conduct of many of
+the hierarchy must have tended to alienate the regard of the sovereign,
+as it had already cost them the affection of the people.[789]
+
+  [784] The temporary political reaction under Anne is well related by
+        Lord Cowper, in his _Hist. of Parties_, printed in appendix to
+        _Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 411, 412. This
+        able work of Lord Campbell's, though rather inaccurate for the
+        earlier period, is particularly valuable for the history of the
+        eighteenth century.
+
+  [785] See _Reminiscences of the Courts of George I. and George II. by
+        Horace Walpole_, pp. lv. xciv.; and _Mahon's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. i. pp. 100, 235. The fault of George II. was in his bad
+        pronunciation of English; but George I. was not even able to
+        pronounce it badly, and could only converse with his minister,
+        Sir Robert Walpole, in Latin. The French court saw this state of
+        things with great pleasure; and in December 1714, Madame de
+        Maintenon wrote to the Princess des Ursins (_Lettres inedites de
+        Maintenon_, vol. iii. p. 157): 'On dit que le nouveau roi
+        d'Angleterre se degoute de ses sujets, et que ses sujets sont
+        degoutes de lui. Dieu veuille remettre le tout en meilleur
+        ordre!' On the effect this produced on the language spoken at the
+        English court, compare _Le Blanc_, _Lettres d'un Francais_, vol.
+        i. p. 159.
+
+  [786] In 1715, Leslie writes respecting George I., that he is 'a
+        stranger to you, and altogether ignorant of your language, your
+        laws, customs, and constitution.' _Somers Tracts_, vol. xiii. p.
+        703.
+
+  [787] Great light has been thrown upon the character of George II. by
+        the recent publication of _Lord Hervey's Memoirs_; a curious
+        work, which fully confirms what we know from other sources
+        respecting the king's ignorance of English politics. Indeed, that
+        prince cared for nothing but soldiers and women; and his highest
+        ambition was to combine the reputation of a great general with
+        that of a successful libertine. Besides the testimony of Lord
+        Hervey, it is certain, from other authorities, that George II.
+        was despised as well as disliked, and was spoken of
+        contemptuously by observers of his character, and even by his own
+        ministers. See the _Marchmont Papers_, vol. i. pp. 29, 181, 187.
+
+        In reference to the decline of the royal authority, it is
+        important to observe, that since the accession of George I. none
+        of our sovereigns have been allowed to be present at state
+        deliberations. See _Bancroft's American Revolution_, vol. ii. p.
+        47, and _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 191.
+
+  [788] See the remarks said to be written by Bishop Atterbury, in _Somers
+        Tracts_, vol. xiii. p. 534, contrasting the affection Anne felt
+        for the church with the coldness of George I. The whole of the
+        pamphlet (pp. 521-541) ought to be read. It affords a curious
+        picture of a baffled churchman.
+
+  [789] The ill-feeling which the Church of England generally bore against
+        the government of the two first Georges was openly displayed, and
+        was so pertinaceous as to form a leading fact in the history of
+        England. In 1722, Bishop Atterbury was arrested, because he was
+        known to be engaged in a treasonable conspiracy with the
+        Pretender. As soon as he was seized, the church offered up
+        prayers for him. 'Under the pretence,' says Lord Mahon,--'under
+        the pretence of his being afflicted with the gout, he was
+        publicly prayed for in most of the churches of London and
+        Westminster.' _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. p. 38. See
+        also _Parl. Hist._ vol. vii. p. 988, and vol. viii. p. 347.
+
+        At Oxford, where the clergy have long been in the ascendant, they
+        made such efforts to instill their principles as to call down the
+        indignation of the elder Pitt, who, in a speech in Parliament in
+        1754, denounced that university, which he said had for many years
+        'been raising a succession of treason--there never was such a
+        seminary!' _Walpole's Mem. of George II._ vol. i. p. 413. Compare
+        the _Bedford Correspondence_, vol. i. pp. 594, 595, with
+        _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. ii. p. 383; and on the temper
+        of the clergy generally after the death of Anne, _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. vii. pp. 541, 542; _Bowles's Life of Ken_, vol. ii. pp. 188,
+        189; _Monk's Life of Bentley_, vol. i. pp. 370, 426.
+
+        The immediate consequence of this was very remarkable. For the
+        government and the dissenters, being both opposed by the church,
+        naturally combined together: the dissenters using all their
+        influence against the Pretender, and the government protecting
+        them against ecclesiastical prosecutions. See evidence of this in
+        _Doddridge's Correspond. and Diary_, vol. i. p. 30, vol. ii. p.
+        321, vol. iii. pp. 110, 125, vol. iv. pp. 428, 436, 437;
+        _Hutton's Life of Himself_, pp. 159, 160; _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxviii. pp. 11, 393, vol. xxix. pp. 1434, 1463; _Memoirs of
+        Priestley_, vol. ii. p. 506; _Life of Wakefield_, vol. i. p. 220.
+
+These circumstances, though in themselves they may be considered
+trifling, were in reality of great importance, because they secured to
+the nation the progress of that spirit of inquiry, which, if there had
+been a coalition between the crown and the church, it would have been
+attempted to stifle. Even as it was, some attempts were occasionally
+made; but they were comparatively speaking rare, and they lacked the
+vigour which they would have possessed, if there had been an intimate
+alliance between the temporal and spiritual authorities. Indeed, the
+state of affairs was so favourable, that the old Tory faction, pressed
+by the people and abandoned by the crown, was unable for more than forty
+years to take any share in the government.[790] At the same time,
+considerable progress, as we shall hereafter see, was made in
+legislation; and our statute-book, during that period, contains ample
+evidence of the decline of the powerful party by which England had once
+been entirely ruled.
+
+  [790] 'The year 1762 forms an era in the history of the two factions,
+        since it witnessed the destruction of that monopoly of honours
+        and emoluments which the Whigs had held for forty-five years.'
+        _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. ii. p. 406. Compare _Albemarle's
+        Memoirs of Rockingham_, vol. ii. p. 92. Lord Bolingbroke clearly
+        foresaw what would happen in consequence of the accession of
+        George I. Immediately after the death of Anne, he wrote to the
+        Bishop of Rochester: 'But the grief of my soul is this, I see
+        plainly that the Tory party is gone.' _Macpherson's Original
+        Papers_, vol. ii. p. 651.
+
+But by the death of George II. the political aspect was suddenly
+changed, and the wishes of the sovereign became once more antagonistic
+to the interests of the people. What made this the more dangerous was,
+that, to a superficial observer, the accession of George III. was one of
+the most fortunate events that could have occurred. The new king was
+born in England, spoke English as his mother tongue,[791] and was said
+to look upon Hanover as a foreign country, whose interests were to be
+considered of subordinate importance.[792] At the same time, the last
+hopes of the House of Stuart were now destroyed;[793] the Pretender
+himself was languishing in Italy, where he shortly after died; and his
+son, a slave to vices which seemed hereditary in that family, was
+consuming his life in an unpitied and ignominious obscurity.[794]
+
+  [791] Grosley, who visited England only five years after the accession
+        of George III., mentions the great effect produced upon the
+        English when they heard the king pronounce their language without
+        'a foreign accent.' _Grosley's Tour to London_, vol. ii. p. 106.
+        It is well known that the king, in his first speech, boasted of
+        being a Briton; but what is, perhaps, less generally known is,
+        that the honour was on the side of the country: 'What a lustre,'
+        said the House of Lords in their address to him,--'what a lustre
+        does it cast upon the name of Briton when you, sir, are pleased
+        to esteem it amongst your glories!' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xv. p.
+        986.
+
+  [792] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 955; _Walpole's Mem. of George III._
+        vol. i. pp. 4, 110.
+
+  [793] The accession of George III. is generally fixed on as the period
+        when English Jacobinism became extinct. See _Butler's
+        Reminiscences_, vol. ii. p. 92. At the first court held by the
+        new king, it was observed, says Horace Walpole, that 'the Earl of
+        Litchfield, Sir Walter Bagot, and the principal Jacobites went to
+        court.' _Walpole's Mem. of George III._ vol. i. p. 14. Only three
+        years earlier the Jacobites had been active; and in 1757, Rigby
+        writes to the Duke of Bedford: 'Fox's election at Windsor is very
+        doubtful. There is a Jacobite subscription of 5,000_l._ raised
+        against him, with Sir James Dashwood's name at the head of it.'
+        _Bedford Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 261.
+
+  [794] Charles Stuart was so stupidly ignorant, that at the age of
+        twenty-five he could hardly write, and was altogether unable to
+        spell. _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. iii. pp. 165, 166, and
+        appendix, p. ix. After the death of his father, in 1766, this
+        abject creature, who called himself king of England, went to
+        Rome, and took to drinking. _Ibid._ vol. iii. pp. 351-353. In
+        1779, Swinburne saw him at Florence, where he used to appear
+        every night at the opera, perfectly drunk. _Swinburne's Courts of
+        Europe_, vol. i. pp. 253-255; and in 1787, only the year before
+        he died, he continued the same degrading practice. See a letter
+        from Sir J. E. Smith, written from Naples in March 1787, in
+        _Smith's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 208. Another letter, written as
+        early as 1761 (_Grenville Papers_, vol. i. p. 366), describes
+        'the young Pretender always drunk.'
+
+And yet these circumstances, which appeared so favourable, did of
+necessity involve the most disastrous consequences. The fear of a
+disputed succession being removed, the sovereign was emboldened to a
+course on which he otherwise would not have ventured.[795] All those
+monstrous doctrines respecting the rights of kings, which the Revolution
+was supposed to have destroyed, were suddenly revived.[796] The clergy,
+abandoning the now hopeless cause of the Pretender, displayed the same
+zeal for the House of Hanover which they had formerly displayed for the
+House of Stuart. The pulpits resounded with praises of the new king, of
+his domestic virtues, of his piety, but above all of his dutiful
+attachment to the English church. The result was, the establishment of
+an alliance between the two parties more intimate than any that had been
+seen in England since the time of Charles I.[797] Under their auspices,
+the old Tory faction rapidly rallied, and were soon able to dispossess
+their rivals of the management of the government. This reactionary
+movement was greatly aided by the personal character of George III.; for
+he, being despotic as well as superstitious, was equally anxious to
+extend the prerogative, and strengthen the church. Every liberal
+sentiment, everything approaching to reform, nay, even the mere mention
+of inquiry, was an abomination in the eyes of that narrow and ignorant
+prince. Without knowledge, without taste, without even a glimpse of one
+of the sciences, or a feeling for one of the fine arts, education had
+done nothing to enlarge a mind which nature had more than usually
+contracted.[798] Totally ignorant of the history and resources of
+foreign countries, and barely knowing their geographical position, his
+information was scarcely more extensive respecting the people over whom
+he was called to rule. In that immense mass of evidence now extant, and
+which consists of every description of private correspondence, records
+of private conversation and of public acts, there is not to be found the
+slightest proof that he knew any one of those numerous things which the
+governor of a country ought to know; or, indeed, that he was acquainted
+with a single duty of his position, except that mere mechanical routine
+of ordinary business, which might have been effected by the lowest clerk
+in the meanest office in his kingdom.
+
+  [795] On the connexion between the decline of the Stuart interest and
+        the increased power of the crown under George III., compare
+        _Thoughts on the Present Discontents_, in _Burke's Works_, vol.
+        i. pp. 127, 128, with _Watson's Life of Himself_, vol. i. p. 136;
+        and for an intimation that this result was expected, see
+        _Grosley's London_, vol. ii. p. 252.
+
+  [796] _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. v. p. 245: 'The divine indefeasible
+        right of kings became the favourite theme--in total forgetfulness
+        of its incompatibility with the parliamentary title of the
+        reigning monarch.' Horace Walpole (_Mem. of George III._ vol. i.
+        p. 16) says, that in 1760 'prerogative became a fashionable
+        word.'
+
+  [797] The respect George III. always displayed for church-ceremonies
+        formed of itself a marked contrast with the indifference of his
+        immediate predecessors; and the change was gratefully noticed.
+        Compare _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. pp. 54, 55, with the
+        extract from Archbishop Secker, in _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. i. p. 440. For other evidence of the admiration
+        both parties felt and openly expressed for each other, see an
+        address from the bishop and clergy of St. Asaph (_Parr's Works_,
+        vol. vii. p. 352), and a letter from the king to Pitt (_Russell's
+        Memorials of Fox_, vol. iii. p. 251), which should be compared
+        with _Priestley's Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 137, 138.
+
+  [798] The education of George III. had been shamefully neglected; and
+        when he arrived at manhood he never attempted to repair its
+        deficiencies, but remained during his long life in a state of
+        pitiable ignorance. Compare _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. pp.
+        13-15; _Walpole's Mem. of George III._ vol. i. p. 55; _Mahon's
+        Hist. of England_, vol. iv. pp. 54, 207.
+
+The course of proceeding which such a king as this was likely to follow
+could be easily foreseen. He gathered round his throne that great party,
+who, clinging to the tradition of the past, have always made it their
+boast to check the progress of their age. During the sixty years of his
+reign, he, with the sole exception of Pitt, never willingly admitted to
+his councils a single man of great ability;[799] not one whose name is
+associated with any measure of value either in domestic or in foreign
+policy. Even Pitt only maintained his position in the state by
+forgetting the lessons of his illustrious father, and abandoning those
+liberal principles in which he had been educated, and with which he
+entered public life. Because George III. hated the idea of reform, Pitt
+not only relinquished what he had before declared to be absolutely
+necessary,[800] but did not hesitate to persecute to the death the party
+with whom he had once associated in order to obtain it.[801] Because
+George III. looked upon slavery as one of those good old customs which
+the wisdom of his ancestors had consecrated, Pitt did not dare to use
+his power for procuring its abolition, but left to his successors the
+glory of destroying that infamous trade, on the preservation of which
+his royal master had set his heart.[802] Because George III. detested
+the French, of whom he knew as much as he knew of the inhabitants of
+Kamtchatka or of Tibet, Pitt, contrary to his own judgment, engaged in a
+war with France by which England was seriously imperilled, and the
+English people burdened with a debt that their remotest posterity will
+be unable to pay.[803] But, notwithstanding all this, when Pitt, only a
+few years before his death, showed a determination to concede to the
+Irish some small share of their undoubted rights, the king dismissed him
+from office; and the king's friends, as they were called,[804] expressed
+their indignation at the presumption of a minister who could oppose the
+wishes of so benign and gracious a master.[805] And when, unhappily for
+his own fame, this great man determined to return to power, he could
+only recover office by conceding that very point for which he had
+relinquished it; thus setting the mischievous example of the minister of
+a free country sacrificing his own judgment to the personal prejudices
+of the reigning sovereign.
+
+  [799] See some good remarks by Lord John Russell in his Introduction to
+        the _Bedford Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. lxii.
+
+  [800] In a motion for reform in Parliament in 1782, he declared that it
+        was 'essentially necessary.' See his speech, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xxii. p. 1418. In 1784 he mentioned 'the necessity of a
+        parliamentary reform,' vol. xxiv. p. 349; see also pp. 998, 999.
+        Compare _Disney's Life of Jebb_, p. 209. Nor is it true, as some
+        have said, that he afterwards abandoned the cause of reform
+        because the times were unfavourable to it. On the contrary, he,
+        in a speech delivered in 1800, said (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv. p.
+        47): 'Upon this subject, sir, I think it right to state the
+        inmost thoughts of my mind; I think it right to declare my most
+        decided opinion, that, _even if the times were proper for
+        experiments, any, even the slightest, change in such a
+        constitution must be considered as an evil_.' It is remarkable
+        that, even as early as 1783, Paley appears to have suspected the
+        sincerity of Pitt's professions in favour of reform. See
+        _Meadley's Memoirs of Paley_, p. 121.
+
+  [801] In 1794 Grey taunted him with this in the House of Commons:
+        'William Pitt, the reformer of that day, was William Pitt, the
+        prosecutor, ay and persecutor too, of reformers now.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 532; compare vol. xxxiii. p. 659. So, too,
+        Lord Campbell (_Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 544): 'He afterwards
+        tried to hang a few of his brother reformers who continued steady
+        in the cause.' See further, on this damning fact in the career of
+        Pitt, _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vii. p. 105; _Brougham's
+        Statesmen_, vol. ii. p. 21; _Belsham's History_, vol. ix. pp. 79,
+        242; _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 198; and even a letter from
+        the mild and benevolent Roscoe, in _Life of Roscoe, by his Son_,
+        vol. i. p. 113.
+
+  [802] Such was the king's zeal in favour of the slave-trade, that in
+        1770 'he issued an instruction under his own hand commanding the
+        governor (of Virginia), upon pain of the highest displeasure, to
+        assent to no law by which the importation of slaves should be in
+        any respect prohibited or obstructed.' _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. iii. p. 456: so that, as Mr. Bancroft
+        indignantly observes, p. 469, while the courts of law had decided
+        'that as soon as any slave set his foot on English ground he
+        becomes free, the king of England stood in the path of humanity,
+        and made himself the pillar of the colonial slave-trade.' The
+        shuffling conduct of Pitt in this matter makes it hard for any
+        honest man to forgive him. Compare _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 14, 103-105; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. iii. pp. 131,
+        278, 279; _Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. x. pp. 34, 35;
+        _Life of Wakefield_, vol. i. p. 197; _Porter's Progress of the
+        Nation_, vol. iii. p. 426; _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_,
+        vol. ii. p. 157; and the striking remarks of Francis, in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxxii. p. 949.
+
+  [803] That Pitt wished to remain at peace, and was hurried into the war
+        with France by the influence of the court, is admitted by the
+        best-informed writers, men in other respects of different
+        opinions. See, for instance, _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. ii. p.
+        9; _Rogers's Introduction to Burke's Works_, p. lxxxiv.;
+        _Nicholls's Recollections_, vol. ii. pp. 155, 200.
+
+  [804] The mere existence of such a party, with such a name, shows how,
+        in a political point of view, England was receding during this
+        period from the maxims established at the Revolution. Respecting
+        this active faction, compare the indignant remarks of Burke
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 133) with _Albemarle's Rockingham_, vol. i.
+        pp. 5, 307; _Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ vol. i. p. 284,
+        vol. ii. p. 154; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. pp. 61, 120,
+        vol. ii. pp. 50, 77; _Bedford Correspond._ vol. iii. p. xlv.;
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. viii. p. 513; _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol.
+        i. p. 74; _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 352; _Walpole's George
+        III._ vol. iv. p. 315; _The Grenville Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 33,
+        34, vol. iii. p. 57, vol. iv. p. 79, 152, 219, 303; _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xvi. pp. 841, 973, vol. xviii. pp. 1005, 1246, vol. xix. pp.
+        435, 856, vol. xxii. pp. 650, 1173.
+
+  [805] See an extraordinary passage in _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_,
+        vol. i. p. 334.
+
+As it was hardly possible to find other ministers, who to equal
+abilities would add equal subservience, it is not surprising that the
+highest offices were constantly filled by men of notorious
+incapacity.[806] Indeed, the king seemed to have an instinctive
+antipathy to everything great and noble. During the reign of George II.
+the elder Pitt had won for himself a reputation which covered the world,
+and had carried to an unprecedented height the glories of the English
+name.[807] He, however, as the avowed friend of popular rights,
+strenuously opposed the despotic principles of the court; and for this
+reason he was hated by George III. with a hatred that seemed barely
+compatible with a sane mind.[808] Fox was one of the greatest statesmen
+of the eighteenth century, and was better acquainted than any other with
+the character and resources of those foreign nations with which our own
+interests were intimately connected.[809] To this rare and important
+knowledge he added a sweetness and an amenity of temper which extorted
+the praises even of his political opponents.[810] But he, too, was the
+steady supporter of civil and religious liberty; and he, too, was so
+detested by George III., that the king, with his own hand, struck his
+name out of the list of privy councillors,[811] and declared that he
+would rather abdicate the throne than admit him to a share in the
+government.[812]
+
+  [806] This decline in the abilities of official men was noticed by
+        Burke, in 1770, as a necessary consequence of the new system.
+        Compare _Thoughts on the Present Discontents_ (_Burke's Works_,
+        vol. i. p. 149) with his striking summary (_Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xvi. p. 879) of the degeneracy during the first nine years of
+        George III. 'Thus situated, the question at last was not, who
+        could do the public business best, but who would undertake to do
+        it at all. Men of talents and integrity would not accept of
+        employments where they were neither allowed to exercise their
+        judgment nor display the rectitude of their hearts.' In 1780,
+        when the evil had become still more obvious, the same great
+        observer denounced it in his celebrated address to his Bristol
+        constituents. 'At present,' he says, 'it is the plan of the court
+        to make its servants insignificant.' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p.
+        257. See further _Parr's Works_, vol. iii. pp. 256, 260, 261.
+
+  [807] The military success of his administration is related in very
+        strong language, but not unfairly, in _Mahon's Hist. of England_,
+        vol. iv. pp. 108, 185, 186, and see the admirable summary in
+        _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. pp. 33, 34: and for evidence of
+        the fear with which he inspired the enemies of England, compare
+        _Mahon_, vol. v. p. 165 note; _Bedford Correspond._ vol. iii. pp.
+        87, 246, 247; _Walpole's Letters to Mann_, vol. i. p. 304, edit.
+        1843; _Walpole's Mem. of George III._ vol. ii. p. 232; and the
+        reluctant admission in _Georgel, Memoires_, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.
+
+  [808] Lord Brougham (_Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. pp. 22, 33) has
+        published striking evidence of what he calls 'the truly savage
+        feelings' with which George III. regarded Lord Chatham (compare
+        _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. p. 129). Indeed, the sentiments
+        of the king were even displayed in the arrangements at the
+        funeral of the great minister. _Note in Adolphus's Hist. of
+        George III._ vol. ii. p. 568; and for other evidence of ill-will,
+        see two notes from the king to Lord North, in _Mahon's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. vi. appendix, pp. lii. liv.; _The Grenville
+        Papers_, vol. ii. p. 386; _Bancroft's American Revolution_, vol.
+        i. p. 438.
+
+  [809] Lord Brougham (_Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 219) says: 'It
+        may be questioned if any politician, in any age, ever knew so
+        thoroughly the various interests and the exact position of all
+        the countries with which his own had dealings to conduct or
+        relations to maintain.' See also _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 14,
+        15; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. pp. 320, 321, vol. ii. pp.
+        91, 243; _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. i. p. 338.
+
+  [810] Burke, even after the French Revolution, said, that Fox 'was of
+        the most artless, candid, open, and benevolent disposition,
+        disinterested in the extreme; of a temper mild and placable even
+        to a fault, without one drop of gall in his whole constitution.'
+        Speech on the Army Estimates in 1790, in _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxviii. p. 356. For further evidence, compare _Alison's Hist. of
+        Europe_, vol. vii. p. 171; _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_,
+        vol. i. pp. 3, 273; _Trotter's Mem. of Fox_, pp. xi. xii., 24,
+        178, 415.
+
+  [811] _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. vi. p. 692. A singular
+        circumstance connected with this wanton outrage is related in the
+        _Mem. of Holcroft_, vol. iii. p. 60.
+
+  [812] Compare _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. iv. pp. 107, 108,
+        with _Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. pp. 191, 287, 288, vol. ii.
+        p. 44. Dutens, who had much intercourse with English politicians,
+        heard of the threat of abdication in 1784. _Dutens's Memoires_,
+        vol. iii. p. 104. Lord Holland says, that during the fatal
+        illness of Fox, 'the king had watched the progress of Mr. Fox's
+        disorder. He could hardly suppress his indecent exultation at his
+        death.' _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_, vol. ii. p. 49.
+
+While this unfavourable change was taking place in the sovereign and
+ministers of the country, a change equally unfavourable was being
+effected in the second branch of the imperial legislature. Until the
+reign of George III., the House of Lords was decidedly superior to the
+House of Commons in the liberality and general accomplishments of its
+members. It is true, that in both houses there prevailed a spirit which
+must be called narrow and superstitious, if tried by the larger standard
+of the present age. But among the peers such feelings were tempered by
+an education that raised them far above those country gentlemen and
+ignorant fox-hunting squires of whom the lower house was then chiefly
+composed. From this superiority in their knowledge, there naturally
+followed a larger and more liberal turn of thought than was possessed by
+those who were called the representatives of the people. The result was,
+that the old Tory spirit, becoming gradually weaker in the upper house,
+took refuge in the lower; where, for about sixty years after the
+Revolution, the high-church party and the friends of the Stuarts formed
+a dangerous faction.[813] Thus, for instance, the two men who rendered
+the most eminent services to the Hanoverian dynasty, and therefore to
+the liberties of England, were undoubtedly Somers and Walpole. Both of
+them were remarkable for their principles of toleration, and both of
+them owed their safety to the interference of the House of Lords.
+Somers, early in the eighteenth century, was protected by the peers from
+the scandalous prosecution instituted against him by the other house of
+parliament.[814] Forty years after this, the Commons, who wished to hunt
+Walpole to the death, carried up a bill encouraging witnesses to appear
+against him by remitting to them the penalties to which they might be
+liable.[815] This barbarous measure had been passed through the lower
+house without the least difficulty; but in the Lords it was rejected by
+a preponderance of nearly two to one.[816] In the same way the Schism
+Act, by which the friends of the church subjected the dissenters to a
+cruel persecution,[817] was hurried through the Commons by a large and
+eager majority.[818] In the Lords, however, the votes were nearly
+balanced; and although the bill was passed, amendments were added by
+which the violence of its provisions was in some degree softened.[819]
+
+  [813] In 1725, the Duke of Wharton, in a letter to the Pretender, after
+        mentioning some proceedings in the Commons, adds, 'In the House
+        of Lords our number is so small, that any behaviour there will be
+        immaterial.' _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. ii. appendix, p.
+        xxiii. See also, respecting the greater strength of the Tories in
+        the House of Commons, _Somers Tracts_, vol. xi. p. 242, vol.
+        xiii. pp. 524, 531; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. iv. p. 158;
+        _Campbell's Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 156.
+
+  [814] Compare _Vernon Correspond._ vol. iii. p. 149, with _Burnet's Own
+        Time_, vol. iv. p. 504. Burnet says, 'All the Jacobites joined to
+        support the pretensions of the Commons.' The Commons complained
+        that the Lords had shown 'such an indulgence to the person
+        accused as is not to be paralleled in any parliamentary
+        proceedings.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. v. p. 1294. See also their angry
+        remonstrance, pp. 1314, 1315.
+
+  [815] _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. iii. p. 122.
+
+  [816] 'Content, 47; non-content, 92.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xii. p. 711.
+        Mr. Phillimore (_Mem. of Lyttleton_, vol. i. p. 213) ascribes
+        this to the exertions of Lord Hardwicke; but the state of parties
+        in the upper house is sufficient explanation; and even in 1735 it
+        was said that 'the Lords were betwixt the devil and the deep
+        sea,' the devil being Walpole. _Marchmont Papers_, vol. ii. p.
+        59. Compare _Bishop Newton's Life of Himself_, p. 60.
+
+  [817] See an account of some of its provisions in _Mahon's Hist. of
+        England_, vol. i. pp. 80, 81. The object of the bill is frankly
+        stated in _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. p. 1349, where we are informed
+        that 'as the farther discouragement and even ruin of the
+        dissenters was thought necessary for accomplishing this scheme,
+        it was begun with the famous Schism Bill.'
+
+  [818] By 237 to 126. _Parl. Hist._ vol. vi. p. 1351.
+
+  [819] _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. i. p. 83; _Bunbury's Correspond.
+        of Hanmer_, p. 48. The bill was carried in the Lords by 77
+        against 72.
+
+This superiority of the upper house over the lower was, on the whole,
+steadily maintained during the reign of George II.;[820] the ministers
+not being anxious to strengthen the high-church party in the Lords, and
+the king himself so rarely suggesting fresh creations as to cause a
+belief that he particularly disliked increasing their numbers.[821]
+
+  [820] 'If we scrutinize the votes of the peers from the period of the
+        revolution to the death of George II., we shall find a very great
+        majority of the old English nobility to have been the advocates
+        of Whig principles.' _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii. p. 363.
+
+  [821] Compare _Harris's Life of Hardwicke_, vol. iii. p. 519, with the
+        conversation between Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Hervey, in
+        _Hervey's Mem. of George II._ vol. ii. p. 251, edit. 1848.
+
+It was reserved for George III., by an unsparing use of his prerogative,
+entirely to change the character of the upper house, and thus lay the
+foundation for that disrepute into which since then the peers have been
+constantly falling. The creations he made were numerous beyond all
+precedent; their object evidently being to neutralize the liberal spirit
+hitherto prevailing, and thus turn the House of Lords into an engine for
+resisting the popular wishes, and stopping the progress of reform.[822]
+How completely this plan succeeded, is well known to the readers of our
+history; indeed, it was sure to be successful, considering the character
+of the men who were promoted. They consisted almost entirely of two
+classes: of country gentlemen, remarkable for nothing but their wealth,
+and the number of votes their wealth enabled them to control;[823] and
+of mere lawyers, who had risen to judicial appointments partly from
+their professional learning, but chiefly from the zeal with which they
+repressed the popular liberties, and favoured the royal
+prerogative.[824]
+
+  [822] _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii. pp. 363, 364, 365, 463; _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xviii. p. 1418, vol. xxiv. p. 493, vol. xxvii. p.
+        1069, vol. xxix. pp. 1334, 1494, vol. xxxiii. pp. 90, 602, 1315.
+
+  [823] This was too notorious to be denied; and in the House of Commons,
+        in 1800, Nicholls taunted the Government with 'holding out a
+        peerage, or elevation to a higher rank in the peerage, to every
+        man who could procure a nomination to a certain number of seats
+        in parliament.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv. p. 762. So, too,
+        Sheridan, in 1792, said (vol. xxix. p. 1333), 'In this country
+        peerages had been bartered for election interest.'
+
+  [824] On this great influx of lawyers into the House of Lords, most of
+        whom zealously advocated arbitrary principles, see _Belsham's
+        Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. vii. pp. 266, 267; _Adolphus's
+        Hist. of George III._ vol. iii. p. 363; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxv.
+        p. 1523.
+
+That this is no exaggerated description, may be ascertained by any one
+who will consult the lists of the new peers made by George III. Here and
+there we find an eminent man, whose public services were so notorious
+that it was impossible to avoid rewarding them; but, putting aside those
+who were in a manner forced upon the sovereign, it would be idle to deny
+that the remainder, and of course the overwhelming majority, were marked
+by a narrowness and illiberality of sentiment which, more than anything
+else, brought the whole order into contempt.[825] No great thinkers; no
+great writers; no great orators; no great statesmen; none of the true
+nobility of the land,--were to be found among the spurious nobles
+created by George III. Nor were the material interests of the country
+better represented in this strange composition. Among the most important
+men in England, those engaged in banking and commerce held a high place:
+since the end of the seventeenth century their influence had rapidly
+increased; while their intelligence, their clear, methodical habits,
+and their general knowledge of affairs, made them every way superior to
+those classes from whom the upper house was now recruited. But in the
+reign of George III. claims of this sort were little heeded; and we are
+assured by Burke, whose authority on such a subject no one will dispute,
+that there never had been a time in which so few persons connected with
+commerce were raised to the peerage.[826]
+
+  [825] It was foretold at the time, that the effect of the numerous
+        creations made during Pitt's power would be to lower the House of
+        Lords. Compare _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p. 76, with
+        Erskine's speech in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 1330; and see
+        Sheridan's speech, vol. xxxiii. p. 1197. But their language,
+        indignant as it is, was restrained by a desire of not wholly
+        breaking with the court. Other men, who were more independent in
+        their position, and cared nothing for the chance of future
+        office, expressed themselves in terms such as had never before
+        been heard within the walls of Parliament. Rolle, for instance,
+        declared that 'there had been persons created peers during the
+        present minister's power, who were not fit to be his grooms.'
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvii. p. 1198. Out of doors, the feeling of
+        contempt was equally strong; see _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p.
+        278; and see the remark even of the courtly Sir W. Jones, on the
+        increasing disregard for learning shown by 'the nobles of our
+        days.' _Preface to Persian Grammar_, in _Jones's Works_, vol. ii.
+        p. 125.
+
+  [826] In his _Thoughts on French Affairs_, written in 1791, he says, 'At
+        no period in the history of England have so few peers been taken
+        out of trade, or from families newly created by commerce.'
+        _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 566. Indeed, according to Sir
+        Nathaniel Wraxall (_Posthumous Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 66, 67,
+        Lond. 1836), the only instance when George III. broke this rule
+        was when Smith the banker was made Lord Carrington. Wraxall is an
+        indifferent authority, and there may be other cases; but they
+        were certainly very few, and I cannot call any to mind.
+
+It would be endless to collect all the symptoms which mark the political
+degeneracy of England during this period; a degeneracy the more
+striking, because it was opposed to the spirit of the time, and because
+it took place in spite of a great progress, both social and
+intellectual. How that progress eventually stopped the political
+reaction, and even forced it to retrace its own steps, will appear in
+another part of this work; but there is one circumstance which I cannot
+refrain from noticing at some length, since it affords a most
+interesting illustration of the tendency of public affairs, while at the
+same time it exhibits the character of one of the greatest men, and,
+Bacon alone excepted, the greatest thinker, who has ever devoted himself
+to the practice of English politics.
+
+The slightest sketch of the reign of George III. would indeed be
+miserably imperfect if it were to omit the name of Edmund Burke. The
+studies of this extraordinary man not only covered the whole field of
+political inquiry,[827] but extended to an immense variety of subjects,
+which, though apparently unconnected with politics, do in reality bear
+upon them as important adjuncts; since, to a philosophic mind, every
+branch of knowledge lights up even those that seem most remote from it.
+The eulogy passed upon him by one who was no mean judge of men,[828]
+might be justified, and more than justified, by passages from
+his works, as well as by the opinions of the most eminent of his
+contemporaries.[829] Thus it is, that while his insight into the
+philosophy of jurisprudence has gained the applause of lawyers,[830] his
+acquaintance with the whole range and theory of the fine arts has won
+the admiration of artists;[831] a striking combination of two pursuits,
+often, though erroneously, held to be incompatible with each other. At
+the same time, and notwithstanding the occupations of political life, we
+know on good authority, that he had paid great attention to the history
+and filiation of languages;[832] a vast subject, which within the last
+thirty years has become an important resource for the study of the human
+mind, but the very idea of which had, in its large sense, only begun to
+dawn upon a few solitary thinkers. And, what is even more remarkable,
+when Adam Smith came to London full of those discoveries which have
+immortalized his name, he found to his amazement that Burke had
+anticipated conclusions the maturing of which cost Smith himself many
+years of anxious and unremitting labour.[833]
+
+  [827] Nicholls, who knew him, says, 'The political knowledge of Mr.
+        Burke might be considered almost as an encyclopaedia; every man
+        who approached him received instruction from his stores.'
+        _Nicholls's Recollections_, vol. i. p. 20.
+
+  [828] 'The excursions of his genius are immense. His imperial fancy has
+        laid all nature under tribute, and has collected riches from
+        every scene of the creation, and every walk of art.' _Works of
+        Robert Hall_, London, 1846, p. 196. So, too, Wilberforce says of
+        him, 'He had come late into Parliament, and had had time to lay
+        in vast stores of knowledge. The field from which he drew his
+        illustrations was magnificent. Like the fabled object of the
+        fairy's favours, whenever he opened his mouth pearls and diamonds
+        dropped from him.' _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. i. p. 159.
+
+  [829] Lord Thurlow is said to have declared, what I suppose is now the
+        general opinion of competent judges, that the fame of Burke would
+        survive that of Pitt and Fox. _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i.
+        p. 169. But the noblest eulogy on Burke was pronounced by a man
+        far greater than Thurlow. In 1790, Fox stated in the House of
+        Commons, 'that if he were to put all the political information
+        which he had learnt from books, all which he had gained from
+        science, and all which any knowledge of the world and its affairs
+        had taught him, into one scale, and the improvement which he had
+        derived from his right hon. friend's instruction and conversation
+        were placed in the other, he should be at a loss to decide to
+        which to give the preference.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxviii. p. 363.
+
+  [830] Lord Campbell (_Lives of the Chief-Justices_, vol. ii. p. 443)
+        says, 'Burke, a philosophic statesman, deeply imbued with the
+        scientific principles of jurisprudence.' See also, on his
+        knowledge of law, _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p. 131; and
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. i. p. 230.
+
+  [831] Barry, in his celebrated Letter to the Dilettanti Society, regrets
+        that Burke should have been diverted from the study of the fine
+        arts into the pursuit of politics, because he had one of those
+        'minds of an admirable expansion and catholicity, so as to
+        embrace the whole concerns of art, ancient as well as modern,
+        domestic as well as foreign.' _Barry's Works_, vol. ii. p. 538,
+        4to, 1809. In the _Annual Register_ for 1798, p. 329, 2nd edit.,
+        it is stated that Sir Joshua Reynolds 'deemed Burke the best
+        judge of pictures that he ever knew.' See further _Works of Sir
+        J. Reynolds_, Lond. 1846, vol. i. p. 185; and _Bisset's Life of
+        Burke_, vol. ii. p. 257. A somewhat curious conversation between
+        Burke and Reynolds, on a point of art, is preserved in
+        _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 276, 277.
+
+  [832] See a letter from Winstanley, the Camden Professor of Ancient
+        History, in _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. pp. 390, 391, and
+        in _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 427. Winstanley writes, 'It would
+        have been exceedingly difficult to have met with a person who
+        knew more of the philosophy, the history, and filiation of
+        languages, or of the principles of etymological deduction, than
+        Mr. Burke.'
+
+  [833] Adam Smith told Burke, 'after they had conversed on subjects of
+        political economy, that he was the only man who, without
+        communication, thought on these topics exactly as he did.'
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. p. 429; and see _Prior's Life
+        of Burke_, p. 58; and on his knowledge of political economy,
+        _Brougham's Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 205.
+
+To these great inquiries, which touch the basis of social philosophy,
+Burke added a considerable acquaintance with physical science, and even
+with the practice and routine of mechanical trades. All this was so
+digested and worked into his mind, that it was ready on every occasion;
+not, like the knowledge of ordinary politicians, broken and wasted in
+fragments, but blended into a complete whole, fused by a genius that
+gave life even to the dullest pursuits. This, indeed, was the
+characteristic of Burke, that in his hands nothing was barren. Such was
+the strength and exuberance of his intellect, that it bore fruit in all
+directions, and could confer dignity upon the meanest subjects, by
+showing their connexion with general principles and the part they have
+to play in the great scheme of human affairs.
+
+But what has always appeared to me still more remarkable in the
+character of Burke, is the singular sobriety with which he employed his
+extraordinary acquirements. During the best part of his life, his
+political principles, so far from being speculative, were altogether
+practical. This is particularly striking, because he had every
+temptation to adopt an opposite course. He possessed materials for
+generalization far more ample than any politician of his time, and he
+had a mind eminently prone to take large views. On many occasions, and
+indeed whenever an opportunity occurred, he showed his capacity as an
+original and speculative thinker. But the moment he set foot on
+political ground, he changed his method. In questions connected with the
+accumulation and distribution of wealth he saw that it was possible, by
+proceeding from a few simple principles, to construct a deductive
+science available for the commercial and financial interests of the
+country. Further than this he refused to advance, because he knew that,
+with this single exception, every department of politics was purely
+empirical, and was likely long to remain so. Hence it was, that he
+recognized in all its bearings that great doctrine, which even in our
+own days is too often forgotten, that the aim of the legislator should
+be, not truth, but expediency. Looking at the actual state of knowledge,
+he was forced to admit, that all political principles have been raised
+by hasty induction from limited facts; and that, therefore, it is the
+part of a wise man, when he adds to the facts, to revise the induction,
+and, instead of sacrificing practice to principles, modify the
+principles that he may change the practice. Or, to put this in another
+way, he lays it down that political principles are at the best but the
+product of human reason; while political practice has to do with human
+nature and human passions, of which reason forms but a part;[834] and
+that, on this account, the proper business of a statesman is, to
+contrive the means by which certain ends may be effected, leaving it to
+the general voice of the country to determine what those ends shall be,
+and shaping his own conduct, not according to his own principles, but
+according to the wishes of the people for whom he legislates, and whom
+he is bound to obey.[835]
+
+  [834] 'Politics ought to be adjusted, not to human reasonings, but to
+        human nature; of which the reason is but a part, and by no means
+        the greatest part.' _Observations on a late State of the Nation_,
+        in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 113. Hence the distinction he had
+        constantly in view between the generalizations of philosophy,
+        which ought to be impregnable, and those of politics, which must
+        be fluctuating; and hence in his noble work, _Thoughts on the
+        Cause of the present Discontents_, he says (vol. i. p. 136), 'No
+        lines can be laid down for civil or political wisdom. They are a
+        matter incapable of exact definition.' See also p. 151, on which
+        he grounds his defence of the spirit of party; it being evident
+        that if truth were the prime object of the political art, the
+        idea of party, as such, would be indefensible. Compare with this
+        the difference between 'la verite en soi' and 'la verite
+        sociale,' as expounded by M. Rey in his _Science Sociale_, vol.
+        ii. p. 322, Paris, 1842.
+
+  [835] In 1780 he plainly told the House of Commons that 'the people are
+        the masters. They have only to express their wants at large and
+        in gross. We are the expert artists; we are the skilful workmen,
+        to shape their desires into perfect form, and to fit the utensil
+        to the use. They are the sufferers, they tell the symptoms of the
+        complaint; but we know the exact seat of the disease, and how to
+        apply the remedy according to the rules of art. How shocking
+        would it be to see us pervert our skill into a sinister and
+        servile dexterity, for the purpose of evading our duty, and
+        _defrauding our employers, who are our natural lords_, of the
+        object of their just expectations!' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p.
+        254. In 1777, in his _Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol_
+        (_Works_, vol. i. p. 216), 'In effect, to follow, not to force,
+        the public inclination; to give a direction, a form, a technical
+        dress, and a specific sanction, to the general sense of the
+        community,--is the true end of legislature.' In his _Letter on
+        the Duration of Parliament_ (vol. ii. p. 430), 'It would be
+        dreadful, indeed, if there was any power in the nation capable of
+        resisting its unanimous desire, or even the desire of any very
+        great and decided majority of the people. The people may be
+        deceived in their choice of an object. _But I can scarcely
+        conceive any choice they can make to be so very mischievous, as
+        the existence of any human force capable of resisting it._' So,
+        too, he says (vol. i. pp. 125, 214), that when government and the
+        people differ, government is generally in the wrong: compare pp.
+        217, 218, 276, vol. ii. p. 440. And to give only one more
+        instance, but a very decisive one, he, in 1772, when speaking on
+        a Bill respecting the Importation and Exportation of Corn, said,
+        'On this occasion I give way to the present Bill, not because I
+        approve of the measure in itself, but because I think it prudent
+        to yield to the spirit of the times. _The people will have it so;
+        and it is not for their representatives to say nay._ I cannot,
+        however, help entering my protest against the general principles
+        of policy on which it is supported, because I think them
+        extremely dangerous.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 480.
+
+It is these views, and the extraordinary ability with which they were
+advocated, which make the appearance of Burke a memorable epoch in our
+political history.[836] We had, no doubt, other statesmen before him,
+who denied the validity of general principles in politics; but their
+denial was only the happy guess of ignorance, and they rejected theories
+which they had never taken the pains to study. Burke rejected them
+because he knew them. It was his rare merit that, notwithstanding every
+inducement to rely upon his own generalizations, he resisted the
+temptation; that, though rich in all the varieties of political
+knowledge, he made his opinions subservient to the march of events; that
+he recognized as the object of government, not the preservation of
+particular institutions, nor the propagation of particular tenets, but
+the happiness of the people at large; and, above all, that he insisted
+upon an obedience to the popular wishes, which no statesman before him
+had paid, and which too many statesmen since him have forgotten. Our
+country, indeed, is still full of those vulgar politicians, against whom
+Burke raised his voice; feeble and shallow men, who, having spent their
+little force in resisting the progress of reform, find themselves at
+length, compelled to yield; and then, so soon as they have exhausted the
+artifices of their petty schemes, and, by their tardy and ungraceful
+concessions, have sown the seed of future disaffection, they turn upon
+the age by which they have been baffled; they mourn over the degeneracy
+of mankind; they lament the decay of public spirit; and they weep for
+the fate of a people, who have been so regardless of the wisdom of their
+ancestors, as to tamper with a constitution already hoary with the
+prescription of centuries.
+
+  [836] The effect which Burke's profound views produced in the House of
+        Commons, where, however, few men were able to understand them in
+        their full extent, is described by Dr. Hay, who was present at
+        one of his great speeches; which, he says, 'seemed a kind of new
+        political philosophy.' _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 103.
+        Compare a letter from Lee, written in the same year, 1766, in
+        _Forster's Life of Goldsmith_, vol. ii. pp. 38, 39; and in
+        _Bunbury's Correspond. of Hanmer_, p. 458.
+
+Those who have studied the reign of George III. will easily understand
+the immense advantage of having a man like Burke to oppose these
+miserable delusions; delusions which have been fatal to many countries,
+and have more than once almost ruined our own.[837] They will also
+understand that, in the opinion of the king, this great statesman was,
+at best, but an eloquent declaimer, to be classed in the same category
+with Fox and Chatham; all three ingenious men, but unsafe, unsteady,
+quite unfit for weighty concerns, and by no means calculated for so
+exalted an honour as admission into the royal councils. In point of
+fact, during the thirty years Burke was engaged in public life, he never
+once held an office in the cabinet;[838] and the only occasions on
+which he occupied even a subordinate post, were in those very short
+intervals when the fluctuations of politics compelled the appointment of
+a liberal ministry.
+
+Indeed the part taken by Burke in public affairs must have been very
+galling to a king who thought everything good that was old, and
+everything right that was established.[839] For, so far was this
+remarkable man in advance of his contemporaries, that there are few of
+the great measures of the present generation which he did not
+anticipate, and zealously defend. Not only did he attack the absurd laws
+against forestalling and regrating,[840] but, by advocating the freedom
+of trade, he struck at the root of all similar prohibitions.[841] He
+supported those just claims of the Catholics,[842] which, during his
+lifetime, were obstinately refused; but which were conceded, many years
+after his death, as the only means of preserving the integrity of the
+empire. He supported the petition of the Dissenters, that they might be
+relieved from the restrictions to which, for the benefit of the Church
+of England, they were subjected.[843] Into other departments of politics
+he carried the same spirit. He opposed the cruel laws against
+insolvents,[844] by which, in the time of George III., our statute-book
+was still defaced; and he vainly attempted to soften the penal
+code,[845] the increasing severity of which was one of the worst
+features of that bad reign.[846] He wished to abolish the old plan of
+enlisting soldiers for life;[847] a barbarous and impolitic practice, as
+the English legislature began to perceive several years later.[848] He
+attacked the slave-trade;[849] which, being an ancient usage, the king
+wished to preserve, as part of the British constitution.[850] He
+refuted,[851] but, owing to the prejudices of the age, was unable to
+subvert, the dangerous power exercised by the judges, who, in criminal
+prosecutions for libel, confined the jury to the mere question of
+publication; thus taking the real issue into their own hands, and making
+themselves the arbiters of the fate of those who were so unfortunate as
+to be placed at their bar.[852] And, what many will think not the least
+of his merits, he was the first in that long line of financial reformers
+to whom we are deeply indebted.[853] Notwithstanding the difficulties
+thrown in his way, he carried through Parliament a series of bills, by
+which several useless places were entirely abolished, and, in the single
+office of paymaster-general, a saving effected to the country of
+25,000_l._ a year.[854]
+
+  [837] Burke was never weary of attacking the common argument, that,
+        because a country has long flourished under some particular
+        custom, therefore the custom must be good. See an admirable
+        instance of this in his speech on the power of the
+        attorney-general to file informations _ex officio_; where he
+        likens such reasoners to the father of Scriblerus, who 'venerated
+        the rust and canker which exalted a brazen pot-lid into the
+        shield of a hero.' He adds: 'But, sir, we are told that the time
+        during which this power existed, is the time during which
+        monarchy most flourished: and what, then, can no two things
+        subsist together but as cause and effect? May not a man have
+        enjoyed better health during the time that he walked with an
+        oaken stick, than afterwards, when he changed it for a cane,
+        without supposing, like the Druids, that there are occult virtues
+        in oak, and that the stick and the health were cause and effect?'
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. pp. 1190, 1191.
+
+  [838] This, as Mr. Cooke truly says, is an instance of aristocratic
+        prejudice; but it is certain that a hint from George III. would
+        have remedied the shameful neglect. _Cooke's Hist. of Party_,
+        vol. iii. p. 277, 278.
+
+  [839] It is easy to imagine how George III. must have been offended by
+        such sentiments as these: 'I am not of the opinion of those
+        gentlemen who are against disturbing the public repose; I like a
+        clamour whenever there is an abuse. The fire-bell at midnight
+        disturbs your sleep, but it keeps you from being burnt in your
+        bed. The hue and cry alarms the county, but preserves all the
+        property of the province.' Burke's speech on Prosecutions for
+        Libels, in 1771, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. p. 54.
+
+  [840] He moved their repeal. _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvi. p. 1169. Even Lord
+        Chatham issued, in 1766, a proclamation against forestallers and
+        regraters, very much to the admiration of Lord Mahon, who says,
+        'Lord Chatham acted with characteristic energy.' _Mahon's Hist.
+        of England_, vol. v. p. 166. More than thirty years later, and
+        after Burke's death, Lord Kenyon, then chief-justice, eulogised
+        these preposterous laws. _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_, vol.
+        i. p. 167. Compare _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. vii. p.
+        406; and _Cockburn's Memorials of his Time_, Edinb. 1856, p. 73.
+
+  [841] 'That liberality in the commercial system, which, I trust, will
+        one day be adopted.' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 223. And, in his
+        letter to Burgh (_Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 409), 'But that to which I
+        attached myself the most particularly, was to fix the principle
+        of a free trade in all the ports of these islands, as founded in
+        justice, and beneficial to the whole; but principally to this,
+        the seat of the supreme power.'
+
+  [842] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 467; _Burke's Works_, vol. i. pp.
+        263-271, 537-561, vol. ii. pp. 431-447. He refutes (vol. i. p.
+        548) the notion that the coronation oath was intended to bind the
+        crown in its legislative capacity. Compare _Mem. of Mackintosh_,
+        vol. i. pp. 170, 171, with _Butler's Reminiscences_, vol. i. p.
+        134.
+
+  [843] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii. pp. 435, 436, vol. xx. p. 306. See also
+        _Burke's Correspondence_, vol. ii. pp. 17, 18; and _Prior's Life
+        of Burke_, p. 143.
+
+  [844] _Burke's Works_, vol. i. pp. 261, 262, part of his speech at
+        Bristol.
+
+  [845] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 317. See also his admirable remarks,
+        in _Works_, vol. ii. p. 417; and his speech, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xxviii. p. 146.
+
+  [846] On this increasing cruelty of the English laws, compare _Parr's
+        Works_, vol. iv. pp. 150, 259, with _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxii. p.
+        271, vol. xxiv. p. 1222, vol. xxvi. p. 1057, vol. xxviii. p. 143;
+        and, in regard to the execution of them, see _Life of Romilly, by
+        Himself_, vol. i. p. 65; and _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. ix.
+        p. 620.
+
+  [847] In one short speech (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xx. pp. 150, 151), he has
+        almost exhausted the arguments against enlistment for life.
+
+  [848] In 1806, that is nine years after the death of Burke, parliament
+        first authorized enlistment for a term of years. See an account
+        of the debates in _Alison's Hist. of Europe_, vol. vii. pp.
+        380-391. Compare _Nichols's Illustrations of the Eighteenth
+        Century_, vol. v. p. 475; and _Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_,
+        vol. ii. p. 116.
+
+  [849] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 316; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvii. p. 502,
+        vol. xxviii. pp. 69, 96; and _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. i. pp.
+        152, 171, contain evidence of his animosity against the
+        slave-trade, and a more than sufficient answer to the
+        ill-natured, and, what is worse, the ignorant, remark about
+        Burke, in the _Duke of Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ vol. i.
+        p. 350.
+
+  [850] On the respect which George III. felt for the slave-trade, see
+        note 259 to this chapter. I might also have quoted the testimony
+        of Lord Brougham: 'The court was decidedly against abolition.
+        George III. always regarded the question with abhorrence, as
+        savouring of innovation.' _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. ii. p.
+        104. Compare _Combe's North America_, vol. i. p. 332.
+
+  [851] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. pp. 490-496; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvii.
+        pp. 44-55, a very able speech, delivered in 1771. Compare a
+        letter to Dowdeswell, in _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. pp. 251,
+        252.
+
+  [852] The arguments of Burke anticipated, by more than twenty years,
+        Fox's celebrated Libel Bill, which was not passed till 1792;
+        although, in 1752, juries had begun, in spite of the judges, to
+        return general verdicts on the merits. See _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. v. pp. 238, 243, 341-345, vol. vi. p. 210; and
+        _Meyer_, _Institutions Judiciaires_, vol. ii. pp. 204, 205,
+        Paris, 1823.
+
+  [853] Mr. Farr, in his valuable essay on the statistics of the civil
+        service (in _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. xii. pp. 103-125),
+        calls Burke 'one of the first and ablest financial reformers in
+        parliament,' p. 104. The truth, however, is, that he was not only
+        one of the first, but the first. He was the first man who laid
+        before parliament a general and systematic scheme for diminishing
+        the expenses of government; and his preliminary speech on that
+        occasion is one of the finest of all his compositions.
+
+  [854] _Prior's Life of Burke_, pp. 206, 234. See also, on the
+        retrenchments he effected, _Sinclair's Hist. of the Revenue_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 84, 85; _Burke's Correspond._ vol. iii. p. 14; and
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. pp. 57-60.
+
+These things alone are sufficient to explain the animosity of a prince
+whose boast it was, that he would bequeath the government to his
+successor in the same state as that in which he had received it. There
+was, however, another circumstance by which the royal feelings were
+still further wounded. The determination of the king to oppress the
+Americans was so notorious that, when the war actually broke out, it was
+called the 'king's war,' and those who opposed it were regarded as the
+personal enemies of their sovereign.[855] In this, however, as in all
+other questions, the conduct of Burke was governed, not by traditions
+and principles, such as George III. cherished, but by large views of
+general expediency. Burke, in forming his opinions respecting this
+disgraceful contest, refused to be guided by arguments respecting the
+right of either party.[856] He would not enter into any discussion as to
+whether a mother country has the right to tax her colonies, or whether
+the colonies have a right to tax themselves. Such points he left to be
+mooted by those politicians who, pretending to be guided by principles,
+are, in reality, subjugated by prejudice.[857] For his own part he was
+content to compare the cost with the gain. It was enough for Burke that,
+considering the power of our American colonies, considering their
+distance from us, and considering the probability of their being aided
+by France, it was not advisable to exercise the power; and it was,
+therefore, idle to talk of the right. Hence he opposed the taxation of
+America, not because it was unprecedented, but because it was
+inexpedient. As a natural consequence he likewise opposed the
+Boston-Port Bill, and that shameful bill, to forbid all intercourse with
+America, which was not inaptly called the starvation plan; violent
+measures, by which the king hoped to curb the colonies, and break the
+spirit of those noble men, whom he hated even more than he feared.[858]
+
+  [855] In 1788, Lord Rockingham said, in the House of Lords, 'Instead of
+        calling the war, the war of parliament, or of the people, it was
+        called the king's war, his majesty's favourite war.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xix. p. 857. Compare _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol.
+        iii. p. 235, with the pungent remarks in _Walpole's George III._
+        vol. iv. p. 114. Nicholls (_Recollections_, vol. i. p. 35) says:
+        'The war was considered as the war of the king personally. Those
+        who supported it were called the king's friends; while those who
+        wished the country to pause, and reconsider the propriety of
+        persevering in the contest, were branded as disloyal.'
+
+  [856] 'I am not here going into the distinction of rights, nor
+        attempting to mark their boundaries. I do not enter into these
+        metaphysical distinctions; I hate the very sound of them.' Speech
+        on American taxation in 1774, in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 173.
+        In 1775 (vol. i. p. 192): 'But my consideration is narrow,
+        confined, and wholly limited to the policy of the question.' At
+        p. 183: we should act in regard to America, not 'according to
+        abstract ideas of right, by no means according to mere general
+        theories of government; the resort to which appears to me, in our
+        present situation, no better than arrant trifling.' In one of his
+        earliest political pamphlets, written in 1769, he says, that the
+        arguments of the opponents of America 'are conclusive; conclusive
+        as to right; but the very reverse as to policy and practice,'
+        vol. i. p. 112. Compare a letter, written in 1775, in _Burke's
+        Correspond._ vol. ii. p. 12.
+
+  [857] In 1766, George III. writes to Lord Rockingham (_Albemarle's
+        Rockingham_, vol. i. pp. 271, 272): 'Talbot is as right as I can
+        desire, in the Stamp Act; strong for our declaring our right, but
+        willing to repeal!' In other words, willing to offend the
+        Americans, by a speculative assertion of an abstract right, but
+        careful to forego the advantage which that right might produce.
+
+  [858] The intense hatred with which George III. regarded the Americans,
+        was so natural to such a mind as his, that one can hardly blame
+        his constant exhibition of it during the time that the struggle
+        was actually impending. But what is truly disgraceful is, that,
+        after the war was over, he displayed this rancour on an occasion
+        when, of all others, he was bound to suppress it. In 1786,
+        Jefferson and Adams were in England officially, and, as a matter
+        of courtesy to the king, made their appearance at court. So
+        regardless, however, was George III. of the common decencies of
+        his station, that he treated these eminent men with marked
+        incivility, although they were then paying their respects to him
+        in his own palace. See _Tucker's Life of Jefferson_, vol. i. p.
+        220; and _Mem. and Corresp. of Jefferson_, vol. i. p. 54.
+
+It is certainly no faint characteristic of those times, that a man like
+Burke, who dedicated to politics abilities equal to far nobler things,
+should, during thirty years, have received from his prince neither
+favour nor reward. But George III. was a king whose delight it was to
+raise the humble and exalt the meek. His reign, indeed, was the golden
+age of successful mediocrity; an age in which little men were favoured,
+and great men depressed; when Addington was cherished as a statesman,
+and Beattie pensioned as a philosopher; and when, in all the walks of
+public life, the first conditions of promotion were, to fawn upon
+ancient prejudices, and support established abuses.
+
+This neglect of the most eminent of English politicians is highly
+instructive; but the circumstances which followed, though extremely
+painful, have a still deeper interest, and are well worth the attention
+of those whose habits of mind lead them to study the intellectual
+peculiarities of great men.
+
+For, at this distance of time, when his nearest relations are no more,
+it would be affectation to deny that Burke, during the last few years of
+his life, fell into a state of complete hallucination. When the French
+Revolution broke out, his mind, already fainting under the weight of
+incessant labour, could not support the contemplation of an event so
+unprecedented, so appalling, and threatening results of such frightful
+magnitude. And, when the crimes of that great revolution, instead of
+diminishing, continued to increase, then it was that the feelings of
+Burke finally mastered his reason; the balance tottered; the proportions
+of that gigantic intellect were disturbed. From this moment, his
+sympathy with present suffering was so intense, that he lost all memory
+of the tyranny by which the sufferings were provoked. His mind, once so
+steady, so little swayed by prejudice and passion, reeled under the
+pressure of events which turned the brains of thousands.[859] And
+whoever will compare the spirit of his latest works with the dates of
+their publication, will see how this melancholy change was aggravated by
+that bitter bereavement, from which he never rallied, and which alone
+was sufficient to prostrate the understanding of one in whom the
+severity of the reason was so tempered, so nicely poised, by the warmth
+of the affections. Never, indeed, can there be forgotten those touching,
+those exquisite allusions to the death of that only son, who was the joy
+of his soul, and the pride of his heart, and to whom he fondly hoped to
+bequeath the inheritance of his imperishable name. Never can we forget
+that image of desolation under which the noble old man figured his
+immeasurable grief 'I live in an inverted order. They who ought to have
+succeeded me, have gone before me. They who should have been to me as
+posterity, are in the place of ancestors.... The storm has gone over
+me, and I lie like one of those old oaks which the late hurricane has
+scattered about me. I am stripped of all my honours; I am torn up by the
+roots, and lie prostrate on the earth.'[860]
+
+  [859] All great revolutions have a direct tendency to increase insanity,
+        as long as they last, and probably for some time afterwards: but
+        in this, as in other respects, the French revolution stands alone
+        in the number of its victims. On the horrible, but curious
+        subject of madness caused by the excitement of the events which
+        occurred in France late in the eighteenth century, compare
+        _Prichard on Insanity in relation to Jurisprudence_, 1842, p. 90;
+        his _Treatise on Insanity_, 1835, pp. 161, 183, 230, 339;
+        _Esquirol_, _Maladies Mentales_, vol. i. pp. 43, 53, 54, 66, 211,
+        447, vol. ii. pp. 193, 726; _Feuchtersleben's Medical
+        Psychology_, p. 254; _Georget, De la Folie_, p. 156; _Pinel,
+        Traite sur l'Alienation Mentale_, pp. 30, 108, 109, 177, 178,
+        185, 207, 215, 257, 349, 392, 457, 481; _Alison's Hist. of
+        Europe_, vol. iii. p. 112.
+
+  [860] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 268.
+
+It would, perhaps, be displaying a morbid curiosity, to attempt to raise
+the veil, and trace the decay of so mighty a mind.[861] Indeed, in all
+such cases, most of the evidence perishes; for those who have the best
+opportunities of witnessing the infirmities of a great man, are not
+those who most love to relate them. But it is certain, that the change
+was first clearly seen immediately after the breaking out of the French
+Revolution; that it was aggravated by the death of his son; and that it
+became progressively worse till death closed the scene.[862] In his
+_Reflections on the French Revolution_; in his _Remarks on the Policy of
+the Allies_: in his _Letter to Elliot_; in his _Letter to a Noble Lord_;
+and in his _Letters on a Regicide Peace_, we may note the consecutive
+steps of an increasing, and at length an uncontrollable, violence. To
+the single principle of hatred of the French Revolution, he sacrificed
+his oldest associations and his dearest friends. Fox, as is well known,
+always looked up to Burke as to a master, from whose lips he had
+gathered the lessons of political wisdom.[863] Burke, on his side, fully
+recognized the vast abilities of his friend, and loved him for that
+affectionate disposition, and for those winning manners, which, it has
+often been said, none who saw them could ever resist. But now, without
+the slightest pretence of a personal quarrel, this long intimacy[864]
+was rudely severed. Because Fox would not abandon that love of popular
+liberty which they had long cherished in common, Burke, publicly, and in
+his place in parliament, declared that their friendship was at an end;
+for that he would never more hold communion with a man who lent his
+support to the French people.[865] At the same time, and indeed the
+very evening on which this occurred, Burke, who had hitherto been
+remarkable for the courtesy of his manners,[866] deliberately insulted
+another of his friends, who was taking him home in his carriage; and, in
+a state of frantic excitement, insisted on being immediately set down,
+in the middle of the night, in a pouring rain, because he could not, he
+said, remain seated by 'a friend to the revolutionary doctrines of the
+French.'[867]
+
+  [861] The earliest unmistakable instances of those violent outbreaks
+        which showed the presence of disease, were in the debates on the
+        regency bill, in February 1789, when Sir Richard Hill, with
+        brutal candour, hinted at Burke's madness, even in his presence.
+        _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxvii. p. 1249. Compare a letter from Sir
+        William Young, in _Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ 1853, vol.
+        ii. p. 73; 'Burke finished his wild speech in a manner next to
+        madness.' This was in December 1788; and, from that time until
+        his death, it became every year more evident that his intellect
+        was disordered. See a melancholy description of him in a letter,
+        written by Dr. Currie in 1792 (_Life of Currie_, vol. ii. p.
+        150); and, above all, see his own incoherent letter, in 1796, in
+        his _Correspond. with Laurence_, p. 67.
+
+  [862] His son died in August 1794 (_Burke's Correspond._ vol. iv. p.
+        224); and his most violent works were written between that period
+        and his own death, in July 1797.
+
+  [863] 'This disciple, as he was proud to acknowledge himself.'
+        _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 218. In 1791, Fox said, that
+        Burke 'had taught him everything he knew in politics.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxix. p. 379. See also _Adolphus's Hist. of George
+        III._ vol. iv. pp. 472, 610; and a letter from Fox to Parr, in
+        _Parr's Works_, vol. vii. p. 287.
+
+  [864] It had begun in 1766, when Fox was only seventeen. _Russell's Mem.
+        of Fox_, vol. i. p. 26.
+
+  [865] On this painful rupture, compare with the _Parliamentary History,
+        Holland's Mem. of the Whig Party_, vol. i. pp. 10, 11; _Prior's
+        Life of Burke_, pp. 375-379; _Tomline's Life of Pitt_, vol. ii.
+        pp. 385-395. The complete change in Burke's feelings towards his
+        old friend also appears in a very intemperate letter, written to
+        Dr. Laurence in 1797. _Burke's Correspond. with Laurence_, p.
+        152. Compare _Parr's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 67-80, 84-90, 109.
+
+  [866] Which used to be contrasted with the bluntness of Johnson; these
+        eminent men being the two best talkers of their time. See
+        _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. i. p. 127.
+
+  [867] _Rogers's Introduction to Burke's Works_, p. xliv.; _Prior's Life
+        of Burke_, p. 384.
+
+Nor is it true, as some have supposed, that this mania of hostility was
+solely directed against the criminal part of the French people. It would
+be difficult, in that or in any other age, to find two men of more
+active, or indeed enthusiastic benevolence, than Condorcet and La
+Fayette. Besides this, Condorcet was one of the most profound thinkers
+of his time, and will be remembered as long as genius is honoured among
+us.[868] La Fayette was no doubt inferior to Condorcet in point of
+ability; but he was the intimate friend of Washington, on whose conduct
+he modelled his own,[869] and by whose side he had fought for the
+liberties of America: his integrity was, and still is, unsullied: and
+his character had a chivalrous and noble turn, which Burke, in his
+better days, would have been the first to admire.[870] Both, however,
+were natives of that hated country whose liberties they vainly attempted
+to achieve. On this account, Burke declared Condorcet to be guilty of
+'impious sophistry;'[871] to be a 'fanatic atheist, and furious
+democratic republican;'[872] and to be capable of 'the lowest, as well
+as the highest and most determined villainies.'[873] As to La Fayette,
+when an attempt was made to mitigate the cruel treatment he was
+receiving from the Prussian government, Burke not only opposed the
+motion made for that purpose in the House of Commons, but took the
+opportunity of grossly insulting the unfortunate captive, who was then
+languishing in a dungeon.[874] So dead had he become on this subject,
+even to the common instincts of our nature, that, in his place in
+parliament, he could find no better way of speaking of this injured and
+high-souled man, than by calling him a ruffian: 'I would not,' says
+Burke,--'I would not debase my humanity by supporting an application in
+behalf of such a horrid ruffian.'[875]
+
+  [868] There is an interesting account of the melancholy death of this
+        remarkable man in _Lamartine_, _Hist. des Girondins_, vol. viii.
+        pp. 76-80; and a contemporary relation in _Musset-Pathay_, _Vie
+        de Rousseau_, vol. ii. pp. 42-47.
+
+  [869] This is the honourable testimony of a political opponent; who
+        says, that after the dissolution of the Assembly 'La Fayette se
+        conforma a a conduite de Washington, qu'il avait pris pour
+        modele.' _Cassagnac_, _Revolution Francaise_, vol. iii. pp. 370,
+        371. Compare the grudging admission of his enemy Bouille, _Mem.
+        de Bouille_, vol. i. p. 125; and for proofs of the affectionate
+        intimacy between Washington and La Fayette, see _Mem. de
+        Lafayette_, vol. i. pp. 16, 21, 29, 44, 55, 83, 92, 111, 165,
+        197, 204, 395, vol. ii. p. 123.
+
+  [870] The Duke of Bedford, no bad judge of character, said in 1794, that
+        La Fayette's 'whole life was an illustration of truth,
+        disinterestedness, and honour.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 664.
+        So, too, the continuator of Sismondi (_Hist. des Francais_, vol.
+        xxx. p. 355), 'La Fayette, le chevalier de la liberte
+        d'Amerique;' and Lamartine (_Hist. des Girondins_, vol. iii. p.
+        200), 'Martyr de la liberte apres en avoir ete le heros.' Segur,
+        who was intimately acquainted with him, gives some account of his
+        noble character, as it appeared when he was a boy of nineteen.
+        _Mem. de Segur_, vol. i. pp. 106, 107. Forty years later, Lady
+        Morgan met him in France; and what she relates shows how little
+        he had changed, and how simple his tastes and the habits of his
+        mind still were. _Morgan's France_, vol. ii. pp. 285-312. Other
+        notices, from personal knowledge, will be found in _Life of
+        Roscoe_, vol. ii. p. 178; and in _Trotter's Mem. of Fox_, pp. 319
+        seq.
+
+  [871] 'The impious sophistry of Condorcet.' _Letter to a Noble Lord_, in
+        _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 273.
+
+  [872] _Thoughts on French Affairs_ in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 574.
+
+  [873] 'Condorcet (though no marquis, as he styled himself before the
+        Revolution) is a man of another sort of birth, fashion, and
+        occupation from Brissot; but in every principle and every
+        disposition, to the lowest as well as the highest and most
+        determined villainies, fully his equal.' _Thoughts on French
+        Affairs_, in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 579.
+
+  [874] 'Groaning under the most oppressive cruelty in the dungeons of
+        Magdeburg.' _Belsham's Hist. of Great Brit._ vol. ix. p. 151. See
+        the afflicting details of his sufferings, in _Mem. de Lafayette_,
+        vol. i. p. 479, vol. ii. pp. 75, 77, 78, 80, 91, 92; and on the
+        noble equanimity with which he bore them, see _De Stael_, _Rev.
+        Francoise_, Paris, 1820, vol. ii. p. 103.
+
+  [875] It is hardly credible that such language should have been applied
+        to a man like La Fayette; but I have copied it from the
+        _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxxi. p. 51, and from _Adolphus_,
+        vol. v. p. 593. The only difference is, that in Adolphus the
+        expression is 'I would not debase my humanity;' but in the _Parl.
+        Hist._, 'I would not debauch my humanity.' But both authorities
+        are agreed as to the term 'horrid ruffian' being used by Burke.
+        Compare _Burke's Correspondence with Laurence_, pp. 91, 99.
+
+As to France itself, it is 'Cannibal Castle;'[876] it is 'the republic
+of assassins;'[877] it is 'a hell;'[878] its government is composed of
+'the dirtiest, lowest, most fraudulent, most knavish, of
+chicaners;'[879] its National Assembly are 'miscreants;'[880] its people
+are 'an allied army of Amazonian and male cannibal Parisians;'[881] they
+are 'a nation of murderers;'[882] they are 'the basest of mankind;'[883]
+they are 'murderous atheists;'[884] they are 'a gang of robbers;'[885]
+they are 'the prostitute outcasts of mankind;'[886] they are 'a
+desperate gang of plunderers, murderers, tyrants, and atheists.'[887] To
+make the slightest concessions to such a country in order to preserve
+peace, is offering victims 'on the altars of blasphemed regicide;'[888]
+even to enter into negotiations is 'exposing our lazar sores at the door
+of every proud servitor of the French republic, where the court-dogs
+will not deign to lick them.'[889] When our ambassador was actually in
+Paris, he 'had the honour of passing his mornings in respectful
+attendance at the office of a regicide pettifogger;'[890] and we were
+taunted with having sent a 'peer of the realm to the scum of the
+earth.'[891] 'France has no longer a place in Europe; it is expunged
+from the map; its very name should be forgotten.[892] Why, then, need
+men travel in it? Why need our children learn its language? and why are
+we to endanger the morals of our ambassadors? who can hardly fail to
+return from such a land with their principles corrupted, and with a wish
+to conspire against their own country.'[893]
+
+  [876] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 319. In every instance I quote the
+        precise words employed by Burke.
+
+  [877] _Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 279.
+
+  [878] Burke's speech, in _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 379.
+
+  [879] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 335.
+
+  [880] _Burke's Corresp._ vol. iii. p. 140.
+
+  [881] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 322.
+
+  [882] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 115.
+
+  [883] _Ibid._ p. 112.
+
+  [884] _Ibid._ p. 188.
+
+  [885] _Ibid._ p. 435.
+
+  [886] _Ibid._ p. 646; the concluding sentence of one of Burke's speeches
+        in 1793.
+
+  [887] _Ibid._ vol. xxxi. p. 426.
+
+  [888] _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 320.
+
+  [889] _Ibid._ p. 286.
+
+  [890] _Ibid._ p. 322.
+
+  [891] _Ibid._ p. 318.
+
+  [892] _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxviii. p. 353, vol. xxx. p. 390; _Adolphus_,
+        vol. iv. p. 467.
+
+  [893] In the _Letters on a Regicide Peace_, published the year before he
+        died, he says, 'These ambassadors may easily return as good
+        courtiers as they went: but can they ever return from that
+        degrading residence loyal and faithful subjects; or with any true
+        affection to their master, or true attachment to the
+        constitution, religion, or laws of their country? There is great
+        danger that they who enter smiling into this Tryphonian cave,
+        will come out of it sad and serious conspirators; and such will
+        continue as long as they live.' _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 282.
+        He adds in the same work, p. 381, 'Is it for this benefit we open
+        "the usual relations of peace and amity?" Is it for this our
+        youth of both sexes are to form themselves by travel? Is it for
+        this that with expense and pains we form their lisping infant
+        accents to the language of France?... Let it be remembered,
+        that no young man can go to any part of Europe without taking
+        this place of pestilential contagion in his way; and, whilst the
+        less active part of the community will be debauched by this
+        travel, whilst children are poisoned at these schools, our trade
+        will put the finishing hand to our ruin. No factory will be
+        settled in France, that will not become a club of complete French
+        Jacobins. The minds of young men of that description will receive
+        a taint in their religion, their morals, and their politics,
+        which they will in a short time communicate to the whole
+        kingdom.'
+
+This is sad, indeed, from such a man as Burke once was; but what
+remains, shows still more clearly how the associations and composition
+of his mind had been altered. He who, with humanity not less than with
+wisdom, had strenuously laboured to prevent the American war, devoted
+the last few years of his life to kindle a new war, compared to which
+that with America was a light and trivial episode. In his calmer
+moments, no one would have more willingly recognized that the opinions
+prevalent in any country are the inevitable results of the circumstances
+in which that country had been placed. But now he sought to alter those
+opinions by force. From the beginning of the French Revolution, he
+insisted upon the right, and indeed upon the necessity, of compelling
+France to change her principles;[894] and, at a later period, he blamed
+the allied sovereigns for not dictating to a great people the government
+they ought to adopt.[895] Such was the havoc circumstances had made in
+his well-ordered intellect, that to this one principle he sacrificed
+every consideration of justice, of mercy, and of expediency. As if war,
+even in its mildest form, were not sufficiently hateful, he sought to
+give to it that character of a crusade[896] which increasing knowledge
+had long since banished: and loudly proclaiming that the contest was
+religious rather than temporal, he revived old prejudices in order to
+cause fresh crimes.[897] He also declared that the war should be carried
+on for revenge as well as for defence, and that we must never lay down
+our arms until we had utterly destroyed the men by whom the Revolution
+was brought about.[898] And, as if these things were not enough, he
+insisted that this, the most awful of all wars, being begun, was not to
+be hurried over; although it was to be carried on for revenge as well as
+for religion, and the resources of civilized men were to be quickened by
+the ferocious passions of crusaders, still it was not to be soon ended;
+it was to be durable; it must have permanence; it must, says Burke, in
+the spirit of a burning hatred, be protracted in a long war: 'I speak it
+emphatically, and with a desire that it should be marked, in a _long_
+war.'[899]
+
+  [894] In _Observations on the Conduct of the Minority_, 1793, he says,
+        that during four years he had wished for 'a general war against
+        jacobins and jacobinism.' _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 611.
+
+  [895] For, in the first place, 'the united sovereigns very much injured
+        their cause by admitting that they had nothing to do with the
+        interior arrangements of France.' _Heads for Consideration on the
+        Present State of Affairs_, written in November 1792, in _Burke's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 583. And that he knew that this was not merely
+        a question of destroying a faction, appears from the observable
+        circumstance, that even in January 1791 he wrote to Trevor
+        respecting war, 'France is weak indeed, divided and deranged; but
+        God knows, when the things came to be tried, whether the invaders
+        would not find that their enterprise _was not to support a party,
+        but to conquer a kingdom_.' _Burke's Correspond._ vol. iii. p.
+        184.
+
+  [896] As Lord J. Russell truly calls it, _Mem. of Fox_, vol. iii. p. 34.
+        See also _Schlosser's Eighteenth Century_, vol. ii. p. 93, vol.
+        v. p. 109, vol. vi. p. 291; _Nicholls's Recollections_, vol. i.
+        p. 300; _Parr's Works_, vol. iii. p. 242.
+
+  [897] 'We cannot, if we would, delude ourselves about the true state of
+        this dreadful contest. _It is a religious war._' _Remarks on the
+        Policy of the Allies_, in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p. 600.
+
+  [898] See the long list of proscriptions in _Burke's Works_, vol. i. p.
+        604. And the principle of revenge is again advocated in a letter
+        written in 1793, in _Burke's Correspond._ vol. iv. p. 183. And in
+        1794, he told the House of Commons that 'the war must no longer
+        be confined to the vain attempt of raising a barrier to the
+        lawless and savage power of France; but must be directed to the
+        only rational end it can pursue; namely, the entire destruction
+        of the desperate horde which gave it birth.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxxi. p. 427.
+
+  [899] _Letters on a Regicide Peace_, in _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p.
+        291. In this horrible sentence, perhaps the most horrible ever
+        penned by an English politician, the italics are not my own; they
+        are in the text.
+
+It was to be a war to force a great people to change their government.
+It was to be a war carried on for the purpose of punishment. It was also
+to be a religious war. Finally, it was to be a long war. Was there ever
+any other man who wished to afflict the human race with such extensive,
+searching, and protracted calamities? Such cruel, such reckless, and yet
+such deliberate opinions, if they issued from a sane mind, would
+immortalize even the most obscure statesman, because they would load his
+name with imperishable infamy. For where can we find, even among the
+most ignorant or most sanguinary politicians, sentiments like these? Yet
+they proceed from one who, a very few years before, was the most eminent
+political philosopher England has ever possessed. To us it is only given
+to mourn over so noble a wreck. More than this no one should do. We may
+contemplate with reverence the mighty ruin; but the mysteries of its
+decay let no man presume to invade, unless, to use the language of the
+greatest of our masters, he can tell how to minister to a diseased mind,
+pluck the sorrows which are rooted in the memory, and raze out the
+troubles that are written in the brain.
+
+It is a relief to turn from so painful a subject, even though we descend
+to the petty, huckstering politics of the English court. And truly, the
+history of the treatment experienced by the most illustrious of our
+politicians, is highly characteristic of the prince under whom he lived.
+While Burke was consuming his life in great public services, labouring
+to reform our finances, improve our laws, and enlighten our commercial
+policy,--while he was occupied with these things, the king regarded him
+with coldness and aversion.[900] But when the great statesman
+degenerated into an angry brawler; when, irritated by disease, he made
+it the sole aim of his declining years to kindle a deadly war between
+the two first countries of Europe, and declared that to this barbarous
+object he would sacrifice all other questions of policy, however
+important they might be;[901]--then it was that a perception of his vast
+abilities began to dawn upon the mind of the king. Before this, no one
+had been bold enough to circulate in the palace even a whisper of his
+merits. Now, however, in the successive, and eventually the rapid
+decline of his powers, he had fallen almost to the level of the royal
+intellect; and now he was first warmed by the beams of the royal favour.
+Now he was a man after the king's own heart.[902] Less than two years
+before his death, there was settled upon him, at the express desire of
+George III., two considerable pensions;[903] and the king even wished to
+raise him to the peerage, in order that the House of Lords might benefit
+by the services of so great a counsellor.[904]
+
+  [900] 'I know,' said Burke, in one of those magnificent speeches which
+        mark the zenith of his intellect,--'I know the map of England as
+        well as the noble lord, or as any other person; and I know that
+        the way I take is not the road to preferment.' _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xvii. p. 1269.
+
+  [901] See, among many other instances, an extraordinary passage on
+        'Jacobinism,' in his _Works_, vol. ii. p. 449, which should be
+        compared with a letter he wrote in 1792, respecting a proposed
+        coalition ministry, _Correspond._ vol. iii. pp. 519, 520: 'But my
+        advice was, that as a foundation of the whole, the political
+        principle must be settled as the preliminary, namely, "a total
+        hostility to the French system, at home and abroad."'
+
+  [902] The earliest evidence I have met with of the heart of George III.
+        beginning to open towards Burke, is in August 1791; see in
+        _Burke's Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. 278, an exquisitely absurd
+        account of his reception at the levee. Burke must have been
+        fallen, indeed, before he could write such a letter.
+
+  [903] 'Said to have originated in the express wish of the king.'
+        _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 489. Mr. Prior estimates these
+        pensions at 3,700_l._ a-year; but if we may rely on Mr. Nicholls,
+        the sum was even greater: 'Mr. Burke was rewarded with two
+        pensions, estimated to be worth 40,000_l._' _Nicholls's
+        Recollections_, vol. i. p. 136. Burke was sixty-five; and a
+        pension of 3,700_l._ a-year would not be worth 40,000_l._, as the
+        tables were then calculated. The statement of Mr. Prior is,
+        however, confirmed by Wansey, in 1794. See _Nichols's Lit. Anec.
+        of the Eighteenth Century_, vol. iii. p. 81.
+
+  [904] _Prior's Life of Burke_, p. 460; _Nichols's Lit. Anec._ vol. iii.
+        p. 81; _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol. ii. p. 414.
+
+This digression respecting the character of Burke has been longer than I
+had anticipated; but it will not, I hope, be considered unimportant;
+for, in addition to the intrinsic interest of the subject, it
+illustrates the feelings of George III. towards great men, and it shows
+what the opinions were which in his reign it was thought necessary to
+hold. In the sequel of this work, I shall trace the effect of such
+opinions upon the interests of the country, considered as a whole; but
+for the object of the present Introduction, it will be sufficient to
+point out the connexion in one or two more of those prominent instances,
+the character of which is too notorious to admit of discussion.
+
+Of these leading and conspicuous events, the American war was the
+earliest, and for several years it almost entirely absorbed the
+attention of English politicians. In the reign of George II. a proposal
+had been made to increase the revenue by taxing the colonies; which, as
+the Americans were totally unrepresented in parliament, was simply a
+proposition to tax an entire people without even the form of asking
+their consent. This scheme of public robbery was rejected by that able
+and moderate man who was then at the head of affairs; and the
+suggestion, being generally deemed impracticable, fell to the ground,
+and seems, indeed, hardly to have excited attention.[905] But what was
+deemed by the government of George II. to be a dangerous stretch of
+arbitrary power, was eagerly welcomed by the government of George III.
+For the new king, having the most exalted notion of his own authority,
+and being, from his miserable education, entirely ignorant of public
+affairs, thought that to tax the Americans for the benefit of the
+English, would be a masterpiece of policy. When, therefore, the old idea
+was revived, it met with his cordial acquiescence; and when the
+Americans showed their intention of resisting this monstrous injustice,
+he was only the more confirmed in his opinion that it was necessary to
+curb their unruly will. Nor need we be surprised at the rapidity with
+which such angry feelings broke out. Indeed, looking, on the one hand,
+at the despotic principles which, for the first time since the
+Revolution, were now revived at the English court; and looking, on the
+other hand, at the independent spirit of the colonists,--it was
+impossible to avoid a struggle between the two parties; and the only
+questions were, as to what form the contest would take, and towards
+which side victory was most likely to incline.[906]
+
+  [905] 'It had been proposed to Sir Robert Walpole to raise the revenue
+        by imposing taxes on America; but that minister, who could
+        foresee beyond the benefit of the actual moment, declared it must
+        be a bolder man than himself who should venture on such an
+        expedient.' _Walpole's George III._ vol. ii. p. 70. Compare
+        _Phillimore's Mem. of Lyttleton_, vol. ii. p. 662; _Bancroft's
+        American Revolution_, vol. i. p. 96; _Belsham's Hist. of Great
+        Britain_, vol. v. p. 102.
+
+  [906] That some sort of rupture was unavoidable, must, I think, be
+        admitted; but we are not bound to believe the assertion of Horace
+        Walpole, who says (_Mem. of George II._ vol. i. p. 397) that in
+        1754 he predicted the American rebellion. Walpole, though a keen
+        observer of the surface of society, was not the man to take a
+        view of this kind; unless, as is hardly probable, he heard an
+        opinion to that effect expressed by his father. Sir Robert
+        Walpole may have said something respecting the increasing love of
+        liberty in the colonies; but it was impossible for him to foresee
+        how that love would be fostered by the arbitrary proceedings of
+        the government of George III.
+
+On the part of the English government, no time was lost. Five years
+after the accession of George III., a bill was brought into parliament
+to tax the Americans;[907] and so complete had been the change in
+political affairs, that not the least difficulty was found in passing a
+measure which, in the reign of George II., no minister had dared to
+propose. Formerly, such a proposal, if made, would certainly have been
+rejected; now the most powerful parties in the state were united in its
+favour. The king, on every occasion, paid a court to the clergy, to
+which, since the death of Anne, they had been unaccustomed; he was,
+therefore, sure of their support, and they zealously aided him in every
+attempt to oppress the colonies.[908] The aristocracy, a few leading
+Whigs alone excepted, were on the same side, and looked to the taxation
+of America as a means of lessening their own contributions.[909] As to
+George III., his feelings on the subject were notorious;[910] and the
+more liberal party not having yet recovered from the loss of power
+consequent on the death of George II., there was little fear of
+difficulties from the cabinet; it being well known that the throne was
+occupied by a prince whose first object was to keep ministers in strict
+dependence on himself, and who, whenever it was practicable, called into
+office such weak and flexible men as would yield unhesitating submission
+to his wishes.[911]
+
+  [907] The general proposition was introduced in 1764; the bill itself
+        early in 1765. See _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. pp. 82,
+        85; and _Grenville Papers_, vol. ii. pp. 373, 374. On the
+        complete change of policy which this indicated, see _Brougham's
+        Polit. Philos._ part iii. p. 328.
+
+  [908] The correspondence of that time contains ample proof of the
+        bitterness of the clergy against the Americans. Even in 1777,
+        Burke wrote to Fox: 'The Tories do universally think their power
+        and consequence involved in the success of this American
+        business. The clergy are astonishingly warm in it; and what the
+        Tories are when embodied and united with their natural head, the
+        crown, and animated by their clergy, no man knows better than
+        yourself.' _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 390. Compare _Bishop
+        Newton's Life of Himself_, pp. 134, 157.
+
+  [909] 'The overbearing aristocracy desired some reduction of the land
+        tax, at the expense of America.' _Bancroft's Hist. of the
+        American Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 414. The merchants, on the
+        other hand, were opposed to these violent proceedings. See, on
+        this contrast between the landed and commercial interests, a
+        letter from Lord Shelburne, in 1774, and another from Lord
+        Camden, in 1775, in _Chatham Correspond._ vol. iv. pp. 341, 401.
+        See also the speeches of Trecothick and Vyner, in _Parl. Hist._
+        vol. xvi. p. 507, vol. xviii. p. 1361.
+
+  [910] It was believed at the time, and it is not improbable, that the
+        king himself suggested the taxation of America, to which
+        Grenville at first objected. Compare _Wraxall's Mem. of his own
+        Time_, vol. ii. pp. 111, 112, with _Nicholl's Recollections_,
+        vol. i. pp. 205, 386. This may have been merely a rumour; but it
+        is quite consistent with everything we know of the character of
+        George III., and there can, at all events, be no doubt as to his
+        feelings respecting the general question. It is certain that he
+        over-persuaded Lord North to engage in the contest with America,
+        and induced that minister to go to war, and to continue it even
+        after success had become hopeless. See _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. iii. pp. 307, 308; _Russell's Mem. of Fox_,
+        vol. i. pp. 247, 254; and the _Bedford Correspond._ vol. iii. p.
+        li. See also, in regard to the repeal of the Stamp Act, the
+        _Grenville Papers_, vol. iii. p. 373; a curious passage, with
+        which Lord Mahon, the last edition of whose history was published
+        in the same year (1853), appears to have been unacquainted.
+        _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 139. In America the
+        sentiments of the king were well known. In 1775, Jefferson writes
+        from Philadelphia: 'We are told, and everything proves it true,
+        that he is the bitterest enemy we have.' _Jefferson's
+        Correspond._ vol. i. p. 153. And in 1782 Franklin writes to
+        Livingston, 'The king hates us most cordially.' _Life of
+        Franklin_, vol. ii. p. 126.
+
+  [911] 'A court,' as Lord Albemarle observes,--'a court that required
+        ministers to be, not the public servants of the state, but the
+        private domestics of the sovereign.' _Albemarle's Mem. of
+        Rockingham_, vol. i. p. 248. Compare _Bancroft's American
+        Revolution_, vol. ii. p. 109. In the same way, Burke, in 1767,
+        writes: 'His majesty never was in better spirits. He has got a
+        ministry weak and dependent; and, what is better, willing to
+        continue so.' _Burke's Correspond._ vol. i. p. 133. Ten years
+        later, Lord Chatham openly taunted the king with this disgraceful
+        peculiarity: 'Thus to pliable men, not capable men, was the
+        government of this once glorious empire intrusted.' _Chatham's
+        Speech in 1777_, in _Adolphus_, vol. ii. pp. 499, 500.
+
+Everything being thus prepared, there followed those events which were
+to be expected from such a combination. Without stopping to relate
+details which are known to every reader, it may be briefly mentioned
+that, in this new state of things, the wise and forbearing policy of the
+preceding reign was set at naught, and the national councils guided by
+rash and ignorant men, who soon brought the greatest disasters upon the
+country, and within a few years actually dismembered the empire. In
+order to enforce the monstrous claim of taxing a whole people without
+their consent, there was waged against America a war ill-conducted,
+unsuccessful, and, what is far worse, accompanied by cruelties
+disgraceful to a civilized nation.[912] To this may be added, that an
+immense trade was nearly annihilated; every branch of commerce was
+thrown into confusion;[913] we were disgraced in the eyes of
+Europe;[914] we incurred an expense of 140,000,000_l._;[915] and we
+lost by far the most valuable colonies any nation has ever possessed.
+
+  [912] For some evidence of the ferocity with which this war was
+        conducted by the English, see _Tucker's Life of Jefferson_, vol.
+        i. pp. 138, 139, 160; _Jefferson's Mem. and Correspond._ vol. i.
+        pp. 352, 429, vol. ii. pp. 336, 337; _Almon's Correspond. of
+        Wilkes_, vol. v. pp. 229-232, edit. 1805; _Adolphus's Hist. of
+        George III._ vol. ii. pp. 362, 391. These horrible cruelties were
+        frequently mentioned in parliament, but without producing the
+        least effect on the king or his ministers. See _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xix. pp. 371, 403, 423, 424, 432, 438, 440, 477, 487, 488, 489,
+        567, 578, 579, 695, 972, 1393, 1394, vol. xx. p. 43. Among the
+        expenses of the war which government laid before parliament, one
+        of the items was for 'five gross of scalping knives.' _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xix. pp. 971, 972. See further _Mem. de Lafayette_,
+        vol. i. pp. 23, 25, 99.
+
+  [913] In Manchester, 'in consequence of the American troubles, nine in
+        ten of the artisans in that town had been discharged from
+        employment.' This was stated in 1766, by no less an authority
+        than Conway. _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v. p. 135. As the
+        struggle became more obstinate the evil was more marked, and
+        ample evidence of the enormous injury inflicted on England will
+        be found by comparing _Franklin's Correspondence_, vol. i. p.
+        352; _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. ii. p. 261; _Burke's
+        Works_, vol. i. p. 111; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xviii. pp. 734, 951,
+        963, 964, vol. xix. pp. 259, 341, 710, 711, 1072; _Walpole's Mem.
+        of George III._ vol. ii. p. 218.
+
+  [914] Even Mr. Adolphus, in his Tory history, says, that in 1782 'the
+        cause of Great Britain seemed degraded to the lowest state; ill
+        success and the prevalent opinion of mismanagement rendered the
+        espousal of it among the selfish powers of the continent almost
+        disreputable.' _Hist. of George III._ vol. iii. pp. 391, 392. For
+        proof of the opinions held in foreign countries respecting this,
+        I cannot do better than refer to _Mem. de Segur_, vol. iii. pp.
+        184, 185; _[OE]uvres de Turgot_, vol. ix. p. 377; _Soulavie_,
+        _Mem. de Louis XVI._ vol. iv. pp. 363, 364; _Koch_, _Tableau des
+        Revolutions_, vol. ii. pp. 190-194; _Mem. of Mallet du Pan_, vol.
+        i. p. 37.
+
+  [915] Sir John Sinclair, in his _Hist. of the Revenue_, vol. ii. p. 114,
+        says 139,171,876_l._
+
+Such were the first fruits of the policy of George III. But the mischief
+did not stop there. The opinions which it was necessary to advocate in
+order to justify this barbarous war, recoiled upon ourselves. In order
+to defend the attempt to destroy the liberties of America, principles
+were laid down which, if carried into effect, would have subverted the
+liberties of England. Not only in the court, but in both houses of
+parliament, from the episcopal bench, and from the pulpits of the
+church-party, there were promulgated doctrines of the most dangerous
+kind--doctrines unsuited to a limited monarchy, and, indeed,
+incompatible with it. The extent to which this reaction proceeded is
+known to very few readers, because the evidence of it is chiefly to be
+found in the parliamentary debates, and in the theological literature,
+particularly the sermons of that time, none of which are now much
+studied. But, not to anticipate matters belonging to another part of
+this work, it is enough to say that the danger was so imminent as to
+make the ablest defenders of popular liberty believe that everything was
+at stake; and that if the Americans were vanquished, the next step would
+be to attack the liberties of England, and endeavour to extend to the
+mother-country the same arbitrary government which by that time would
+have been established in the colonies.[916]
+
+  [916] Dr. Jebb, an able observer, thought that the American war 'must be
+        decisive of the liberties of both countries.' _Disney's Life of
+        Jebb_, p. 92. So, too, Lord Chatham wrote in 1777, 'poor England
+        will have fallen upon her own sword.' _The Grenville Papers_,
+        vol. iv. p. 573. In the same year, Burke said of the attempt made
+        to rule the colonies by military force, 'that the establishment
+        of such a power in America will utterly ruin our finances (though
+        its certain effect), is the smallest part of our concern. It will
+        become an apt, powerful, and certain engine for the destruction
+        of our freedom here.' _Burke's Works_, vol. ii. p. 399. Compare
+        vol. i. pp. 189, 210; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xvi. pp. 104, 107, 651,
+        652, vol. xix. pp. 11, 1056, vol. xx. p. 119, vol. xxi. p. 907.
+        Hence it was that Fox wished the Americans to be victorious
+        (_Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. i. p. 143); for which some writers
+        have actually accused him of want of patriotism!
+
+Whether or not these fears were exaggerated, is a question of
+considerable difficulty; but after a careful study of that time, and a
+study too from sources not much used by historians, I feel satisfied
+that they who are best acquainted with the period will be the most
+willing to admit that, though the danger may have been overrated, it was
+far more serious than men are now inclined to believe. At all events, it
+is certain that the general aspect of political affairs was calculated
+to excite great alarm. It is certain, that during many years, the
+authority of the crown continued to increase, until it reached a height
+of which no example had been seen in England for several generations. It
+is certain that the Church of England exerted all her influence in
+favour of those despotic principles which the king wished to enforce. It
+is also certain that, by the constant creation of new peers, all holding
+the same views, the character of the House of Lords was undergoing a
+slow but decisive change; and that, whenever a favourable opportunity
+arose, high judicial appointments and high ecclesiastical appointments
+were conferred upon men notorious for their leaning towards the royal
+prerogative. These are facts which cannot be denied; and, putting them
+together, there remains, I think, no doubt, that the American war was a
+great crisis in the history of England, and that if the colonists had
+been defeated, our liberties would have been for a time in considerable
+jeopardy. From that risk we were saved by the Americans, who with heroic
+spirit resisted the royal armies, defeated them at every point, and at
+length, separating themselves from the mother-country, began that
+wonderful career, which, in less than eighty years, has raised them to
+an unexampled prosperity, and which to us ought to be deeply
+interesting, as showing what may be effected by the unaided resources of
+a free people.
+
+Seven years after this great contest had been brought to a successful
+close, and the Americans, happily for the interests of mankind, had
+finally secured their independence, another nation rose up and turned
+against its rulers. The history of the causes of the French Revolution
+will be found in another part of this volume; at present we have only to
+glance at the effects it produced upon the policy of the English
+government. In France, as is well known, the movement was extremely
+rapid; the old institutions, which were so corrupted as to be utterly
+unfit for use, were quickly destroyed; and the people, frenzied by
+centuries of oppression, practised the most revolting cruelties,
+saddening the hour of their triumph by crimes that disgraced the noble
+cause for which they struggled.
+
+All this, frightful as it was, did nevertheless form a part of the
+natural course of affairs; it was the old story of tyranny exciting
+revenge, and revenge blinding men to every consequence except the
+pleasure of glutting their own passions. If, under these circumstances,
+France had been left to herself, the Revolution, like all other
+revolutions, would soon have subsided, and a form of government have
+arisen suited to the actual condition of things. What the form would
+have been, it is impossible now to say; that, however, was a question
+with which no foreign country had the slightest concern. Whether it
+should be an oligarchy, or a despotic monarchy, or a republic, it was
+for France to decide; but it was evidently not the business of any other
+nation to decide for her. Still less was it likely that, on so delicate
+a point, France would submit to dictation from a country which had
+always been her rival, and which not unfrequently had been her bitter
+and successful enemy.
+
+But these considerations, obvious as they are, were lost upon George
+III., and upon those classes which were then in the ascendant. The fact
+that a great people had risen against their oppressors disquieted the
+consciences of men in high places. The same evil passions, and indeed
+the same evil language, which a few years before were directed against
+the Americans, were now turned against the French; and it was but too
+clear that the same results would follow.[917] In defiance of every
+maxim of sound policy, the English ambassador was recalled from France
+simply because that country chose to do away with the monarchy, and
+substitute a republic in its place. This was the first decisive step
+towards an open rupture, and it was taken, not because France had
+injured England, but because France had changed her government.[918] A
+few months later, the French, copying the example of the English in the
+preceding century,[919] brought their king to a public trial, sentenced
+him to die, and struck off his head in the midst of his own capital. It
+must be allowed that this act was needless, that it was cruel, and that
+it was grossly impolitic. But it is palpably evident that they who
+consented to the execution were responsible only to God and their
+country; and that any notice of it from abroad, which bore the
+appearance of a threat, would rouse the spirit of France, would unite
+all parties into one, and would induce the nation to adopt as its own a
+crime of which it might otherwise have repented, but which it could not
+now abjure without incurring the shame of having yielded to the
+dictation of a foreign power.
+
+  [917] In 1792, and therefore before the war broke out, Lord Lansdowne,
+        one of the extremely few peers who escaped from the prevailing
+        corruption, said,'The present instance recalled to his memory the
+        proceedings of this country previous to the American war. The
+        same abusive and degrading terms were applied to the Americans
+        that were now used to the National Convention,--_the same
+        consequences might follow_.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 155.
+
+  [918] Compare _Belsham's Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. viii. p. 490,
+        with _Tomline's Life of Pitt_, vol. ii. p. 548. The letter to
+        Lord Gower, the English minister in Paris, is printed in _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxx. pp. 143, 144. Its date is 17th August, 1792.
+
+  [919] Just before the Revolution, Robert de Saint-Vincent pertinently
+        remarked, by way of caution, that the English 'have dethroned
+        seven of their kings, and beheaded the eighth.' _Mem. of Mallet
+        du Pan_, vol. i. p. 146; and we are told in _Alison's Europe_
+        (vol. ii. pp. 199, 296, 315), that in 1792 Louis 'anticipated the
+        fate of Charles I.' Compare _Williams's Letters from France_, 2nd
+        edit. 1796, vol. iv. p. 2.
+
+In England, however, as soon as the fate of the king was known, the
+government, without waiting for explanation, and without asking for any
+guarantee as to the future, treated the death of Louis as an offence
+against itself, and imperiously ordered the French residents to quit the
+country:[920] thus wantonly originating a war which lasted twenty
+years, cost the lives of millions, plunged all Europe into confusion,
+and, more than any other circumstance, stopped the march of
+civilization, by postponing for a whole generation those reforms, which,
+late in the eighteenth century, the progress of affairs rendered
+indispensable.
+
+  [920] Belsham (_Hist. of Great Britain_, vol. viii. p. 525) supposes,
+        and probably with reason, that the English government was bent
+        upon war even before the death of Louis; but it appears
+        (_Tomline's Pitt_, vol. ii. p. 599) that it was not until the
+        24th of January 1793, that Chauvelin was actually ordered to
+        leave England, and that this was in consequence of 'the British
+        ministers having received information of the execution of the
+        king of France.' Compare _Belsham_, vol. viii. p. 530. The common
+        opinion, therefore, seems correct, that the proximate cause of
+        hostilities was the execution of Louis. See _Alison's Hist._ vol.
+        ii. p. 522, vol. v. p. 249, vol. vi. p. 656; and _Newmarch_, in
+        _Journal of Statist. Soc._ vol. xviii. p. 108.
+
+The European results of this, the most hateful, the most unjust, and the
+most atrocious war, England has ever waged against any country, will be
+hereafter considered;[921] at present I confine myself to a short
+summary of its leading effects on English society.
+
+  [921] Lord Brougham (_Sketches of Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 79) rightly
+        says of this war, that 'the youngest man living will not survive
+        the fatal effects of this flagrant political crime.' So eager,
+        however, was George III. in its favour, that when Wilberforce
+        separated himself from Pitt on account of the war, and moved an
+        amendment on the subject in the House of Commons, the king showed
+        his spite by refusing to take any notice of Wilberforce the next
+        time he appeared at court. _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. ii. pp.
+        10, 72.
+
+What distinguishes this sanguinary contest from all preceding ones, and
+what gives to it its worst feature, is, that it was eminently a war of
+opinions,--a war which we carried on, not with a view to territorial
+acquisitions, but with the object of repressing that desire for reforms
+of every kind, which had now become the marked characteristic of the
+leading countries of Europe.[922] As soon, therefore, as hostilities
+began the English government had a twofold duty to perform it had to
+destroy a republic abroad, and it had to prevent improvement at home.
+The first of these duties it fulfilled by squandering the blood and the
+treasure of England, till it had thrown nearly every family into
+mourning, and reduced the country to the verge of national bankruptcy.
+The other duty it attempted to execute by enacting a series of laws
+intended to put an end to the free discussion of political questions,
+and stifle that spirit of inquiry which was every year becoming more
+active. These laws were so comprehensive, and so well calculated to
+effect their purpose, that if the energy of the nation had not prevented
+their being properly enforced, they would either have destroyed every
+vestige of popular liberty, or else have provoked a general rebellion.
+Indeed, during several years the danger was so imminent, that, in the
+opinion of some high authorities, nothing could have averted it, but the
+bold spirit with which our English juries, by their hostile verdicts,
+resisted the proceedings of government, and refused to sanction laws
+which the crown had proposed, and to which a timid and servile
+legislature had willingly consented.[923]
+
+  [922] In 1793 and subsequently, it was stated both by the opposition,
+        and also by the supporters of government, that the war with
+        France was directed against doctrines and opinions, and that one
+        of its main objects was to discourage the progress of democratic
+        institutions. See, among many other instances, _Parl. Hist._ vol.
+        xxx. pp. 413, 417, 1077, 1199, 1200, 1283, vol. xxxi. pp. 466,
+        592, 649, 680, 1036, 1047, vol. xxxiii. pp. 603, 604; _Nicholls's
+        Recollections_, vol. ii. pp. 156, 157.
+
+  [923] Lord Campbell (_Lives of the Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 449) says,
+        that if the laws passed in 1794 had been enforced, 'the only
+        chance of escaping servitude would have been civil war.' Compare
+        _Brougham's Statesmen_, vol. i. p. 237, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64, on
+        our 'escape from proscription and from arbitrary power ... during
+        the almost hopeless struggle from 1793 to 1801.' Both these
+        writers pay great and deserved honour to the successful efforts
+        of Erskine with juries. Indeed the spirit of our jurors was so
+        determined, that in 1794, at Tooke's trial, they only consulted
+        eight minutes before bringing in a verdict of acquittal.
+        _Stephens's Mem. of Horne Tooke_, vol. ii. p. 147; see also, on
+        this crisis, _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 210. The people
+        sympathised throughout with the victims; and while the trial of
+        Hardy was pending, the attorney-general, Scott, was always mobbed
+        when he left the court, and on one occasion his life was in
+        danger. _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. i. pp. 185, 186. Compare
+        _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. ii. pp. 180, 181.
+
+We may form some idea of the magnitude of the crisis by considering the
+steps which were actually taken against the two most important of all
+our institutions, namely, the freedom of the public press, and the
+right of assembling in meetings for the purpose of public discussion.
+These are, in a political point of view, the two most striking
+peculiarities which distinguish us from every other European people. As
+long as they are preserved intact, and as long as they are fearlessly
+and frequently employed, there will always be ample protection against
+those encroachments on the part of government which cannot be too
+jealously watched, and to which even the freest country is liable. To
+this may be added, that these institutions possess other advantages of
+the highest order. By encouraging political discussion, they increase
+the amount of intellect brought to bear upon the political business of
+the country. They also increase the total strength of the nation, by
+causing large classes of men to exercise faculties which would otherwise
+lie dormant, but which by these means are quickened into activity, and
+become available for other purposes of social interest.
+
+But in the period we are now considering, it was deemed advisable that
+the influence of the people should be lessened; it was, therefore,
+thought improper that they should strengthen their abilities by
+exercising them. To relate the details of that bitter war, which, late
+in the eighteenth century, the English government carried on against
+every kind of free discussion, would lead me far beyond the limits of
+this Introduction; and I can only hastily refer to the vindictive
+prosecutions, and, whenever a verdict was obtained, the vindictive
+punishments, of men like Adams, Bonney, Crossfield, Frost, Gerald,
+Hardy, Holt, Hodson, Holcroft, Joyce, Kidd, Lambert, Margarot, Martin,
+Muir, Palmer, Perry, Skirving, Stannard, Thelwall, Tooke, Wakefield,
+Wardie, Winterbotham: all of whom were indicted, and many of whom were
+fined, imprisoned, or transported, because they expressed their
+sentiments with freedom, and because they used language such as in our
+time is employed with perfect impunity, by speakers at public meetings,
+and by writers in the public press.
+
+As, however, juries in several cases refused to convict men who were
+prosecuted for these offences, it was determined to recur to measures
+still more decisive. In 1795, a law was passed, by which it was
+manifestly intended to put an end for ever to all popular discussions
+either on political or religious matters. For by it every public meeting
+was forbidden, unless notice of it were inserted in a newspaper five
+days beforehand;[924] such notice to contain a statement of the objects
+of the meeting, and of the time and place where it was to assemble. And,
+to bring the whole arrangement completely under the supervision of
+government, it was ordered, that not only should the notice, thus
+published, be signed by householders, but that the original manuscript
+should be preserved, for the information of the justices of the peace,
+who might require a copy of it: a significant threat, which, in those
+days, was easily understood.[925] It was also enacted that, even after
+these precautions had been taken, any single justice might compel the
+meeting to disperse, if, in his opinion, the language held by the
+speakers was calculated to bring the sovereign or the government into
+contempt; while, at the same time, he was authorized to arrest those
+whom he considered to be the offenders.[926] The power of dissolving a
+public meeting, and of seizing its leaders, was thus conferred upon a
+common magistrate, and conferred too without the slightest provision
+against its abuse. In other words, the right of putting an end to all
+public discussions on the most important subjects, was lodged in the
+hands of a man appointed by the crown, and removable by the crown at its
+own pleasure. To this it was added, that if the meeting should consist
+of twelve, or upwards of twelve persons, and should remain together for
+one hour after being ordered to separate,--in such case, the penalty of
+death was to be inflicted, even if only twelve disobeyed this the
+arbitrary command of a single and irresponsible magistrate.[927]
+
+  [924] 'Five days at least.' _Stat. 36 George III._ c. 8, Sec. 1. This
+        applied to meetings 'holden for the purpose or on the pretext of
+        considering of or preparing any petition, complaint,
+        remonstrance, or declaration, or other address to the king, or to
+        both houses, or either house, of parliament, for alteration of
+        matters established in church or state, or for the purpose or on
+        the pretext of deliberating upon any grievance in church or
+        state.' The only exceptions allowed were in the case of meetings
+        called by magistrates, officials, and the majority of the grand
+        jury.
+
+  [925] The insertor of the notice in the newspaper 'shall cause such
+        notice and authority to be carefully preserved, ... and cause a
+        true copy thereof (if required) to be delivered to any justice of
+        the peace for the county, city, town, or place where such person
+        shall reside, or where such newspaper shall be printed, and who
+        shall require the same.' _36 George III._ c. 8, Sec. 1.
+
+  [926] C. 8, Sec.Sec. 6 and 7, referring to 'meetings on notice;' and to
+        persons holding language which shall even 'tend to incite.' These
+        two sections are very remarkable.
+
+  [927] 'It shall be adjudged,' says the Act, 'felony without benefit of
+        clergy; and the offenders therein shall be adjudged felons, and
+        shall suffer death as in case of felony without benefit of
+        clergy.' _36 George III._ c. 8, Sec. 6.
+
+In 1799, another law was passed, forbidding any open field, or place of
+any kind, to be used for lecturing, or for debating, unless a specific
+license for such place had been obtained from the magistrates. It was
+likewise enacted, that all circulating-libraries, and all reading-rooms,
+should be subject to the same provision; no person, without leave from
+the constituted authorities, being permitted to lend on hire in his own
+house, newspapers, pamphlets, or even books of any kind.[928] Before
+shops of this sort could be opened, a license must first be obtained
+from two justices of the peace; which, however, was to be renewed at
+least once a year, and might be revoked at any intermediate period.[929]
+If a man lent books without the permission of the magistrates, or if he
+allowed lectures or debates, 'on any subject whatever,' to be held under
+his roof, then, for such grievous crime, he was to be fined 100_l._
+a-day; and every person who aided him, either by presiding over the
+discussion, or by supplying a book, was for each offence to be fined
+20_l._ The proprietor of so pernicious an establishment was not only to
+suffer from these ruinous fines, but was declared liable to still
+further punishment as the keeper of a disorderly house.[930]
+
+  [928] _Stat. 39 George III._ c. 79, Sec. 15.
+
+  [929] The license 'shall be in force for the space of one year and no
+        longer, or for any less space of time therein to be specified;
+        and which license it shall be lawful for the justices of the
+        peace' &c. 'to revoke and declare void, and no longer in force,
+        by any order of such justices; ... and thereupon such license
+        shall cease and determine, and be thenceforth utterly void and of
+        no effect.' _39 George III._ c. 79, Sec. 18.
+
+  [930] Such things are so incredible, that I must again quote the words
+        of the Act: 'Every house, room, or place, which shall be opened
+        or used as a place of meeting for the purpose of reading books,
+        pamphlets, newspapers, or other publications, and to which any
+        person shall be admitted by payment of money' (if not regularly
+        licensed by the authorities), ... 'shall be deemed a
+        disorderly house;' and the person opening it shall 'be otherwise
+        punished as the law directs in case of disorderly houses.' _39
+        George III._ c. 79, Sec. 15. The germ of this law may be found in
+        _36 George III._ c. 8, Sec. Sec. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. Nowhere are the
+        weakest parts of the human mind more clearly seen than in the
+        history of legislation.
+
+To modern ears it sounds somewhat strange, that the owner of a public
+reading-room should not only incur extravagant fines, but should also be
+punished as the keeper of a disorderly house; and that all this should
+happen to him, simply because he opened his shop without asking
+permission from the local magistrates. Strange, however, as this
+appears, it was, at all events, consistent, since it formed part of a
+regular plan for bringing, not only the actions of men, but even their
+opinions, under the direct control of the executive government. Thus it
+was that the laws, now for the first time passed, against newspapers,
+were so stringent, and the prosecution of authors so unrelenting, that
+there was an evident intention to ruin every public writer who expressed
+independent sentiments.[931] These measures, and others of a similar
+character, which will hereafter be noticed, excited such alarm, that, in
+the opinion of some of the ablest observers, the state of public affairs
+was becoming desperate, perhaps irretrievable. The extreme despondency
+with which, late in the eighteenth century, the best friends of liberty
+looked to the future, is very observable, and forms a striking feature
+in their private correspondence.[932] And although comparatively few men
+venture to express such sentiments in public, Fox, whose fearless temper
+made him heedless of risk, openly stated what would have checked the
+government, if anything could have done so. For this eminent statesman,
+who had been minister more than once, and was afterwards minister again,
+did not hesitate to say, from his place in parliament, in 1795, that if
+these, and other shameful laws which were proposed, should be actually
+passed, forcible resistance to the government would be merely a question
+of prudence; and that the people, if they felt themselves equal to the
+conflict, would be justified in withstanding the arbitrary measures by
+which their rulers sought to extinguish their liberties.[933]
+
+  [931] See the particulars in _Hunt's Hist. of Newspapers_, vol. i. pp.
+        281-4. Mr. Hunt says, p. 284: 'In addition to all these laws,
+        directed solely towards the press, other statutes were made to
+        bear upon it, for the purpose of repressing the free expression
+        of popular opinion.' In 1793, Dr. Currie writes: 'The
+        prosecutions that are commenced by government all over England
+        against printers, publishers, &c. would astonish you; and most of
+        these are for offences committed many months ago. The printer of
+        the _Manchester Herald_ has had seven different indictments
+        preferred against him for paragraphs in his paper; and six
+        _different_ indictments for selling or disposing of six different
+        copies of Paine,--all previous to the _trial_ of Paine. The man
+        was opulent, supposed worth 20,000_l._; but these different
+        actions will ruin him, as they were intended to do.' _Currie's
+        Life_, vol. i. pp. 185, 186. See also a letter from Roscoe to
+        Lord Lansdowne, in _Life of Roscoe_, vol. i. p. 124; and _Mem. of
+        Holcroft_, vol. ii. pp. 151, 152: 'Printers and booksellers all
+        over the kingdom were hunted out for prosecution.' See further,
+        _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200; _Adolphus's Hist. of
+        George III._ vol. v. pp. 525, 526; _Mem. of Wakefield_, vol. ii.
+        p. 69.
+
+  [932] In 1793, Dr. Currie, after mentioning the attempts made by
+        government to destroy the liberty of the press, adds: 'For my
+        part, I foresee troubles, and conceive the nation was never in
+        such a dangerous crisis.' _Currie's Mem._ vol. i. p. 186. In
+        1795, Fox writes (_Russell's Mem. of Fox_, vol. iii. pp. 124,
+        125): 'There appears to me to be no choice at present, but
+        between an absolute surrender of the liberties of the people and
+        a vigorous exertion, attended, I admit, with considerable hazard,
+        at a time like the present. My view of things is, I own, very
+        gloomy; and I am convinced that, in a very few years, this
+        government will become completely absolute, or that confusion
+        will arise of a nature almost as much to be deprecated as
+        despotism itself.' In the same year, Dr. Raine writes (_Parr's
+        Works_, vol. vii. p. 533): 'The mischievous conduct of men in
+        power has long made this country an uneasy dwelling for the
+        moderate and peaceful man; their present proceedings render our
+        situation alarming, and our prospects dreadful.' See also p. 530.
+        In 1796, the Bishop of Llandaff writes (_Life of Watson_, vol.
+        ii. pp. 36, 37): 'The malady which attacks the constitution
+        (influence of the crown) is without remedy; violent applications
+        might be used; their success would be doubtful, and I, for one,
+        never wish to see them tried.' Compare vol. i. p. 222. And, in
+        1799, Priestley dreaded a revolution; but, at the same time,
+        thought there was 'no longer any hope of a peaceable and gradual
+        reform.' _Mem. of Priestley_, vol. i. pp. 198, 199.
+
+  [933] In this memorable declaration, Fox said, that 'he had a right to
+        hope and expect that these bills, which positively repealed the
+        Bill of Rights, and cut up the whole of the constitution by the
+        roots, by changing our limited monarchy into an absolute
+        despotism, would not be enacted by parliament against the
+        declared sense of a great majority of the people. If, however,
+        ministers were determined, by means of the corrupt influence they
+        possessed in the two houses of parliament, to pass the bills in
+        direct opposition to the declared sense of a great majority of
+        the nation, and they should be put in force with all their
+        rigorous provisions, if his opinion were asked by the people as
+        to their obedience, he should tell them, that it was no longer a
+        question of moral obligation and duty, but of prudence. It would,
+        indeed, be a case of extremity alone which could justify
+        resistance; and the only question would be, whether that
+        resistance was prudent.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxii. p. 383. On
+        this, Windham remarked, and Fox did not deny, that 'the meaning
+        obviously was, that the right hon. gentleman would advise the
+        people, whenever they were strong enough, to resist the execution
+        of the law;' and to this both Sheridan and Grey immediately
+        assented, pp. 385-387.
+
+Nothing, however, could stop the government in its headlong career. The
+ministers, secure of a majority in both houses of parliament, were able
+to carry their measures in defiance of the people, who opposed them by
+every mode short of actual violence.[934] And as the object of these new
+laws was, to check the spirit of inquiry, and prevent reforms, which
+the progress of society rendered indispensable, there were also brought
+into play other means subservient to the same end. It is no exaggeration
+to say, that for some years England was ruled by a system of absolute
+terror.[935] The ministers of the day, turning a struggle of party into
+a war of proscription, filled the prisons with their political
+opponents, and allowed them, when in confinement, to be treated with
+shameful severity.[936] If a man was known to be a reformer, he was
+constantly in danger of being arrested; and if he escaped that, he was
+watched at every turn, and his private letters were opened as they
+passed through the post-office.[937] In such cases, no scruples were
+allowed. Even the confidence of domestic life was violated. No opponent
+of government was safe under his own roof, against the tales of
+eavesdroppers and the gossip of servants. Discord was introduced into
+the bosom of families, and schisms caused between parents and their
+children.[938] Not only were the most strenuous attempts made to
+silence the press, but the booksellers were so constantly prosecuted
+that they did not dare to publish a work if its author were obnoxious to
+the court.[939] Indeed, whoever opposed the government was proclaimed an
+enemy to his country.[940] Political associations and public meetings
+were strictly forbidden. Every popular leader was in personal danger;
+and every popular assemblage was dispersed, either by threats or by
+military execution. That hateful machinery, familiar to the worst days
+of the seventeenth century, was put into motion. Spies were paid;
+witnesses were suborned; juries were packed.[941] The coffee-houses, the
+inns, and the clubs, were filled with emissaries of the government, who
+reported the most hasty expressions of common conversation.[942] If, by
+these means, no sort of evidence could be collected, there was another
+resource, which was unsparingly used. For, the habeas-corpus act being
+constantly suspended, the crown had the power of imprisoning without
+inquiry, and without limitation, any person offensive to the ministry,
+but of whose crime no proof was attempted to be brought.[943]
+
+  [934] 'Never had there appeared, in the memory of the oldest man, so
+        firm and decided a plurality of adversaries to the ministerial
+        measures, as on this occasion (_i.e._ in 1795): the interest of
+        the public seemed so deeply at stake, that individuals, not only
+        of the decent, but of the most vulgar professions, gave up a
+        considerable portion of their time and occupations in attending
+        the numerous meetings that were called in every part of the
+        kingdom, to the professed intent of counteracting this attempt of
+        the ministry.' _Note in Parl. History_, vol. xxxii. p. 381. It
+        was at this period that Fox made the declaration which I have
+        quoted in the previous note.
+
+  [935] It was called at the time the 'Reign of Terror;' and so indeed it
+        was for every opponent of government. See _Campbell's
+        Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 441; _Mem. of Wakefield_, vol. ii. p.
+        67; and _Trotter's Mem. of Fox_, p. 10.
+
+  [936] 'The iniquitous system of secret imprisonment, under which Pitt
+        and Dundas had now filled all the gaols with parliamentary
+        reformers; men who were cast into dungeons without any public
+        accusation, and from whom the habeas-corpus suspension act had
+        taken every hope of redress.' _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii.
+        p. 447. On the cruelty with which these political opponents of
+        government were treated when in prison, see _Stephens's Mem. of
+        Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 121, 125, 423; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxiv.
+        pp. 112, 113, 126, 129, 170, 515, vol. xxxv. pp. 742, 743;
+        _Cloncurry's Recollections_, pp. 46, 86, 87, 140, 225.
+
+  [937] _Life of Currie_, vol. ii. p. 160; _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_,
+        vol. ii. pp. 118, 119.
+
+  [938] In 1793, Roscoe writes: 'Every man is called on to be a spy upon
+        his brother.' _Life of Roscoe_, vol. i. p. 127. Compare Fox's
+        statement (_Parl. Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 21), that what government
+        had done was, 'to erect every man, not merely into an inquisitor,
+        but into a judge, a spy, an informer,--to set father against
+        father, brother against brother; and in this way you expect to
+        maintain the tranquillity of the country.' See also vol. xxx. p.
+        1529; and a remarkable passage, in _Coleridge's Biog. Lit._ (vol.
+        i. p. 192), on the extent of 'secret defamation,' in and after
+        1793. For further evidence of this horrible state of society, see
+        _Mem. of Holcroft_, vol. ii. pp. 150, 151; _Stephens's Mem. of
+        Horne Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 115, 116.
+
+  [939] There was even considerable difficulty in finding a printer for
+        Tooke's great philological work, _The Diversions of Purley_. See
+        _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol. ii. pp. 345-348. In 1798, Fox
+        wrote to Cartwright (_Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 248): 'The
+        decision against Wakefield's publisher appears to me decisive
+        against the liberty of the press; and, indeed, after it, one can
+        hardly conceive how any prudent tradesman can venture to publish
+        anything that can, in any way, be disagreeable to the ministers.'
+
+  [940] Those who opposed the slave-trade were called jacobins, and
+        'enemies to the ministers;' and the celebrated Dr. Currie was
+        pronounced to be a jacobin, and an 'enemy to his country,'
+        because he remonstrated against the shameful manner in which the
+        English government, in 1800, allowed the French prisoners to be
+        treated. _Life of Currie_, vol. i. pp. 330, 332; _Life of
+        Wilberforce_, vol. i. pp. 342-344, vol. ii. pp. 18, 133; _Parl.
+        Hist._ vol. xxx. p. 654, vol. xxxi. p. 467, vol. xxxiii. p. 1387,
+        vol. xxxiv. pp. 1119, 1485.
+
+  [941] _Life of Cartwright_, vol. i. p. 209; _Hunt's Hist. of
+        Newspapers_, vol. ii. p. 104; _Belsham's Hist._ vol. ix. p. 227;
+        _Adolphus's Hist._ vol. vi. p. 264; _Annual Register for 1795_,
+        pp. 156, 160; _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol. ii. p. 118; _Life
+        of Currie_, vol. i. p. 172; _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vi. p.
+        316, vol. vii. p. 316; _Life of Wilberforce_, vol. iv. pp. 369,
+        377; _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. pp. 543, 667, 668, 1067, vol.
+        xxxii. pp. 296, 302, 366, 367, 374, 664, vol. xxxv. pp. 1538,
+        1540; _Holcroft's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 190.
+
+        [942] In addition to the passages referred to in the preceding
+        note; compare _Hutton's Life of Himself_, p. 209, with
+        _Campbell's Chancellors_, vol. vi. p. 441, vol. vii. p. 104, and
+        _Adolphus's Hist. of George III._ vol. vi. p. 45. In 1798,
+        Caldwell wrote to Sir James Smith (_Correspondence of Sir J. E.
+        Smith_, vol. ii. p. 143): 'The power of the crown is become
+        irresistible. The new scheme of inquisition into every man's
+        private circumstances is beyond any attempt I have ever heard of
+        under Louis XIV.'
+
+  [943] In 1794, Fox said, in his speech on the habeas-corpus suspension
+        bill: 'Every man who talked freely, every man who detested, as he
+        did from his heart, this war, might be, and would be, in the
+        hands and at the mercy of ministers. Living under such a
+        government, and being subject to insurrection, comparing the two
+        evils, he confessed, he thought the evil they were pretending to
+        remedy, was less than the one they were going to inflict by the
+        remedy itself.' _Parl. Hist._ vol. xxxi. p. 509. In 1800, Lord
+        Holland stated, in the House of Lords, that, of 'the seven years
+        of the war, the habeas-corpus act had been suspended five; and,
+        of the multitudes who had been imprisoned in virtue of that
+        suspension, few had been brought to trial, and only one
+        convicted.' vol. xxxiv. pp. 1486. See also vol. xxxv. pp. 609,
+        610. On the effect of the suspension of the habeas-corpus act
+        upon literature, see _Life of Currie_, vol. i. p. 506.
+
+Such was the way in which, at the end of the eighteenth century, the
+rulers of England, under pretence of protecting the institutions of the
+country, oppressed the people, for whose benefit alone those
+institutions ought to exist. Nor was even this the whole of the injury
+they actually inflicted. Their attempts to stop the progress of opinions
+were intimately connected with that monstrous system of foreign policy,
+by which there has been entailed upon us a debt of unexampled magnitude.
+To pay the interest of this, and to meet the current expenses of a
+profuse and reckless administration, taxes were laid upon nearly every
+product of industry and of nature. In the vast majority of cases, these
+taxes fell upon the great body of the people,[944] who were thus placed
+in a position of singular hardship For the upper classes not only
+refused to the rest of the nation the reforms which were urgently
+required, but compelled the country to pay for the precautions which, in
+consequence of the refusal, it was thought necessary to take. Thus it
+was that the government diminished the liberties of the people, and
+wasted the fruit of their industry, in order to protect that very people
+against opinions which the growth of their knowledge had irresistibly
+forced upon them.
+
+  [944] See decisive evidence of this, in _Porter's Progress of the
+        Nation_, vol. ii. pp. 283-285; and, on the enormous increase of
+        expense and taxation, see _Pellew's Life of Sidmouth_, vol. i. p.
+        358, vol. ii. p. 47.
+
+It is not surprising that, in the face of these circumstances, some of
+the ablest observers should have despaired of the liberties of England,
+and should have believed that, in the course of a few years, a despotic
+government would be firmly established. Even we, who, looking at these
+things half a century after they occurred, are able to take a calmer
+view, and who moreover possess the advantages of a larger knowledge, and
+a riper experience, must nevertheless allow that, so far as political
+events were concerned, the danger was more imminent than at any moment
+since the reign of Charles I. But what was forgotten then, and what is
+too often forgotten now, is, that political events form only one of the
+many parts which compose the history of a great country. In the period
+we have been considering, the political movement was, no doubt, more
+threatening than it had been for several generations. On the other hand,
+the intellectual movement was, as we have seen, highly favourable, and
+its influence was rapidly spreading. Hence it was that, while the
+government of the country tended in one direction, the knowledge of the
+country tended in another; and while political events kept us back,
+intellectual events urged us forward. In this way, the despotic
+principles that were enforced were, in some degree, neutralized; and
+although it was impossible to prevent them from causing great suffering,
+still the effect of that suffering was to increase the determination of
+the people to reform a system under which such evils could be inflicted.
+For while they felt the evils, the knowledge which they had obtained
+made them see the remedy. They saw that the men who were at the head of
+affairs were despotic; but they saw, too, that the system must be
+wrong, which could secure to such men such authority. This confirmed
+their dissatisfaction, and justified their resolution to effect some
+fresh arrangement, which should allow their voices to be heard in the
+councils of the state.[945] And that resolution, I need hardly add, grew
+stronger and stronger, until it eventually produced those great
+legislative reforms which have already signalized the present century,
+have given a new tone to the character of public men, and changed the
+structure of the English parliament.
+
+  [945] A careful observer of what was going on late in the eighteenth
+        century, expresses what, early in the nineteenth century, was
+        becoming the conviction of most men of plain, sound
+        understanding, who had no interest in the existing corruption:
+        'Immoderate taxation, the result of the unnecessary wars of the
+        reign of George III., is the cause of our embarrassments; and
+        that immoderate taxation has been occasioned by the House of
+        Commons being composed of men not interested to protect the
+        property of the people.'--_Nicholl's Recollections_, vol. i.
+        p. 213.
+
+It is thus that, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, the
+increase and diffusion of knowledge were in England, directly
+antagonistic to the political events which occurred during the same
+period. The extent and the nature of that antagonism I have endeavoured
+to explain, as clearly as the complexity of the subject, and the limits
+of this Introduction, enable me to do. We have seen that, looking at our
+country as a whole, the obvious tendency of affairs was to abridge the
+authority of the church, the nobles, and the crown, and thus give
+greater play to the power of the people. Looking, however, at the
+country, not as a whole, but looking merely at its political history, we
+find that the personal peculiarities of George III., and the
+circumstances under which he came to the throne, enabled him to stop the
+great progress, and eventually cause a dangerous reaction. Happily for
+the fortunes of England, those principles of liberty which he and his
+supporters wished to destroy, had before his reign become so powerful,
+and so widely diffused, that they not only resisted this political
+reaction, but seemed to gain fresh strength from the contest. That the
+struggle was arduous, and at one time extremely critical, it is
+impossible to deny. Such, however, is the force of liberal opinions,
+when they have once taken root in the popular mind, that notwithstanding
+the ordeal to which they were exposed, and notwithstanding the
+punishments inflicted on their advocates, it was found impossible to
+stifle them; it was found impossible even to prevent their increase.
+Doctrines subversive of every principle of freedom were personally
+favoured by the sovereign, openly avowed by the government, and
+zealously defended by the most powerful classes; and laws in accordance
+with these doctrines were placed on our statute-book, and enforced in
+our courts. All, however, was in vain. In a few years that generation
+began to pass away; a better one succeeded in its place; and the system
+of tyranny fell to the ground. And thus it is, that in all countries
+which are even tolerably free, every system must fall if it opposes the
+march of opinions, and gives shelter to maxims and institutions
+repugnant to the spirit of the age. In this sort of contest, the
+ultimate result is never doubtful. For the vigour of an arbitrary
+government depends merely on a few individuals, who, whatever their
+abilities may be, are liable, after their death, to be replaced by timid
+and incompetent successors. But the vigour of public opinion is not
+exposed to these casualties; it is unaffected by the laws of mortality;
+it does not flourish to-day and decline to-morrow; and so far from
+depending on the lives of individual men, it is governed by large
+general causes, which, from their very comprehensiveness, are in short
+periods scarcely seen, but on a comparison of long periods, are found to
+outweigh all other considerations, and reduce to insignificance those
+little stratagems by which princes and statesmen think to disturb the
+order of events, and mould to their will the destinies of a great and
+civilized people.
+
+These are broad and general truths, which will hardly be questioned by
+any man who, with a competent knowledge of history, has reflected much
+on the nature and conditions of modern society. But during the period we
+have been considering, they were utterly neglected by our political
+rulers, who not only thought themselves able to check the growth of
+opinions, but entirely mistook the very end and object of government. In
+those days, it was believed that government is made for the minority, to
+whose wishes the majority are bound humbly to submit. It was believed
+that the power of making laws must always be lodged in the hands of a
+few privileged classes; that the nation at large has no concern with
+those laws, except to obey them;[946] and that it is the duty of a wise
+government to secure the obedience of the people by preventing them from
+being enlightened by the spread of knowledge.[947] We may surely deem it
+a remarkable circumstance, that these notions, and the schemes of
+legislation founded upon them, should, within half a century, have died
+away so completely, that they are no longer advocated, even by men of
+the most ordinary abilities. What is still more remarkable is, that this
+great change should have been effected, not by any external event, nor
+by a sudden insurrection of the people, but by the unaided action of
+moral force,--the silent, though overwhelming pressure of public
+opinion. This has always seemed to me a decisive proof of the natural,
+and, if I may so say, the healthy march of English civilization. It is a
+proof of an elasticity, and yet a sobriety of spirit, such as no other
+nation has ever displayed. No other nation could have escaped from such
+a crisis, except by passing through a revolution, of which the cost
+might well have exceeded the gain. The truth, however, is, that in
+England the course of affairs, which I have endeavoured to trace since
+the sixteenth century, had diffused among the people a knowledge of
+their own resources, and a skill and independence in the use of them,
+imperfect, indeed, but still far superior to that possessed by any other
+of the great European countries. Besides this, other circumstances,
+which will be hereafter related,[948] had, so early as the eleventh
+century, begun to affect our national character, and had assisted in
+imparting to it that sturdy boldness, and, at the same time, those
+habits of foresight, and of cautious reserve, to which the English mind
+owes its leading peculiarities. With us, therefore, the love of liberty
+has been tempered by a spirit of prudence, which has softened its
+violence, without impairing its strength. It is this which, more than
+once, has taught our countrymen to bear even considerable oppression
+rather than run the risk of rising against their oppressors. It has
+taught them to stay their hands; it has taught them to husband their
+force until they can use it with irresistible effect. To this great and
+valuable habit we owe the safety of England late in the eighteenth
+century. If the people had risen, they would have staked their all; and
+what the result of that desperate game would have been, no man can say.
+Happily for them, and for their posterity, they were content to wait yet
+a little; they were willing to bide their time, and watch the issue of
+things. Of this noble conduct their descendants reap the reward. After
+the lapse of a few years, the political crisis began to subside, and the
+people re-entered on their former rights. For although their rights had
+been in abeyance, they were not destroyed, simply because the spirit
+still existed by which they were originally won. Nor can any one doubt
+that, if those evil days had been prolonged, that same spirit which had
+animated their fathers in the reign of Charles I. would have again
+broken forth, and society have been convulsed by a revolution, the bare
+idea of which is frightful to contemplate. In the mean time, all this
+was avoided; and although popular tumults did arise in different parts
+of the country, and although the measures of government caused a
+disaffection of the most serious kind,[949] still the people, taken as a
+whole, remained firm, and patiently reserved their force till a better
+time, when, for their benefit, a new party was organized in the state,
+by whom their interests were successfully advocated even within the
+walls of parliament.
+
+  [946] Bishop Horsley, the great champion of the existing state of
+        things, said in the House of Lords, in 1795, that he 'did not
+        know what the mass of the people in any country had to do with
+        the laws, but to obey them.' _Cooke's Hist. of Party_, vol. iii.
+        p. 435. Compare _Godwin on Population_, p. 569.
+
+  [947] Lord Cockburn (_Life of Jeffrey_, 1852, vol. i. pp. 67, 68) says:
+        'If there was any principle that was reverenced as indisputable
+        by almost the whole adherents of the party in power sixty, or
+        even fifty, or perhaps even forty years ago, it was that the
+        ignorance of the people was necessary for their obedience to the
+        law.' One argument was, 'that to extend instruction, would be to
+        multiply the crime of forgery!' _Porter's Progress of the
+        Nation_, vol. iii. p. 205.
+
+  [948] See chapters ix. and x., on the history of the protective spirit.
+
+  [949] Sir A. Alison notices in his _History_, (vol. iv. p. 213) 'how
+        widely the spirit of discontent was diffused' in 1796; and the
+        only wonder is, that the people were able to keep it in bounds.
+        That, however, is a question which writers of his stamp never
+        consider.
+
+This great and salutary reaction began early in the present century; but
+the circumstances which accompanied it are so extremely complicated, and
+have been so little studied, that I cannot pretend in this Introduction
+to offer even a sketch of them. It is sufficient to say, what must be
+generally known, that for nearly fifty years the movement has continued
+with unabated speed. Everything which has been done, has increased the
+influence of the people. Blow after blow has been directed against those
+classes which were once the sole depositaries of power. The Reform Bill,
+the Emancipation of the Catholics, and the Repeal of the Corn-laws, are
+admitted to be the three greatest political achievements of the present
+generation. Each of these vast measures has depressed a powerful party.
+The extension of the suffrage has lessened the influence of hereditary
+rank, and has broken up that great oligarchy of landowners, by which the
+House of Commons had long been ruled. The abolition of Protection has
+still further enfeebled the territorial aristocracy; while those
+superstitious feelings by which the ecclesiastical order is mainly
+upheld, received a severe shock, first by the repeal of the Test and
+Corporation Acts, and afterwards by the admission of Catholics into the
+legislature; steps which are with reason regarded as supplying
+precedents of mischievous import for the interests of the Established
+Church.[950] These measures, and others which are now obviously
+inevitable, have taken, and will continue to take, power from particular
+sections of society, in order to confer it upon the people at large.
+Indeed, the rapid progress of democratic opinions is a fact which no one
+in the present day ventures to deny. Timid and ignorant men are alarmed
+at the movement; but that there is such a movement is notorious to all
+the world. No one now dares to talk of bridling the people, or of
+resisting their united wishes. The utmost that is said is, that efforts
+should be made to inform them as to their real interests, and enlighten
+public opinion; but every one allows that, so soon as public opinion is
+formed, it can no longer be withstood. On this point all are agreed; and
+this new power, which is gradually superseding every other, is now
+obeyed by those very statesmen who, had they lived sixty years ago,
+would have been the first to deny its authority, ridicule its
+pretensions, and, if possible, extinguish its liberty.
+
+  [950] Bishop Burgess, in a letter to Lord Melbourne, bitterly complained
+        that Catholic emancipation was 'the extinction of the purely
+        Protestant character of the British legislature.' _Harford's Life
+        of Burgess_, p. 506: see also pp. 238, 239, 369, 370. There can
+        be no doubt that the bishop rightly estimated the danger to his
+        own party; and as to the Corporation and Test Acts, which, says
+        another bishop (_Tomline's Life of Pitt_, vol. ii. p. 604), 'were
+        justly regarded as the firmest bulwarks of the British
+        constitution,' the feeling was so strong, that at an episcopal
+        meeting in 1787, there were only two members who were willing to
+        repeal these persecuting laws. See _Bishop Watson's Life of
+        Himself_, vol. i. p. 262. Lord Eldon, who to the last stood up
+        for the church, pronounced the bill for repealing these acts to
+        be a 'revolutionary bill.' _Twiss's Life of Eldon_, vol. ii.
+        p. 202.
+
+Such is the great gap which separates the public men of our time from
+those who nourished under that bad system which George III. sought to
+perpetuate. And it is evident, that this vast progress was brought about
+rather by destroying the system, than by improving the men. It is also
+evident, that the system perished because it was unsuited to the age;
+in other words, because a progressive people will never tolerate an
+unprogressive government. But it is a mere matter of history, that our
+legislators, even to the last moment, were so terrified by the idea of
+innovation, that they refused every reform until the voice of the people
+rose high enough to awe them into submission, and forced them to grant
+what, without such pressure, they would by no means have conceded.
+
+These things ought to serve as a lesson to our political rulers. They
+ought also to moderate the presumption of legislators, and teach them
+that their best measures are but temporary expedients, which it will be
+the business of a later and riper age to efface. It would be well if
+such considerations were to check the confidence, and silence the
+loquacity, of those superficial men, who, raised to temporary power,
+think themselves bound to guarantee certain institutions, and uphold
+certain opinions. They ought clearly to understand, that it does not lie
+within their function thus to anticipate the march of affairs, and
+provide for distant contingencies. In trifling matters, indeed, this may
+be done without danger; though, as the constant changes in the laws of
+every country abundantly prove, it is also done without benefit. But in
+reference to those large and fundamental measures which bear upon the
+destiny of a people, such anticipation is worse than useless,--it is
+highly injurious. In the present state of knowledge, politics, so far
+from being a science, is one of the most backward of all the arts; and
+the only safe course for the legislator is, to look upon his craft as
+consisting in the adaptation of temporary contrivances to temporary
+emergencies.[951] His business is to follow the age, and not at all to
+attempt to lead it. He should be satisfied with studying what is passing
+around him; and should modify his schemes, not according to the notions
+he has inherited from his fathers, but according to the actual
+exigencies of his own time. For he may rely upon it, that the movements
+of society have now become so rapid, that the wants of one generation
+are no measure of the wants of another; and that men, urged by a sense
+of their own progress, are growing weary of idle talk about the wisdom
+of their ancestors, and are fast discarding those trite and sleepy
+maxims which have hitherto imposed upon them, but by which they will not
+consent to be much longer troubled.
+
+  [951] Sir C. Lewis, though in his learned work he over-estimates the
+        resources possessed by politicians, does nevertheless allow that
+        they are rarely able to anticipate the manner in which their
+        measures will work. _Lewis on the Methods of Observation and
+        Reasoning in Politics_, 1852, vol. ii. pp. 360-362. A writer of
+        repute, M. Flassan, says (_Hist. de la Diplomatie_, vol. i. p.
+        19): 'On doit etre tres-indulgent sur les erreurs de la
+        politique, a cause de la facilite qu'il y a a en commettre,
+        erreurs auxquelles la sagesse meme quelquefois entraine.' The
+        first part of this sentence is true enough; but it conveys a
+        truth which ought to repress that love of interfering with the
+        natural march of affairs which still characterizes politicians,
+        even in the freest countries.
+
+                    *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+                        END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+
+
+                           LONDON: PRINTED BY
+                 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
+                          AND PARLIAMENT STREET
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
+formatting have been maintained.
+
+Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
+as a misprint.
+
+Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
+
+The ligature oe has been marked as [oe].
+
+The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
+
+The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
+
+  p. v: -5 -> 4-5
+  p. vi: 154-156 -> 152-156
+  p. xi: the authorship -> the authorship.
+  p. xvii: his Life, written by Himself. -> himself.
+  p. xix: edit. Meibomius. Amstel. -> Amstel,
+  p. xxi: Diplomatie Erancaise -> Francaise
+  p. xxi: London, 1818. 2 vols -> vols.
+  p. xxviii: A Journey though -> through
+  p. xxxvi: of 1569. London, 1840 -> 1840.
+  p. xxxviii: Literature. London, 1849 -> 1849.
+  p. xli: The Journals of. London -> The Journals of London
+  p. xlii: Camd. Soc. 1848 4to -> 1848. 4to.
+  p. 10: lib. ii. segm. 16, vol -> vol.
+  p. 22: not always absolutely, -> absolutely.
+  p. 40: vol. vi. p. 136. -> 136,
+  p. 54: with the greater rapidity. -> rapidity.'
+  p. 57: one and a half per cent. -> cent
+  p. 60: Carus' Comparative Anatomy -> Carus's
+  p. 64: when it is over-supplied -> over-supplied.
+  p. 64: 'Cabanis -> 'Cabanis'
+  p. 64: _Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia_ -> _Arabia_,
+  p. 64: Descrition -> Description
+  p. 64: Ulloa' -> Ulloa's
+  p. 64: vol. i. pp. 379, 380, 460,; -> 460;
+  p. 66: Phillip's on Scrofula -> Phillips
+  p. 69: So too, in North America -> So, too, in North America
+  p. 70: Theatre of the Indus ->  Hindus
+  p. 72: Craufurd's History -> Crawfurd's History
+  p. 72: _Journal of Geograph. Society_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 72: l'AmeriqueMeridionale -> l'Amerique Meridionale
+  p. 80: he be divested? -> divested?'
+  p. 84: 170, 213; _Bowditch_ -> _Bowdich_
+  p. 94: throughout, the laying -> 'throughout
+  p. 97: in nearly 9 deg. north. -> north.'
+  p. 97: p.113. -> p. 113.
+  p. 103: vol. ii. p. 113, -> vol. ii. p. 113;
+  p. 108: was 21 deg.,on the -> was 21 deg., on the
+  p. 109: of elevation. -> elevation.'
+  p. 111: l.'_Humboldt_ -> l'_Humboldt_
+  p. 113: belonged to the people. -> people.'
+  p. 119: natural progress -> natural progress.
+  p. 122: _Brit. Assoc. for_ 1850, p. 68; -> p. 68);
+  p. 123: comme Science d' Observation -> d'Observation
+  p. 126: they apprehend danger. -> danger.'
+  p. 126: Garrows or Garrudus. -> Garrudus.'
+  p. 130: vol. i. p. 41; -> 41,
+  p. 130: _Phillips on Scrofula_, p. 255: -> 255;
+  p. 133: _Religioese Bildung der Hindus_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 135: _Asiatic Researches_ -> _Asiatic Researches_.
+  p. 137: Speculationen ueber Zahlen -> 'Speculationen
+  p. 143: Mueller's Hist -> Mueller's Hist.
+  p. 147: Stephen's Central America -> Stephens's
+  p. 148: _Beclard_. -> _Beclard_,
+  p. 150: The views of Liebeg -> Liebig
+  p. 158: can be raised -> can be raised.
+  p. 158: _Locke's Works_, vol. i, -> vol. i.
+  p. 164: generalized _solely_ from from the -> _solely_ from the
+  p. 167: ich mir noch and ere -> andere
+  p. 170: _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii, -> vol. iii.
+  p. 171: promises the metphysicians -> metaphysicians
+  p. 177: Geoffroy Saint Hilaire -> Saint-Hilaire
+  p. 177: _Hist. de la Medecine_, vol. i. p. 380; -> p. 380,
+  p. 183: vol. ii. p. 304 -> 304.
+  p. 193: Ideen zur Gesckichte -> Ideen zur Geschichte
+  p. 197: l'intelligence, la seule q'uon -> qu'on
+  p. 205: and a dagger -> dagger.
+  p. 207: sur ce sujet. -> sujet.'
+  p. 208: became clearly recognied -> recognized
+  p. 211: balancing of trade. -> trade.'
+  p. 212: _Mill's History of India_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 215: pp. 834, 905 -> 905,
+  p. 249: Nichol's Literary Illustrations -> Nichols's
+  p. 256: le plus eclaire. -> eclaire.'
+  p. 267: _Geschichte der Philosophie_, vol. ii, -> vol. ii.
+  p. 293: vol. iii. pp. 383. -> 383,
+  p. 294: [OE]uvresde -> [OE]uvres de
+  p. 295: Poetry, 1840 -> 1840,
+  p. 302: have for upwards of 2000 years -> 2,000 years
+  p. 302: extending back 3000 years -> 3,000 years
+  p. 304: from Madagascar to within 2000 miles -> 2,000 miles
+  p. 304: in Polynesia Proper -> proper
+  p. 310: Troyens, par Paris -> Paris
+  p. 314: vol. ii. p. 389 -> 389.
+  p. 315: praedicatorem,' p. 360 -> 360.
+  p. 325: progress was unmistakeable -> unmistakable
+  p. 330: of mathematics at Tubingen -> Tuebingen
+  p. 332: _Biog. Univ._ -> _Biog. Univ._,
+  p. 342: 'Quodque in illis -> Quodque in illis
+  p. 358: pp. 572, 577 -> 577.
+  p. 375: _Richardson's Travels in the Sahara_, vol. i. p 11 -> p. 11
+  p. 378: Cudworth's Intellect -> Intellect.
+  p. 379: affected by uncontrolable -> uncontrollable
+  p. 389: In another place, vol -> vol.
+  p. 392: Chalmers' Biographical -> Chalmers's
+  p. 393: Chalmers' Biog. -> Chalmers's Biog.
+  p. 397: vol. ii. pp. 52. -> 52,
+  p. 400: De Foe (_Wilson's -> De Foe _Wilson's
+  p. 404: September 1688 (_Ellis_ -> _Ellis_,
+  p. 409: _Parl. Hist._ vol. v -> vol. v.
+  p. 411: vol. ii. pp. 640. -> p. 640.
+  p. 412: 72 Calamy -> 172 Calamy
+  p. 423: Southey's Wesley, pp -> pp.
+  p. 425: Whateley's Dangers -> Whately's
+  p. 426: Hist.of Moral -> Hist. of Moral
+  p. 429: eighteenth century. Proviously -> Previously
+  p. 434: vol. ii. p. 29), it become -> became
+  p. 437: with plenty of 'parentheses'! -> 'parentheses!'
+  p. 442: such efforts to instil -> instill
+  p. 445: _Mahon's Hist. of England_, vol. v -> vol. v.
+  p. 447: So too Lord Campbell -> So, too, Lord Campbell
+  p. 449: rectitude of their hearts. -> hearts.'
+  p. 451: Dutens' Memoires -> Dutens's
+  p. 453: So too Sheridan -> So, too, Sheridan
+  p. 465: the very sound of them. -> them.'
+  p. 467: vol. i. pp. 43. -> 43,
+  p. 468: _Buckingham's Mem. of George III._ 1853. -> 1853,
+  p. 474: the united sovereigns -> 'the united sovereigns
+  p. 475: a _long_ war. -> war.'
+  p. 477: _Bisset's Life of Burke_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 480: 'Without stopping to relate -> Without stopping to relate
+  p. 481: vol. i. p. 352, -> vol. i. p. 352;
+  p. 481: says 139,171,876_l_ -> 139,171,876_l._
+  p. 487: Stephen's Mem. of -> Stephens's
+  p. 493: immediately assented, p. 385-387. -> pp. 385-387.
+  p. 494: _Stephens's Mem. of Tooke_, vol -> vol.
+  p. 494: Compare Fox's statment -> statement
+  p. 494: to erect every man,not -> man, not
+  p. 494: Mem. of Horne Tooke -> Mem. of Horne Tooke,
+  p. 496: See also vol. xxxv. p. 609, 610. -> pp. 609, 610.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Civilization in England,
+Vol. 1 of 3, by Henry Thomas Buckle
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